Nicolae Iorga

Iorga redirects here.

County, see Manoleasa.

For the village in Botoani contributing to his killing, Iorga was also a prominent
gure in Carols corporatist and authoritarian party, the
National Renaissance Front. He remained an indepenNicolae Iorga (Romanian pronunciation: [nikola.e jora]; dent voice of opposition after the Guard inaugurated its
own National Legionary dictatorship, but was ultimately
sometimes Neculai Iorga, Nicolas Jorga, Nicolai Jorga
[1]
or Nicola Jorga, born Nicu N. Iorga; January 17, assassinated by a Guardist commando.
1871 November 27, 1940) was a Romanian historian, politician, literary critic, memoirist, poet and playwright. Co-founder (in 1910) of the Democratic Nation- 1
alist Party (PND), he served as a member of Parliament,
President of the Deputies Assembly and Senate, cabinet minister and briey (193132) as Prime Minister. 1.1
A child prodigy, polymath and polyglot, Iorga produced
an unusually large body of scholarly works, consecrating
his international reputation as a medievalist, Byzantinist,
Latinist, Slavist, art historian and philosopher of history.
Holding teaching positions at the University of Bucharest,
the University of Paris and several other academic institutions, Iorga was founder of the International Congress of
Byzantine Studies and the Institute of South-East European Studies (ISSEE). His activity also included the transformation of Vlenii de Munte town into a cultural and
academic center.
In parallel with his scientic contributions, Nicolae
Iorga was a prominent right-of-center activist, whose
political theory bridged conservatism, nationalism and
agrarianism. From Marxist beginnings, he switched
sides and became a maverick disciple of the Junimea
movement. Iorga later became a leadership gure
at Smntorul, the inuential literary magazine with
populist leanings, and militated within the Cultural
League for the Unity of All Romanians, founding vocally conservative publications such as Neamul Romnesc, Drum Drept, Cuget Clar and Floarea Darurilor. His
support for the cause of ethnic Romanians in AustriaHungary made him a prominent gure in the pro-Entente
camp by the time of World War I, and ensured him a special political role during the interwar existence of Greater
Romania. Initiator of large-scale campaigns to defend
Romanian culture in front of perceived threats, Iorga
sparked most controversy with his antisemitic rhetoric,
and was for long an associate of the far right ideologue A.
C. Cuza. He was an adversary of the dominant National
Liberals, later involved with the opposition Romanian
National Party.

Biography
Child prodigy and Marxist militant

Memorial house in Botoani

Nicolae Iorga was a native of Botoani, and is generally believed to have been born on January 17, 1871 (although his birth certicate has June 6).[2] His father Nicu
Iorga (a practicing lawyer) and mother Zulnia (ne Arghiropol) belonged to the Romanian Orthodox Church.[1]
Details on the familys more distant origins remain uncertain: Iorga was widely reputed to be of partial GreekRomanian descent; the rumor, still credited by some
commentators,[3] was rejected by the historian. In his
own account: My father was from a family of Romanian
traders from Botoani, who were later received into the
boyar class, while my mother is the daughter of Romanian
writer Elena Drghici, the niece of chronicler Manolache
Drghici [...]. The [Greek] name Arghiropol notwithstanding, my maternal grandfather [was] from a family
that moved in [...] from Bessarabia".[4] Elsewhere, however, he acknowledged that the Arghiropols were possibly
Byzantine Greeks.[5] Iorga credited the ve-generationboyar status, received from his fathers side, and the
old boyar roots of his mother (the Miclescu family),
with having turned him into a political man.[6] His parallel claim of being related to noble families such as the

Late in his life, Iorga opposed the radically fascist Iron

Guard, and, after much oscillation, came to endorse its rival King Carol II. Involved in a personal dispute with the
Guards leader Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, and indirectly
1

1 BIOGRAPHY

Cantacuzinos and the Craioveti is questioned by other 1.2

researchers.[7]
In 1876, aged thirty-seven or thirty-eight, Nicu Sr. was
incapacitated by an unknown illness and died, leaving
Nicolae and his younger brother George orphansa loss
which, the historian would recall in writing, dominated
the image he had of his own childhood.[8] In 1878, he
was enlisted at the Marchian Folescu School, where,
as he took pride in noting, he excelled in most areas,
discovering a love for intellectual pursuits and, by age
nine, even being allowed by his teachers to lecture his
schoolmates in Romanian history.[9] His history teacher,
a refugee Pole, sparked his interest in research and his
lifelong Polonophilia.[10] Iorga also credited this earliest
formative period with having shaped his lifelong views on
Romanian language and local culture: I learned Romanian [...] as it was spoken back in the day: plainly, beautifully and above all resolutely and colorfully, without the
intrusions of newspapers and best-selling books.[11] He
credited the 19th century polymath Mihail Koglniceanu,
whose works he had rst been reading as a child, with
having shaped this literary preference.[11]
A student at Botoanis Laurian gymnasium and high
school after 1881, the young Iorga received top honors,
and, beginning 1883, began tutoring some of his colleagues to increase his familys main revenue (according to Iorga, a miserable pension of pittance).[12] Aged
thirteen, while on extended visit to his maternal uncle
Emanuel Manole Arghiropol, he also made his press
debut with paid contributions to Arghiropols Romanul
newspaper, including anecdotes and editorial pieces on
European politics.[13] The year 1886 was described by
Iorga as the catastrophe of my school life in Botoani":
on temporary suspension for not having greeted a teacher,
Iorga opted to leave the city and apply for the National
College of Iai, being received into the scholarship program and praised by his new principal, the philologist
Vasile Burl.[14] The adolescent was already uent in
French, Italian, Latin and Greek, later referring to Greek
studies as the most rened form of human reasoning.[15]
By age seventeen, Iorga was becoming more rebellious.
This was the time when he rst grew interested in political activities, but displaying convictions which he later
strongly disavowed: a self-confessed Marxist, Iorga promoted the left-wing magazine Viaa Social, and lectured
on Das Kapital.[15] Seeing himself conned in the National Colleges ugly and disgusting boarding school, he
deed its rules and was suspended a second time, losing
scholarship privileges.[16] Before readmission, he decided
not to fall back on his familys nancial support, and instead returned to tutoring others.[16] Again expelled for
reading during a teachers lesson, Iorga still graduated in
the top rst prize category (with a 9.24 average) and
subsequently took his Baccalaureate with honors.[17]

University of Iai and Junimist episode

In 1888, Nicolae Iorga passed his entry examination for

the University of Iai Faculty of Letters, becoming eligible for a scholarship soon after.[18] Upon the completion
of his second term, he also received a special dispensation from the Kingdom of Romania's Education Ministry,
and, as a result, applied for and passed his third term examinations, eectively graduating one year ahead of his
class.[19] Before the end of the year, he also passed his
license examination magna cum laude, with a thesis on
Greek literature, an achievement which consecrated his
reputation inside both academia and the public sphere.[20]
Hailed as a morning star by the local press and deemed
a wonder of a man by his teacher A. D. Xenopol, Iorga
was honored by the faculty with a special banquet. Three
academics (Xenopol, Nicolae Culianu, Ioan Caragiani)
formally brought Iorga to the attention of the Education
Ministry, proposing him for the state-sponsored program
which allowed academic achievers to study abroad.[21]
The interval witnessed Iorgas brief aliation with
Junimea, a literary club with conservative leanings, whose
informal leader was literary and political theorist Titu
Maiorescu. In 1890, literary critic tefan Vrgolici and
cultural promoter Iacob Negruzzi published Iorgas essay on poetess Veronica Micle in the Junimist tribune
Convorbiri Literare.[22] Having earlier attended the funeral of writer Ion Creang, a dissident Junimist and
Romanian literature classic, he took a public stand against
the defamation of another such gure, the dramatist
Ion Luca Caragiale, groundlessly accused of plagiarism
by journalist Constantin Al. Ionescu-Caion.[23] He expanded his contribution as an opinion journalist, publishing with some regularity in various local or national periodicals of various leanings, from the socialist
Contemporanul and Era Nou to Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu's Revista Nou.[24] This period saw his debut as a
socialist poet (in Contemporanul) and critic (in both Lupta
and Literatur i tiin).[25]
Also in 1890, Iorga married Maria Tasu, whom he was
to divorce in 1900.[26] He had previously been in love
with an Ecaterina C. Botez, but, after some hesitation, decided to marry into the family of Junimea man
Vasile Tasu, much better situated in the social circles.[27]
Xenopol, who was Iorgas matchmaker,[28] also tried
to obtain for Iorga a teaching position at Iai University. The attempt was opposed by other professors, on
grounds of Iorgas youth and politics.[29] Instead, Iorga
was briey a high school professor of Latin in the southern city of Ploieti, following a public competition overseen by writer Alexandru Odobescu.[20] The time he
spent there allowed him to expand his circle of acquaintances and personal friends, meeting writers Caragiale
and Alexandru Vlahu, historians Hasdeu and Grigore
Tocilescu, and Marxist theorist Constantin DobrogeanuGherea.[20]

1.3

1.3

Studies abroad

Studies abroad

Title page of Thomas III, marquis de Saluces, 1893

Having received the scholarship early in the year, he made

his rst study trips to Italy (April and June 1890), and
subsequently left for a longer stay in France, enlisting at
the cole pratique des hautes tudes.[20] He was a contributor for the Encyclopdie franaise, personally recommended there by Slavist Louis Lger.[20] Reecting
back on this time, he stated: I never had as much time
at my disposal, as much freedom of spirit, as much joy
of learning from those great gures of mankind [...] than
back then, in that summer of 1890.[30] While preparing
for his second diploma, Iorga also pursued his interest in
philology, learning English, German, and rudiments of
other Germanic languages.[31] In 1892, he was in England
and in Italy, researching historical sources for his Frenchlanguage thesis on Philippe de Mzires, a Frenchman in
the Crusade of 1365.[31] In tandem, he became a contributor to Revue Historique, a leading French academic
journal.[31]
Somewhat dissatised with French education,[32] Iorga
presented his dissertation and, in 1893, left for the
German Empire, attempting to enlist in the University
of Berlin's Ph.D. program. His working paper, on the
14th century Margrave of Saluzzo Thomas III, was not
received, because Iorga had not spent three years in training, as required. As an alternative, he gave formal pledge
that the paper in question was entirely his own work,

Title page of Iorgas Philippe de Mzires, in its 1896 edition

but his statement was invalidated by technicality: Iorgas

work had been redacted by a more procient speaker
of German, whose intervention did not touch the substance of Iorgas research.[31] The ensuing controversy led
him to apply for a University of Leipzig Ph.D.: his text,
once reviewed by a commission grouping three prominent
German scholars (Adolf Birch-Hirschfeld, Karl Gotthard
Lamprecht, Charles Wachsmuth), earned him the needed
diploma in August.[33] On July 25, Iorga had also received
his cole pratique diploma for the earlier work on de Mzires, following its review by a commission of scientists
(Gaston Paris, Charles Bmont etc.).[31] He spent his time
further investigating the historical sources, at archives in
Berlin, Leipzig and Dresden.[34] Between 1890 and the
end of 1893, he had published three works: his debut
in poetry (Poezii, Poems), the rst volume of Schie
din literatura romn (Sketches on Romanian Literature, 1893; second volume 1894), and his Leipzig thesis,
printed in Paris as Thomas III, marquis de Saluces. tude
historique et littraire (Thomas, Margrave of Saluzzo.
Historical and Literary Study).[35]
Living in poor conditions (as reported by visiting scholar
Teohari Antonescu),[36] the four-year engagement of his
scholarship still applicable, Nicolae Iorga decided to
spend his remaining time abroad, researching more city

1 BIOGRAPHY

archives in Germany (Munich), Austria (Innsbruck) and

Italy (Florence, Milan, Naples, Rome, Venice etc.).[34] In
this instance, his primordial focus was on historical gures from his Romanian homeland, the defunct Danubian
Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia: the Moldavian
Prince Peter the Lame, his son tefni, and Romanias national hero, the Wallachian Prince Michael the
Brave.[34] He also met, befriended and often collaborated
with fellow historians from European countries other than
Romania: the editors of Revue de l'Orient Latin, who rst
published studies Iorga later grouped in the six volumes
of Notes et extraits (Notices and Excerpts) and Frantz
Funck-Brentano, who enlisted his parallel contribution
for Revue Critique.[37] Iorgas articles were also featured
in two magazines for ethnic Romanian communities in
Austria-Hungary: Familia and Vatra.[34]

1.4

Return to Romania

Making his comeback to Romania in October 1894, Iorga

settled in the capital city of Bucharest. He changed residence several times, until eventually settling in Grdina
Icoanei area.[38] He agreed to compete in a sort of debating society, with lectures which only saw print in
1944.[39] He applied for the Medieval History Chair at the
University of Bucharest, submitting a dissertation in front
of an examination commission comprising historians and
philosophers (Caragiani, Odobescu, Xenopol, alongside
Aron Densuianu, Constantin Leonardescu and Petre
Rcanu), but totaled a 7 average which only entitled him
to a substitute professors position.[40] The achievement,
at age 23, was still remarkable in its context.[41]
The rst of his lectures came later that year as personal insight on the historical method, Despre concepia actual a
istoriei i geneza ei (On the Present-day Concept of History and Its Genesis).[42] He was again out of the country in 1895, visiting the Netherlands and, again, Italy,
in search of documents, publishing the rst section of
his extended historical records collection Acte i fragmente cu privire la istoria romnilor (Acts and Excerpts
Regarding the History of Romanians), his Romanian
Atheneum conference on Michael the Braves rivalry with
condottiero Giorgio Basta, and his debut in travel literature (Amintiri din Italia, Recollections from Italy).[43]
The next year came Iorgas ocial appointment as curator and publisher of the Hurmuzachi brothers collection of historical documents, the position being granted
to him by the Romanian Academy. The appointment, rst
proposed to the institution by Xenopol, overlapped with
disputes over the Hurmuzachi inheritance, and came only
after Iorgas formal pledge that he would renounce all potential copyrights resulting from his contribution.[42] He
also published the second part of Acte i fragmente and
the printed rendition of the de Mzires study (Philippe
de Mzires, 13371405).[42] Following an October 1895
reexamination, he was granted full professorship with a
9.19 average.[42]

1895 was also the year when Iorga began his collaboration with the Iai-based academic and political agitator A. C. Cuza, making his earliest steps in antisemitic
politics, founding with him a group known as the Romanian (or Universal) Antisemitic Alliance.[44][45] In
1897, the year when he was elected a corresponding member of the Academy, Iorga traveled back to
Italy and spent time researching more documents in
the Austro-Hungarian Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, at
Dubrovnik.[42] He also oversaw the publication of the
10th Hurmuzachi volume, grouping diplomatic reports
authored by Kingdom of Prussia diplomats in the two
Danubian Principalities (covering the interval between
1703 and 1844).[42] After spending most of 1898 on
researching various subjects and presenting the results
as reports for the Academy, Iorga was in Transylvania,
the largely Romanian-inhabited subregion of AustriaHungary. Concentrating his eorts on the city archives of
Bistria, Braov and Sibiu, he made a major breakthrough
by establishing that Stolnic Cantacuzino, a 17th-century
man of letters and political intriguer, was the real author
of an unsigned Wallachian chronicle that had for long
been used as a historical source.[46] He published several new books in 1899: Manuscrise din biblioteci strine
(Manuscripts from Foreign Libraries, 2 vols.), Documente romneti din arhivele Bistriei (Romanian Documents from the Bistria Archives) and a French-language
book on the Crusades, titled Notes et extraits pour servir
l'histoire des croisades (Notes and Excerpts Covering
the History of the Crusades, 2 vols.).[47] Xenopol proposed his pupil for a Romanian Academy membership, to
replace the suicidal Odobescu, but his proposition could
not gather support.[48]
Also in 1899, Nicolae Iorga inaugurated his contribution to the Bucharest-based French-language newspaper
L'Indpendance Roumaine, publishing polemical articles
on the activity of his various colleagues and, as a consequence, provoking a lengthy scandal. The pieces often targeted senior scholars who, as favorites or activists
of the National Liberal Party, opposed both Junimea
and the Maiorescu-endorsed Conservative Party: his estranged friends Hasdeu and Tocilescu, as well as V. A.
Urechia and Dimitrie Sturdza.[49] The episode, described
by Iorga himself as a stormy but patriotic debut in public aairs, prompted his adversaries at the Academy to
demand the termination of his membership for undignied behavior.[50] Tocilescu felt insulted by the allegations,
challenged Iorga to a duel, but his friends intervened to
mediate.[51] Another scientist who encountered Iorgas
wrath was George Ionescu-Gion, against whom Iorga enlisted negative arguments that, as he later admitted, were
exaggerated.[52] Among Iorgas main defenders were academics Dimitrie Onciul, N. Petracu, and, outside Romania, Gustav Weigand.[53]

1.6

1.5

Smntorul and 1906 riot

Opinions sincres and Transylvanian oration of Prince Michaels death, which ethnic Romanian students transformed into a rally against Austroechoes

The young polemicist persevered in supporting this antiestablishment cause, moving on from L'Indpendance
Roumaine to the newly established publication Romnia
Jun, interrupting himself for trips to Italy, the Netherlands and Galicia-Lodomeria.[47] In 1900, he collected
the scattered polemical articles into the French-language
books Opinions sincres. La vie intellectuelle des roumains
en 1899 (Honest Opinions. The Romanians Intellectual
Life in 1899) and Opinions prnicieuses d'un mauvais patriote (The Pernicious Opinions of a Bad Patriot).[54][55]
His scholarly activities resulted in a second trip into Transylvania, a second portion of his Bistria archives collection, the 11th Hurmuzachi volume, and two works on
early modern Romanian history: Acte din secolul al XVIlea relative la Petru chiopul (16th Century Acts Relating
to Peter the Lame) and Scurt istorie a lui Mihai Viteazul
(A Short History of Michael the Brave).[56] His controversial public attitude had nevertheless attracted an ofcial ban on his Academy reports, and also meant that
he was ruled out from the national Academy prize (for
which distinction he had submitted Documente romneti
din arhivele Bistriei).[56] The period also witnessed a chill
in the Iorgas relationship with Xenopol.[57]
In 1901, shortly after his divorce from Maria, Iorga married Ecaterina (Catinca), the sister of his friend and colleague Ioan Bogdan.[58] Her other brother was cultural
historian Gheorghe Bogdan-Duic, whose son, painter
Catul Bogdan, Iorga would help achieve recognition.[59]
Soon after their wedding, the couple were in Venice,
where Iorga received Karl Gotthard Lamprechts oer
to write a history of the Romanians to be featured as a
section in a collective treatise of world history.[60] Iorga,
who had convinced Lamprecht not to assign this task
to Xenopol,[61] also completed Istoria literaturii romne
n secolul al XVIII-lea (The History of Romanian Literature in the 18th Century). It was presented to the
Academys consideration, but rejected, prompting the
scholar to resign in protest.[56] In order to receive his imprimatur later in the year, Iorga appealed to fellow intellectuals, earning pledges and a sizable grant from the
aristocratic Callimachi family.[56]
Before the end of that year, the Iorgas were in the
Austro-Hungarian city of Budapest. While there, the
historian set up tight contacts with Romanian intellectuals who originated from Transylvania and who, in the
wake of the Transylvanian Memorandum aair, supported ethnic nationalism while objecting to the intermediary Cisleithanian (Hungarian Crown) rule and the threat
of Magyarization.[56] Interested in recovering the Romanian contributions to Transylvanian history, in particular
Michael the Braves precursory role in Romanian unionism, Iorga spent his time reviewing, copying and translating Hungarian-language historical texts with much assistance from his wife.[56] During the 300th commem-

Hungarian educational restrictions, Iorga addressed the

crowds and was openly greeted by the protests leaders, poet Octavian Goga and Orthodox priest Ioan Lupa.[56] In 1902, he published new tracts on Transylvanian
or Wallachian topics: Legturile Principatelor romne
cu Ardealul (The Romanian Principalities Links with
Transylvania), Sate i preoi din Ardeal (Priests and
Villages of Transylvania), Despre Cantacuzini (On the
Cantacuzinos"), Istoriile domnilor rii Romneti (The
Histories of Wallachian Princes).[62]
Iorga was by then making known his newly found interest in cultural nationalism and national didacticism,
as expressed by him in an open letter to Gogas
Budapest-based Luceafrul magazine.[62] After further
interventions from Goga and linguist Sextil Pucariu,
Luceafrul became Iorgas main mouthpiece outside
Romania.[63] Returning to Bucharest in 1903, Iorga followed Lamprechts suggestion and focused on writing
his rst overview of Romanian national history, known
in Romanian as Istoria romnilor (The History of the
Romanians).[62] He was also involved in a new project of
researching the content of archives throughout Moldavia
and Wallachia,[62] and, having reassessed the nationalist
politics of Junimist poet Mihai Eminescu, helped collect
and publish a companion to Eminescus work.[64]

1.6

Smntorul and 1906 riot

Also in 1903, Nicolae Iorga became one of the managers

of Smntorul review. The moment brought Iorgas
emancipation from Maiorescus inuence, his break with
mainstream Junimism, and his aliation to the traditionalist, ethno-nationalist and neoromantic current encouraged by the magazine.[65] The Smntorist school
was by then also grouping other former or active Junimists, and Maiorescus progressive withdrawal from literary life also created a bridge with Convorbiri Literare: its new editor, Simion Mehedini, was himself a
theorist of traditionalism.[66] A circle of Junimists more
sympathetic to Maiorescus version of conservatism reacted against this realignment by founding its own venue,
Convorbiri Critice, edited by Mihail Dragomirescu.[67]
In tandem with his full return to cultural and political
journalism, which included prolonged debates with both
the old historians and the Junimists,[68] Iorga was still
active at the forefront of historical research. In 1904,
he published the historical geography work Drumuri i
orae din Romnia (Roads and Towns of Romania)
and, upon the special request of National Liberal Education Minister Spiru Haret, a work dedicated to the celebrated Moldavian Prince Stephen the Great, published
upon the 400th anniversary of the monarchs death as Istoria lui tefan cel Mare (The History of Stephen the
Great).[69] Iorga later confessed that the book was an
integral part of his and Harets didacticist agenda, sup-

1 BIOGRAPHY
independent until 1906, when he attached himself to the
Conservative Party, making one nal attempt to change
the course of Junimism.[76] His move was contrasted by
the group of left-nationalists from the Poporanist faction,
who were allied to the National Liberals and, soon after, in open conict with Iorga. Although from the same
cultural family as Smntorul, the Poporanist theorist
Constantin Stere was dismissed by Iorgas articles, despite
Sadoveanus attempts to settle the matter.[76]

Cover of Smntorul, March 1905. The table of contents credits

Iorga as an editorialist and political columnist

posed to be spread to the very bottom of the country in

thousands of copies.[70] During those months, Iorga also
helped discover novelist Mihail Sadoveanu, who was for
a while the leading gure of Smntorist literature.[71]
In 1905, the year when historian Onisifor Ghibu became his close friend and disciple,[72] he followed up with
over 23 individual titles, among them the two Germanlanguage volumes of Geschichte des Rmanischen Volkes
im Rahmen seiner Staatsbildungen (A History of the Romanian People within the Context of Its National Formation), Istoria romnilor n chipuri i icoane (The History
of the Romanians in Faces and Icons), Sate i mnstiri din Romnia (Villages and Monasteries of Romania) and the essay Gnduri i sfaturi ale unui om ca oricare altul (Thoughts and Advices from a Man Just like
Any Other).[70] He also paid a visits to the Romanians of
Bukovina region, in Austrian territory, as well as to those
of Bessarabia, who were subjects of the Russian Empire,
and wrote about their cultural struggles in his 1905 accounts Neamul romnesc n Bucovina (The Romanian
People of Bukovina), Neamul romnesc n Basarabia
("...of Bessarabia).[73][74] These referred to Tsarist autocracy as a source of darkness and slavery, whereas
the more liberal regime of Bukovina oered its subjects
golden chains.[74]

A peak in Nicolae Iorgas own nationalist campaigning occurred that year: proting from a wave of
Francophobia among young urbanites, Iorga boycotted
the National Theater, punishing its sta for staging a
play entirely in French, and disturbing public order.[75][77]
According to one of Iorgas young disciples, the future
journalist Paml eicaru, the mood was such that Iorga
could have led a successful coup d'tat.[78] These events
had several political consequences. The Sigurana Statului intelligence agency soon opened a le on the historian, informing Romanian Premier Sturdza about nationalist agitation.[75] The perception that Iorga was a
xenophobe also drew condemnation from more moderate traditionalist circles, in particular the Viaa Literar
weekly. Its panelists, Ilarie Chendi and young Eugen
Lovinescu, ridiculed Iorgas claim of superiority; Chendi
in particular criticized the rejection of writers based on
their ethnic origin and not their ultimate merit (while
alleging, to Iorgas annoyance, that Iorga himself was a
Greek).[4]

1.7

Neamul Romnesc, Peasants Revolt

and Vlenii de Munte

Nicolae Iorga ran in the 1905 election and won a seat in

Parliament's lower chamber.[75] He remained politically Cover of Neamul Romnesc, November 1907

1.8

1909 setbacks and PND creation

7
lic a piece of social critique, the Neamul Romnesc pamphlet Dumnezeu s-i ierte (God Forgive Them).[70] The
text, together with his program of agrarian conferences
and his subscription lists for the benet of victims relatives again made him an adversary of the National Liberals, who referred to Iorga as an instigator.[70] The historian did however struck a chord with Stere, who had been
made prefect of Iai County, and who, going against his
partys wishes, inaugurated an informal collaboration between Iorga and the Poporanists.[76] The political class as
a whole was particularly apprehensive of Iorgas contacts
with the Cultural League for the Unity of All Romanians and their common irredentist agenda, which risked
undermining relations with the Austrians over Transylvania and Bukovina.[83] However, Iorgas popularity was
still increasing, and, carried by this sentiment, he was
rst elected to Chamber during the elections of that same
year.[70][76]

Istoria bisericii romneti, original edition

Iorga eventually parted with Smntorul in late 1906,
moving on to set up his own tribune, Neamul Romnesc.
The schism was allegedly a direct result of his conicts
with other literary venues,[70] and inaugurated a brief collaboration between Iorga and Ft Frumos journalist Emil
Grleanu.[79] The newer magazine, illustrated with idealized portraits of the Romanian peasant,[80] was widely
popular with Romanias rural intelligentsia (among which
it was freely distributed), promoting antisemitic theories and raising opprobrium from the authorities and the
urban-oriented press.[73]
Also in 1906, Iorga traveled into the Ottoman Empire,
visiting Istanbul, and published another set of volumes
Contribuii la istoria literar (Contributions to Literary History), Neamul romnesc n Ardeal i ara Ungureasc (The Romanian Nation in Transylvania and
the Hungarian Land), Negoul i meteugurile n trecutul romnesc (Trade and Crafts of the Romanian Past)
etc.[70] In 1907, he began issuing a second periodical, the
cultural magazine Floarea Darurilor,[70] and published
with Editura Minerva an early installment of his companion to Romanian literature (second volume 1908, third
volume 1909).[81] His published scientic contributions
for that year include, among others, an English-language
study on the Byzantine Empire.[70] At home, he and pupil
Vasile Prvan were involved in a conict with fellow
historian Orest Tafrali, ocially over archeological theory, but also because of a regional conict in academia:
Bucharest and Transylvania against Tafralis Iai.[82]
A seminal moment in Iorgas political career took place
during the 1907 Romanian Peasants Revolt, erupting
under a Conservative cabinet and repressed with much
violence by a National Liberal one. The bloody outcome prompted the historian to author and make pub-

Iorga and his new family had relocated several times,

renting a home in Bucharests Gara de Nord (Buzeti)
quarter.[38] After renewed but failed attempts to become
an Iai University professor,[84] he decided, in 1908, to
set his base away from the urban centers, at a villa in
Vlenii de Munte town (nestled in the remote hilly area
of Prahova County). Although branded an agitator by
Sturdza, he received support in this venture from Education Minister Haret.[85] Once settled, Iorga set up a
specialized summer school, his own publishing house,
a printing press and the literary supplement of Neamul
Romnesc,[86] as well as an asylum managed by writer
Constana Marino-Moscu.[87] He published some 25 new
works for that year, such as the introductory volumes
for his German-language companion to Ottoman history (Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, History of
the Ottoman Empire), a study on Romanian Orthodox
institutions (Istoria bisericii romneti, The History of
the Romanian Church),[88] and an anthology on Romanian Romanticism.[89] He followed up in 1909 with
a volume of parliamentary speeches, n era reformelor
(In the Age of Reforms), a book on the 1859 Moldo
Wallachian Union (Unirea principatelor, The Principalities Union),[90] and a critical edition of poems by
Eminescu.[91] Visiting Iai for the Union Jubilee, Iorga
issued a public and emotional apology to Xenopol for having criticized him in the previous decade.[92]

1.8 1909 setbacks and PND creation

At that stage in his life, Iorga became an honorary member of the Romanian Writers Society.[93] He had militated for its creation in both Smntorul and Neamul
Romnesc, but also wrote against its system of fees.[94]
Once liberated from government restriction in 1909,
his Vlenii school grew into a hub of student activity,
self-nanced through the sale of postcards.[95] Its success caused alarm in Austria-Hungary: Budapesti Hrlap newspaper described Iorgas school as an instrument

1 BIOGRAPHY

for radicalizing Romanian Transylvanians.[95] Iorga also

alienated the main Romanian organizations in Transylvania: the Romanian National Party (PNR) dreaded his proposal to boycott the Diet of Hungary, particularly since
PNR leaders were contemplating a loyalist Greater Austria devolution project.[96]

cast Prince).[107] Additionally, Iorga produced the rst

of several studies dealing with Balkan geopolitics in the
charged context leading up to the Balkan Wars (Romnia,
vecinii si i chestia Oriental, Romania, Her Neighbors
and the Eastern Question").[105] He also made a noted
contribution to ethnography, with Portul popular romnesc
("Romanian Folk Dress").[105][108]
The consequences hit Iorga in May 1909, when he was
stopped from visiting Bukovina, ocially branded a
persona non grata, and expelled from Austrian soil (in
1.9 Iorga and the Balkan crisis
June, it was made illegal for Bukovinan schoolteach[95]
ers to attend Iorgas lectures).
A month later, Iorga
greeted in Bucharest the English scholar R.W. SetonWatson. This noted critic of Austria-Hungary became
Iorgas admiring friend, and helped popularize his ideas
in the Anglosphere.[97][98]
In 1910, the year when he toured the Old Kingdom's conference circuit, Nicolae Iorga again rallied with Cuza to
establish the explicitly antisemitic Democratic Nationalist Party. Partly building on the antisemitic component
of the 1907 revolts,[45][73][99] its doctrines depicted the
Jewish-Romanian community and Jews in general as a
danger for Romanias development.[100] During its early
decades, it used as its symbol the right-facing swastika
( ), promoted by Cuza as the symbol of worldwide antisemitism and, later, of the "Aryans".[101] Also known as
PND, this was Romanias rst political group to represent the petty bourgeoisie, using its votes to challenge the
tri-decennial two-party system.[102]
Also in 1910, Iorga published some thirty new works,
covering gender history (Viaa femeilor n trecutul romnesc, The Early Life of Romanian Women), Romanian
military history (Istoria armatei romneti, The History
of the Romanian Military) and Stephen the Greats Orthodox prole (tefan cel Mare i mnstirea Neamului,
Stephen the Great and Neam Monastery").[90] His academic activity also resulted in a lengthy conict with art
historian Alexandru Tzigara-Samurca, his godfather and Cover of Drum Drept, issue no. 4852, dated December 31,
former friend, sparked when Iorga, defending his own 1915
academic postings, objected to making Art History a sepIn 1913, Iorga was in London for an International
arate subject at University.[103]
Congress of History, presenting a proposal for a new apReinstated into the Academy and made a full member, he
proach to medievalism and a paper discussing the sogave his May 1911 reception speech with a philosophy
ciocultural eects of the fall of Constantinople on Molof history subject (Dou concepii istorice, Two Histordavia and Wallachia.[105] He was later in the Kingdom
ical Outlooks) and was introduced on the occasion by
of Serbia, invited by the Belgrade Academy and preXenopol.[104] In August of that year, he was again in Transenting dissertations on RomaniaSerbia relations and
sylvania, at Blaj, where he paid homage to the Romanianthe Ottoman decline.[105] Iorga was even called under
run ASTRA Cultural Society.[105] He made his rst conarms in the Second Balkan War, during which Romatribution to Romanian drama with the play centered on,
nia fought alongside Serbia and against the Kingdom of
and named after, Michael the Brave (Mihai Viteazul), one
Bulgaria.[38][109][110] The subsequent taking of Southern
of around twenty new titles for that yearalongside his
Dobruja, supported by Maiorescu and the Conservatives,
collected aphorisms (Cugetri, Musings) and a memoir
was seen by Iorga as callous and imperialistic.[111]
of his life in culture (Oameni cari au fost, People Who
Are Gone).[106] In 1912, he published, among other Iorgas interest in the Balkan crisis was illustrated by two
works, Trei drame (Three Dramatic Plays), grouping of the forty books he put out that year: Istoria statelor balMihai Viteazul, nvierea lui tefan cel Mare (Stephen the canice (The History of Balkan States) and Notele unui
Greats Resurrection) and Un domn pribeag (An Out- istoric cu privire la evenimentele din Balcani (A Historians Notes on the Balkan Events).[105] Noted among

1.11

Iai refuge

the others is the study focusing on the early 18th century reign of Wallachian Prince Constantin Brncoveanu
(Viaa i domnia lui Constantin vod Brncoveanu, The
Life and Rule of Prince Constantin Brncoveanu).[105]
That same year, Iorga issued the rst series of his Drum
Drept monthly, later merged with the Smntorist magazine Ramuri.[105] Iorga managed to publish roughly as
many new titles in 1914, the year when he received a Romanian Bene Merenti distinction,[112] and inaugurated the
international Institute of South-East European Studies or
ISSEE (founded through his eorts), with a lecture on
Albanian history.[113]

9
Iorga was also introduced to the private circle of Romanias young King, Ferdinand I,[121] whom he found wellintentioned but weak-willed.[111] Iorga is sometimes credited as a tutor to Crown Prince Carol (future King Carol
II),[122] who reportedly attended the Vlenii school.[123]

In his October 1915 polemic with Vasile Sion, a

Germanophile physician, Iorga at once justied suspicion of the German Romanians and praised those Romanians who were deserting the Austrian Army.[124] The
Ententists focus on Transylvania pitted them against the
Poporanists, who delpored the Romanians of Bessarabia. That region, the Poporanist lobby argued, was being
Again invited to Italy, he spoke at the Ateneo Veneto on actively oppressed by the Russian Empire with the acthe relations between the Republic of Venice and the quiescence of other Entente powers. Poporanist theorist
Balkans,[105] and again about Settecento culture.[114] His Garabet Ibrileanu, editor of Viaa Romneasc review,
attention was focused on the Albanians and Arbresh later accused Iorga of not ever speaking in support of the
Iorga soon discovered the oldest record of written Alba- Bessarabians.[125]
nian, the 1462 Formula e pagzimit.[115][116] In 1916, he Political themes were again reected in Nicolae Iorgas
founded the Bucharest-based academic journal Revista 1915 report to the Academy (Dreptul la via al statelor
Istoric (The Historical Review), a Romanian equiva- mici, The Small States Right to Exist) and in various
lent for Historische Zeitschrift and The English Historical of the 37 books he published that year: Istoria romnilor
Review.[117]
din Ardeal i Ungaria (The History of the Romanians

1.10 Ententist prole

in Transylvania and Hungary), Politica austriac fa de

Serbia (The Austrian Policy on Serbia) etc.[118] Also in
1915, Iorga completed his economic history treatise, Istoria comerului la romni (The History of Commerce
among the Romanians), as well as a volume on literary
history and Romanian philosophy, Faze sueteti i cri
reprezentative la romni (Spiritual Phases and Relevant
Books of the Romanians).[118] Before spring 1916, he
was commuting between Bucharest and Iai, substituting
the ailing Xenopol at Iai University.[126] He also gave a
nal touch to the collection Studii i documente (Studies
and Documents), comprising his commentary on 30,000
individual documents and spread over 31 tomes.[118]

Ententist rally in Bucharest (ca. 1916)

Nicolae Iorgas involvement in political disputes and the

cause of Romanian irredentism became a leading characteristic of his biography during World War I. In 1915,
while Romania was still keeping neutral, he sided with the
dominant nationalist, Francophile and pro-Entente camp,
urging for Romania to wage war on the Central Powers as
a means of obtaining Transylvania, Bukovina and other
regions held by Austria-Hungary; to this goal, he became
an active member of the Cultural League for the Unity of
All Romanians, and personally organized the large proEntente rallies in Bucharest.[118] A prudent anti-Austrian,
Iorga adopted the interventionist agenda with noted delay. His hesitantation was ridiculed by hawkish Eugen
Lovinescu as pro-Transylvanian but anti-war,[119] costing
Iorga his oce in the Cultural League.[111] The historian later confessed that, like Premier Ion I. C. Brtianu
and the National Liberal cabinet, he had been waiting
for a better moment to strike.[111] In the end, his Ententist eorts were closely supported by public gures
such as Alexandru I. Lapedatu and Ion Petrovici, as well
as by Take Ionescu's National Action advocacy group.[120]

1.11 Iai refuge

In late summer 1916, as Brtianus government sealed
an alliance with the Entente, Iorga expressed his joy in
a piece named Ceasul (The Hour): the hour we have
been expecting for over two centuries, for which we have
been living our entire national life, for which we have
been working and writing, ghting and thinking, has at
long last arrived.[118] Nevertheless, the Romanian campaign ended in massive defeat, forcing the Romanian
Army and the entire administration to evacuate the southern areas, Bucharest included, in front of a German-led
occupation. Iorgas home in Vlenii de Munte was among
the property items left behind and seized by the occupiers,
and, according to Iorgas own claim, was vandalized by
the Deutsches Heer.[127]
Still a member of Parliament, Iorga joined the authorities
in the provisional capital of Iai, but opposed the plans of
relocating government out of besieged Moldavia and into
the Russian Republic. The argument was made in one of

10

1 BIOGRAPHY
who were creeping up all over the place.[133] The goal
was again reected in his complementary lectures (where
he discussed the national principle) and a new set of
works; these featured musings on the Allied commitment (Relations des Roumains avec les Allis, The Romanians Relations with the Allies"; Histoire des relations
entre la France et les roumains, The History of Relations between France and the Romanians), the national
character (Suetul romnesc, The Romanian Soul) or
columns against the loss of morale (Armistiiul, The
Armistice).[133] His ideal of moral regeneration through
the war eort came with an endorsement of land reform
projects. Brtianu did not object to the idea, being however concerned that landowners would rebel. Iorga purportedly gave him a sarcastic reply: just like you've
been shooting the peasants to benet the landowners,
you'll then be shooting the landowners to benet the
peasants.[134]
In May 1918, Romania yielded to German demands and
negotiated the Bucharest Treaty, an eective armistice.
The conditions were judged humiliating by Iorga (Our
ancestors would have preferred death);[127] he refused
to regain his University of Bucharest chair.[135] The German authorities in Bucharest reacted by blacklisting the
historian.[127]

Iorgas essay on RomaniaRussia relations, published in Iai,

1917

his parliamentary speeches, printed as a pamphlet and circulated among the military: May the dogs of this world
feast on us sooner than to nd our happiness, tranquility and prosperity granted by the hostile foreigner.[128]
He did however allow some of his notebooks to be stored
in Moscow, along with the Romanian Treasure,[129] and
sheltered his own family in Odessa.[38]
Iorga, who reissued Neamul Romnesc in Iai, resumed
his activity at Iai University and began working on the
war propaganda daily Romnia,[130] while contributing
to R.W. Seton-Watsons international sheet The New Europe.[131] His contribution for that year included a number
of brochures dedicated to maintaining morale among soldiers and civilians: Rzboiul actual i urmrile lui n viaa
moral a omenirii (The Current War and Its Eects on
the Moral Life of Mankind), Rolul iniiativei private n
viaa public (The Role of Private Initiative in Public
Life), Sfaturi i nvturi pentru ostaii Romniei (Advices and Teachings for Romanias Soldiers) etc.[118]
He also translated from English and printed My Country, a patriotic essay by Ferdinands wife Marie of Edinburgh.[132]
The heightened sense of crisis prompted Iorga to issue
appeals against defeatism and reissue Neamul Romnesc
from Iai, explaining: I realized at once what moral
use could come out of this for the thousands of discouraged and disillusioned people and against the traitors

1.12 Greater Romania and Senate leadership

Iorga only returned to Bucharest as Romania resumed its
contacts with the Allies and the Deutsches Heer left the
country. The political uncertainty ended by late autumn,
when the Allied victory on the Western Front sealed Germanys defeat. Celebrating the Compigne Armistice,
Iorga wrote: There can be no greater day for the entire world.[127] Iorga however found that Bucharest had
become a lthy hell under lead skies.[38] His celebrated
return also included the premiere of nvierea lui tefan
cel Mare at the National Theater, which continued to host
productions of his dramatic texts on a regular basis, until
ca. 1936.[136]
He was reelected to the lower chamber in the November
1918 surage, becoming President of the body and,
due to the rapid political developments, the rst person to hold this oce in the history of Greater Romania.[127][137] The year also brought his participation alongside Allied envoys in the 360th anniversary of Michael
the Braves birth.[127] On December 1, later celebrated as
Great Union Day, Iorga was participant in a seminal event
of the union with Transylvania, as one of several thousand
Romanians who gathered in Alba Iulia to demand union
on the basis of self-determination.[127] Despite these successes, Iorga was reportedly snubbed by King Ferdinand,
and only left to rely on Brtianu for support.[111] Although
he was not invited to attend the Paris Peace Conference,
he supported Queen Marie in her role of informal ne-

1.13

Early 1920s politics

11

gotiatior for Romania, and cemented his friendship with respondence with intellectuals of all backgrounds, and,
her.[138]
reportedly, the Romanian who was addressed the most
[137]
Touring the larger conferShortly after the creation of Greater Romania, Iorga was letters in postal history.
ence
circuit,
he
also
wrote
some
30 new books, among
focusing his public activity on exposing collaborators of
them:
Histoire
des
roumains
de
la Peninsule des Balthe wartime occupiers. The subject was central to a
cans
(The
History
of
Romanians
from the Balkan
1919 speech he held in front of the Academy, where
Peninsula":
Aromanians,
Istro-Romanians
and Meglenohe obtained the public condemnation of actively GerIstoria
poporului
francez
(The
History of
Romanians),
manophile academicians, having earlier vetoed the memthe French People"), Pentru suetele celor ce muncesc
[139]
bership of Poporanist Constantin Stere.
He failed at
Mienlisting support for the purge of Germanophile profes- (For The Souls of Working Men), and Istoria lui [152]
hai Viteazul (The History of Michael the Brave).
sors from University, but the attempt rekindled the feud
of doctor honoris causa by the
between him and Alexandru Tzigara-Samurca, who had Iorga was awarded the title
University of Strasbourg,[153] while his lectures on Alba[140]
The
served in the German-appointed administration.
two scholars later took their battle to court[141] and, until nia, collected by poet Lasgush Poradeci, became Brve
(Concise History of Albania).[116]
Iorgas death, presented mutually exclusive takes on re- histoire de l'Albanie
cent political history.[142] Although very much opposed to In Bucharest, Iorga received as a gift from his admirers
on Bonaparte Highway (Iancu de
the imprisoned Germanophile poet Tudor Arghezi, Iorga a new Bucharest home [38][153]
Hunedoara
Boulevard).
[143]
intervened on his behalf with Ferdinand.
Following 1919 elections, Iorga became a member of
the Senate, representing the Democratic Nationalists.
Although he resented the universal male surage and
viewed the adoption of electoral symbols as promoting
political illiteracy, his PND came to use a logo representing two hands grasping (later replaced with a blackag-and-sickle).[144] The elections seemed to do away
with the old political system: Iorgas party was third,
trailing behind two newcomers, the Transylvanian PNR
and the Poporanist Peasants Party (P), with whom it
formed a parliamentary bloc supporting an Alexandru
Vaida-Voevod cabinet.[145] This union of former rivals
also showed Iorgas growing suspicion of Brtianu, whom
he feared intended to absorb the PND into the National
Liberal Party, and accused of creating a political machine.[111] He and his disciples were circulating the term
politicianism (politicking), expressing their disappointment for the new political context.[111][129]

1.13 Early 1920s politics

Iorgas parliamentary bloc crumbled in late March 1920,

when Ferdinand dissolved Parliament.[154][155] During the
spring 1920 surage, Iorga was invited by journalist
Sever Dan to run for a deputy seat in Transylvania, but
eventually participated in and won the election of his
earlier constituency, Covurlui County.[154] At that stage,
Iorga was resenting the PNR for holding onto its regional
government of Transylvania,[111][129] and criticizing the
P for its claim to represent all Romanian peasants.[156]
In March 1921, Iorga again turned on Stere. The latter
had since been forgiven for his wartime stance, decorated
for negotiating the Bessarabian union, and elected on P
lists in Soroca County.[157] Iorgas speech, Steres Betrayal, turned attention back to Steres Germanophilia
(with quotes that were supposedly taken out of context)
Also in 1919, Iorga was elected chairman of the Cul- and demanded his invalidationthe subsequent debate
tural League, where he gave a speech on the Roma- was tense and emotional, but a new vote in Chamber con[157]
nians rights to their national territory, was appointed rmed Stere as Soroca deputy.
head of the Historical Monuments Commission, and met The overall election victory belonged to the radical,
the French academic mission to Romania (Henri Math- eclectic and anti-PNR Peoples Party, led by war hero
ias Berthelot, Charles Diehl, Emmanuel de Martonne and Alexandru Averescu.[158] Iorga, whose PND had formed
Raymond Poincar, whom he greeted with a speech about the Federation of National Democracy with the P and
the Romanians and the Romance peoples).[146] Together other parties,[154][159][160] was perplexed by Averescus
with French war hero Septime Gorceix, he also compiled sui generis appeal and personality cult, writing: EveryAnthologie de la littrature roumaine (An Anthology of thing [in that party] was about Averescu.[161] His partRomanian Literature).[147] That year, the French state ner Cuza and a portion of the PND were however supgranted Iorga its Legion of Honor.[148]
portive of this force, which threatened the stability of
A founding president of the Association of Romanian
Public Libraries,[149] Iorga was also tightening his links
with young Transylvanian intellectuals: he took part in
reorganizing the Cluj Franz Joseph University into a
Romanian-speaking institution, meeting scholars Vasile
Prvan and Vasile Bogrea (who welcomed him as our
protective genius), and published a praise of the young
traditionalist poet Lucian Blaga.[150][151] He was in cor-

their vote.[159] Progressively after that moment, Iorga

also began toning down his antisemitism, a process of
the end of which Cuza left the Democratic Nationalists to establish the more militant National-Christian Defense League (1923).[73][111][162] Iorgas suggestions that
new arrivals from Transylvania and Bessarabia were becoming a clique also resulted in collisions with former
friend Octavian Goga, who had joined up with Averescus
party.[157]

12
His publishing activity continued at a steady pace during that year, when he rst presided over the Romanian
School of Fontenay-aux-Roses;[163] he issued the two volumes of Histoire des roumains et de leur civilisation (The
History of the Romanians and Their Civilization) and
the three tomes of Istoria romnilor prin cltorii (The
History of the Romanians in Travels), alongside Ideea
Daciei romneti (The Idea of a Romanian Dacia"), Istoria Evului Mediu (The History of the Middle Ages) and
some other scholarly works.[153] His biographical studies were mainly focused on his nationalist predecessor
Mihail Koglniceanu.[164] Iorga also resumed his writing
for the stage, with two new drama plays: one centered
on the Moldavian ruler Constantin Cantemir (Cantemir
btrnul, Cantemir the Elder), the other dedicated to,
and named after, Brncoveanu.[165] Centering his activity
as a public speaker in Transylvanian cities, Iorga was also
involved in projects to organize folk theaters throughout
the country, through which he intended to spread a unied
cultural message.[166] The year also brought his presence
at the funeral of A. D. Xenopol.[166]
In 1921 and 1922, the Romanian scholar began lecturing
abroad, most notably at the University of Paris, while setting up a Romanian School in the French capital[166] and
the Accademia di Romania of Rome.[167] In 1921, when
his 50th birthday was celebrated at a national level, Iorga
published a large number of volumes, including a bibliographic study on the Wallachian uprising of 1821 and
its leader Tudor Vladimirescu, an essay on political history (Dezvoltarea aezmintelor politice, The Development of Political Institutions), Secretul culturii franceze
(The Secret of French Culture"), Rzboiul nostru n note
zilnice (Our War as Depicted in Daily Records) and
the French-language Les Latins de l'Orient (The Oriental
Latins").[166] His interest in Vladimirescu and his historical role was also apparent in an eponymous play, published with a volume of Iorgas selected lyric poetry.[168]
In politics, Iorga began objecting to the National Liberals hold on power, denouncing the 1922 election as
a fraud.[169] He resumed his close cooperation with the
PNR, briey joining the party ranks in an attempt to
counter this monopoly.[111][154][156][170] In 1923, he donated his Bonaparte Highway residence and its collection
to the Ministry of Education, to be used by a cultural
foundation and benet university students.[171] Receiving another honoris causa doctorate, from the University
of Lyon, Iorga went through an episode of reconciliation with Tudor Arghezi, who addressed him public
praise.[172] The two worked together on Cuget Romnesc
newspaper, but were again at odds when Iorga began
criticizing modernist literature and the worlds spiritual
crisis.[173]
Among his published works for that year were Formes
byzantines et ralits balcaniques (Byzantine Forms and
Balkan Realities), Istoria presei romneti (The History
of the Romanian Press), L'Art populaire en Roumanie
(Folk Art in Romania), Istoria artei medievale (The

1 BIOGRAPHY
History of Medieval Art") and Neamul romnesc din
Ardeal (The Romanian Nation in Transylvania).[174]
Iorga had by then nished several new theatrical plays:
Moartea lui Dante (The Death of Dante"), Molire se
rzbun ("Molire Gets His Revenge), Omul care ni trebuie (The Man We Need) and Srmal, amicul poporului (Srmal, Friend of the People).[175]

1.14 International initiatives and American journey

Iorga in Versailles, 1928 photograph

A major moment in Iorgas European career took place

in 1924, when he convened in Bucharest the rst-ever
International Congress of Byzantine Studies, attended
by some of the leading experts in the eld.[171] He also
began lecturing at Ramiro Ortiz's Italian Institute in
Bucharest.[176] Also then, Iorga was appointed Aggregate Professor by the University of Paris, received the
honor of having foreign scholars lecturing at the Vlenii
de Munte school, and published a number of scientic
works and essays, such as: Brve histoire des croissades
(A Short History of the Crusades), Cri reprezentative
din viaa omenirii (Books Signicant for Mankinds Existence), Romnia pitoreasc (Picturesque Romania)
and a volume of addresses to the Romanian American
community.[171] In 1925, when he was elected a member of the Krakw Academy of Learning in Poland, Iorga
gave conferences in various European countries, including Switzerland (where he spoke at a League of Nations
assembly on the state of Romanias minorities).[171] His
bibliography for 1925 includes some 50 titles.[171] Iorga
also increased his personal fortune, constructing villas in
two resort towns: in Sinaia (designer: Toma T. Socolescu) and, later, Mangalia.[177] More controversial still
was his decision to use excess funds from the International Congress to improve his Vlenii printing press.[177]

1.15

Prime Minister

Iorga was again abroad in 1926 and 1927, lecturing on

various subjects at reunions in France, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark, Spain, Sweden and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, many of his works being by then translated into
French, English, German and Italian.[178] His work for
1926 centered on the rst of four volumes in his series
Essai de synthse de l'histoire de l'humanit (Essay on the
Synthesis of World History), followed in 1927 by Istoria
industriei la romni (The History of Industry among the
Romanians), Originea i sensul democraiei (The Origin
and Sense of Democracy), a study of Romanian contributions to the 18771878 Russo-Turkish War (Rzboiul
de independen, The War of Independence) etc.[178] At
home, the PNDs merge into the PNR, accepted by Iorga,
was stopped once the historian asked to become the resulting unions chief.[156] Acting PNR leader Iuliu Maniu
successfully resisted this move, and the two parties split
over the issue.[156]

13
(Romania and the Romanians of America) and Priveliti elveiene (Swiss Landscapes), alongside the plays
Sfntul Francisc ("Saint Francis") and Fiul cel pierdut
(The Lost Son).[187] In 19311932, he was made a honoris causa doctor by four other universities (the University of Paris, La Sapienza, Stefan Batory, Comenius),
was admitted into both Accademia dei Lincei and the
Accademia degli Arcadi, and published over 40 new titles per year.[188]

1.15 Prime Minister

For a while in 1927, Iorga was also local leader of

the Pan-European movement, created internationally by
Graf Coudenhove-Kalergi.[179] A honoris causa doctor of
Genoa University, he opened his course at the University
of Paris with lectures on Frances Levantine policy (1927)
and, during 1928, was again invited to lecture in Spain,
Sweden and Norway.[180] His published works for that
time grouped the political essay Evoluia ideii de libertate
(The Evolution of Liberty as an Idea), new historical
studies and printed versions of his conferences: Istoria
nvmntului (The History of Education), Patru conferine despre istoria Angliei (Four Conferences on the
History of England"), ara latin cea mai ndeprtat din
Europa: Portugalia (The Remotest Latin Country in Europe: Portugal").[181] In addition to his Bucharest Faculty
of History chair, Iorga also took over the History of Literature course hosted by the same institution (1928).[180]
Appointed the universitys Rector in 1929, he followed up
with new sets of conferences in France, Italy or Spain, and
published some 40 new books on topics such as Romanian
folklore and Scandinavian history.[182] For a while, he
also held the Universitys concise literature course, replacing Professor Ion Bianu.[183] Iorgas circle was joined
by researcher Constantin C. Giurescu, son of historian
Constantin Giurescu, who had been Iorgas rival a generation before.[184]
Iorga embarked on a longer journey during 1930: again
lecturing in Paris during January, he left for Genoa and,
from there, traveled to the United States, visiting some 20
cities, being greeted by the Romanian-American community and meeting with President Herbert Hoover.[185] He
was also an honored guest of Case Western Reserve University, where he delivered a lecture in English.[116] Returning to attend the London International Congress of
History, Iorga was also made a honoris causa doctor by
the University of Oxford (with a reception speech likening him to both Livy and Pliny the Elder).[182] That year,
he also set up the Casa Romena institute in Venice.[186]
His new works included America i romnii din America

Iorga at the University of Paris, receiving his Honoris Causa Doctorate

Iorga became Romanian Premier in April 1931, upon the

request of Carol II, who had returned from exile to replace his own son, Michael I. The authoritarian monarch
had cemented this relationship by visiting the Vlenii
de Munte establishment in July 1930.[189] A contemporary historian, Hugh Seton-Watson (son of R.W. SetonWatson), documented Carols conscation of agrarian
politics for his own benet, noting: Professor Iorgas immense vanity delivered him into the kings hands.[190]
Iorgas imprudent ambition is mentioned by cultural historian Z. Ornea, who also counts Iorga among those who
had already opposed Carols invalidation.[111] In short
while, Iorgas support for the controversial monarch resulted in his inevitable break with the PNR and P.
Their agrarian union, the National Peasants Party (PN),
took distance from Carols policies, whereas Iorga prioritized his Carlist monarchism.[111][191] The moment aggravated the running personal rivalry between the PND

14

1 BIOGRAPHY

founder and Iuliu Maniu,[111] but Iorga had on his side and its former allies in Transylvania: Iorga arrived to
Manius own brother, lawyer Cassiu Maniu, who rejected power after rumors of a PN Transylvanian conspirthe PNRs regionalistic stance.[151]
acy, and his cabinet included no Romanian Transylva[207]
It was however open to members of
Once conrmed on the throne, Carol experimented with nian politicians.
the
Saxon
community,
and Iorga himself created a new
technocracy, borrowing professionals from various politgovernment
position
for
ethnic minority aairs.[208]
ical groups, and closely linking Iorga with Internal Affairs Minister Constantin Argetoianu.[111][192] Iorga survived the election of June, in which he led a National
Union coalition, with support from his rivals, the National
Liberals.[193] During his short term, he traveled throughout the country, visiting around 40 cities and towns,[188]
and was notably on a state visit to France, being received
by Prime Minister Aristide Briand and by Briands ally
Andr Tardieu.[194] In recognition of his merits as an
Albanologist, the Albanian Kingdom granted Iorga property in Sarand town, on which the scholar created a Romanian Archeological Institute.[116][195]

Nicolae Iorga presented his cabinets resignation in May

1932, returning to academic life. This came after an
understanding between Carol II and a rightist PN faction, who took over with Alexandru Vaida-Voevod as
Premier.[209] The PND, running in elections under a
square-in-square logo ( ),[210] was rapidly becoming a
minor force in Romanian politics. It survived through
alliances with the National Liberals or with Averescu,
while Argetoianu left it to establish an equally small agrarian group.[211] Iorga concentrated on redacting memoirs, published as Supt trei regi (Under Three Kings),
whereby
he intended to counter political hostility.[111][212]
The backdrop to Iorgas mandate was Carols conict with
Museum of Sacred Art, housed by the
the Iron Guard, an increasingly popular fascist organi- He also created the[213]
Creulescu
Palace.
zation. In March 1932, Iorga signed a decree outlawing the movement, the beginning of his clash with the
Guards founder Corneliu Zelea Codreanu.[196] At the 1.16 Mid 1930s conicts
same time, his new education law enhancing university
autonomy, for which Iorga had been campaigning since
the 1920s, was openly challenged as unrealistic by fellow scholar Florian tefnescu-Goang, who noted that
it only encouraged political agitators to place themselves
outside the state.[197] Also holding the oce of Education
Minister, he allowed auditing students to attend university lectures without holding a Romanian Baccalaureate
degree.[198] Reserving praise for the home-grown youth
movement Micii Dorobani,[199] he was also an ocial
backer of Romanian Scouting.[200] In addition, Iorgas
time in oce brought the creation of another popular
summer school, in the tourist resort of Balcic, Southern
Dobruja.[132]
The major issue facing Iorga was the economic crisis,
part of the Great Depression, and he was largely unsuccessful in tackling it.[111][201] To the detriment of nancial markets, the cabinet tried to implement debt relief
for bankrupt land cultivators,[202] and signed an agreement with Argentina, another exporter of agricultural
produce, to try to limit deation.[203] The mishandling
of economic aairs made the historian a target of derision and indignation among the general public.[204] The
reduction of decit with pay cuts for all state employees
(sacricial curves) or selective layos was particularly
dramatic, leading to widespread disillusionment among
the middle class, which only increased grassroots support for the Iron Guard.[111][205] Other controversial aspects were his alleged favoritism and nepotism: perceived
as the central gure of an academic clique, Iorga helped
Gheorghe Bogdan-Duic's family and Prvan, promoted
young historian Andrei Oetea, and made his son in law
Colonel Chirescu (m. Florica Iorga in 1918) a Prefect
of Storojine County.[206] His premiership also evidenced
the growing tensions between the PND in Bucharest

Cover of Cuget Clar, issue no. 34, dated March 2, 1939

The political conicts were by then reected in Iorgas

academic life: Iorga was becoming strongly opposed to a
new generation of professional historians, which included

1.17

1937 retirement and Codreanu trials

15

Giurescu the younger, P. P. Panaitescu and Gheorghe

Brtianu. At the core, it was a scientic dispute: all
three historians, grouped around the new Revista Istoric
Romn, found Iorgas studies to be speculative, politicized or needlessly didactic in their conclusions.[214] The
political discrepancy was highlighted by the more radical support these academics were directing toward King
Carol II.[215] In later years, Iorga also feuded with his
Transylvanian disciple Lucian Blaga, trying in vain to
block Blagas reception to the Academy over dierences
in philosophy and literary preference.[216] On Blagas
side, the quarrel involved philologist and civil servant
Bazil Munteanu; his correspondence with Blaga features
hostile remarks about Iorgas vulgarity and cultural
politics.[217]

1935 are a new version of Istoria lui Mihai Viteazul,

alongside Originalitatea lui Dimitrie Cantemir (Dimitrie
Cantemirs Originality), Comemorarea unirii Ardealului (The Commemoration of Transylvanias Union) and
two volumes of his Memorii (Memoirs).[227] His additional essays covered the careers of 17th century intellectuals (Anthim the Iberian, Axinte Uricariul, Constantin
Cantacuzino).[229] Also in 1935, Iorga and his daughter
Liliana co-authored a Bucharest guide book.[230]

Early in 1934, Iorga issued a condemnation of the Iron

Guard, following the assassination of National Liberal
Premier Ion G. Duca by an Legionary death squad.[220]
However, during the subsequent police round-ups of
Guardist activists, Iorga intervened for the release of
fascist philosopher Nae Ionescu,[221] and still invited
Guardist poet Radu Gyr to lecture at Vlenii.[222] At the
same time, he was again focusing his attention on the
condemnation of modernists and the poetry of Arghezi,
rst with the overview Istoria literaturii romneti contemporane (History of Contemporary Romanian Literature), then with his press polemics.[122][223] Also in
1934, Iorga also published a book which coined his image of Romanias early modern cultureByzance aprs
Byzance (Byzantium after Byzantium), alongside the
three-volume Histoire de la vie byzantine (A History of
Byzantine Life).[224] He followed up with a volume of
memoirs Orizonturile mele. O via de om aa cum a fost
(My Horizons. The Life of a Man as It Was),[111][225]
while inaugurating his contribution to Romanias ocial
cultural magazine, Revista Fundaiilor Regale.[226]

turi pe ntuneric (Advice at Dark, soon after published

in brochure format).[235] He completed several new volumes, among which were Dovezi despre contiina originii
romnilor (Evidence on the Conscious Origin of the Romanians"), the polemical essay Lupta mea contra prostiei
(My Fight against Stupidity), and the rst two volumes
of the long planned Istoria romnilor.[236]

Early in 1936, Nicolae Iorga was again lecturing at

the University of Paris, and gave an additional conference at the Socit des tudes historiques, before hosting
the Bucharest session of the International Committee of
Historians.[227] He was also in the Netherlands, with a
lecture on Byzantine social history: L'Homme byzantin
On his way to a pan-European congress, Iorga stirred fur- (Byzantine Man).[231] Upon his return, wishing to rether controversy by attending, in Rome, the tenth anniver- new his campaign against the modernists, Iorga founded
sary of the 1923 March, celebrating Italian Fascism.[218] Cuget Clar, the neo-Smntorist magazine.[232]
He resumed his participation in conference cycles dur- By that moment in time, he was publicly voicing his
ing 1933, revisiting France, as well as taking back his concern that Transylvania was a target of expansion
position at the University of Bucharest; he published an- for Regency-period Hungary, while cautioning the pubother 37 books and, in August 1933, attended the History lic against Nazi Germany and its revanchism.[233] SimiCongress in Warsaw.[188] His new project was a cultural larly, he was concerned about the Soviet threat and the
version of the PolishRomanian Alliance, working to- fate of Romanians in the Soviet Union, working closely
gether with poet-diplomat Aron Cotru to increase aware- with the Transnistrian anti-communist refugee Nichita
ness of his country, and publishing his own work in the Smochin.[234] Such worries were notably expressed by
Polish press.[219]
Iorga in a series of Bucharest Radio broadcasts, Sfa-

Iorga again toured Europe in 1935, and, upon his return to Romania, gave a new set of conferences under
the auspices of the Cultural League,[227] inviting scholar
Franz Babinger to lecture at the ISSEE.[228] Again in
Iai, the historian participated in a special celebration
of 18th century Moldavian Prince and Enlightenment
thinker Dimitrie Cantemir, whose remains had been retrieved from the Soviet Union to be reburied in the Romanian city.[227] Among the books Iorga published in

1.17 1937 retirement and Codreanu trials

Nicolae Iorga was ocially honored in 1937, when Carol
II inaugurated a Bucharest Museum of World History,
placed under the ISSEE directors presidency.[237] However, the publicized death threats he received from the
Iron Guard eventually prompted Iorga to retire from his
university position.[238] He withdrew to Vlenii de Munte,
but was still active on the academic scene, lecturing on
the development of the human spirit at the World History Institute, and being received as a corresponding
member into Chile's Academy of History.[238] He also
mentored German biographer Eugen Wolbe, who collected data on the Romanian kings.[142] This contribution
was doubled by a steady participation in the countrys political life. Iorga attended the Cultural League congress
in Iai, where he openly demanded for the Iron Guard
to be outlawed on the grounds that it served Nazi interests, and discussed the threat of war in his speeches at
Vlenii de Munte and his Radio conferences.[239] With
his Neamul Romnesc disciple N. Georgescu-Coco, he
was also continuing his ght against modernism, inspiring

16

1 BIOGRAPHY

a special Romanian Academy report on the modernists (For the Defense of the Western Frontier), Cugetare i
"pornography".[240]
fapt german (German Thought and Action), Hotare i
spaii naionale (National Borders and Spaces); in 1939
Istoria Bucuretilor ("History of Bucharest"), Discursuri
parlamentare (Parliamentary Addresses), Istoria universal vzut prin literatur (World History as Seen
through Literature), Naionaliti i frontiere (Nationalists and Frontiers), Stri sueteti i rzboaie (Spiritual
States and Wars), Toate poeziile lui N. Iorga (N. Iorgas
Complete Poetry) and two new volumes of Memorii.[250]
Also in 1938, Iorga inaugurated the open-air theater of
Vlenii de Munte with one of his own dramatic texts,
Rzbunarea pmntului (The Earths Revenge).[238]
The total number of titles he presented for publishing
in 1939 is 45, including a play about Christina of Sweden (Regele Cristina, King C[h]ristina)[252] and an antiCrown Councillor Iorga and Prime Minister Armand Clinescu
war cycle of poems.[10] Some of his Anglophile essays
in National Renaissance Front uniforms (May 10, 1939)
were printed by Mihail Frcanu in Rumanian Quarterly, which sought to preserve AngloRomanian coopThe early months of 1938 saw Nicolae Iorga joining the eration.[253]
national unity government of Miron Cristea, formed by
Commissioner of the Venice
Carol IIs right-wing power base.[241] A Crown Coun- Iorga was again Romanian
[248]
Biennale
in
1940.
The
accelerated
political developcillor, he then threw his reluctant support behind the
ments
led
him
to
focus
on
his
activities
as a militant and
National Renaissance Front, created by Carol II as the
journalist.
His
output
for
1940
included
a large numdriving force of a pro-fascist but anti-Guard single-party
[242]
ber
of
conferences
and
articles
dedicated
to
the preservastate (see 1938 Constitution of Romania).
Iorga was
tion
of
Greater
Romanias
borders
and
the
anti-Guardist
upset by the imposition of uniforms on all public ocials, calling it tyrannical, and privately ridiculed the cause: Semnul lui Cain (The Mark of Cain"), Ignonew constitutional regimes architects, but he eventually rana stpna lumii (Ignorance, Mistress of the World),
n calea lupilor (A Wayfarer Facing Wolves)
complied to the changes.[243] In April, Iorga was also Drume
[252]
etc.
Iorga was troubled by the outbreak of World
at the center of a scandal which resulted in Codreanus
War
II
and
saddened by the fall of France, events which
arrest and eventual extrajudicial killing. By then, the
formed
the
basis
of his essay Amintiri din locurile tragedihistorian had attacked the Guards policy of setting up
ilor
actuale
(Recollections
from the Current Scenes of
small commercial enterprises and charity ventures. This
[252]
a
Tragedy).
He
was
also
working on a version of
prompted Codreanu to address him an open letter, which
[244]
Prometheus
Bound,
a
tragedy
which
probably reected his
accused Iorga of being dishonest.
Premier Armand
concern
about
Romania,
her
allies,
and
the uncertain poClinescu, who had already ordered a clampdown on
[10]
litical
future.
Guardist activities, seized Iorgas demand for satisfaction
as an opportunity, ordering Carols rival to be tried for
libelthe preamble to an extended trial on grounds of
conspiracy.[245] An unexpected consequence of this move 1.18 Iorgas murder
was the protest resignation of General Ion Antonescu
The year 1940 saw the collapse of Carol IIs regime. The
from the oce of Defense Minister.[246]
unexpected cession of Bessarabia to the Soviets shocked
Iorga himself refused to attend the trial; in letters he ad- Romanian society and greatly angered Iorga.[157][254] At
dressed to the judges, he asked the count of libel to be the two sessions of the Crown Council held on June 27, he
withdrawn, and advised that Codreanu should follow the was one of six (out of 21) members to reject the Soviet ulinsanity defense on the other accusations.[247] Iorgas at- timatum demanding Bessarabias handover, instead calltention then moved to other activities: he was Romanian ing vehemently for armed resistance.[157] Later, the NaziCommissioner for the 1938 Venice Biennale,[248] and mediated Second Vienna Award made Northern Transupportive of the eort to establish a Romanian school sylvania a part of Hungary. This loss sparked a politiof genealogists.[249]
cal and moral crisis, eventually leading to the establishIn 1939, as the Guards campaign of retribution had de- ment of a National Legionary State with Ion Antonescu
generated into terrorism, Iorga used the Senate tribune as Conductor and the Iron Guard as a governing politito address the issue and demand measures to curb the cal force. In the wake of this reshuing, Iorga decided
violence.[250] He was absent for part of the year, again to close down his Neamul Romnesc, explaining: When
lecturing in Paris.[251] Steadily publishing new volumes a defeat is registered, the ag is not surrendered, but its
of Istoria romnilor, he also completed work on several fabric is wrapped around the heart. The heart of our
other books: in 1938, ntru aprarea graniei de Apus struggle was the national cultural idea.[252] Perceived as

2.1

Conservatism and nationalism

Codreanus murderer, he received renewed threats from

the Iron Guard, including hate mail, attacks in the movements press (Buna Vestire and Porunca Vremii)[255] and
tirades from the Guardist section in Vlenii.[256] He further antagonized the new government by stating his attachment to the abdicated royal.[257]
Nicolae Iorga was forced out of Bucharest (where he
owned a new home in Dorobani quarter)[38] and Vlenii
de Munte by the massive earthquake of November.
He then moved to Sinaia, where he gave the nishing touches to his book Istoriologia uman (Human
Historiology").[258] He was kidnapped by a Guardist
squad, the best-known member of which was agricultural
engineer Traian Boeru,[259] on the afternoon of November 27, and killed in the vicinity of Strejnic (some distance from the city of Ploieti). He was shot at some nine
times in all, with 7.65 mm and 6.35 mm handguns.[260]
Iorgas killing is often mentioned in tandem with that
of agrarian politician Virgil Madgearu, kidnapped and
murdered by the Guardists on the same night, and with
the Jilava Massacre (during which Carol IIs administrative apparatus was decimated).[261] These acts of retribution, placed in connection with the discovery and reburial of Codreanus remains, were carried out independently by the Guard, and enhanced tensions between it
and Antonescu.[262]
Iorgas death caused much consternation among the general public, and was received with particular concern
by the academic community. Forty-seven universities
worldwide ew their ags at half-sta.[260] A funeral
speech was delivered by the exiled French historian Henri
Focillon, from New York City, calling Iorga one of those
legendary personalities planted, for eternity, in the soil of
a country and the history of human intelligence.[260] At
home, the Iron Guard banned all public mourning, excepting an obituary in Universul daily and a ceremony
hosted by the Romanian Academy.[263] The nal oration was delivered by philosopher Constantin RdulescuMotru, who noted, in terms akin to those used by Focillon, that the murdered scientist had stood for our nations
intellectual prowess, the full cleverness and originality
of the Romanian genius.[264]
Iorgas remains were buried at Bellu, in Bucharest, on
the same day as Madgearus funeralthe attendants,
who included some of the surviving interwar politicians
and foreign diplomats, deed the Guards ban with their
presence.[265] Iorgas last texts, recovered by his young
disciple G. Brtescu, were kept by literary critic erban
Cioculescu and published at a later date.[266] Gheorghe
Brtianu later took over Iorgas position at the South-East
Europe Institute[267] and the Institute of World History
(known as Nicolae Iorga Institute from 1941).[237]

Political outlook

17

2.1 Conservatism and nationalism

Nicolae Iorgas views on society and politics stood at the
meeting point of traditional conservatism, ethnic nationalism and national conservatism. This fusion is identied by political scientist Ioan Stanomir as a mutation of
Junimea 's ideology, running contrary to Titu Maiorescu's
liberal conservatism, but resonating with the ideology of
Romanias national poet, Mihai Eminescu.[268] A maverick Junimist, Eminescu added to the conservative vision of his contemporaries an intense nationalism with
reactionary, racist and xenophobic tinges, for which he
received posthumous attention in Iorgas lifetime.[73][269]
Identied by researcher Ioana Both as a source for the
Eminescu myth, Iorga saw in him the poet of healthy
race ideas and the integral expression of the Romanian
soul, rather than a melancholy artist.[270] This ideological source shaped the attitudes of many Smntorists,
eroding Junimea 's inuence and redening Romanian
conservatism for the space of one generation.[271] A definition provided by political scientist John Hutchinson
lists Iorga among those who embraced "cultural nationalism", which rejected modernization, as opposed to political nationalism, which sought to modernize the nationstate.[272]
Borrowing Maiorescus theory about how Westernization
had come to Romania as forms without concept (meaning that some modern customs had been forced on top of
local traditions), Iorga likewise aimed it against the liberal
establishment, but gave it a more radical expression.[273]
A signicant point of continuity between Junimism and
Iorga was the notion of two positive social classes, both
opposed to the bourgeoisie: the lower class, represented
by the peasantry, and the aristocratic class of boyars.[274]
Like Maiorescu, Iorga attacked the centralizing 1866
Constitution, to which he opposed a statehood based
on organic growth, with self-aware local communities
as a source of legitimacy.[275] Also resonating with the
Junimist club was Iorgas vision of the French Revolutionaccording to French author Ren Girault, the Romanian was an excellent connaisseur of this particular era.[276] The revolutionary experience was, in Iorgas
view, traumatic, while its liberal or Jacobin inheritors
were apostates disturbing the traditional equilibrium.[277]
His response to the Jacobin model was an Anglophile and
Tocquevillian position, favoring the British constitutional
system and praising the American Revolution as the positive example of nation-building.[278]
Like Junimism, Iorgas conservatism did not generally
rely on religion. A secularist among the traditionalists, he did not attach a special meaning to Christian
ethics, and, praising the creative force of man, saw
asceticism as a negative phenomenon.[279] However, he
strongly identied the Romanian Orthodox Church and
its hesychasm with the Romanian psyche, marginalizing
the Latin Rite Church and the Transylvanian School.[98]
In rejecting pure individualism, Iorga also reacted against

18
the modern reverence toward Athenian democracy or
the Protestant Reformation, giving more positive appraisals to other community models: Sparta, Macedonia,
the Italian city-states.[280] As argued by political scientist Mihaela Czobor-Lupp, his was an alternative to the
rationalist perspective, and a counterweight to Max Weber's study on The Protestant Ethic.[281] His theories identied the people as a natural entity [with] its own organic
life, and sometimes justied the right of conquest when
new civilizations toppled decadent onesthe conict, he
argued, was between Heracles and Trimalchio.[282] In his
private and public life, Iorgas conservatism also came
with sexist remarks: like Maiorescu, Iorga believed that
women only had a talent for nurturing and assisting male
protagonists in public aairs.[283]

POLITICAL OUTLOOK

tional unity under a powerful ruler.[251] The realignment came with contradictory statements on Iorgas part,
such as when, in 1939, he publicly described Carols
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen house as having usurped the
throne of Domnitor Alexander John I, statements which
enraged monarchist writer Gala Galaction.[293]

Iorga found himself in Koglniceanus conservative statement, civilization stops when revolutions begin,[294] being especially critical of communist revolution. He described the Soviet experiment as a caricature of the Jacobin age[276] and communist leader Joseph Stalin as a
dangerous usurper.[295] Iorga found the small Romanian
Communist Party an amusement and, even though he expressed alarm for its terrorist tendencies and its foreign
nature, disliked the states use of brutal methods against
Despite the various similarities, Iorga and the Ju- its members.[296]
nimist loyalists became political enemies. Early on,
Maiorescu would respond to his letters with disdain,
while novelist Ioan Slavici called his irredentist projects 2.2 Antisemitism
nonsense.[284] Writing in 1920, Convorbiri Critice editor Mihail Dragomirescu accused those Junimists who
followed Iorgas "chauvinist nationalism of having forgotten that Maiorescus art for arts sake principles substituted the political criterion of patriotism for the criterion of truth.[285] The conict between Iorga and
Dragomirescu was also personal, and, as reported by
Iorgas disciple Alexandru Lapedatu, even caused the two
to physically assault each other.[286]
Iorgas brand of national conservatism was more successful than its more conventional predecessor: while the
Conservative Party disappeared from the public eye after 1918, Iorgas more nationalistic interpretation was still
considered relevant in the 1930s. One of the last Conservative leaders, Nicolae Filipescu, even pondered forging
an alliance with the historian, in an attempt to save the
group for dissolution.[287] According to Ioan Stanomir,
Iorga and fellow historian Ioan C. Filitti were together responsible for the most memorable pages in Romanian
conservative theory for the 19281938 decade.[288] In
Stanomirs assessment, this last period of Iorgas activity also implied a move toward the main sources of traditional conservatism, bringing Iorga closer to the line
of thought represented by Edmund Burke, Thomas Jefferson or Mihail Koglniceanu, and away from that of
Eminescu.[289]

Aprils Fool. On April 1, the Israelite community of Buhui has

entrusted Mr. Iorga with the oce of Hakham in that locality.
(1910 cartoon by Ion Theodorescu-Sion)

A major and controversial component of Iorgas political vision, present throughout most of his career, was his
antisemitism. Cultural historian William O. Oldson notes
that Iorgas amazing list of accomplishments in other
elds helped give antisemitism an irresistible panache
in Romania, particularly since Iorga shared in the belief
that all good nationalists were antisemites.[297] His ideas
on the "Jewish Question" were frequently supported by
violent language, which left traces on his journalist activity (even though, Oldson notes, he did not resort to
racial slurs).[298] In 1901, when he helped prevent Jewish linguist Lazr ineanu from obtaining an academic
position, Iorga wrote that Jews had a passion for high
praise and multiple earnings";[299] three years later, in
Smntorul, he argued that Iai was polluted by a
business-minded, pagan and hostile community.[73]
Similar accusations were stated, in his travel accounts,
where he even justied pogroms against Bukovinan and
Bessarabian Jews.[73]

The nal years brought Iorgas stark condemnation of

all etatism, from the absolute monarchy to modern
state capitalism, accompanied by a dystopian perspective on industrialization as the end of the individual.[290]
Like Eminescu, Iorga was essentially a conservative
anti-capitalist and economic corporatist, who confessed
his admiration for pre-modern guilds.[291] In Stanomirs
account, these ideals, alongside the dreams of a
ghostly organic identity, anti-ideological monarchism
and national regeneration, brought Iorga into Carol IIs
camp.[292] Another factor was the rise of Nazi Ger- The PND, coming from the same ideological family as
many, which, Iorga thought, could only be met by na- Poland's Roman Dmowski and the National Democracy

2.3

Geopolitics

19

movement,[300] proclaimed that local Jews were suocat- Romania by colonizing Romanian Jews elsewhere.[73]
ing the Romanian middle class and needed to be expelled,
using slogans such as Evreii la Palestina (The Jews to
Palestine").[301] The program was criticized from early on 2.3 Geopolitics
by Constantin Rdulescu-Motru, Iorgas fellow nationalist and post-Junimist, who noted that the economic rationale behind it was unsound.[302] According to Oldson,
the claim that Jews were economic vampires was enChecoslovaquia
tirely unsubstantiated, even hypocritical: "[Iorga was] a
Moldavian and fully aware of the complex causes of that
Hungra
Rumana
provinces poverty.[298]
Iorgas personal conservative outlook, passed into the
party doctrines, also implied a claim that the Jews
were agents of rebellion against political and cultural
authority.[303] He had nevertheless opted for religiouscultural over racial antisemitism, believing that, at
the core of civilization, there was a conict between
Christian values and Judaism.[304] He also suggested
that Romanian antisemitism was conjectural and defensive, segregationist rather than destructive, and repeatedly argued that xenophobia was not in the national
characterideas paraphrased by Oldson as a humane
antisemitism.[305] Oldson also refers to a paradox in the
attitude of Iorga (and Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu before
him): A self-consciously proclaimed esteem for a minuscule [Jewish] elite, then, went hand in hand with the
utmost contempt and condescension for the bulk of Romanian Jewry.[306]

Yugoslavia

Greater Romania and the Little Entente (in light green), with their
nominal enemy, Regency Hungary

Iorgas changing sentiment owed between the extremes

of Francophilia and Francophobia. The Romanian
scholar explained in detail his dislike for the Third Republic's social and political landscape. He recalled that,
in the 1890s, he had been shocked by the irreverence
and cosmopolitanism of French student society.[315] In a
1906 speech, Iorga also noted that Francophone elites and
urban diglossia were slowly destroying the countrys social ber, by creating a language gap between classes.[316]
Also, Neamul Romnesc showed a preference for Action
Franaise and the French reactionary right in their conict with the Third Republic.[317] Shortly after the beginning of World War I, during the Battle of the Frontiers, Iorga publicized his renewed love for France, claiming that she was the only belligerent engaged in a purely
defensive war; in the name of Pan-Latinism, he later
chided Spain for keeping neutral.[318]

Reviewing the impact of such ideas, literary critic

William Totok referred to Neamul Romnesc as the most
important platform of antisemitic agitation prior to World
War I.[45] Habitually, the magazine attacked the Jewishowned papers Adevrul and Dimineaa, while claiming
to document the "Judaization" of Romanias intellectual
environments.[307] It also specically targeted Romanians who were friendly with Jews, one such case being
that of writer Ion Luca Caragiale (attacked for his contacts with ineanu, dramatist Ronetti Roman and other
Jews).[308][309] Caragiale replied with noted irony, calling Iorgas coverage of European culture and continental afIorga tall but crooked.[217][309]
fairs also opened bridges with other cultural areas, parNicolae Iorga and A. C. Cuzas modern revival of anti- ticularly so during the interwar. By that time, historian
semitism, together with the core themes of Smntorul Lucian Boia notes, he was seeing Europe as a community
propaganda, were paradoxical sources of inspiration for of nations, and, in his own way, was rejecting isola[319]
According to acathe Iron Guard in its early years.[73][310] However, with tionism or primitive xenophobia.
the interwar period came a relaxation of Iorgas own an- demic Francesco Guida, Iorgas political and scholarly actisemitic discourse. He recorded being touched by his tivities displayed a great openness towards the outside
warm reception among the Romanian American Jewish world, even as, in 1930s France, public opinion was turn[320]
Instead, Iorga armed himself as
community in 1930,[311] and, after 1934, published his ing against him.
[312]
work with the Adevrul group.
As Cuza himself be- a promoter of English culture, making noted eorts at
gan censuring this more tolerant discourse, Iorga even promoting awareness of its dening traits among the Ro[321][322]
At the time, although irting with
voiced his admiration for the Jewish mecena Aristide manian public.
[313]
As noted by researcher George Voicu, the Pan-European nationalism, he stood in contrast with the
Blank.
anti-"Judaization discourse of the far right was by then Transylvanian-born Iuliu Maniu for displaying no symturning against Iorga.[314] Later in life, Iorga made the oc- pathy toward Danubian Confederation projects, believing
[194]
casional return to antisemitic rhetoric: in 19371938, he them to conceal Hungary's revanchism.
alleged that Jews were pressuring Romanians into leaving Disenchanted with German culture after the shock of
the country, and described the necessity of delousing World War I,[323] Iorga also had strong views on Adolf

20
Hitler, Nazi Germany and Nazism in general, taking in
view their contempt for the Versailles system, but also
their repressive politics. He summarized this in Sfaturi
pe ntuneric: Beware my people for great dangers are
stalking you... Borders are attacked, gutted, destroyed,
gulped up. [...] There reemerges, in its cruelest form,
the old theory that small states have no right to independence, that they fall within living spaces [...]. I cannot forget the past and I cannot reach an agreement with
Hitlers dictatorship, being a man who cherishes freedom
of thought.[236] He later called Germanys Bohemia Protectorate a "Behemoth", referring to its annexation as a
prehistoric act.[253] His anti-war texts of 1939 replied
to claims that a new armed conict would usher in national vitality, and, during the September Campaign,
expressed solidarity with PolandIorgas Polonophila
was even noted by the Nazis, causing more frictions between Berlin and Bucharest.[10] The conservative Iorga
was however inclined to sympathize with other forms
of totalitarianism or corporatism, and, since the 1920s,
viewed Italian Fascism with some respect.[324] Italian
agents of inuence hesitated between Iorga and the Iron
Guard, but the Fascist International sought to include
Iorga among its Romanian patrons;[325] Iorga himself expressed regret that the Italian regime was primarily an
ally of revanchist Hungary, but applauded the 1935 invasion of Ethiopia, and, to the alarm of France, repeatedly
argued that an Italian alliance was more secure than the
Little Entente.[326]
Nicolae Iorgas bitterness about Romanian geopolitical
disadvantages was encoded in his oft-quoted remark
about the country only having two peaceful borders:
one with Serbia, the other with the Black Sea.[327] Despite these views, he endorsed the idea of minority
rights in Greater Romania, attempting to nd common
ground with the Hungarian-Romanian community.[328]
In addition to promoting inclusive action in government, Iorga declared himself against turning Hungarians
and Transylvanian Saxons into pharisaic Romanians
by coercing them to adopt the Romanian tradition.[208]
In 1936, he even spoke in favor of Armenian Hungarian archeologist Mrton Roska, prosecuted in Romania for challenging ocial theses about Transylvania, arguing that Transylvania cannot be defended with
prison sentences.[329] Iorga was also noted for fostering
the academic career of Eufrosina Dvoichenko-Markov,
one of the few Russian-Romanian researchers of the interwar period.[330] He was however skeptical about the
Ukrainian identity and rejected the idea of an independent Ukraine on Romanias border, debating the issues
with ethnographer Zamr Arbore.[331]
Various of Iorgas tracts speak in favor of a common
background uniting the diverse nations of the Balkans.
Bulgarian historian Maria Todorova suggests that, unlike many of his predecessors, Iorga was not alarmed
Romania being perceived as a Balkan country, and
did not attach a negative connotation to this alia-

SCIENTIFIC WORK

tion (even though, she notes, Iorga explicitly placed

the northern limit of the Balkans on the Danube, just
south of Wallachia).[332] In the 1930s, the Romanian
scholar spoke with respect about all the Balkan peoples,
but claimed that Balkan statehood was Oriental and
underdeveloped.[116]

3 Scientic work
3.1 Iorgas reputation for genius

Iorgas shorthand method: a fragment from his private notes

Iorga the European scholar has drawn comparisons with

gures such as Voltaire,[122][333] Jules Michelet,[334]
Leopold von Ranke[335] and Claudio SnchezAlbornoz.[300] Having achieved uency in some 12
foreign languages,[336] he was an exceptionally prolic
author: according to his biographer Barbu Theodorescu,
the total of his published contributions, both volumes
and brochures, was 1,359.[337] His work in documenting
Romanias historical past could reach an unprecedented
intensity, one such exceptional moment being a 1903
study trip to Trgu Jiu, a three-day interval during which
he copied and summarized 320 individual documents,
covering the entire period between 1501 and 1833.[62]
His mentor and rival Xenopol was among the rst voices
to discuss his genius, his 1911 Academy speech in honor
of Nicolae Iorga making special note of his absolutely
extraordinary memory and his creative energy, and
concluding: one asks himself in wonder how a brain
was able to conceive of so many things and a hand was
able to record them.[104] In 1940, Rdulescu-Motru
likewise argued that Iorga had been a creator [...] of unparalleled fecundity,[338] while Enciclopedia Cugetarea
deemed him the greatest-ever mind in Romania.[122][339]
According to literary historian George Clinescu, Iorgas
huge and monstrously comprehensive research,
leaving no other historian the joy of adding something,
was matched by the everyday persona, a hero of the
ages.[333]

3.2

Method and biases

21

The level of Iorgas productivity and the quality of his

historical writing were also highlighted by more modern researchers. Literary historian Ovid Crohmlniceanu
opined that Iorgas scientic work was one of the illustrious accomplishments of the interwar years, on par with
Constantin Brncui's sculptures and George Enescu's
music.[340] Romanian historian of culture Alexandru Zub
nds that Iorgas is surely the richest opus coming from
the 20th century,[341] while Maria Todorova calls Iorga
Romanias greatest historian, adding at least in terms
of the size of his opus and his inuence both at home
and abroad.[332] According to philosopher Liviu Borda,
Iorgas main topic of interest, the relation between Romania and the Eastern world, was exhaustively covered:
nothing escaped this sacred monsters attention: Iorga
had read everything.[342]

According to George Clinescu, Nicolae Iorga was

overdependent on his memory, which could result in
utterly ctitious critical apparatuses for his scientic
works.[333] Clinescu suggests that Iorga was an anachronistic type in his context: approved only by failures,
aged before his time, modeling himself on ancient chroniclers and out of place in modern historiography.[333] In
the 1930s, Iorgas status in regulating the ocial historical narrative was challenged by Constantin C. Giurescu,
P. P. Panaitescu and Gheorghe Brtianu, who wanted
to return academic discourse back to the basic Junimist
caveats, and were seen by Iorga as denialists.[214] For
all the controversy, Lucian Boia suggests, neither of the
Revista Istoric Romn publishers was completely beyond Iorgas subjectivity, pathos or political bias, even
though Panaitescu was for long closer to the Junimist
model.[348] A particular challenge to Iorgas historical
narrative also came from rival Hungarian historiography:
in 1929, Benedek Jancs called Iorgas science a branch
3.2 Method and biases
of Romanian imperialist nationalism, his argument re[349]
Iorga had a
The denition of history followed by Iorga was specied jected as false logic by the Romanian.
in his 1894 Despre concepia actual a istoriei i geneza friendly attitude toward other Hungarian scholars, includei: History is the systematic exposition, free from all un- ing rpd Bitay and Imre Kdr, who were his guests at
[208]
related purpose, of facts irrespective of their nature, me- Vlenii.
thodically acquired, through which human activity mani- Several other historians have expressed criticism of
fested itself, irrespective of place and time.[34] With Ioan Iorgas bias and agenda. R.W. Seton-Watson regarded
Bogdan and Dimitrie Onciul, young Iorga was considered him as prolic and "bahnbrechend", but mentioned his
an exponent of the new or "critical" school, with which slovenly style.[335] In 1945, Hugh Seton-Watson spoke
Junimism tackled Romantic nationalism in the name of of the great Roumanian Professor having contributed
objectivity.[343] However, even at that stage, Iorgas ideas erudite chronology, written in a highly romantic and
accommodated a belief that history needed to be written bombastic spirit.[350] In his own Mehmed the Conqueror
with a poetic talent that would make one relieve the and His Time, Iorgas German colleague Franz Babinger
past.[344]
also noted that Iorga could get carried away by national
By 1902, he had changed his approach in historiography
to include and illustrate his belief in emotional attachment as a positive value of cultural nationalism. He would
speak of historians as elders of [their] nation,[345] and
dismissed academic specialization as a blindfold.[346]
Reecting back on the transition, Iorga himself stated:
The love for the past, for great gures of energy and
sincerity, [...] the exact contrary of tendencies I had
found existed among my contemporaries, had gripped me
and, added to my political preoccupations, such awakenings served me, when it came to criticizing things
present, more than any argument that is abstract, logical in nature.[62] The point of his research, Iorga explained in 1922, was to show the nation itself as a living
being.[347] According to literary historian Victor Iova:
"[Iorgas] overall activity [...] did not just seek the communication of knowledge, but also expressly sought to dene the social nality of his time, its ethical sense and
his own patriotic ideal.[227] The 1911 speech Dou concepii istorice nevertheless provided a more nuanced outline, cautioning against a potential cult of heroes and suggesting that national histories were inextricably linked to
each other: The life of a people is at all times mingled
with the lives of others, existing in relation with these and
at all times feeding into the others lives.[90]

pride.[351] Medievalist Kenneth Setton also described

Iorga as the great Rumanian historian [...] who was
sometimes intoxicated by the grandeur of his own historical concepts, but whose work is always illuminating.[352]
While Japanese sociologist Kosaku Yoshino sees Iorga
as a main contributor to didactic and dramatized cultural nationalism in Europe,[353] University of Trento academic Paul Blokker suggests that, although politicized,
essentialist and sometimes anachronistic, Iorgas writings can be critically recovered.[354] Ioana Both notes: A
creator with titan-like forces, Iorga is more a visionary
of history than a historian.[355] Borda criticizes Iorgas
habit of recording everything into his studies, and without arranging the facts described into an "epistemological
relationship.[342]
Despite Iorgas ambition of fusing research and
pedagogy, his students, both rivals and friends, often
noted that he was inferior to other colleagues when it
came to teaching, in particular in directing advanced
classeshis popularity, it was claimed, dropped with
time, after the aging Iorga became aggressive toward
some of his students.[356] In 1923, even an old friend
like Sextil Pucariu could accuse Iorga of behaving like
a dictator.[357] In compensation, the historian fullled

22

SCIENTIFIC WORK

this function with his activity in the media and in the documented Dark Age history, between the Roman deeld of popular history, at which he was, according to parture (271 AD) and the 14th century emergence of
historian Lucian Nastas, masterful but vulgarizing.[358] two Danubian Principalities: Moldavia and Wallachia.
Despite the separate histories and conicting allegiances
these regions had during the High Middle Ages, he tended
3.3 Iorga and Romanian ethnogenesis
to group the two Principalities and medieval Transylvania
together, into a vague non-stately entity he named the
Romanian Land.[364] Iorga cautioned about the emergence of states from a stateless society such as the protoRomanian one: The state is a late, very elevated, very
delicate form that, under certain conditions, may be
reached by a people. [...] There was therefore no state,
but a Romanian mass living in the midst of forests, in
those villages harbored by protective forests, where it is
just as true that a certain way of life could emerge, sometimes on a rather elevated level.[365]
Echoing his political conservatism, Iorgas theory proposed that the Romanized Dacians, or all their VlachRomanian successors, had created peasant republics to
defend themselves against the invading nomads. It
spoke of the rapid ruralization of Latin urban dwellers
suggested to him by etymologies such as the derivation
of pmnt (soil) from pavimentum,[366] and the creation of genealogical villages around common ancestors (moi)[367] or the ancient communal sharing of village lands, in the manner imagined by writer Nicolae Blcescu.[98] Iorga also supposed that, during the 12th century, there was an additional symbiosis between settled
Vlachs and their conquerors, the nomadic Cumans.[368]

Radu I of Wallachia's remains, as uncovered in 1920 (thought

by Iorga to belong to Basarab I)

Iorgas ideas on the origin of the Romanians, and his explanation for the more mysterious parts of that lengthy
ethnogenesis process, were shaped by his both his scientic and ideological preoccupations. Some of Iorgas
studies focused specically on the original events in the
process: ancient Dacia's conquest by the Roman Empire
(Trajans Dacian Wars), and the subsequent foundation
of Roman Dacia. His account is decidedly in support
of Romanias Roman (Latin) roots, and even suggests
that Romanization preceded the actual conquest.[359]
However, he viewed the autochthonous element in this
acculturation, the Dacians (collocated by him with the
Getae),[360] as historically signicant, and he even considered them the source for Romanias later links with
the Balkan "Thracian" space.[361] Through the Thracians
and the Illyrians, Iorga believed to have found a common
root for all Balkan peoples, and an ethnic layer which he
believed was still observable after later conquests.[362] He
was nevertheless explicit in distancing himself from the
speculative texts of Dacianist Nicolae Densuianu, where
Dacia was described as the source of all European civilization.[363]

Iorgas peasant polities, sometimes described by him

as Romanii populare (peoples Romanias, peoples
Roman-like polities),[231][369][370] were seen by him as
the sources of a supposed uncodied constitution in both
Moldavia and Wallachia. That constitutional system,
he argued, created solidarity: the countries hospodar
rulers were themselves peasants, elected to high military oce by their peers, and protecting the entire
community.[371] Unlike Ioan Bogdan and others, Iorga
strongly rejected any notion that the South Slavs had been
an additional contributor to ethnogenesis, and argued that
Slavic idioms were a sustained but nonessential inuence
in historical Romanian.[183][372] Until 1919, he was cautious about counting the Romanians and Aromanians as
one large ethnic group, but later came to share the inclusivist views of his Romanian colleagues.[373] Iorga also
stood out among his generation for atly rejecting any notion that the 12th-century Second Bulgarian Empire was
a Vlach-Bulgarian or Romanian-Bulgarian project,
noting that the Vlach achievements there beneted "another nation" (Iorgas italics).[374]

The stately foundation of Moldavia and of Wallachia,

Iorga thought, were linked to the emergence of major
trade routes in the 14th century, and not to the political initiative of military elites.[375] Likewise, Iorga looked
into the genesis of boyardom, describing the selective
progression of free peasants into a local aristocracy.[376]
Iorga had a complex personal perspective on the little- He described the later violent clash between hospodars

23
and boyars as one between national interest and disruptive centrifugal tendencies, suggesting that prosperous
boyardom had undermined the balance of the peasant
state.[377] His theory about the peasant nature of Romanian statehood was hotly debated in his lifetime, particularly after a 1920 discovery showed that Radu I of Wallachia had been buried in the full regalia of medieval
lords.[378] Another one of his inuential (but disputed)
claims attributed the appearance of pre-modern slavery,
mainly aecting the Romani (Gypsy) minority, exclusively on alien customs borrowed from the Mongol Empire.[379] Iorgas verdicts as a medievalist also produced a
long-standing controversy about the real location of the
1330 Battle of Posadaso-named by him after an obscure reference in the Chronicon Pictumwhereby the
Wallachian Princes secured their throne.[380]
A major point of contention between Panaitescu and
Iorga referred to Michael the Brave's historical achievements: sacrilegious in the eyes of Iorga, Panaitescu
placed in doubt Michaels claim to princely descent, and
described him as mainly the political agent of boyar
interests.[381] Contradicting the Romantic nationalist tradition, Iorga also agreed with younger historians that, for
most of their history, Romanians in Moldavia, Wallachia
and Transylvania were more justiably attached to their
polities than to national awakening ideals.[382] Panaitescu
was however more categorical than Iorga in arming that
Michael the Braves expeditions were motivated by political opportunism rather than by a pan-Romanian national
awareness.[382]

The post-Byzantine thesis was taken by various commentators as further proof that the Romanian historian,
unlike many of his contemporaries, accepted a level of
multiculturalism or acculturation in dening modern Romanian identity. Semiotician Monica Spiridon writes:
Iorga highly valued the idea of cultural conuence and
hybridity.[388] Similarly, Maria Todorova notes that, although it minimized the Ottoman contribution and displayed emotional or evaluative overtones, such a perspective ran against the divisive interpretations of the
Balkans, oering a working paradigm for a global history of the region: Although Iorgas theory may be today
[ca. 2009] no more than an exotic episode in the development of Balkan historiography, his formulation Byzance
aprs Byzance is alive not only because it was a fortunate phrase but because it reects more than its creator
would intimate. It is a good descriptive term, particularly
for representing the commonalities of the Orthodox peoples in the Ottoman Empire [...], but also in emphasizing
the continuity of two imperial traditions.[389] With his
research, Iorga also rehabilitated the Phanariotes, Greek
or Hellenized aristocrats who controlled Wallachia and
Moldavia in Ottoman times, and whom Romanian historiography before him presented as wreckers of the
country.[390]

4 Cultural critic
4.1 Beginnings

3.4

Byzantine and Ottoman studies

Two of Iorgas major elds of expertise were Byzantine

studies and Turkology. A signicant portion of his contributions in the eld detailed the impact of Byzantine inuences on the Danubian Principalities and the Balkans
at large. He described the Byzantine man as embodying the blend of several cultural universes: GrecoRoman, Levantine and Eastern Christian.[231] In this context, Iorga was also exploring Romanias own identity issues as a conuence of Byzantine Eastern Orthodoxy and
a Western Roman linguistic imprint.[383]
Iorgas writings insisted on the importance of Byzantine
Greek and Levantine inuences in the two countries after the fall of Constantinople: his notion of Byzantium
after Byzantium postulated that the cultural forms produced by the Byzantine Empire had been preserved by
the Principalities under Ottoman suzerainty (roughly, between the 16th and 18th centuries).[384] Additionally, the
Romanian scholar described the Ottoman Empire itself
as the inheritor of Byzantine government, legal culture
and civilization, up to the Age of Revolution.[385] However, the Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches postulated
that the Ottoman decline was irreversible, citing uncompromising Islam as one of the causes,[386] and playing
down the cohesive action of Ottomanism.[387]

Iorgas tolerance for the national bias in historiography

and his own political prole were complemented in the
eld of literature and the arts by his strong belief in didacticism. Arts mission was, in his view, to educate and
empower the Romanian peasant.[391] The rejection of art
for arts sake, whose indierence in front of nationality issues enraged the historian, was notably illustrated by his
1902 letter to the like-minded Luceafrul editors, which
stated: You gentlemen should not allow aesthetic preoccupations to play the decisive part, and you are not
granted such circumstances as to dedicate yourselves to
pure art. [...] Do not imitate [...], do not allow yourselves
to be tempted by things you have read elsewhere. Write
about things from your country and about the Romanian
soul therein.[62] His ambition was to contribute an alternative to Junimist literary history,[111][183][392] and, according to comparatist John Neubauer, for the rst time
integrate the various Romanian texts and writers into a
grand narrative of an organic and spontaneous growth
of native creativity, based on local tradition and folklore.[257] Iorga described painter Nicolae Grigorescu as
the purveyor of national pride,[393] and was enthusiastic about Stoica D., the war artist.[109] He recommended
artists to study handicrafts, even though, an adversary of
the pastiche, he strongly objected to Brncovenesc revival
style taken up by his generation.[230] His own monographs

24
on Romanian art and folklore, admired in their time by
art historian Gheorghe Oprescu,[108] were later rated by
ethologist Romulus Vulcnescu a sample of microhistory,
rather than a groundbreaking new research.[394]
Initially, with Opinions sincres, Iorga oered a historians manifesto against the whole cultural establishment,
likened by historian Ovidiu Pecican with Allan Bloom's
1980s critique of American culture.[55] Before 1914,
Iorga focused his critical attention on Romanian Symbolists, whom he denounced for their erotic style (called
"lupanarium literature by Iorga)[240] and aestheticism
in one instance, he even scolded Smntorul contributor Dimitrie Anghel for his oral-themed Symbolist
poems.[395] His own theses were ridiculed early in the
20th century by Symbolists such as Emil Isac, Ovid
Densusianu or Ion Minulescu,[396] and toned down by
Smntorul poet tefan Octavian Iosif.[397]

4 CULTURAL CRITIC
The ensuing polemics were often bitter, and Iorgas vehemence was met with ridicule by his modernist adversaries.
Sburtorul literary chronicler Felix Aderca saw in Iorga
the driver of the boorish carts of Smntorism",[404]
and Blaga called him the collective name for a multitude
of monsters.[217] Iorgas stance on pornography only
attracted provocation from the younger avant-garde writers. In the early 1930s, the avant-garde youth put out the
licentious art magazine Alge sent him a copy for review;
prosecuted on Iorgas orders, they all later became noted
as left-wing authors and artists: Aurel Baranga, Gherasim
Luca, Paul Pun, Jules Perahim.[240][405]
A lengthy polemic consumed Iorgas relationship with
Lovinescu, having at its core the irreconcilable dierences between their visions of cultural history. Initially
an Iorga acionado and an admirer of his attack on foreign inuences,[406] the Sburtorul leader left sarcastic
comments on Iorgas rejection of Symbolism, and, according to Crohmlniceanu, entire pages of ironies targeting Iorgas advice to writers that they should focus of
the suerings of their 'brother' in the village.[407] Lovinescu also ridiculed Iorgas traditionalist mentoring, calling him a ponti of indecency and insult,[408] an enemy of democratic freedom,[73] and the patron of forgettable literature about hajduks".[409]

After his own Marxist beginnings, Iorga was also a

critic of Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea's socialist and
Poporanist school, and treated its literature with noted
disdain.[76] In reply, Russian Marxist journalist Leon
Trotsky accused him of wishing to bury all left-wing contributions to culture,[157][398] and local socialist Henric
Sanielevici wrote that Iorgas literary doctrine did not
live up to its moral goals.[71][399] Iorga wrote with noted
warmth about Contemporanul and its cultural agenda,[111] Other authors back Lovinescus verdict about
but concluded that Poporanists represented merely the the historians lack of critical intuition and
left-wing current of the National Liberal Party.[183]
prowess.[71][122][173][183][410] According to Clinescu,
Iorga was visibly embarrassed by even 19th century
Romanticism, out of his territory with virtually every4.2 Campaigns against modernism
thing after "Villani and Commynes", and endorsing the
obscure manqus in modern Romanian letters.[411]
Iorgas direct inuence as a critic had largely faded by Alexandru George only supports in part this verdict,
the 1920s, owing in part to his decision of concentrat- noting that Iorgas literary histories degenerated from
ing his energy elsewhere.[400] Nevertheless, he was still masterpiece to gravest mistake.[122] An entire cateoften involved at the forefront of cultural campaigns gory of minor, largely forgotten, writers was endorsed
against the various manifestations of modernism, ini- by Iorga, among them Vasile Pop,[71] Ecaterina Piti,
tiating polemics with all the circles representing Ro- Constantin T. Stoika and Sandu Teleajen.[412]
manias new literary and artistic trends: the moderate
Sburtorul review of literary theorist Eugen Lovinescu; Iorgas views were in part responsible for a split taking
the eclectic Contimporanul magazine; the Expressionist place at Gndirea, occurring when his traditionalist discell aliated with the traditionalist magazine Gndirea; ciple, Nichifor Crainic, became the groups new leader
and ultimately the various local branches of Dada or and marginalized the Expressionists. Crainic, who was
Surrealism. In some of his essays, Iorga identied Ex- also a poet with Smntorist tastes, was held in esteem
him and his dispressionism with the danger of Germanization, a phe- by Iorga, whose publications described
[217][413]
Iorga was
ciples
as
the
better
half
of
Gndirea.
nomenon he described as intolerable (although, as art
also
the
subject
of
a
Gndirea
special
issue,
being
rechistorian Dan Grigorescu notes, these texts meant that
Octavian
ognized
as
a
forerunner
(a
title
he
shared
with
Iorga was, unwittingly, among the rst Romanian crit[414]
There was however a major
ics to comment on Expressionism).[401] In an analogy Goga and Vasile Prvan).
incompatibility
between
the
two
traditionalist tendencies:
present in a 1922 article for Gazeta Transilvaniei, Iorga
to
Iorgas
secularism,
Crainic
opposed
a quasi-theocratic
suggested that the same German threat was agitating the
vision,
based
on
the
Romanian
Orthodox
Church as a
avant-garde voices of Latin Europe, Futurists and Dadaist
[415]
[402]
Crainic
saw his own
guarantee
of
Romanian
identity.
"energumens" alike.
During the 1930s, as the cultheory
as
an
afterthought
of
Smntorism,
arguing
that
tural and political climate changed, Iorgas main accusahis
Gndirism
had
erected
an
azure
tarpaulin,
symboltion against Tudor Arghezi, Lucian Blaga, Mircea Eliade,
[416]
Liviu Rebreanu, George Mihail Zamrescu and other Ro- izing the Church, over Iorgas nationalism.
manian modernists was their supposed practice of literary In particular, his ideas on the Byzantine connections and
"pornography".[240][403]

5.2

Memoirs

organic development of Romanian civilization were welcomed by both the Gndirists and some representatives of
more conventional modernism.[417] One such gure, afliated with Contimporanul, was essayist Benjamin Fondane. His views on the bridging of tradition with modernism quoted profusely from Iorgas arguments against
cultural imitation, but parted with Iorgas various other
beliefs.[418] According to Clinescu, the philosophermyths (Iorga and Prvan) also shaped the anti-Junimist
outlook of the 1930s Trirists, who returned to ethnic
nationalism and looked favorably on the Dacian layer
of Romanian identity.[419] Iorgas formative inuence on
Trirists such as Eliade and Emil Cioran was also highlighted by some other researchers.[420] In 1930s Bessarabia, Iorgas ideology helped inuence poet Nicolai Costenco, who created Viaa Basarabiei as a local answer to
Cuget Clar.[421]

25
Nicolae Mare has described them as without parallel
in any other literature, citing Iorgas lyrics about the
slumber of Polish kings at Wawel Cathedral.[10] Overall,
however, Iorga as poet has enlisted negative characterizations, being described by Simu as uninteresting and
obsolete.[74]

The historian was a highly productive dramatist, inspired

by the works of Carlo Goldoni,[114] William Shakespeare,
Pierre Corneille and the Romanian Barbu tefnescu
Delavrancea.[428] According to critic Ion Negoiescu, he
was at home in the genre, which complimented his vision of history as theater.[74] Other authors are more
reserved about Iorgas value for this eld: noting that Negoiescus verdict is an isolated opinion, Simu considers the plays rhetorical monologues hardly bearable.[74]
Literary historian Nicolae Manolescu found some of the
texts in question illegible, but argued: It is inconceivable that Iorgas theater is entirely obsolete.[428] Of the
twenty-some plays, including many verse works, most are
in the historical drama genre.[428] Manolescu, who argues
5 Literary work
that the best of them have a medieval setting, writes
that Constantin Brncoveanu, Un domn pribeag and Can5.1 Narrative style, drama, verse and c- temir btrnul are without any interest.[428] Iorgas other
work for the stage also includes the ve-act fairy tale"
tion
Frumoasa fr trup (Bodyless Beauty), which repeats
[429]
and a play about
According to some of his contemporaries, Nicolae Iorga a motif found in Romanian folklore,
Jesus
Christ
(where
Jesus
is
not
shown,
but
heard).[430]
was an outstandingly talented public speaker. One voice
in support of this view is that of Ion Petrovici, a Junimist Among Iorgas other contributions are translations from
academic, who recounted that hearing Iorga lecture had foreign writers: Johann Wolfgang von Goethe,[431] Kostis
made him overcome a prejudice which rated Maiorescu Palamas,[10] Goldoni[114] etc. A special target for his inabove all Romanian orators.[422] In 1931, critic Tudor terest was English literature, whom he believed had a
Vianu found that Iorgas great oratorical skill and vol- fundamental bond with Romanian lore, as traditions
canic nature complimented a passion for the major his- equally steeped in mystery.[322] In addition to translattorical phenomena.[423] A decade later, George Clinescu ing from Marie of Edinburgh, Iorga authored versions of
described in detail the historians public speaking rou- poems by William Butler Yeats ("Aedh Wishes for the
tine: the "zmeu"-like introductory outbursts, the episodes Cloths of Heaven", "When You Are Old").[321]
of idle grace, the apparent worries, the occasional
anger and the intimate, calm, addresses to his bewildered
5.2 Memoirs
audience.[424]
The oratorical technique owed into Iorgas contribution
to belles-lettres. The antiquated polished style, Clinescu
notes, even surfaced in his works of research, which revived the picturesque tone of medieval chronicles.[333]
Tudor Vianu believed it amazing that, even in 1894,
Iorga had made so rich a synthesis of the scholarly, literary and oratorical formulas.[425] Critic Ion Simu suggests that Iorga is at his best in travel writing, combining historical fresco and picturesque detail.[74] The travel
writer in young Iorga blended with the essayist and, occasionally, the philosopher, although, as Vianu suggests,
the Cugetri aphorisms were literary exercises rather than
philosophical system.[426] In fact, Iorgas various reections attack the core tenets of philosophy, and describe
the philosopher prototype as detached from reality, intolerant of others, and speculative.[427]

In old age, Iorga had also established his reputation as

a memoirist: Orizonturile mele was described by Victor Iova as a masterpiece of Romanian literature.[188]
George Clinescu referred to this series as Iorgas interesting and eminently subjective literature; dignied
and dominated by explosions of sentiment, it echoes,
according to Clinescu, the Renaissance model of Ion
Neculce.[432] Many of the volumes were quickly written
as Iorgas attempt to rehabilitate himself after a failed
premiership;[111] Orizonturile comprises messages on the
power and justness of his cause: And so I stand at
age sixty-two, condent and strong, proud, upright in
front of my conscience and the judgment of time.[227]
The works oer retrospective arguments against Iorgas
adversaries and sketch portraits of people who crossed
Iorgas pathattributes which, Iova suggests, fully exploit
Noted among Iorgas poems are his odes to Poland, writ- Iorgas talents as a polemicist and portraitist";[433] acten shortly after the 1939 German invasion. Essayist cording to Alexandru Zub, they also fall into place within

26

LEGACY

the Romanian ego-history vogue, between Xenopols and age was also preserved in the literary work of both his
Prvans.[434]
colleagues and adversaries. One early example is a bitwhere Iorga is deBoth the diaries and the memoirs are noted for their ing epigram by Ion Luca Caragiale,
[442]
scribed
as
the
dazed
savant.
In
addition
to the many
caustic and succinct portraits of Iorgas main rivals:
autobiographies
which
discuss
him,
he
is
a
hero
in variMaiorescu as inexible and unemotional, Dimitrie Sturous
works
of
ction.
As
geographer
Cristophor
Arghir,
dza as avaricious, Nae Ionescu as an awful temper,
he
is
the
subject
of
a
thinly
disguised
portrayal
in the
Hungarian politician Istvn Tisza as a "Turanian" tyrant;
Bildungsroman
n
preajma
revoluei
(Around
the
Time
Iorga contributed particularly emotional, and critically
of the Revolution), written by his rival Constantin Stere
acclaimed, tributes for his political friends, from Vasile
[443]
Celebrated Romanian satirist and Viaa
Bogrea to Yugoslavias Nikola Pai.[212] Supt trei regi in the 1930s.
Romneasc aliate Pstorel Teodoreanu was engaged
abunds in positive and negative portrayals, but, Clinescu
notes, it fails to show Iorga as politically astute: he gives in a lengthy polemic with Iorga, enshrining Iorga in
Romanian humor as a person with little literary skill and
the impression that he knows no more [of the events] than
an oversized ego,[444] and making him the subject of an
[435]
the man of the street.
entire collection of poems and articles, Strofe cu pelin de
At times, Iorga sheds a nostalgic light on his one-time op- mai pentru Iorga Neculai (Stanzas in May Wormwood
ponents (similar, in Clinescus view, to inscriptions on for Iorga Neculai).[445] One of Teodoreanus own epitheir graves).[412] Notably in this context, Iorga reserved grams in Contimporanul ridiculed Moartea lui Dante,
praise for some who had supported the Central Powers showing the resurrected Dante Aligheri pleading with
(Carol I,[111] Virgil Arion, George Cobuc, Dimitrie On- Iorga to be left in peace.[446] Iorga was also identied as
ciul),[436] but also stated that actual collaboration with the the subject of ctional portrayals in a modernist novel by
enemy was unforgivable.[435] His obituary piece of social- N. D. Cocea[447] and (against the authors disclaimer) in
ist activist I. C. Frimu, part of Oameni cari au fost, was George Ciprian's play The Drakes Head.[448]
so sympathetic that the authorities had to censor it.[437]
Iorga became the subject of numerous visual portrayals. Some of the earliest were satires, such as an 1899
portrait of him as a Don Quixote (the work of Nicolae
6 Legacy
Petrescu Gin)[449] and images of him as a ridiculously
oversized character, in Ary Murnu's drawings for Furnica
6.1 Scholarly impact, portrayals and land- review.[450] Later, Iorgas appearance inspired the works
of some other visual artists, including his own daughmarks
ter Magdalina (Magda) Iorga,[451] painter Constantin Piliu[452] and sculptor Ion Irimescu, who was personally
acquainted with the scholar.[453] Irimescus busts of Iorga
are located in places of cultural importance: the ISSEE
building in Bucharest and a public square in Chiinu,
Moldova (ex-Soviet Bessarabia).[454] The city has another
Iorga bust, the work of Mihail Ecobici, in the Aleea Clasicilor complex.[455] Since 1990, Iorgas face is featured
on a highly circulated Romanian leu bill: the 10,000 lei
banknote, which became the 1 leu bill following a 2005
monetary reform.[456]
Nicolae Iorgas portrait on a Romanian bill, 2005

The elds of scientic inquiry opened by Iorga, in particular his study into the origin of the Romanians, were
taken up after his death by other researchers: Gheorghe
Brtianu, Constantin C. Giurescu, P. P. Panaitescu,
erban Papacostea, Henri H. Stahl.[438] As cultural historian, Iorga found a follower in N. Cartojan,[439] while
his thoughts on the characteristics of Romanianness inspired the social psychology of Dimitrie Drghicescu.[440]
In the postmodern age, Iorgas pronouncements on the
subject arguably contributed to the birth of Romanian imagological, post-colonial and cross-cultural studies.[441] The idea of Romanii populare has endured as a
popular working hypothesis in Romanian archeology.[369]

Several Romanian cities have Nicolae Ioga streets or

boulevards: Bucharest (also home of the Iorga High
School and the Iorga Park), Botoani, Braov, ClujNapoca, Constana, Craiova, Iai, Oradea, Ploieti, Sibiu,
Timioara, etc. In Moldova, his name was also assigned
to similar locations in Chiinu and Bli. The Botoani
family home, restored and partly rebuilt in 1965, is currently preserved as a Memorial House.[457] The house in
Vlenii is a memorial museum.[458][459]

6.2 Political symbol

Iorgas murder, like other acts of violence ordered by

the Iron Guard, alarmed Ion Antonescu, who found that
it contradicted his resolutions on public orderthe rst
Aside from being himself a writer, Iorgas public im- clash in a dispute which, early in 1941, erupted as the

6.3

Descendants

Legionary Rebellion and saw the Guards ouster from

power.[460] Reportedly, Iorgas murder instantly repelled
some known supporters of the Guard, such as Radu
Gyr[461] and Mircea Eliade.[462] Responding to condemnation of his actions from his place of exile in Francoist
Spain, the Guard leader Horia Sima claimed to have
played no part in the killing. Sima stated that he did not
regret the act, noting that Iorga the scholar had had a long
enough career,[463] and arguing, counterfactually, that the
revenge was saluted by most Romanians.[464]
Romanias communist regime, set up in the late 1940s,
originally revised Iorgas role in the historical narrative: a
record 214 works of his were banned by communist censors, and remained banned until 1965.[465] From 1948,
the Nicolae Iorga Institute of History was merged into a
communist institution headed by Petre ConstantinescuIai, while Papacostea was assigned as head of the reorganized ISSEE.[466] Beginning in the 1960s, the national
communist authorities capitalized on Nicolae Iorgas image, suggesting that he was a forerunner of Nicolae
Ceauescu's ocial ideology. Iorga was promoted to
the national communist pantheon as an "anti-fascist" and
"progressive" intellectual, and references to his lifelong
anti-communism were omitted.[467] The ban on his works
was selectively lifted, and some of his main books were
again in print between 1968 and 1989,[183][468] along with
volumes of his correspondence.[137] In 1988, Iorga was
the subject of Drume n calea lupilor, a Romanian lm
directed by Constantin Vaeni. It depicted an imaginary
encounter and clash between the historian (Valentin Teodosiu) and a character based on Horia Sima (Drago Pslaru).[469] However, the Bonaparte Highway villa, bequeathed by Iorga to the state, was demolished during the
Ceauima campaign of 1986.[38]

27
functioned regularly, having Iorga exegete Valeriu Rpeanu as a regular guest.[458] In later years, the critical
interpretation of Iorgas work, rst proposed by Lucian
Boia around 1995, was continued by a new school of
historians, who distinguished between the nationalistdidactic and informative contents.[354]

6.3 Descendants
Nicolae Iorga had over ten children from his marriages,
but many of them died in infancy.[477] In addition to Florica Chirescu and Magdalina, his progeny includes daughters Liliana and Alina. Magdalina, who enjoyed success
as a painter, later started a family in Italy.[478][479] The
only one of his children to train in history, known for her
work in reediting her fathers books[480] and her contribution as a sculptor, Liliana Iorga married fellow historian Dionisie Pippidi in 1943.[477] Alina became the wife
of an Argentine jurist, Francisco P. Laplaza.[477] One of
Iorgas sons, Mircea, was married into the aristocratic
tirbey family,[481] and then to Mihaela Bohiel, a Transylvanian noblewoman who was reputedly a descendant
of the Lemeni clan and of the medieval magnate Johannes
Benkner.[482] An engineer by trade, Mircea Iorga was
headmaster of the Bucharest Electrotechnical College in
the late 1930s.[251] Another son, tefan N. Iorga, was a
writer active with the Cuget Clar movement,[412] and later
a physician.[483] Iorgas niece Micaella Filitti, who worked
as a civil servant in the 1930s, defected from Communist
Romania and settled in France.[479]

Iorgas descendants include historian Andrei Pippidi, son

of Dionisie, who is noted as a main editor of Iorgas
writings.[183][484] Pippidi also prefaced collections of
Iorgas correspondence, and published a biographical synIorgas theories on the Dacians and the Thracians were thesis on his grandfather.[137] Andrei Pippidi is married
among the many elements synthesized into the nation- to political scientist and journalist Alina Mungiu,[485] the
alist current known as Protochronism, which claimed sister of award-winning lmmaker Cristian Mungiu.[486]
that the sources of Romanian identity were to be found
in pre-Roman history, and was oered support by
Ceauescus regime.[470] His work was selectively rein7 Notes
terpreted by Protochronists such as Dan Zamrescu,[471]
[472]
[473]
Mihai Ungheanu
and Corneliu Vadim Tudor.
Contrasting perspectives on Iorgas legacy were held by [1] Iova, p. xxvii.
the various voices within the Romanian diaspora. On the [2] Iova, p. xxvii. See also Nastas (2003), p. 61
40th anniversary of his death, the Munich-based Romanian section of the anti-communist Radio Free Europe [3] (Romanian) Z. Ornea, Receptarea dramaturgiei lui Caragiale, in Romnia Literar, Nr. 31/2001
(RFE) broadcast an homage piece with renewed condemnation of Iorgas killers. RFE received death threats from [4] (Romanian) Dumitru Hncu, Scrisori de la N. Iorga,
E. Lovinescu, G. M. Zamrescu, B. Fundoianu, Camil
obscure Iron Guard diaspora members, probably agents
Baltazar, Petru Comarnescu, in Romnia Literar, Nr.
of the Securitate secret police.[474]
Iorga has enjoyed posthumous popularity in the decades
since the Romanian Revolution of 1989: present at
the top of most important Romanians polls in the
1990s,[475] he was voted in at No. 17 in the 100
greatest Romanians televised poll.[476] As early as 1989,
the Iorga Institute was reestablished under Papacosteas
direction.[237] Since 1990, the Vlenii summer school has

42/2009
[5] Rdulescu, p. 344
[6] Rdulescu, pp. 344, 351
[7] Nastas (2003), p. 62
[8] Iova, p. xxviixxviii. See also Nastas (2003), pp. 6162,
66, 7475

28

[9] Iova, p. xxviiixxix

[10] (Romanian) Nicolae Mare, Nicolae Iorga despre Polonia, in Romnia Literar, Nr. 35/2009

7 NOTES

[41] Ornea (1995), p. 188; Nastas (2007), pp. 239, 245

[42] Iova, p. xxxv
[43] Iova, p .xxxv. See also Nastas (2007), p. 239

[11] Iova, p. xxviii

[44] Nastas (2007), p. 84
[12] Iova, p. xxixxxx
[13] Iova, p. xxix
[14] Iova, p. xxixxxxi
[15] Iova, p. xxx
[16] Iova, p. xxxi
[17] Iova, p .xxxi. See also Nastas (2003), p. 61
[18] Iova, p. xxxi; Nastas (2003), p. 6162

[45] William Totok, Romania (18781920)", in Richard S.

Levy, Antisemitism: a Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution, Vol. I, ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara,
2005, p. 618. ISBN 1-85109-439-3
[46] Iova, p. xxxvi
[47] Iova, pp. xxxvixxxvii
[48] Nastas (2007), p. 239

[19] Iova, p. xxxi; Nastas (2003), pp. 6264; (2007), pp.

244, 399

[49] Iova, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii; Nastas (2003), pp. 68, 167,

169170, 176, 177178; (2007), pp. 309, 496502, 508
509, 515517

[20] Iova, p. xxxii

[50] Iova, pp. xxxi, xxxvi

[21] Iova, p. xxxii. See also Nastas (2003), pp. 6263, 174
175; (2007), pp. 238239

[51] Nastas (2007), p. 309

[22] Iova, p. xxxii. See also Nastas (2007), pp. 521, 528;
Ornea (1998), p. 129
[23] Iova, p. xxxii. See also Nastas (2003), p. 65
[24] Iova, p. xxxii. See also Clinescu, p. 988
[25] Constantin Kiriescu, "O via, o lume, o epoc: Ani
de ucenicie n micarea socialist", in Magazin Istoric,
September 1977, pp. 14, 17
[26] Iova, pp. xxxii, xxxvii; Nastas (2003), pp. 61, 6471,
74, 105, 175

[52] Nastas (2007), pp. 508509

[53] Nastas (2007), pp. 515517
[54] Clinescu, p. 1010; Iova, p. xxxvii; Nastas (2003), pp.
68, 167, 169170, 178; (2007), pp. 169, 464, 496502,
508509, 516
[55] (Romanian) Ovidiu Pecican, Avalon. Apologia istoriei
recente, in Observator Cultural, Nr. 459, January 2009
[56] Iova, p. xxxvii
[57] Nastas (2003), pp. 176183

[28] Nastas (2003), p. 175; (2007), pp. 239, 489

[58] Iova, p. xxxvii; Nastas (2003), pp. 39, 52, 6972, 73

74, 118. See also Boia, 2010, p. 188; Butaru, p. 92;
Nastas (2007), pp. 294, 322323

[29] Nastas (2007), p. 239. See also Vianu, Vol. I, p. 165

[59] Nastas (2007), p. 114, 150, 294, 379

[30] Iova, pp. xxxiixxxiii

[60] Iova, p. xxxvii. See also Nastas (2003), pp. 179180

[31] Iova, p. xxxiii

[61] Nastas (2003), pp. 179180

[32] Nastas (2003), pp. 154, 233234; (2007), pp. 179180,

201202

[62] Iova, p. xxxviii

[27] Nastas (2003), pp. 6466, 6970, 74, 175

[33] Iova, pp. xxxiiixxxiv

[34] Iova, p. xxxiv
[35] Iova, pp. xxxivxxxv. See also Clinescu, p. 1010
[36] Nastas (2003), pp. 6668
[37] Iova, p. xxxiv. See also Setton, p. 62
[38] (Romanian) Andrei Pippidi, Bucuretii lui N. Iorga, in
Dilema Veche, Nr. 341, AugustSeptember 2010
[39] Vianu, Vol. III, p. 6268
[40] Iova, pp. xxxivxxxv. See also Boia (2000), p. 83; Nastas (2007), pp. 239, 244245, 430

[63] Nastas (2007), p. 514515

[64] Both, p. 32
[65] Clinescu, pp. 407, 508, 601602; Livezeanu, p. 116117; Ornea (1998), pp. 131, 136; Nastas (2007), pp.
179180; Veiga, pp. 164167
[66] Ornea (1998), p. 73, 7579, 131, 136, 376. See also
Clinescu, p. 643
[67] Clinescu, pp. 643644; Ornea (1998), pp. 73, 7879,
88, 91104, 134139
[68] Nastas (2003), pp. 170, 181183
[69] Iova, pp. xxxviiixxxix

29

[70] Iova, p. xxxix

[71] (Romanian) Ion Simu, Centenarul debutului sadovenian, in Romnia Literar, Nr. 41/2004
[72] Nastas (2007), pp. 272273

[97] H. Seton-Watson & C. Seton-Watson, pp. 9, 72, 95, 103,

190
[98] (Romanian) Victor Rizescu, Adrian Jinga, Bogdan Popa,
Constantin Dobril, Ideologii i cultur politic", in
Cuvntul, Nr. 377 (republished by Romnia Cultural)

[73] (Romanian) Ovidiu Morar, Intelectualii romni i 'ches- [99] Oldson, pp. 134135
tia evreiasc' ", in Contemporanul, Nr. 6/2005 (repub[100] Cernat, p. 32; Ornea (1995), pp. 395396; Veiga, pp.
lished by Romnia Cultural)
5556, 69, 166167
[74] (Romanian) Ion Simu, Pitorescul prozei de cltorie, in
[101] Radu, p. 583
Romnia Literar, Nr. 27/2006
[75] (Romanian) Ctlin Petru Fudulu, Dosare declasicate. [102] Veiga, p. 69. See also Butaru, pp. 9597; Crampton, p.
109; Oldson, pp. 133135
Nicolae Iorga a fost urmrit de Siguran", in Ziarul Financiar, September 10, 2009
[103] Nastas (2007), pp. 3638, 321323. See also Nastas
(2003), pp. 39, 71
[76] (Romanian) Ion Hadrc, Constantin Stere i Nicolae
Iorga: antinomiile idealului convergent (I)", in Convorbiri
[104]
Literare, June 2006
[105]
[77] Boia (2000), pp. 9293, 247; (2010), p. 353; Nastas
(2007), pp. 95, 428, 479; Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 114 [106]
118; Veiga, p. 165, 180
[107]
[78] Veiga, p. 180
[108]
[79] Clinescu, p. 634
[80] Oldson, p. 156
[81] Clinescu, p. 977; Iova, pp. xxxixxl
[82] Nastas (2007), pp. 306308, 517521

Iova, pp. xlxli

Iova, p. xli
Iova, p. xli. See also Vianu, Vol. III, pp. 5361
Clinescu, p. 1010; Iova, p. xli
(Romanian) Gheorghe Oprescu, Arta rneasc la
Romni, in Transilvania, Nr. 11/1920, p. 860 (digitized
by the Babe-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)

[109] Paul Rezeanu, Stoica D. pictorul istoriei romnilor, in

Magazin Istoric, December 2009, pp. 2930

[110] Nastas (2007), p. 91

[83] (Romanian) Ctlin Petru Fudulu, Dosare declasicate.
Nicolae Iorga sub lupa Siguranei (II)", in Ziarul Finan- [111] (Romanian) Z. Ornea, Din memorialistica lui N. Iorga,
ciar, September 16, 2009
in Romnia Literar, Nr. 23/1999
[84] Nastas (2007), pp. 338339, 492

[112] Nastas (2007), pp. 133134

[85] (Romanian) Ctlin Petru Fudulu, Dosare declasicate. [113] Iova, p. xli. See also Guida, p. 238; Nastas (2007), pp.
Nicolae Iorga sub lupa Siguranei (III)", in Ziarul Finan49, 50; Olaru & Herbstritt, p. 65
ciar, September 16, 2009
[114] (Romanian) Smaranda Bratu-Elian, Goldoni i noi, in
[86] Nastas (2007), pp. 126, 492, 526; Iova, p. xxxix
Observator Cultural, Nr. 397, November 2007
[87] Clinescu, p. 676
[88] Iova, p. xl. See also Setton, p. 49
[89] Clinescu, p. 996
[90] Iova, p. xl
[91] Vianu, Vol. II, p. 149
[92] Nastas (2003), p. 183
[93] Nastas (2007), p. 526

[115] Edwin E. Jacques, The Albanians: An Ethnic History from

Prehistoric Times to the Present, McFarland & Company,
Jeerson, 1995, pp. 277, 284. ISBN 0-89950-932-0
[116] (Romanian) Kopi Kyyku, Nicolae Iorga i popoarele
'nscute ntr-o zodie fr noroc' ", in the Academy of Sciences of Moldova Akademos, Nr. 4/2008, pp. 9091
[117] Nastas (2007), p. 512; See also Iova, p. xlii
[118] Iova, p. xlii
[119] Boia (2010), pp. 106107, 112113

[94] (Romanian) Cassian Maria Spiridon, Secolul breslei scri- [120]

itoriceti, in Convorbiri Literare, April 2008
[121]
[95] (Romanian) Ctlin Petru Fudulu, Dosare declasicate.
Nicolae Iorga sub lupa Siguranei (IV)", in Ziarul Finan- [122]
ciar, October 8, 2009
[96] H. Seton-Watson & C. Seton-Watson, pp. 5152

Boia (2010), pp. 76, 115116, 122, 276

Nastas (2007), pp. 8889
(Romanian) Alexandru George, Revenind la discuii
(4)", in Luceafrul, Nr. 31/2009

[123] Butaru, p. 93

30

[124] Boia (2010), pp. 304305

[125] Boia (2010), pp. 239, 325
[126] Nastas (2003), pp. 183184; (2007), pp. 376, 492
[127] Iova, p. xliv
[128] Iova, p. xlii. See also Boia (2010), p. 123

7 NOTES

[151] (Romanian) Ion Simu, Nicolae Iorga - Coresponden

necunoscut", in Romnia Literar, Nr. 22/2006
[152] Iova, p. xlv. See also Tanaoca, pp. 99100, 163
[153] Iova, p. xlv
[154] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Corespondena personal a lui N. Iorga (III), in Convorbiri Literare, July
2004

[129] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Corespondena personal a lui N. Iorga (II), in Convorbiri Literare, June [155] Butaru, p. 307
2003
[156] (Romanian) Ionu Ciobanu, Structura organizatoric a
[130] Vianu, Vol. III, pp. 9293
Partidului ranesc i a Partidului Naional ", in Sfera
Politicii, Nr. 129130
[131] H. Seton-Watson & C. Seton-Watson, p. 190
[157]
[132] (French) Romania Constantinescu, Investissements
imaginaires roumains en Quadrilatre: La ville de
Balchik, in Caietele Echinox, Vol. 18, Babe-Bolyai
University Center for Imagination Studies, Cluj-Napoca, [158]
2010, pp. 6882. OCLC 166882762
[159]
[133] Iova, p. xliii

(Romanian) Ion Hadrc, Constantin Stere i Nicolae

Iorga: antinomiile idealului convergent (II)", in Convorbiri
Literare, July 2006
Veiga, pp. 4547
(Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu,
omul politic (III), in Convorbiri Literare, July 2009

[134] Iova, pp. xliiixliv

[160] Radu, p. 579

[135] Boia (2010), p. 117

[161] Veiga, p. 47

[136] Clinescu, p. 1010. See also Ciprian, p. 220

[162] Butaru, pp. 9598, 122, 156; Cernat, p. 138; Neubauer,

p. 164; Veiga, pp. 7476, 96, 130. According to Crampton (p. 109), the two parties still shared views on antisemitism, even though the PND was ocially dedicated to recompensating those who had suered during
the war.

[137] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Corespondena personal a lui N. Iorga (I), in Convorbiri Literare, May 2003
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[163] Nastas (2007), pp. 120, 195196

[164] Clinescu, p. 988. See also Vianu, Vol. II, p. 274
[165] Clinescu, p. 1010; Iova, p. xlv-xlvi

[141] (Romanian) Dumitru Hncu, Al. Tzigara-Samurca [166] Iova, p. xlvi

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[144] Radu, pp. 580, 585
[171] Iova, p. xlvii
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[172] Iova, pp. xlvixlvii
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[174] Iova, p. xlvi. See also Tanaoca, p. 163

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31

[178] Iova, pp. xlviixlviii

[205] Veiga, pp. 156158

[179] Guida, p. 238; Nicolae M. Nicolae, Europa lui [206] Nastas (2007), pp. 114, 120, 131, 150, 250, 275278,
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[207] Guida, p. 231
[180] Iova, p. xlviii
[208] Neubauer, p. 165
[181] Iova, pp. xlviiixlix
[209] Ornea (1995), pp. 226, 296297; Seton-Watson, p. 205;
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[182] Iova, p. xlix
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Radu, pp. 577578

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[187] Iova, p. xlix. See also Clinescu, p. 1010

[214] Boia (2000), pp. 101106

[188] Iova, p. l

[215] Nastas (2007), pp. 325326

[189] Brtescu, pp. 3334

[216] Nastas (2003), pp.

(2007), pp. 506507

[190] Seton-Watson, p. 205

[191] Butaru, p. 306

189, 192, 204205, 207209;

[217] (Romanian) Pavel Chihaia, Printre cri i manuscrise,

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[192] Ornea (1995), pp. 226, 265, 296; Veiga, pp. 126131, [218] Veiga, p. 134
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[227] Iova, p. li

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[234] Brtescu, p. 59

[264] Iova, pp. lvlvi

[235] Iova, p. lii. See also Clinescu, p. 1010; Nastas (2007), [265]
p. 523
[266]
[236] Iova, p. lii
[267]
[237] Olaru & Herbstritt, p. 64
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[269]
[239] Iova, p. liii. See also Ornea (1995), p. 98

Brtescu, p. 82
Brtescu, p. 83
Nastas (2007), p. 49
Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 89, 102, 104-105, 112-119
Both, passim; Butaru, pp. 13, 6487, 89, 9596, 108,
112, 123, 158, 252254, 316317; Stanomir, Spiritul, pp.
89, 104105, 108-110, 113, 114, 147155, 198206

[240] (Romanian) Adina-tefania Ciurea, Scriitori n boxa

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[270] Both, pp. 3132
[241] Crampton, pp. 115116; Santoro, p. 233

[271] Both, pp. 3132; Butaru, pp. 9596; Stanomir, Spiritul,

pp. 89

[242] urlea, passim; Veiga, pp. 245248, 250, 262265. See

also Butaru, p. 293
[272] Alexandrescu, pp. 142, 158
[243] urlea, passim
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[245]
[246]
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[273] Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 102, 112121; Nastas (2007), pp.

42, 169, 496502, 508509, 515517, 528. See also CDeletant, pp. 34, 4344; Ornea (1995), pp. 314316,
linescu, p. 977
336337; Veiga, pp. 250, 271
[274] Ornea (1998), p. 272; Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 113121,
Deletant, pp. 3435, 4344; Ornea (1995), p. 316; Veiga,
228230; Veiga, pp. 164166, 175176
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Deletant, p. 44
224234. See also Czobor-Lupp, pp. 122123, 125126,
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[250] Iova, pp. liiiliv
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[284] Clinescu, pp. 407, 508
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[285] Ornea (1998), p. 136

[260] Iova, p. lv

[286] Nastas (2007), pp. 309310, 313314

[261] Brtescu, p. 82; Crampton, p. 118; Deletant, pp. 60 [287] Stanomir, Spiritul, p. 112
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[329] Nastas (2003), p. 315; (2007), p. 457

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[331] Boia, 2010, pp. 144145

[307] Voicu, pp. 146147, 148

[332] Todorova, p. 46

[308] Voicu, p. 148

[333] Clinescu, p. 612

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Vianu, Vol. III, p. 68

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Nastas (2007), p. 175
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[311] Ornea (1995), p. 396

[338] Iova, p. lvi

[312] Clinescu, p. 977

[339] Oldson, p. 132

[313] Butaru, p. 97

[340] Crohmlniceanu, p. 19

[314] Voicu, p. 147

[341] Zub (2000), p. 47

[315] Nastas (2007), pp. 179180, 195196, 201202; [342] (Romanian) Liviu Borda, "ntoarcerea rdcinilor, in
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[343] Boia (2000), pp. 8283, 101; Nastas (2003), pp. 63, 72 [370] Boia (2000), pp. 99, 188; Neubauer, pp. 164165;
73, 167184; (2007), p. 44, 306307, 436, 502, 515521
Tanaoca, pp. 100, 102. See also (Romanian) Alexandru Niculescu, Multiculturalism, alteritate, istoricitate,
[344] Vianu, Vol. III, pp. 6768
in Romnia Literar, Nr. 32/2002
[345] Boia (2010), p. 101

[347] Boia (2000), p. 99

[371] Boia (2000), pp. 93, 99; Neubauer, p. 165; Sandqvist,

p. 252; Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 112114, 115, 119121,
224225, 228231; Veiga, pp. 165166. See also Clinescu, p. 949

[348] Boia (2000), p. 103107

[372] Boia (2000), pp. 164166, 181

[349] Santoro, p. 358

[373] Tanaoca, pp. 99100

[350] Seton-Watson, p. 41

[374] Boia (2000), p. 181. See also Tanaoca, pp. 130, 132

[346] Vianu, Vol. III, p. 53. See also Zub (2000), pp. 3334

[351] In reference to Iorgas challenged claim that Orban, the

[375] Pecican, pp. 38, 49, 277279
supergun technician, was Romanian. See Franz Babinger,
Mehmed the Conqueror and His Time. Bollingen Series [376] Djuvara, pp. 135136
XCVI, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1978, p. 82.
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[377] Boia (2000), pp. 292293
[352] Setton, p. 49. Setton also notes (p. 36) some hasty sum- [378] Boia (2000), p. 99-100
maries in Iorgas commentary on the margin of documents, but on the whole one can admire both his industry [379] Viorel Achim, The Roma in Romanian History, Central
European University Press, Budapest, 2004, pp. 15, 27
and his accuracy.
28. ISBN 963-9241-84-9; Elena Marushiakova, Vesselin
[353] Kosaku Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary
Popov, Gypsy Slavery in Wallachia and Moldavia, in
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[356] Nastas (2007), pp. 479482, 532

[380] (Romanian) Locurile memoriei, round table of the BabeBolyai University's Center for Imagination Studies; retrieved April 9, 2011

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[381] Boia (2000), pp. 102103

[358] Nastas (2007), pp. 513516, 526

[382] Boia (2000), pp. 202203

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[359] Boia (2000), pp. 143, 181. See also Santoro, pp. 115 [383] Blokker, passim; Santoro, pp. 115116; Spiridon, pp.
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[384] Blokker, pp. 166170; Boia (2000), pp. 100, 181, 267;
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Also cited in specic reference to Byzantine art: Clemena
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Farnham & Burlington, 2010, p. 167. ISBN 978-0-7546[363] (Romanian) Zoe Petre, Burebista, contemporanul nos6798-8
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[365] Pecican, pp. 110111

[366] Pecican, pp. 8485
[367] Djuvara, p. 233

[386] Suraiya Faroqhi, Fikret Adanr, Introduction, in The Ottomans and the Balkans: A Discussion of Historiography,
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36

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External links
Translations from Iorga, in Plural Magazine (various
issues): Advice at Dark (excerpt), History of the
Romanians - Before Decebalus, Language as an
Element of the Romanian Soul, Museums: What
They Are and What They Must Be. The Example
of America, Our Defense Abroad, Reading The
History of the Romanians", The Cultural and Intellectual Life of Bucharest, The Nationalist Doctrine (excerpts), The Place of the Romanian People in Universal History, Towards Sulina, What
I Understand by a Capital
(Romanian) The Nicolae Iorga Institute
(Romanian) Revista Istoric, Editura Academiei entry

40

10

10
10.1

TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

Text

Nicolae Iorga Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_Iorga?oldid=668758447 Contributors: Leandrod, Ahoerstemeier, Bogdangiusca, Gutza, Secretlondon, Jmabel, MihaiC, TOO, Petrovici~enwiki, Klemen Kocjancic, D6, Ex caelo, Kwamikagami, Mentatus, SidP,
Lkinkade, Pol098, Tabletop, SDC, Stefanomione, Mandarax, Rjwilmsi, Gryndor, MZMcBride, Mishuletz, Valentinian, YurikBot, Gaius
Cornelius, Snek01, Number 57, AdiJapan, Gadget850, Curpsbot-unicodify, SmackBot, Kintetsubualo, Antidote, Hmains, Bluebot, TimBentley, Dahn, GoodDay, Kendrick7, Ser Amantio di Nicolao, RomanSpa, ES Vic, JoeBot, LadyofShalott, Courcelles, FunPika, Chicheley,
Cydebot, Future Perfect at Sunrise, Optimist on the run, Thijs!bot, Biruitorul, Caledones, Turgidson, Txomin, Hut 8.5, Waacstats, Al,
Roamataa, R'n'B, Mvelam, M-le-mot-dit, Alex:D, VolkovBot, Broadbot, McM.bot, Eurocopter, Mycomp, Monegasque, ImageRemovalBot, Mild Bill Hiccup, Masterpiece2000, BOTarate, Good Olfactory, Addbot, Lightbot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, JackieBot, LilHelpa, Omnipaedista, C4andrei, CaptainFugu, Rgvis, Jun Nijo, Full-date unlinking bot, Njirlu, Wertes, Canuckian89, AXRL, RjwilmsiBot, EmausBot,
John of Reading, Dewritech, Cplakidas 123, go!, Ianisveria, BAICAN XXX, ChuispastonBot, ClueBot NG, Makedonovlah, Helpful Pixie
Bot, Kr1st1deejay97, BG19bot, Viller the Great, Dexbot, Mogism, VIAFbot, Dan Mihai Pitea, TuxLibNit, Tomandjerry211, KasparBot,
Knife-in-the-drawer and Anonymous: 29

10.2

Images

File:004_-_Basarab_I.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f8/004_-_Basarab_I.jpg License: Public domain

Contributors: Nicolae Iorga, Domni romni dup portrete i fresce contemporane, Sibiu, 1930 Original artist: Unknown
File:1_leu._Romania,_2005_a.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b4/1_leu._Romania%2C_2005_a.jpg
License: Public domain Contributors: en:Image:1_RON.jpg Original artist: en:User:ES Vic
File:BucharestDemonstrationInFavourOfWar.jpeg
Source:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1c/
BucharestDemonstrationInFavourOfWar.jpeg License: Public domain Contributors: Grosser Bilderatlas des Weltkrieges Original
artist: Bruckmann, F.
File:Casa_memorial_Nicolae_Iorga,_Botoani.jpg
Source:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5d/Casa_
memorial%C4%83_Nicolae_Iorga%2C_Boto%C8%99ani.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 ro Contributors: Own work Original artist:
Cezara Tudos
File:Coat_of_arms_of_the_Chamber_of_Deputies_of_Romania.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/
b6/Coat_of_arms_of_the_Chamber_of_Deputies_of_Romania.svg License: Public domain Contributors: www.cdep.ro Original artist: Unknown
File:Coat_of_arms_of_the_Senate_of_Romania.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/71/Coat_of_arms_
of_the_Senate_of_Romania.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ?
File:Commons-logo.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg License: ? Contributors: ? Original
artist: ?
File:Consilierul_regal_Nicolae_Iorga_i_preedintele_Consiliului,_Armand_Clinescu.jpg Source:
https://upload.wikimedia.
org/wikipedia/commons/4/47/Consilierul_regal_Nicolae_Iorga_%C8%99i_pre%C8%99edintele_Consiliului%2C_Armand_C%C4%
83linescu.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Viaa Ilustrat, year VI, no. 6, June 1939 Original artist: Unknown
File:Cuget_Clar_-_Coperta_-_2_martie_1939.jpg
Source:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ad/Cuget_
Public domain Contributors:
http://www.okazii.ro/catalog/41591537/
Clar_-_Coperta_-_2_martie_1939.jpg License:
revista-cuget-clar-noul-samanator-2-martie-1939.html Original artist: Nicolae Iorga
File:Drum_Drept_-_Coperta_-_31_decembrie_1915.jpg Source:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5e/Drum_
Drept_-_Coperta_-_31_decembrie_1915.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://karina-lumeanoastra.blogspot.com/2011/01/
drum-drept-sub-conducerea-lui-nicolae.html Original artist: Nicolae Iorga
File:Flag_of_the_Prime_Minister_of_Romania.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/95/Flag_of_the_
Prime_Minister_of_Romania.svg License: Public domain Contributors: Own work Original artist: Alex:D
File:Ion_Theodorescu-Sion_-_Pcleal_de_1_Aprilie,_Furnica,_1_apr_1910.JPG Source:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/
wikipedia/commons/1/1a/Ion_Theodorescu-Sion_-_P%C4%83c%C4%83leal%C4%83_de_1_Aprilie%2C_Furnica%2C_1_apr_1910.
JPG License: Public domain Contributors: Furnica, 30/1910 (available through the Bucharest City Library DacoRomanica archive)
Original artist: Ion Theodorescu-Sion
File:N._Iorga,_semntura_(1917).jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e7/N._Iorga%2C_semn%C4%
83tura_%281917%29.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: H. Stahl, Grafologia i expertizele n scrieri; Anonimul falul, Cartea
Romneasc, Bucharest, c. 1930 (available through the Bucharest City Library DacoRomanica archive) Original artist: Nicolae Iorga
File:Neamul_Romanesc_-_logo_-_8_noiembrie_1907.png
Source:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/99/
Neamul_Romanesc_-_logo_-_8_noiembrie_1907.png License: Public domain Contributors: http://books.google.com/books?id=
QXJOAAAAMAAJ Original artist: Unknown
File:Nicolae_Iorga_-_Histoire_des_Relations_Russo-Roumaines_-_Prima_pagina.png Source:
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wikipedia/commons/f/f9/Nicolae_Iorga_-_Histoire_des_Relations_Russo-Roumaines_-_Prima_pagina.png License: Public domain
Contributors: http://books.google.com/books?id=sAJFAAAAIAAJ Original artist: Nicolae Iorga - Neamul Romnesc
File:Nicolae_Iorga_-_Istoria_Bisericii_Romanesti_vol_I_-_Coperta.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/
b/b2/Nicolae_Iorga_-_Istoria_Bisericii_Romanesti_vol_I_-_Coperta.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://books.google.com/
books?id=gvbrqIpCyWwC Original artist: Nicolae Iorga - Tipograa Neamul Romnesc
File:Nicolae_Iorga_-_Philippe_de_Mezieres_-_Prima_pagina.png Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/57/
Nicolae_Iorga_-_Philippe_de_Mezieres_-_Prima_pagina.png License: Public domain Contributors: http://books.google.com/books?id=
jAqgAAAAMAAJ Original artist: Nicolae Iorga - Librairie mile Bouillon

10.3

Content license

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File:Nicolae_Iorga_-_Thomas_III_Marquis_de_Saluces.png Source:
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Nicolae_Iorga_-_Thomas_III_Marquis_de_Saluces.png License: Public domain Contributors: http://books.google.com/books?id=
0yViOD-m6L8C Original artist: Nicolae Iorga - H. Champion Librairie, Paris
File:PequeaEntente.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e1/Peque%C3%B1aEntente.svg License: CC BY
3.0 Contributors:
WW2_Holocaust_Europe_map-fr.svg Original artist:
Dna-Dennis

WW2_Holocaust_Europe_map-fr.svg:

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