Zamr Arbore

1 Biography

Zamr Constantin Arbore (Romanian pronunciation:

[zamr konstantin arbore]; born Zamr Ralli,
Russian: -,
Zemriyi Konstantinovich Arborye-Ralli; also known as
Zamr Arbure, Zamr Rally, Zemphiri Ralli and
Aivaza;[1] November 14, 1848 April 2 or April 3,
1933) was a Bukovinan-born Romanian political activist
originally active in the Russian Empire, also known
for his work as an amateur historian, geographer and
ethnographer. Arbore debuted in left-wing politics
from early in life, gained an intimate knowledge of
the Russian revolutionary milieu, and participated in
both nihilist and Narodnik conspiracies. Self-exiled to
Switzerland, he became a member of the International
Workingmens Association. Arbore was mostly active
as an international anarchist and a disciple of Mikhail
Bakunin, but eventually parted with the latter to create
his independent group, the Revolutionary Community.
He was subsequently close to the anarchist geographer
lise Reclus, who became his new mentor.

1.1 Origins and early life

Zamr Ralli was the scion of boyar aristocracy from the
principality of Moldavia: his paternal grandfather Zamrache Ralli was an ennobled Greek merchant, married
into the local Romanian elite; Zamrs mother was an
ethnic Ukrainian.[2] Although cosmopolitan, the future
activist always prioritized his Romanian roots, changing his birth name to Arbore (var. Arbure) in the belief
that his Romanian ancestors had inherited the name and
boyar status from the ancient Arbore family.[3][4] Zamraches son Constantin, the friend of poet Alexander
Pushkin, was reputedly adopted by Dimitrie Arbore.[5]
He also inherited a Bessarabian manorial estate in Dolna,
which in the 1820s had served as the Pushkins vacation
house.[5][6]

Arbore settled in Romania after 1877, and, abandoning anarchism altogether, committed himself to the more
moderate cause of socialism. His campaign against
Russian despotism also led him to champion the cause
of freedom for Bessarabia region, to which he was personally tied by his family history. These commitments
resulted in Arbores outside support for the Russian Revolution of 1905, when he and Petru Cazacu founded the
Swiss-based Basarabia newspaper. Arbore had by then
earned academic credentials with his detailed works on
Bessarabian geography, and, as a cultural journalist, cultivated relationships with socialist and National Liberal
activists. He was also notoriously the friend of poet Mihai
Eminescu in the 1880s, and worked closely with writer The Ralli manor and present-day museum in Dolna, Moldova
Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu during the 1890s.
During World War I, Zamr Arbore provoked contro- The subsequent genealogical claim traced the family histo the late 15th century, with Hetman Luca
versy when he supported a Romanian alliance with the tory back
[5]
It
also made Zamr a distant relative of variArbore.
Central Powers, justied in his opinion by a need to libous
members
of Romanian socialist environment, includerate Bessarabia. Despite this, and although he publicly
Vasile
Morun
and Izabela Sadoveanu.[7] The claims
ing
welcomed the October Revolution, Arbore was reintegrated into the political scene of Greater Romania, serv- reliability divides modern researchers. While historian
ing two terms in Senate. Before his death in 1933, he of journalism Victor Frunz sees Arbore as[8]descending
was drawn into agrarian and cooperativist politics, and from an ancient family of local boyars, academic
tied to
was successively a member of the Peasants Party and the Lucian Boia describes Zamr Arbore as being
[3]
the
historical
Arbores
by
a
rather
thin
line.
Boia
also
Peoples Party. Arbore was survived by his two daughnotes
that
Arbores
revised
past
and
arbitrary
interters, both of them famous in their own right: Ecaterina
was a communist politician and physician; Nina a modern pretation of his own background may have been opportunistic, leaving Arbore free to gravitate between conictartist.
ing national identities and rendering his radical discourse
more palatable for all cultural contexts.[9] According to
1

1 BIOGRAPHY

political scientist Armand Gou, Arbore had eectively his name (Z. Ralli) to a letter of protest, alongside
stolen his grandmothers maiden name, reviving an oth- Nikolay Ogarev.[25] Also in 1872, Arbore also helped
erwise extinct boyar line.[4]
draft the German-language pamphlet which documented
Although mostly active in Bessarabia, Arbore was actu- Bakunins condemnation of Nechayev: Ist Netshaeje ein
nicht? (Is Nechayev a Politally a native of Chernowitz (Romanian: Cernui), the politischer Verbrecher oder [26]
ical
Felon,
or
Is
He
Not?").
With Bakunin and Errico
administrative center of Bukovina within the Austrian
Malatesta,
he
was
personally
involved
in the anarchist ag[6][10]
He later moved
Empire (now Chernivtsi, Ukraine).
Spain
during
the
1870s:
he personally
itation
sweeping
into Bessarabia (the Russian-ruled Bessarabian Goverhelped translate Bakunins letter to the Iberian anarchists,
norate), attending school in Kishinev (Chiinu), before
moving to another school in Nikolayev.[6] During his but their hopes of inciting a new revolution were unsuccessful; progressively after that moment, Arbore and
troubled youth, Arbore-Ralli underwent medical train[10]
ing in Moscow and Saint Petersburg, but was more in- Bakunin grew estranged from one another. According
to Woodcock, the reason behind this personal rather
volved within the revolutionary, nihilist and pan-Russian
anarchist underground, with the goal of subverting Tsarist than ideological conict was Bakunins tactless support
for Arbores adversary Mikhail Sanzhin, leading Arbore
autocracy.[10][11] His political sympathies also connected
to establish
him with the Narodnik movement, which he joined at and his partners, the young Bakuninists, [23]
the
Revolutionary
Community
organization.
The reathe same time as other young Bessarabian intellectusons
and
objectives
of
this
group,
whose
other
members
als (Victor Crsescu, Axinte Frunz, Constantin Stere,
Alexander Oelsnitz and Nikolai
Nicolae Zubcu-Codreanu) who saw a link between their were Vladimir Holstein,
[23]
Ivanovich
Zhukovsky,
were outlined in a letter to Jura
nationalist struggle and the agrarian cause of Russian
[27]
anarchist
James
Guillaume.
[12][13]
Narodniks
(he is believed to have been personally
acquainted with the agrarian theorist and Narodnik father Moving from Zurich to Geneva, and known primarily as
gure Alexander Herzen).[10]
Ralli, Arbore ran a socialist publishing house, through
which he helped popularize the political manifestos of
anarchism, as well as his own history of the Paris Com1.2 In Switzerland
mune.[10][28] He was among those who established, in
1875, the Genevan Russian-language newspaper RabotThe subversive activities brought Zamr to the attention nik (The Worker), which bridged the young Bakuninof Tsarist authorities, particularly after his involvement ist faction with the Eser Party of Vera Figner and Reclus
in Sergey Nechayev's nihilist conspiracy of 1869.[10][14] St. Imier International.[29] One of his colleagues there,
Unable to nish his studies, Arbore was singled out for future astronomer Nikolai Alexandrovich Morozov, rearrest, and according to his own account, since placed called that Arbore was actively involved in redacting news
under doubt,[3] even served time as a political prisoner arriving from Russia, manipulating them for dramatic efin the Peter and Paul Fortress and in Siberia.[15][16][17] fect and political conformity.[30] In 1875, he also wrote
Eventually, he made his way to Switzerland, where he and published the anarchist tract Sytye i golodnye (The
contacted international anarchist gures such as Mikhail Sated and the Hungry), as well as an appeal to Ukrainian
Bakunin and lise Reclus.[10][18] Arbore corresponded peasants in the Russian Empire.[31]
with the latter for a signicant period, sharing his interest in social geography.[10][13][19] His complex rela- The Swiss period was the start of his new family life.
by then married, to the Russian Ecaterina
tionship with radical exiles also resulted in contacts with Arbore was
[32][33]
[10][20]
Hardina.
The dowry she brought helped mainanarcho-communist theorist Peter Kropotkin
and
[21]
tain
his
new
publishing
venture.[28] His eldest child was
the Bulgarian anarchist sympathizer Hristo Botev. He
was also, with philosopher Vasile Conta, one of the few daughter Ecaterina Arbore-Ralli, the future communist,
physician, born on November 11,
intellectuals with a Romanian background to aliate feminist and militant
[34]
1873,
at
Bex.
His
son
Dumitru (Mitic) was born on
directly with the International Workingmens Associa[35]
January
11,
1877,
in
Geneva.
tion (First International), which regrouped the various
Marxist and anarchist communities of Europe.[22] In tandem, Arbore was active within Bakunins Revolution1.3 Relocation to Romania
ary Brotherhood, and, according to anarchist historian
George Woodcock, one of the most inuential among Zamr Arbore rst set foot in Romania during 1873,
the Russian propagators of Bakuninism;[23] political his- when he traveled from Geneva to Iai, meeting with the
torian James H. Billington also refers to Zemry Ralli young socialist sympathizer Eugen Lupu.[1] He was later
as Bakunins principal editor.[24]
in contact with the Iai Marxist circle of Ioan, Iosif and
Arbores beliefs led him to join the Jura federation, an
anarchist cell within the First International,[10] and to
become initiated into Freemasonry (1872).[6] He became strongly opposed to Bakunins marginalization during the First Internationals Hague Congress, and signed

Soa Ndejde, sending them books by Karl Marx and his

anarchist commentators (Johann Most, Carlo Caero).[1]
Arbore also established contacts with the socialist cell
of Bucharest. He corresponded with some of the Russian socialists who had set up camp there, primarily so

1.4

1880s politics

with Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea and Nicolae ZubcuCodreanu. Together, they set up the Society for Student
Culture and Solidarity, a semi-clandestine club located at
the Concordia Hotel.[36]

or spiritism: Arbore, who was in correspondence with

spiritists Camille Flammarion and William Crookes, recalled having joined a secretive spiritualist circle formed
in Hasdeus home, and being ridiculed in the Romanian
[41]
Hasdeu was one of the noted
Again in Switzerland, he took part in the violent Red Flag press over this issue.
[46]
guests
in
Arbores
own
house.
Riot of Berne, organized in 1877 by the anarchist dissidence of the Internationalallegedly, his life was saved
by fellow anarchist Jacques Gross.[37] In 1878, Arbore 1.4 1880s politics
was also the editor of the international tribune of the
Revolutionary Community, Obshchina (Community),
which was published as a successor of Rabotnik.[38]
Reputedly threatened with an extradition back into the
Russian Empire,[4] Zamr Arbore moved to Romania
after the beginning of a Russo-Turkish War, during
which the country, a Russian ally, obtained her independence from the Ottoman Empire. He later recalled
that the inspiration for this move was young Romanian
leftist Mircea Rosetti, whom he had rst met during
Reclus visit to Vevey.[39] Arbores original goal was the
spread of revolutionary propaganda among soldiers in the
Imperial Russian Army, but, in short time, he settled
down in Bucharest.[40] It was there that Arbore fathered
a second daughter, Lolica, who died without reaching
maturity.[10][32][41]
Arbore later set up, with fellow exiles DobrogeanuGherea, Zubcu-Codreanu, Pavel Axelrod and Nikolai
Sudzilovsky (Russel), an underground political movement agitating for the cause of Bessarabian Romanians;
by means of this group, he is said to have gained access within the governing National Liberal Party, even
earning discreet support from two of its leading gures, Ion Brtianu and C. A. Rosetti (father of Mircea
Rosetti).[42] Arbore would later speak of Brtianu as a
discreet supporter of his projects to undermine Russian
governments.[43] Additionally, C. A. Rosetti is alleged
to have personally assisted Arbore and Zubcu-Codreanu,
who shared a Bucharest apartment, from evading both
the persistent scrutiny of Romanian Police forces and
the threat of extradition.[1] In May 1877, Police forces
quashed the Concordia hotel club, arresting various of
its members.[36] Arbores connections were unsuccessful
when it came to rescuing Dobrogeanu-Gherea, kidnapped
and deported by the Russian Army in autumn 1877,
although he eventually helped track down Gherea in
Russia.[44] Three years later, when Dobrogeanu-Gherea
escaped back to Romania, Arbore helped him set up a
restaurant in Ploieti station, from which Gherea supported his family.[45]

An allegorical illustration of Romanian socialist goals. Lumea

Nou, 1895

After the Trial of the Fourteen, the Revolutionary Community and all other Bakuninist groups were losing the
battle in front of renewed Tsarist repression.[47] Arbore,
who now criticized Bakunian anarchism, quickly came
to the conclusion that a socialist party was needed as a
more radical alternative to the Romanian two-party system: in 1879, he helped organize the rst-ever conference of Romanian socialist clubs, and, over the following
months, was member of the editorial sta at Romnia
Viitoare, the socialist review (as a result of his participation, the magazine also enlisted contributions from Reclus
and his brother lie, as well as from poet Louis-Xavier
de Ricard).[48] The next year, he and the Ndejdes were
briey in contact with the senior political radical Titus
Dunka, distributing for a while Dunkas gazette nainte!
(Forward!").[49]

Another National Liberal gure, the Bessarabian historian Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu, also cultivated a friendship with Arbore. According to Arbores own recollections, although he and Hasdeu had been separated
by political-social views, they had been brought together by the recent deaths of Iulia Hasdeu and Lolica
Arbore.[41] Their shared loss, Arbore recalled, was leading them both to seek intellectual comfort in spiritualism In 1880, after a failed attempt on Ion Brtianus life,
the socialist circles faced government suspicion and be-

1 BIOGRAPHY

came less organized, a situation which lasted until the 1.5

election of 1888.[50] At the time, Arbore was editor of
Rosettis democratic gazette Romnul, and later moved
to a similar position with the left-leaning newspaper
Telegraful Romn.[46] Also at that stage, he befriended
the Bukovinan Mihai Eminescu, later recognized as Romanias national poet, but at the time a secondary gure in the Bucharest press. Eminescu, who worked for
the Conservative Party tribune Timpul, conded in Arbore about his pessimistic vision of Romanian society.[51]
At this stage, Arbore is believed to have helped other
foreign-born socialists to nd refuge in Romania: in particular to have assisted Peter (Petru) Alexandrov, the
brother-in-law of writer Vladimir Korolenko, in obtaining a license to practice medicine in Tulcea and in defending himself during subsequent police inquiries.[52] In
1881, he was himself naturalized a citizen of the newly
proclaimed Kingdom of Romania.[3][10]

Amicul Copiilor and scientic work

By summer 1883, when Arbore too lost National Liberal support and was briey expelled from Romania,
Eminescu had become aicted with mental illness (he
eventually died in relative isolation, in 1889).[53] Arbore
was, around 1890, a correspondent for Frdric Dam's
Bucharest newspaper La Libert Roumaine, with expos
pieces on the kidnapping of junior Bulgarian Navy ocer Title page of Basarabia n secolul XIX (1898)
Vladimir Kisimov by Russian spies.[54] His third daughter
Nina, later known as a visual artist, was born in January
1888.[55] The elder, Ecaterina, was already taking her rst
steps in socialist politics, as a delegate to the International
Congress of Students, held in Giurgiu.[33]
Meanwhile, Zamr Arbore was progressively integrated
into the Romanian civil service: a clerk at the State
Archives, he became a statistician in service to the
Bucharest City Hall (from 1896 to 1920).[56] As a socialist activist, he was coming to support the faction
of Dobrogeanu-Gherea and Constantin Mille, who published Lumea Nou review and ultimately set up the
short-lived Romanian Social Democratic Workers Party
(PSDMR).[57]

Title page of Cornelius Diaconovich, Enciclopedia

romn, nal volume (1904)
From 1891 to 1898, he and Victor Crsescu (who
signed with the pen name tefan Basarabescu) were
founders and managers of Amicul Copiilor (The Childrens Friend) magazine, which circulated classic works
of childrens literature[46] and is sometimes rated as the
rst comic book magazine in Romanian history.[58] Hasdeu, one of its main writers,[59] is occasionally given
credit as the person behind Amicul Copiilor.[58] Arbore

1.6

1905 Revolution

himself experimented with the genre, publishing childrens versions of Don Quixote, Tartarin of Tarascon
and Robinson Crusoe, as well as popular historiesone
about Ancient Egypt, the other about 1821 rebel Tudor
Vladimirescu.[60] Hasdeu co-opted Arbore for the early
1899 project to create a professional association of writers as part of his Press Society (an actual Romanian Writers Society was only created some 10 years later, after
Hasdeus death).[61]

5
peasants and intellectuals.[4][13][65][66] Theodor Incule, a
theologian and political agitator, was one of his connections there. As Incule later wrote, the books sent over
by Arbure were unequivocally anti-Russian.[65]
In 1904, Mikhail Nikolayevich von Giers, the Russian
Ambassador to Romania, warned National Liberal
Premier Dimitrie Sturdza that Mr. Ralli-Arbore intended to send into Russia many small packages of
brochures, to be delivered by a special network of socialist agents.[46] This exchange of notes degenerated into a
major diplomatic incident when some of the contraband
books were conscated by Russian ocials, and discovered to contain rearms.[4][10][46] Arbore was singled out
for extradition, but saved through the intercession of Take
Ionescu, the Interior Minister, who even managed to have
the weapons dispatched back to Romania.[4][46] This was
the beginning of an unusually close relationship with Romanias conservative environment and King Carol I (to
whom he dedicated a volume of his memoirs).[4] Reportedly as a favor to the Bessarabian activist, Carol was to allow safe passage into Romania to the wanted Russian Eser
assassin Boris Savinkov.[4] According to Arbores own
account, Carol, the founder of modern Romania, privately resented Russias national policy on Bessarabia.[43]

As statistician, Arbore was in charge of Bucharests Buletinul Statistic (Statistical Bulletin) and of the City Hall
Library, which under his direction acquired several thousands of new books.[46] With Ioan Ndejde, Arbore translated into Romanian the Russian Commercial Code.[46]
In parallel, he completed his main and lengthiest study
in ethnography, Basarabia n secolul XIX (Bessarabia in
the 19th Century), rst published in 1898.[3][13] It earned
its author the annual Ion Heliade Rdulescu Prize of the
Romanian Academy.[6][13][62] Beginning 1903, he also
taught Russian at the Bucharest War School.[4][56] Arbore
followed up on his scholarly work with the 1904 Dicionar
geograc al Basarabiei (A Geographical Dictionary of
Bessarabia).[6][13] The same year, he was a voluntary
contributor, with Bessarabian-themed entries, to the rstever Romanian encyclopedic dictionary: Enciclopedia Zamr Arbore also welcomed into his house the Potemkin
romn, published in Austria-Hungary by Cornelius Di- mutiny refugeesincluding socialist sailor Afanasi Maaconovich and ASTRA cultural society.[63]
tushenko, who became his close friend.[46] He regisIn 1906, during the National Exhibit held in celebration tered another personal triumph in 1905, when his aging
of the Romanian Kingdom (and one year before the large- friend Reclus also traveled to Romania.[10] However, his
scale peasants revolt), Arbore joined a scientic commit- main interest was by then outside the realm of socialist
tee which supervised an academic inquiry into the state or anarchist politics. Together with Petru Cazacu, Arof Romanian peasants, whose main author was militant bore founded and edited a newspaper named Basarabia,
sociologist G. D. Scraba.[64]
printed in Switzerland but clandestinely circulated the
Russian Empire during the Revolution. Basarabia went
out of print after six consecutive issues, and, throughout
1.6 1905 Revolution
its existence advertised itself as a Chiinu-based paper
(although its editorial oce was located in Geneva).[67]

An immediate predecessor for the legal Basarabia of

1906, it was noted for its radical support of Bessarabian
autonomy, demands for universal surage, and adoption of a modern Romanian alphabet instead of traditional Moldavian Cyrillic letters.[68] In its nal issue, Arbore and Cazans gazette published the program of an
incipient National Moldavian Party.[69] After the Revolution toned down repression, Arbore could also collaborate with the Saint Petersburg-based socialist magazine Byloe, which published his biographical sketch of
Sergey Nechayev.[70][71] The text, signed Zemr Ralli Arbore, notably includes detail on Nechayevs isolated politRomanian border troops survey the eastern Prut shore, where ical outlook, which, Arbore argued, was linked directly to
Bessarabian villages had caught on re (The Illustrated London 18th century Jacobin theorists and agitators (Maximilien
de Robespierre, Philippe Buonarroti) rather than to later
News, January 1906)
socialist schools.[71]
Before and during the Russian Revolution of 1905, Arbore was also involved in tracking subversive works
of literature over the RomanianRussian border, hoping
to encourage a rebellion among Bessarabian Romanian

1.7

1 BIOGRAPHY

Milcovul Society and PSDR connec- countrys moral duty toward Romania and deplored the
slow descent into ethnic rivalry.[77]
tions

By 1908, Arbore had founded another venue for proBessarabian political activism, the Milcovul Society
(named after the Milcov River, a symbol of Romanian
unity). The association was soon after inltrated by the
Russian spy Gheorghe V. Madan: exposed through a
public scandal, Madan was expelled from Milcovul by
Arbores own vote.[72] The controversy drew attention
from Romanias secret service, Sigurana Statului, whose
agents suspected, probably without just cause, that Arbore maintained contacts with Madan over the following period.[72] In June 1909, Constantin Milles daily,
Adevrul, printed a draft of Arbores memoirs, dealing
with Eminescus political views.[51]
During the same years, Arbore played host to a new generation of Romanian socialist leaders and leaders of the
local labor movement, who attempted to recreate a socialist party from the defunct PSDMR: Christian Rakovsky,
Gheorghe Cristescu, I. C. Frimu and N. D. Cocea.[46]
Arbore did not join the Romanian Social Democratic
Party (PSDR), created by Rakovsky in 1910, but was a
special guest at its reunions.[46] He was thus present at
the PSDRs 1912 rally at Sala Dacia, where, in agreement with Rakovskys political tenets, he spoke about the
need to contain Russian imperialism;[73] on the centenary of Bessarabias occupation, he also addressed Romanian student organizations, informing them about the
state of aairs in Russian dominions.[43] Arbore was also
claiming that some violent anarchists were in fact Russian agents: according to him, the suspected terrorist Ilie
Ctru was a secret aliate of the loyalist Black Hundreds.[17]

1.8 World War I controversies

Arbores activity as a publicist, activist and newspaperman ared up during the early stages of World War I, as
Romania hesitated between joining the Entente Powers
or honoring its loose commitment to the Central Powers, and in particular the German Empire. Like other
Bessarabian exiles, Arbore objected to the rst option,
since it threw Romania into the same camp as the Russian
Empire, opening the way for Russian domination in Romania, while leaving Bessarabia oppressed and Russied;
he also identied the Ententist preoccupation with the
Romanians of Transylvania and Bukovina as excessive,
claiming that Austria-Hungary would inevitably transform itself into a democratic federation upon the end of
war.[78] These ideas made their way into his wartime articles for Seara newspaper and his standalone political essays: the 1914 Autonomia sau anexarea. Transilvania i
Bucovina (Autonomy or Annexation. Transylvania and
Bukovina), the 1915 Liberarea Basarabiei (The Liberation of Bessarabia) and the 1916 Ukraina i Romnia
("Ukraine and Romania).[79]

Of these, Liberarea Basarabiei was printed with support from an eponymous political society, the League
for the Liberation of Bessarabia.[80] Arbores stance was
compatible with the PSDRs Zimmerwald neutralism: by
1915, Ecaterina Arbore was also noted for her political
statements against a Russian alliance.[81] Internationally,
her father collaborated with Annales des Nationalits, the
anti-imperialist periodical put out by Jean Plissier and
[46]
In September 1914, Arbore was honored by the PSDRs Juozas Gabrys. Suspicion arose that Arbore was also in
receiving at least 28,000
festive assembly honoring the 50th anniversary of the the pay of German intelligence,
lei through such channels.[82]
[46]
First International.
In parallel, he gave external support to unionizing eorts, being notably an honored guest In summer 1916, Romania disappointed Arbore by ralat the Romanian Journalists Union festivities of May lying with the Entente. After a short-lived oensive into
1912, where he mainly spoke about Bessarabia.[74] His Transylvania, the Romanian Land Forces were defeated,
rst-born daughter, who had by then made her rst contri- and the Central Powers invaded southern Romania. Arbutions to social medicine, became directly involved with bore stayed behind in German-occupied Bucharest while
the PSDR and the Romnia Muncitoare club, and, also in the legitimate government withdrew to Iai, and main1912, was elected to the PSDR Executive Committee.[75] tained a generally friendly but discreet attitude toward the
Dumitru, who was a chemical engineer in the thriving oil occupiers.[83] He was less active as a journalist and miliindustry, and Nina, a debuting painter, were also both af- tant, but contributed to the Germanophile daily Lumina,
liated with PSDR at a grassroots level.[55]
put out by the Bessarabian activist Constantin Stere, and
on the Bessarabian question during April
During that interval, the Bessarabian scholar was also once lectured
[84]
1918.
Arbore
also kept a low prole during the 1918
becoming interested in cultivating a rapprochement bewhen,
with
German acquiescence, Romania united
truce,
tween Romania and the Kingdom of Bulgaria, Romanias
with
Bessarabia.
Reputedly, Stere, who negotiated the
new neighbor to the south. This was reected in his set of
Bessarabian
Assembly, mistrusted and
union
with
the
contributions to Slavistics and philology. His Romanian[83]
sidelined
Arbore
during
the
events.
Bulgarian dictionary, - , saw
print in 1909.[76] In 1912, Arbore translated and published for Minerva newspaper the 1886 manifesto To
the Romanian People, signed by Bulgarian revolutionary Zahari Stoyanov, in which Stoyanov spoke about his

In his own account of the wartime years, Arbore claimed

to have been arrested on several occasions by the occupation authorities, but this claim, Boia notes, remains unveried and doubtful.[85] Arbore was returning to a socialist

1.10

Final years

discourse, probably rekindled and reshaped by news of

the October Revolution in Russia.[4][85] During the period, he took a personal interest in the fate of Russian
prisoners held on occupied territory, and, in a letter to
the Germanophile academic Ion Bianu, spoke about the
need to popularize revolutionary ideas among this particular group.[85]

1.9

Senator and political suspect

7
times, she made her may into the Soviet state.[4][35] Dumitru Arbore also joined the Communist Party, was kept
under surveillance by the authorities for hosting conspirative sessions at his home in Prahova County, but remained in Romania, where he died in an October 1921
accident.[87]
Arbore lost his Senate seat when Parliament was dissolved by King Ferdinand I; he soon after left the Peasants Party, pushed into opposition, and was reelected to
the Senate as a Peoples Party candidate in the summer
1920 election.[85] Late in 1920, he was co-founder and
secretary of the Socialist Peasants Party, together with
playwright Ion Peretz, publicist Ioan Pangal, abbot Iuliu
Scriban etc.[88]
Withdrawn from national politics, Arbore again focused
on his journalists activity and was at the forefront of
Romanian Freemasonry. His membership in the local
subsidiary of the Grand Orient de France was conrmed
in December 1922 by Mihail Noradunghian, and he was
recognized as a Rank 33 Mason, Worshipful Master of
Human Rights Lodge (located in Bucharest).[6] On April
23, 1923, Arbore was elected Grand Master of a major
Romanian Scottish Rite branch, the Grand Lodge (Grand
Master for life after 1930), and was the Grand Orator
for Romania within the Supreme Scottish Rite Council
from 1929.[6] These promotions were scrutinized by the
anti-Masonic far right: in a public conference, Nicolae
Paulescu of the National-Christian Defense League called
Arbore the Grand Master of a Kike-Romanian Masonic
group.[89]

Arbore in the 1920s, as drawn by Nadia Bulighin

His own far left inclinations were by then contrasting

with his civil service positions, which he maintained
even as his daughter Ecaterina was becoming a persona
non grata.[4] In 1923, Arbore published a new installment of his memoirs, as n temniele ruseti (In the
Russian Dungeons).[90] In March 1924, he replaced
Vasile Ghenzul as editorial director of Furnica (The
Ant). The cooperativist and agrarian bimonthly was
published in Bessarabia, and printed a Russian-language
supplement.[91] He was still a contributor to the central
leftist press: in December 1926, Adevrul published his
piece about the Serbian politician Nikola Pai, defunct
leader of the Peoples Radical Party.[27] During this interval, Ecaterina tried to return to Romania. According
to one interpretation, she was trying to hide her growing
disillusionment with communism under the pretext that
she needed to take care of her ailing father.[92] The Romanian authorities did not allow her entry into the country, and she was forced back.[93] Zamr and his wife had
earlier adopted Dumitrus young child, Zamr Dumitru
Arbore.[55]

After the unexpected German defeat of November 1918

brought a moral victory for Romanian Ententists and the
return of Ententist forces in government, Arbore withstood scrutiny as an alleged collaborator with the enemy.
In this context, he rallied with a new radical force, the
Peasants Party, and ran for political oce in what was
by then Greater Romania. During the November 1919
election, he presented himself as a Senate candidate for
Chiinu, Bessarabia, and was elected.[85] His new political credo was outlined in his Senate speech of December 27, 1918, which focused on proposals to change the
1866 constitutional regime and amend the prewar tradition of centralized government, while also outlining his
main defense against suspicions of collaborationism.[85]
His daughter Ecaterina was rendered a suspect by her
Socialist Party of Romania militancy. She further antagonized the public when, as a Communist Party of Ro- 1.10 Final years
mania founder, she revised her unionist stance and called
for Bessarabia to be annexed by Soviet Russia, in line In 1930, the recently widowed[32] Zamr Arbore was
with Comintern policies.[86] After being arrested several pensioned from his teaching position at the Bucharest

2 POLITICAL AND SCIENTIFIC THEORIES

War School, where he had also been lecturing in Geography and Topography.[4] During the nal years of his
life, Arbore was a sporadic contributor to Pan Halippa's
review Viaa Basarabiei.[10][94] In tandem, his revolutionary past, in particular his early dealings with Hristo
Botev, were also the subject of interviews with journalist Vasile Christu.[95] His own output as a researcher
included an undated monograph on his friend and ally
Zubcu-Codreanu, who had died in 1878 (O pagin din
istoria socialismului romn, A Page in the History of Romanian Socialism),[13][96] as well as the collected memoirs: Temni i exil (Prison and Exile) and n exil. Amintirile mele (In Exile. My Memories).[10]
Zamr Arbore died in Bucharest, on April 2 or April
3, 1933.[6] He was buried at Sfnta Vineri Cemetery,
alongside Ecaterina, Dumitru, and Lolica Arbore.[32]
Paradoxically, his funeral ceremony comprised both the
military honors owed to his position in the War School
and revolutionary orations given in tribute by his socialist comrades.[4] The socialist tribune Societatea de Mine
published an obituary, which referred to Arbore as one
of the highest prole representative gures [in socialism],
and one of the most worthy examples for all people-loving
generations to follow.[42]

2
2.1

Political and scientic theories

Arbores political program

Despite ocial promotion, Zamr Arbore had serious

trouble integrating his views within the political landscape of 20th century Romania.[4][10][12] Critic and political historian Ioan Stanomir writes that Arbore, the agent
who precipitates revolution, was an aristocrat animated
by dramatic self-loathing.[97] His Narodnik ideals subsided with time: according to literary historian Leonid
Cemortan, Arbore was totally defeated in his Narodnik activity, realized that it was an unattainable dream,
but was nonetheless unable to verify and correct his
vision.[12] Arbore, who never registered his membership
with any Romanian socialist party or faction,[46] was reportedly perplexed by the antisemitism prevalent in his
adoptive country, including among the Romanian socialists and trade unionists.[10]

nian] nationalism", the prototype for an agenda later espoused by the National Moldavian Party.[99] Political analysts Mihai Cernencu and Igor Boan suggest that the political doctrine supported by Basarabia was at once an
early instance of Bessarabian liberalism and a regional
aliation to the Constitutional Democratic Party, somewhat permeated by the doctrines of social democracy.[69]
More intimately, Arbore was contemplating the possibility of an independent Bessarabia, free from what he considered to be the excesses of Romanian nationalism.[10]
By the end of his life, he was publicizing his disappointment with the political environment of Greater Romania
and explaining his return to socialism. In a Viaa Basarabiei article, he claimed: Wherever I look around me I see
only decay. The old and the young, the cultivated and the
illiterate, all behave equally, not even asking themselves
what the meaning of their life is in the general progress
of humanity. Living inside Romanian society I for one
was not able to merge into it. [...] I haven't had and I still
don't have friends in Romania.[10] His attitude, including
claims that Bessarabia was being colonized by rapacious
Romanians from other provinces, outraged the nationalist newspaperman Alexandru Ion Gorun Hodo, who
wrote that Arbore was no longer sincerely interested in
national unity, but rather displayed the need to detect,
under any Romanian uniform, an assassin of Bessarabias
population.[100]
Arbores main research on Bessarabian history and local
geography fused scientic and political objectives. Allegedly inspired by the similar interests of lise Reclus,
Dicionar geograc al Basarabiei was the rst-ever actual
Bessarabian gazetteer.[10] In his two works on Bessarabia,
Arbore sought to present a detailed account of economic
and social geography. He notably inventoried the villages originally settled by free peasants (rzei), accounting for 151 such localities in central Bessarabia and 4 in
the Budjak.[101]

Overall, the politicized aspect of his contribution also

had negative connotations. According to literary critic
Bogdan Creu (who builds on the conclusions of literary
historian Leonte Ivanov), Arbore was also responsible for
circulating a stereotyped image of the Russian Empire
and its inhabitants.[102] Before 1914, Arbore made accusatory claims about Russication and the Russian Orthodox Church expansion into Bessarabia: depicting the
His transition from anarchism to a more moderate plat- Russian Synod as a heretical, non-Orthodox, institution,
ocials were burning Romanian
form was also shown by his treatment of the Bessara- he argued that church
[43]
books
for
heating.
bian issue. In 1905, his Basarabia newspaper tied together demands of social reform with political and cultural goals, endorsing the planned land reform and demanding the ocial use of Romanian ("Moldavian") in 2.2 Germanophilia and Russophobia
the administrative apparatus and the Bessarabian Orthodox Church.[98] Its demand for self-governance around Arbores wartime stance, in particular his conjectural
an enlarged Sfat (Assembly) referred back to promises support for the Central Powers, was likened by Lucian
made upon the creation of a Bessarabian Governorate.[69] Boia to that of fellow Bessarabian Constantin Stere, with
The entire program, scholar Marcel Mitrac notes, was the exception that Arbore was more the political radione of the rst manifestations of Bessarabian [Roma- cal, opposed to Tsarist autocracy, than a nationalist or

9
Russophobe.[103] However, as early as 1912, Arbore was
envisaging a general rising against Russia, also involving
the Poles and the Finns.[43] In Autonomia sau anexarea,
he claimed that damned Russia secretly wanted to
lure Romania into her war with the Austro-Hungarian
provinces inhabited by Romanians, and in exchange expand its own territory southwards, into the Danube Delta
and Dobruja.[9] Arbore therefore saw the Transylvanian
union as a hopeless project; his consolation for Romanians, Transylvanian as well as Bukovinan, was in the
federalization of Austria-Hungary. Later, he claimed that
his beliefs on the Transylvanian issue were quite similar to the skeptical Habsburg loyalism of Transylvanian
politicos, from Eugen Brote and Ioan Slavici to Aurel
Popovici.[85]
The articles he contributed to Seara noted with surprise that the pro-Entente Francophiles were more interested in rescuing France than they were in the fate of
Bessarabian Romanians.[84] Liberarea Basarabiei, Marcel Mitrac argues, was one of the select few manifestations of Romanian national sentiment to advocate
Bessarabian emancipation at the peak of wartime agitation, alongside similar manifestos by Stere, Axinte
Frunz, Dimitrie C. Moruzi etc.[104] Arbores political
theory was later expanded into a Germanophile manifesto: Arbore claimed that Romanias only option was to
rally with Russias enemies on the Eastern Front, limiting European Russia to the ethnographic borders of
ancient Muscovy; the alternative, he warned, was that the
musclime ("Moskals") would in the long run annex Romania and all her irredenta.[9] Again, he described the
Romanian prospects of liberating Bessarabia as intrinsically linked with the German-sponsored emancipation
of Congress Poland, the Grand Duchy of Finland and the
Ukraine.[9] In an August 1915 piece for Seara, Arbore
saluted the German people as the more enlightened
combatant, who had accumulated a colossal vital energy" and was therefore poised to emerge as the victor.[84]

expected more, Boia notes.[84] Arbore was more outspoken during the interwar period: his December 1918
speech demanded the guarantee of minority rights in
Greater Romania, saluted the policies of Soviet Russia
as a liberating force, and predicted a Bolshevik victory in
the Russian Civil War.[85] On the occasion, Arbore also
demanded the release of Socialist Party activists held in
Romanian custody, as well as the freeing of Transylvanian collaborationist Slavici.[85]

3 Legacy
3.1 Impact in academia
As both a historical gure and a historian, Zamr Arbore
received mixed reviews from other academics. His Viaa
Basarabiei partner Pan Halippa noted that Arbores historical but minor merit in opposing "Russication" was
equivalent to that of other Bessarabian boyars and writers from various epochs: Stere, Alecu Donici, Alexandru
Hjdeu, Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu and Constantin Stamati.[106] Although an ideological adversary of Arbore, Nicolae Iorga similarly referred to his Bessarabian colleague as a pioneer of Romanian Bessarabian
activism.[10][107] Sociologist Henri H. Stahl focused instead on Arbores contributions as a scientist. Stahl
discusses him and Stere, alongside theorist Constantin
Dobrogeanu-Gherea and Nicolae Zubcu-Codreanu, as
one of the most important intellectuals in the group of
ex-Narodniks who contributed to the left-wing school
of social sciences in Romania.[13] He notes that Arbore
stood apart in this group for his anarchist ideals, uncommon in his adoptive Romania.[13] Contrarily, historian Cyril E. Black assessed that, unlike Steres postNarodnik theory of Poporanism, Arbores inuence in
Romanian politics was negligible.[108] A more controversial aspect of Arbores legacy is an enduring accusation
of plagiarism: his works are alleged to have borrowed the
research of various other authors, to whom Arbore did
not give proper credit.[4]

With Ukraina i Romnia, Zamr Arbore spoke out

against the opinions expressed by Romanian nationalist historian Nicolae Iorga, a leading gure in proEntente politics, who had denied the existence of a distinct Ukrainian identity. In fact, Arbore argued, the
cultural separation between Ukrainians and Russians was
both justied by history and opportune for the Romanian cause: since the Russian Empire could not hope
to become a federation, and an independent Ukraine
was therefore inevitable, the Ukrainian state would be As early as 1879, Dobrogeanu-Gherea circulated some
of Arbores reminiscences of revolutionary life, quoted
a peaceful neighbor to Greater Romania.[105]
as excerpts in his own essays.[109] One of the earliAccording to Lucian Boia, Arbores public stances un- est historiographic works to trace Arbores lifelong soder the actual German occupation were surprisingly toned cialist militancy was authored shortly before its subject
down.[83] His one article for Lumina (November 1917) died, in 1933. Authored by I. C. Atanasiu, it was titled
reviewed the Russian issue in quite dierent terms, Micarea socialist (The Socialist Movement).[110] The
prophesying that a multinational federation could be ef- same year, an account of his activities in Geneva was pubfected around the Russian Provisional Government.[84] lished as part of Pavel Axelrod's book of memoirs.[16] A
His 1918 public lectures on Bessarabia were focused on monograph on Arbores life and work was published in
geographic and statistical information"one would have 1936 by social scientist Alexandru Siedel.[13]

10

3.2

4 NOTES

The Arbores and communist censor- nescu in summer 1883 was set to coincide with the expulsion of his friend Arbore.[53]
ship

From her adoptive Soviet Union, Arbores older daughter Ecaterina cultivated her fathers image: in 1931, she
helped publish fragments of his memoirs on Mikhail
Bakunin and Sergey Nechayev, translated into Russian
and signed with the abridged name Z. K. Ralli.[4] Noted
for her medical work and political standing, Ecaterina
was nevertheless labeled an enemy of the Soviet people, arrested and killed during the Great Purge of the
late 1930s.[10][13][97][111] As an author, Zamr Arbore
was somewhat tolerated in the Soviet Union and its
Moldavian SSR, created in 1940 by the Soviet occupation of Bessarabia. In the late 1940s, his name was included on a long list of authors ocially banned by the
Soviet censorship apparatus.[112] However, in later years
he was ocially quoted and praised, one of the few exceptions to the rule which put limits on the popularization
of Romanian literature (unlike Stere, whose work were
still banned).[113]
In Romania, Arbore was survived by daughter Nina (d.
1942). Known as the Romanian student of Henri Matisse,[114] she maintained an interest in moderate leftist causes, joining the group formed around Cuvntul
Liber newspaper.[115] Her nephew Zamr Dumitru Arbore fought against Nazi Germany in World War II, receiving Steaua Romniei.[55]
In postwar Communist Romania, Zamr Dumitru Arbore worked as a state planner, and established a family: his successors were still living at the family home
in Bucharest in the early 1970s.[55] The Arbores patriarch was being rediscovered as a scholar, in particular after the 1960s liberalization (when Ecaterina was
posthumously rehabilitated).[92] Communist censorship
however intervened in his various republished texts, cutting out all remarks which could seem Russophobic,[85]
keeping his political writings hidden from public view
while allowing some exposure to his geography tracts.[10]
Among the anti-communist Romanian diaspora, genealogist Mihai Dim. Sturdza completed a more thorough
account of Arbores career, which covered the controversial aspects and was published in Sturdzas dictionary
Familiile boiereti din Moldova i ara Romneasc (Boyar Families of Wallachia and Moldavia).[4][97] Armand
Gou noted that the entry comprised the best pages ever
written on Zamr Arbore,[4] while Ioan Stanomir sees in
it a real-life equivalent of Fyodor Dostoevsky's The Possessed and Joseph Conrad's Under Western Eyes.[97] During the 1960s, the exiled journalist Paml eicaru also
included ample references to Arbores anti-Russian texts
in his own anti-communist propaganda works.[16] After
the Romanian Revolution of 1989, Arbores name resurfaced in a nationalist conspiracy theory, which claims that
Mihai Eminescu's descent into mental illness was staged
by his more conservative political rivals. According to
this interpretation, the involuntary commitment of Emi-

3.3 In Moldova and abroad

Arbores works were reprinted in Moldova, the
independent post-Soviet republic comprising the
bulk of historical Bessarabia. Moldovan literary historians Ion Varta and Tatiana Varta oversaw the 2001 reprint
of Basarabia n secolul XIX; the same year, Editura
Fundaiei Culturale Romne and Editura Museum
co-edited his Dicionar geograc al Basarabiei, with
Iurie Colesnic as caretaker.[116] His name was assigned
to streets in both Chiinu and Bucharest. His Dolna
manor is preserved as a museum.[6]
Arbores contribution also made an impact outside its immediate cultural context. His memoirs were reviewed
early on by anarchist historian Max Nettlau, who called
them inaccurate, without specifying to what extent.[10]
Later, the various writings of Arbore-Ralli were studied, translated and preserved by exile Marxists Boris
Nicolaevsky and Egor E. Lazarev, and passed on to the
Hoover Institution.[117] Writing in 1994, American historian Keith Hitchins reviewed Basarabia n secolul XIX as
an old, in some ways classic and still useful Romanian
study of the Bessarabian question.[118] Arbores 2009 biography at the anarchist Kate Sharpley Library focuses
on his revolutionary career rather than his other commitments, claiming that the Romanian reviews of his nationalist policies, beginning with Nicolae Iorgas texts, are
mystication, and noting that his activities in Greater
Romania remain to be investigated.[10] According to the
same source, an English translation of Temni i exil was
in progress, and considered for publication with Canada's
Black Cat Press.[10]

4 Notes
[1] Felea (1971), p.9
[2] Boia, p.143, 144. Zamrache Rallis name mentioned in
Felea (1971), p.8
[3] Boia, p.143
[4] (Romanian) Armand Gou, Despre boieri, fr
prejudeci, in Revista 22, Nr. 778, February 2005
[5] Felea (1971), p.8
[6] (Romanian) Zamr Arbore, biographical entry at the
United National Grand Lodge of Romania; retrieved
February 1, 2011
[7] (Romanian) Alexandra Andrei, Omul i arta. Izabela
Sadoveanu, in Timpul de Gorj, Nr. 8 (416), February
2228, 2008
[8] Frunz, p.48

11

[9] Boia, p.144

[10] Maria Lidia, Martin Veith, Memoirs of an Anarchist in
Romania. Zamr C. Arbure (Ralli)", in KSL: Bulletin of
the Kate Sharpley Library, No. 57, March 2009

[31] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 161,

p.129; Series No. 183, p.141
[32] Gheorghe G. Bezviconi, Necropola Capitalei, Nicolae
Iorga Institute of History, Bucharest, 1972, p.53

[11] Boia, p.143. See also Felea (1971), p.8

[33] Vladislav I. Grosul, Emigraie rus n Romnia, in

Magazin Istoric, April 2011, p.49

[12] (Romanian) Leonid Cemortan, Drama intelectualilor

basarabeni de stnga, in Revista Sud-Est, Nr. 3/2000

[34] Felea (1971), p.11

[13] (Romanian) Henri H. Stahl, Capitolul VII. Curentul

gndirii socialiste, in Gnditori i curente de istorie social romneasc, e-book version at the University of
Bucharest Faculty of Sociology; retrieved February 1,
2011
[14] Societatea de Mine (May 1933), p.93. See also Billington, p.397, 398, 620; Ulam, p.152, 177; Woodcock,
p.343
[15] Societatea de Mine (May 1933), p.93; Felea (1971), p.8
[16] (Romanian) George Stanca, Surse de documentare la
Paml eicaru. Studiu de caz: eseul Relaiile romnoruse", in the Babe-Bolyai University's Ephemerides, Nr.
2/2010, p.94
[17] (Romanian) Atentatul dela Dobriin. Prerea unui brbat
competent, in Romnul (Arad), Nr. 40/1914, p.6 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
[18] Boia, p.143; Felea (1971), p.8-9, 10
[19] Felea (1971), p.9, 10. See also Register of the Nicolaevsky
Collection, Series No. 183, p.141
[20] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 183,
p.140; Series No. 212, p.159
[21] Christu, p.17-18, 20; Felea (1971), p.10

[35] Felea (1971), p.13

[36] Constantin Petculescu, Lupta revoluionar i democratic a studenimii romne. Tineri demni de tinereea lor,
in Magazin Istoric, June 1975, p.36
[37] Huub Sanders, The Collections of the International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, with Special Reference to Switzerland, in Brigitte Studer, Franois Vallotton (eds.), Histoire sociale et mouvement ouvrier, 18481998. Sozialgeschichte und Arbeiterbewegung, 18481998, ditions d'En-bas & Chronos Verlag, Lausanne &
Zurich, p.290-291. ISBN 2-8290-0226-1
[38] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 183,
p.139, 141. For the magazine and its history, see Woodcock, p.344
[39] Felea (1977), p.19
[40] Boia, p.143; Felea (1971), p.9
[41] (Romanian) Zamr C. Arbure, Bogdan Petriceico Hasdeu, in Viaa Basarabiei, Nr. 8/1932, p.1 (digitized by
the National Library of Moldova)
[42] Societatea de Mine (May 1933), p.93
[43] (Romanian) Dela frai.
Din Romnia.
Aniversarea rpirei Basarabiei, in Romnul (Arad), Nr.
107/1912, p.4 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University
Transsylvanica Online Library)

[22] Keith Hitchins, Rumania, in Marcel van der Linden,

Jrgen Rojahn, The Formation of Labour Movements,
1870-1914: an International Perspective, Brill Publishers,
Leiden, 1990, p.374. ISBN 90-04-09276-5

[44] Felea (1977), p.18

[23] Woodcock, p.343

[46] Felea (1971), p.10

[24] Billington, p.397

[47] Woodcock, p.345-346

[25] Michel Mervaud, Socialisme et libert: la pense et l'action

de Nicolas Ogarev (1813-1877), University of Rouen &
Institut des tudes Slaves, Roen, 1984, p.531. ISBN 2902618-54-9

[48] Felea (1971), p.9-10

[26] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 161,

p.129

[51] (Romanian) D. Murrau, Figuri reprezentative: Unitatea personalitii lui Eminescu, in Societatea de Mine,
Nr. 8, May 1931, p.185 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai
University Transsylvanica Online Library)

[27] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 183,

p.141

[45] Felea (1977), p.19; Dorin Stnescu, "La Gherea..., in

Magazin Istoric, October 2011, p.72

[49] Avramescu, p.86-87

[50] Avramescu, p.87

[52] Christu, p.16, 18, 20

[28] Felea (1971), p.8-9
[29] Woodcock, p.343-344. See also Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 183, p.139
[30] Ulam, p.256

[53] (Romanian) Nicolae Manolescu, Potriveli i mainaiuni, in Romnia Literar, Nr. 6/2000
[54] (Bulgarian) Ivan Alexiev, 120 ",
in Cherno More, March 23, 1999

12

4 NOTES

[55] Felea (1971), p.14

[75] Boia, p.336; Felea (1971), p.11-13

[56] Boia, p.143; Felea (1971), p.10

[76] (Romanian) Mariana Mangiulea, Etimologii revizuite,

in the University of Bucharest Romanoslavica XLV, 2009,
p.122. See also Felea (1971), p.10

[57] Societatea de Mine (May 1933), p.93. See also Felea

(1971), p.10, Tismneanu, p.66
[58] (Romanian) Vali Ivan, Lumea copiilor de altdat" (interview with Dodo Ni), in Jurnalul Naional, June 2,
2007; Doinel Tronaru, 120 de ani de BD romnesc, in
Adevrul Literar i Artistic, December 14, 2010

[77] (Romanian) "nsemnri. Datoria moral a Bulgariei ctr

Romnia, in Luceafrul, Nr. 32/1912, p.741-742 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)

[59] (Italian) "Amicul Copiilor", entry in Cronologia della letteratura rumena moderna (1780-1914) database, at the
University of Florence's Department of Neo-Latin Languages and Literatures; retrieved February 5, 2011

[78] Boia, p.143-146

[60] Felea (1971), p.10-11

[81] Boia, p.336-337; Frunz, p.90

[61] (Romanian) Cassian Maria Spiridon, Secolul breslei scriitoriceti, in Convorbiri Literare, April 2008

[82] Ion Rusu Abrudeanu, Romnia i rzboiul mondial: contribuiuni la studiul istoriei rzboiului nostru, Editura
Socec, Bucharest, 1921, p.486

[62] (Romanian) Salon. Academia Romn: Sesiunea general din 1899. III. Publicaiunile Academie", in Familia,
Nr. 12/1899, p.142 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)

[79] Boia, p.143-145

[80] Mitrac, p.48

[83] Boia, p.145-146

[84] Boia, p.145

[63] (Romanian) Cornelius Diaconovich, "Enciclopedia

romn (Raport despre terminarea publicaiunii, presentat Comitetului central al 'Asociaiunii', n edina
sa din 31 Martie 1904)", in Transilvania, MarchApril
1904, p.55 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University
Transsylvanica Online Library)

[85] Boia, p.146

[64] (Romanian) Henri H. Stahl, Capitolul VI. Ion Ionescu

de la Brad i curentul monograilor militant-sociale, in
Gnditori i curente de istorie social romneasc, e-book
version at the University of Bucharest Faculty of Sociology; retrieved February 1, 2011

[88] (Romanian) Informaiuni, in Romnul (Arad), Nr.

275/1920, p.2 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University
Transsylvanica Online Library)

[65] Ioan Lcust, "Basarabia, numrul netiut, in Magazin

Istoric, April 2007, p.55
[66] Boia, p.143; Felea (1971), p.9, 10
[67] Kulikovski & celcikova, p.37
[68] Mitrac, p.30. See also Cernencu & Boan, p.67-68
[69] Cernencu & Boan, p.68
[70] Billington, p.620
[71] Ze'ev Iviansky, Source of Inspiration for Revolutionary
Terrorism The Bakunin Nechayev Alliance, in
Conict Quarterly, Summer 1988, p.58, 66 (digitized by
the University of New Brunswick Electronic Text Centre
Journals)
[72] (Romanian) Gheorghe Negru, Gheorghe Madan agent
al Imperiului Rus, in the University of Bucharest Faculty
of Journalisms Revista Romn de Jurnalism i Comunicare, Nr.4/2008, p.72
[73] Frunz, p.48, 90
[74] (Romanian) Serbrile presei n Bucureti. Serbrile i
banchetul, in Romnul (Arad), Nr. 113/1912, p.3-4 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)

[86] Boia, p.337; Frunz, p.39-41, 48, 90.

Tismneanu, p.66, 76, 84, 87, 292, 319

See also

[87] Felea (1971), p.13-14

[89] (Romanian) Nicolae Paulescu, Franc-Masoneria n ara

Romneasc dup Rsboi, in nfrirea Romneasc, Nr.
16/1930, p.188 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University
Transsylvanica Online Library)
[90] (Romanian) D. Murrau, Bibliograe, in Transilvania, JuneJuly 1923, p.296 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai
University Transsylvanica Online Library)
[91] Kulikovski & celcikova, p.107
[92] Frunz, p.90
[93] Boia, p.337; Felea (1971), p.13; Frunz, p.48
[94] (Romanian) Ion pac, Pantelimon Halippa fondator
i manager al ziarului i revistei Viaa Basarabiei", in
Literatura i Arta, November 13, 2008, p.3
[95] Christu, p.17-18
[96] Felea (1971), p.10. Despite the Romanian title, the text
was originally in Russian. A translation was published by
Vasile Christu: (Romanian) Zamr Arbore, Cu privire
la d-rul Nicolae Zubcu Codreanu, primul socialist romn,
in Societatea de Mine, Nr. 6, December 1936, p.174-177
(digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University Transsylvanica
Online Library)
[97] (Romanian) Ioan Stanomir, Oameni care au fost, in
Cuvntul, Nr. 333, March 2005

13

[98] Cernencu & Boan, p.67-68; Mitrac, p.30

[99] Mitrac, p.30
[100] (Romanian) Alexandru Hodo, " 'Asasinii' Basarabiei, in
ara Noastr, Nr. 23/1923, p.727 (digitized by the BabeBolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
[101] (Romanian) Maria Cigolea, Limita estic a rzeilor n
Basarabia, in the tefan cel Mare University of Suceava
Anale. Seciunea Geograe, 2010, p.117
[102] (Romanian) Bogdan Creu, Rusia i imaginea ei n literatura romn", in Ziarul Financiar, September 10, 2010
[103] Boia, p.143-144
[104] Mitrac, p.31, 48
[105] Boia, p.144-145
[106] (Romanian) Pan Halippa, Unirea Basarabiei cu Romnia (I), in Literatura i Arta, August 28, 2008, p.8
[107] (Romanian) Ovidiu Oltean, Dorin Ursu, Recenzii. M.
Eminescu, Nicolae Iorga, Ion I. Nistor, Cartea vie a
Basarabiei i Bucovinei", in the December 1 University of
Alba Iulia Altarul Rentregirii, Nr. 1/2008, p.316-317
[108] Cyril E. Black, Russia and the Modernization of the
Balkans, in Charles Jelavich, Barbara Jelavich (eds.),
The Balkans in Transition: Essays in the Development
of Balkan Life and Politics since the Eighteenth Century,
University of California Press & Cambridge University
Press, Berkeley, Los Angeles & London, 1963, p.156.
OCLC 561271340
[109] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 183,
p.140
[110] Societatea de Mine (May 1933), p.93, 115
[111] Boia, p.337; Frunz, p.39-41, 90, 215; Tismneanu, p.84,
87, 96, 292, 319, 392. Felea (p.13) refers to her various
activities, but does not mention her cause of death.
[112] (Romanian) Liliana Corobca, R. S. S. Moldoveneasc i
cenzura romneasc", in Contrafort, Nr. 11-12 (169-170),
NovemberDecember 2008
[113] (Romanian) Vladimir Beleag, Contiina naional sub
regimul comunist totalitar (IV)(R.S.S.M. 1956-1963)",
in Contrafort, Nr. 9-10 (131-132), SeptemberOctober
2005; Contiina naional sub regimul comunist totalitar (VII) - (R.S.S.M. 1956-1963)", in Contrafort, Nr. 2-3
(136-137), FebruaryMarch 2006
[114] Tudor Octavian, Nina Arbore (1889-1942)", in Ziarul
Financiar, May 28, 2003
[115] Ovid Crohmlniceanu, Literatura romn ntre cele dou
rzboaie mondiale, Vol. I, Editura Minerva, Bucharest,
1972, p.162. OCLC 490001217

[118] Keith Hitchins, Rumania: 1866-1947, Oxford University

Press, Oxford & New York City, 1994, p.560. ISBN 019-822126-6

5 References
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1933 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University
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Tiberiu Avramescu, Un cavaler rtcitor pe drumurile libertii: Titus Dunka (III)", in Magazin Istoric, July 1971, p. 84-89
James H. Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith, Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick, 2009. ISBN 978-0-76580471-6
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romneasc n anii Primului Rzboi Mondial,
Humanitas, Bucharest, 2010. ISBN 978-973-502635-6
(Romanian) Mihai Cernencu, Igor Boan, Evoluia
pluripartidismului pe teritoriul Republicii Moldova,
ADEPT, Chiinu, 2009. ISBN 978-9975-61-5297
(Romanian) Vasile Christu, Contribuii la micrile
sociale din Romnia. Doi precursori ai ideilor libertare: Hristo Botev i dr Petru Alexandrov, in Societatea de Mine, Nr. 1 (357), February 1937, p.
16-20
Ion Felea,
Btrnul Arbore i crengile sale, in Magazin
Istoric, July 1971, p. 8-14
Pe marginea unei biograi. C. DobrogeanuGherea, in Magazin Istoric, July 1977, p. 1819
(Romanian) Lidia Kulikovski, Margarita celcikova
(eds.), Presa basarabean de la nceputuri pn n
anul 1957. Catalog, at the B. P. Hadeu Municipal
Library of Chiinu; retrieved January 26, 2011

[116] (Romanian) Pavel Balmu, Basarabia - sfrit de secol

XIX, in Romnia Literar, Nr. 33/2005

Marcel Mitrac, Moldova: a Romanian Province

under Russian Rule, Algora Publishing, New York
City, 2002. ISBN 1-892941-86-4

[117] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 14, p.27;

Series No. 183, p.139-141; Series No. 278, p.475

Vladimir Tismneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate,

Polirom, Iai, 2005. ISBN 973-681-899-3

14

Adam Bruno Ulam, Prophets and Conspirators

in Prerevolutionary Russia, Transaction Publishers,
New Brunswick, 1998. ISBN 0-7658-0443-3
George Woodcock, Anarchism: a History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements, Broadview Press, Peterborough, 2004. ISBN 1-55111-629-4

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