Peoples Party (interwar Romania)

Partidul Poporului redirects here. For the modern agenda, a PNL-governed Romania had joined the Entente
organization, see Peoples Party Dan Diaconescu.
Powers. The general mood was one of romantic optimism, which cast away Romanias endemic social probThe Peoples Party (Romanian: Partidul Poporului, lems, including the stringent issues of electoral and land
reform: the majority of Romanian conscripts were landPP), originally Peoples League (Liga Poporului), was
less
peasants, rendered politically marginal by the census
an eclectic, essentially populist, mass movement in
[2]
surage.
Romania. Created by World War I hero Alexandru
Averescu, it identied itself with the new politics of
"Greater Romania" period, and existed for almost as long
as Greater Romania did. The PP broke with the antiquated two-party system, creating a wide coalition of
lobbies, and advertised itself as the new challenge to the
National Liberal Party (PNL). The group was held together by Averescus charisma, and was popularly known
as partidul averescan, the Averescan party.

Although Greater Romanian plans were already in circulation, the "Old Kingdom" found itself tackled by social
conicts. Tensions exploded with the 1907 Peasants Revolt, when General Averescu was called on by the PNL
to organize the violent repression. This incident was later
invoked against his claim to represent the interests of Romanian peasants.[3][4][5] It was also the start of a bitter rivalry between Averescu and the PNL Prime Minister, Ion
I. C. Brtianu. From 1918 to 1927, their problematic relationship was to be a national aair, aecting the course
of Romanian politics. As historian Gheorghe I. Florescu
writes, in the course of it Brtianu went from a manic
mistrust of Averescu to a more benevolent arrogance.[3]

In its early years, the League brought together members

of the moribund Conservative Party and social reformers
of diverse backgrounds, and secured for itself the votes of
poor peasants and demobilized soldiers. Its platform appealed to antisemites and Jews, social liberals and fascists,
loyalists and republicans. Averescus doubts about staging
a revolution, and to some degree the Averescans rejection of political radicalism, meant that the League was
pushed into a partnership with the PNL. Averescus rise
to power was conrmed in the 1920 election and then by
his heavy-handed approach to labor unrest. The government initiated sweeping reforms, but was brought down
when it rebelled against the PNLs paternalism.

Between 1907 and the entry into the world war, the PNL
governments had been under pressure to generate a feasible land reform project.[6] Even more reluctant, the opposition Conservatives became split into factions: the
traditional wing, led by Alexandru Marghiloman, was
"Germanophile", and reserved about the Greater Romania project; the Conservative-Democratic Party, under
Take Ionescu, had a history of cooperation with the PNL,
[7]
Victorious in the 1926 election, the PP became a direct and gave full endorsement to the Entente. Before the
side,
opponent of the National Peasants Party, and lost the war, Averescu tended to support the Conservative
[3]
gravitating
between
Marghiloman
and
Ionescu.
PNLs tactical support. It failed to regroup itself and, in
1932, was divided in halfits radical wing having be- The 1916 attempt to swiftly conquer Transylvania and
come the National Agrarian Party. The PP continued Bukovina from Austria-Hungary was unsuccessful, and
as a marginal presence in political life, steadily losing Romania found herself invaded by the Central Powers.
votes to the fascist and antisemitic parties. It was o- Supported by the Russian Empire, the Romanian authorcially dissolved along with all other democratic parties in ities only held on to the easternmost area, Moldavia, and
early 1938, by which time it had been forced to register it was there that General Averescu helped organize a
territorial defense. The death toll became massive: by
Averescus own resignation.
1919, perhaps one tenth of Romanias population had
been lost to the war.[8] King Ferdinand I, the PNL government, and some of the opposition were in consensus
1 History
about keeping up resistance. Visiting his peasant troops
in April 1917, Ferdinand issued a formal promise of land
reform, and hinted that some political reform was also
1.1 Origins
being considered.[9]
Averscan populism had its roots rmly planted in the However, the February Revolution in Russia dealt a seritroubled years of World War I, and was a direct answer to ous blow to military cooperation in MoldaviaRussias
the military disaster of 1917. In summer 1916, keeping Provisional Government was largely unable to control its
up with the orthodox irredentist (Greater Romanian)
1

military.[10] The October Revolution, and then the Treaty

of Brest-Litovsk, left Romania without allied support, a
passive witness to the Russian Civil War. Faced with
the prospect of an all-out Central Powers oensive in
Moldavia, Ferdinand made Averescu his Prime Minister. To the PNL, he was an enigma: some perceived
him as a dangerous pacist, a Conservative, or an undertaker of the historic parties; others believed him a convenient gurehead, who diverted attention from Brtianus
maneuvering.[3] He was expected to negotiate a dignied
peace between Romania and her enemies, but was unable to obtain the necessary consensus, and handed in his
resignation; a Conservative and Germanophile government was sworn in, and its leader Marghiloman sealed
the Peace of Buftea-Bucharest, noted for its demeaning
concessions to the Central Powers.[11][12][13]

1.2

Creating the League

HISTORY

It was in this climate that Averescu created his Peoples

League, on April 3, 1918. Its nucleus was a personal association between Averescu and the Conservative dissenters
Constantin Argetoianu and Matei Cantacuzino.[12] The
association was formed at Cantacuzinos townhouse in
Iai, and also counted among its founding members the
Conservatives Duiliu Zamrescu, Constantin C. Arion
and Grigore Filipescu, soldiers Grigore C. Criniceanu,
Sebastian S. Eustatziu and Gheorghe Vleanu, and political philosopher P. P. Negulescu.[12][15] Through the aliations of Negulescu and Ion Petrovici, the League established a connection with the doctrines of Old Kingdom
liberal conservatism, as codied in the 19th century by
philosopher Titu Maiorescu.[16]
In occupied Bucharest, the Peoples League was supported by a parallel League of Common Good, founded
by physicist Enric Otetelianu.[17] He later helped set
up Averescan clubs in northern Muntenia.[18] On the
left side, the early League incorporated a Moldavian proletarian wing, or Labor Party, represented
by Grigore Trancu-Iai and other activists.[12][19] From
the very rst moment, the Averescans were joined by
a splinter group of the Democratic Nationalist Party
(PND), whose leader was a Moldavian academic, A. C.
Cuza. The PND was a nationwide antisemitic movement
founded by historian Nicolae Iorga, and Cuzas men had
always been its racist wing, called grotesque and obsessive by Veiga.[20] Divided over this issue, but also over
war-era policies, the two PND leaders were avoiding each
other in 1918; Cuza, Ion Zelea Codreanu and Corneliu
umuleanu eectively organized a PND schism by signing their adhesion to the League.[21]
The PNLs ruin oered a chance to other anti-systemic,
radically reformist, political forces. One of them was the
Peasants Party (P), led by schoolteacher Ion Mihalache.
Although the League and P would eventually compete
with one another, and divide between them the Labor
Party,[22] they were, according to political scientist Ionu
Ciobanu, created in the same mold.[23]

The Brtianu family cartel. A hostile portrayal (with an

antisemitic tinge) by Nicolae Petrescu-Gin. Indicative of the
mix of feelings that went into creating anti-establishment parties
such as the League

Ruling over a vaguely dened Romanian territory, the

Marghiloman cabinet took it upon itself to carry out the
reforms. In a mood of general hostility toward the PNL, it
focused on dismantling the National Liberal institutions,
promising to build the country on new foundations.[14]

Eventually, the League adopted an anti-PNL platform

promising full reforms, including universal male surage.
The more innovative point among these was a commitment to punishing those guilty of abuse and mistakes,
a barely disguised reference to Brtianus policies.[24] It
ran under this platform in the 1918 election, without impressing the voters.[25] The surage was more of a personal triumph for Averescu, who joined the Assembly
of Deputies as a progressive, watching over the governments fulllment of reforms, and denouncing the peace
agreements; he envisioned an alliance with the PNL, but
asked for Brtianu to renounce the party presidency.[12]
He also submitted the League to his personal authority:
in October 1918, he forced Grigore Filipescu out of the
party, accusing him of factionalism.[12] Two months later,
Cuza and his men returned to the PND, but, to Iorgas irritation, continued to cooperate closely with the Averescan
movement.[26]

1.4

Arrival to power

The Marghiloman project came to an abrupt halt in

November 1918, when the Armistice with Germany
spelled out a world victory for the Entente forces, and
opened new prospects for the union with Transylvania.
The PNL was swiftly returned to power by King Ferdinand, but the political turmoil required emergency apolitical rule, and General Artur Vitoianu took over as Prime
Minister.[27]

1.3

1919 elections

An overcondent headline of ndreptarea, the Leagues main

newspaper, after the election of 1919. It reads: Elections under the Military Dictatorship. Defeat for the Brtianu Dynasty

Vitoianus favoritism of the PNL, and his fear of leftwing rebellion, sparked a conict between government
and the recently founded Socialist Party of Romania (PS).
For a while, the anti-PNL Averescans and ConservativeDemocrats (the United Opposition) even negotiated
with the PS leaders for a common boycott of the coming
election.[12][28] These negotiations opened the door to
other common projects: Argetoianu and Vleanu were
especially close to the PS' republican platform, while
the general favored a crowned republic.[29] Snubbed by
the returning king and by Brtianu (though received
with sympathy by Queen Marie), Averescu warned that
a revolution was inevitable. He was blung, but
the statements he issued managed to unnerve the PNL
leadership.[12]
In fact, early 1919 marked the ocial end of Romanias two-party system. The unexpected conrmation of Greater Romania had pushed Marghilomans
Conservatives, vilied for their Germanophilia and
ridiculed for their minuscule membership, into the electoral margin.[30] Marghiloman made one nal attempt to
recover the losses, relaunching the Conservative group as
a Conservative-Progressive Party. According to historian Francisco Veiga, this was a phantasmagorical party
with an impossible name, conrming the Conservatives
self-defeat rather than the PNLs restoration.[31] Powerful Conservative sections, such as the one in Neam
County, were already defecting to Averescus League,[32]
described by sociologist Dimitrie Drghicescu as a magnet for Conservative wrecks and morsels.[33]
Averescus group had a weak start in regular politics during the 1919 election, the rst one to be carried out
throughout Greater Romania, and the Romanians rst
experience of universal male surage. Although popular,
the League was undecided about whether to validate Vi-

3
toianus handling of the vote, and only decided to boycott
the election after its candidates had signed in. As a result, only some of the voters abstained, and likely winners,
such as General Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grnicerul in
Vlcea, ended up in non-eligible third places.[34] Averescu
believed that the moment to strike had not yet arrived,
but, according to Marghiloman, he had missed out on a
great opportunity.[12]
In the end, only 1.2% of the Greater Romania inhabitants opted for its Assembly of Deputies candidates,[35]
when Marghiloman could still claim 3.8% of the total Parliament votes.[31] The Leagues best score was in
the geographical south of the Old Kingdom, a threecounty area which would endure as its electoral reservoir: Ialomia, Teleorman, Vlaca.[36] Nevertheless, although the League had never campaigned per se in the
new regions, it received an unexpected boost in Bukovina, where it placed itself ahead of the PNL.[37]
The electorate was puzzled by the generals fence-sitting,
and never again regained full condence in his political abilities.[12][38] The P was most advantaged by the
Averescan abstention, registering an unexpected growth
throughout the enlarged country.[23][38] Zamrescu was
assigned to oversee the Leagues campaign in Bessarabia,
and, like Averescu himself, promised signicant regional
autonomy.[39] The laurels were taken by the Bessarabian
Peasants Party, but the Bessarabian Peoples League, arriving to the Assembly as a minor Conservative ally,[40]
was soon absorbed into the Averescan movement.[12]
The resulting government was an agrarian coalition of
anti-PNL parties: the Transylvanian Romanian National
Party (PNR), those Democratic Nationalists who remained loyal to Nicolae Iorga, and Mihalaches P. The
coalition, headed by Alexandru Vaida-Voevod, brought
together symbols of new politics, punishing the PNL
but also hostile toward Romanian conservatism.[41] Although absent from Parliament, Averescu exercised his
inuence through the PNRs Octavian Goga, and, to his
colleagues amazement, obtained for himself the Internal
Aairs portfolio.[12][38] He resigned just days after, following a publicized row with Iorga.[12][42]

1.4 Arrival to power

The coalition soon managed to upset the political establishment with its advocacy of total land reform. Inside
and outside Parliament, the Averescans stood by the PNL
and Conservative deputies in opposing Mihalache and
Vaida-Voevod over how land should be divided.[23] Eventually, the Vaida-Voevod cabinet was toppled by the king,
with Averescus tactical support, in March 1920.[43]
These events propelled Averescu to the premiership. In
his acceptance speech, the general outlined his mission:
to form a barrage against all attempts at leading souls
astray, against all attempts to shake up, even in the least,
the social and Stately institutions"; but also to render ef-

4
fective the redistribution of plots among individuals.[38]
With the spread of political awareness among the peasant
voters, Averescu became the center of a personality cult.
The demobilized soldiers were persuaded that his organizational abilities would reect on political life, and that
he could bring order and stability to the enlarged state.[44]

HISTORY

didate, Henric Streitman. Running on an assimilationist

platform, he failed to convince any of Transylvanias Jewish voters.[60]
Such ambiguities were especially noticeable in Bukovina. The regions P section, headed by Dorimedont
Dori Popovici, defected to the League on March
22, 1920.[61] It joined up with an ethnically puried
Averescan chapter, presided upon by sociologist Traian
Brileanu.[62] A third gure in that alliance was a proautonomy Bukovinan German, Alfred Kohlruss.[63]

Taking its revenge on the PNR, the Averescu administration organized a clampdown against the centrifugal local governments which still existed in the newly united
provinces. On April 4, 1920, Averescu shut down Bukovinas administrative apparatus, although it had been recognized by his predecessors in oce, and set up a monolingual educational system.[45] The general sought to ab- 1.5
sorb the entire PNR into his party, but PNR leader Iuliu
Maniu successfully resisted his bid.[46][47]

Consolidation and anticommunism

The Leagues own Transylvanian section grew to include

nationalist intellectuals, angered by PNR regionalism:
Goga, Vasile Lucaci and Octavian Tsluanu.[24][46][48]
Some members of the Transylvanian elite followed suit.
They include an aristocrat (Anton Mocsonyi de Foeni),
a Greek-Catholic community leader (Ioan Suciu), a leftleaning landowner (Petru Groza),[38] a banker (Teodor
Mihali)[49] and an academic (Ioan Ursu).[50] Farther to
the west, in the Romanian Banat, Averescu enlisted support from regional organizer Avram Imbroane and his
National Union.[24][38]
The Averescans were in a position to attract additional
votes from the other new regions. Since the Paris
Conference had recognized Romanias right of territorial extension under Averescus mandate, and since
the government introduced the rst stages of land reform, his party registered a signicant rise in popular- The two faces of 1920 in Romania: The Russian Bane,
ity, especially among Bessarabian Romanian commu- as depicted in a right-wing pamphlet...
nity (to which Averescu belonged by virtue of birth).[51]
The Bessarabian chapter, overseen by Old Kingdom immigrant, poet Dumitru Iov,[52] had among its native
politicians Teodor Neaga,[53] Vladimir Bodescu[54] and
Vladimir Chiorescu.[55] They mounted a nationalist campaign against the Bessarabian Peasants Party, who had
sought to preserve regional autonomy.[56] The League attracted into its ranks several Bessarabian cadres, including Vladimir Cristi, woman activist Elena Alistar, and,
with his entire Bessarabian Peasants Party dissidence,
Sergiu Ni.[57]
At the height of its anti-autonomy campaign, the
Averescu party turned on the ethnic minorities. The
general created controversy by stressing that the political parties representing minority groups needed to be
dissolved.[58] Despite such rhetoric, the Averescans pursued a policy of practical alliances with the ethnic minority political clubs, against the centralizing and nationalist forces (PNL and the Democratic Union Party). In
Dobruja, they courted ethnic Bulgarians, who had not
formed their own political party. Dimo Dimitriev and a
handful of conservative Bulgarians answered the call.[59]
In Transylvania, the League had a Jewish Romanian can-

... and Queuing for Bread, by the left-leaning artist

Nicolae Tonitza.
The Leagues magnetism meant that Averescan sections
functioned everywhere in the country. Averescu, Flondor, Goga, Imbroane, Ni and Dori Popovici held
congress on April 16, 1920, when the League was o-

1.6

Toppling

cially declared a Peoples Party, the rst political group

to register members everywhere in Greater Romania.[38]
In the Old Kingdom, the PP still relied on the inuence
of military men, including General Constantin Coand
and Major tefan Ttrescu,[64] and, after another PND
schism, absorbed into its ranks the CuzaCodreanu
umuleanu faction.[65] Also in the Old Kingdom, a section of the PP soon broke o, organizing itself as the
Peoples Party Dissidents.[66]

5
In tandem, the Averescans extended a hand to the PS
moderates, who were less likely to be inuenced by the
Bolshevik ideology.[85] As Veiga writes, Averescus Romania was uniquely positioned in respect to leftist uprisings: the Romanian left as a whole was very weak, and
the country traversed the great revolutionary wave without any sort of practical consequences.[86] For their part,
many opposition deputies believed that Romanian communists needed to be scolded, not stamped out.[87] There
was just one notable act of retribution: on December
9, 1920, Max Goldstein exploded a bomb inside Parliament, killing the Conservative Partys Dimitrie Greceanu,
and injuring several others (including Argetoianu).[88]
The PS later denounced Goldstein as a proteer and a
renegade.[89]

The spring 1920 election was a comfortable victory for

the PP. It received 42% of the national vote for the
Assembly,[67] and 44.6% of the total.[68] This was the rst
appearance of an electoral phenomenon known as government dowry, meaning that the party in government by
the time of the election could expect to win it.[69] Moreover, the Premier pioneered the use of state channels
for the distribution of party propaganda, and his prefects
acted as arbiters in the county-level electoral battles.[70] 1.6 Toppling
The national score was still unusually low for a Romanian
party in government, and Averescu still found it very hard From the right, the PP was attacked by the PNL, who
withdrew from Parliament in February 1921, promptto stabilize his popularity.[71]
ing Averescu to renounce promises of moderation. In
Like his PNL competitors and the king himself, Averescu
his public addresses, the general invoked his responsiwas preoccupied with the menace of Bolshevism, and
bilities of reforming the country.[38] Bidding for leftsuspicious of the Socialist Partys radicalization. His
wing votes, the government drafted the much awaited
anticommunism was voiced in Parliament by PP member
land reform at its own convenience. Its law on land reD. R. Ioaniescu, who spoke for the entire parliamentary
distribution, not essentially dierent from the Peasan[72]
right. In contrast, another PP deputy, the Bessarabian
tist project of 1920,[23][90][91] was conceived by a defectjournalist and former anarchist Zamr Arbore, was noted
ing PND parliamentarian, Vasile Koglniceanu, who had
for his sympathy toward Red Russia.[73]
been Averescus adversary during the 1907 Revolt.[92]
The situation became explosive in October 1920, when The PP was also pushing for an administrative reform
the socialists attempted a general strike, and the PP or- that would increase the citizens say in local government.
ganized the clampdown.[74] The government prolonged It sought to legislate a measure of womens surage, but
and generalized military censorship, and legislated that all this proposal was soundly defeated in Parliament.[93]
conicts between employers and workers to pass through
The Averescan ministers were unable to tackle the severe
labor courts (the Trancu-Iai Law).[75] The next year, a
economic recession, and Averescu even oered to repart of Bessarabia, perceived as especially vulnerable to
nounce his premiership in favor of Take Ionescu.[94]
Bolshevik penetration, was placed under martial law.[76]
Ionescu refused, and the cabinet was locked in place unAverescus handling of the situation, fully supported til late 1921. Revisiting his stance, Averescu informed
by the PNL,[77] had its share of brutality. According his supporters that he could only accept a PNL succesto PS militants, his was a class government, terri- sion. The arrival to power of any other party would have
ed by trade union growth,[78] or even a "White Ter- threatened the PPs main project, of monopolizing the
ror" regime.[79] The PP, and especially Cuzas extrem- anti-PNL vote.[90]
ists, enjoyed support from a number of small paramiliIn July 1921, the Reia Aair, sparked when Argetary groups, including the Moldavian Guard of National
toianu told his parliamentary critics to kiss my ass,[95]
Awareness. Headed by Constantin Pancu, it intimidated
oered an unexpected chance of armation to the PNL
the PS sections and began organizing nationalist trade
opposition.[23] At that junction, Ionescu withdrew his supunions.[80]
port and became friendly toward the PNL, leading to
The government expelled or relocated population groups the governments resignation.[90][94] Between December
perceived as disloyal,[81] ordering a mass arrest of the 1921 and January 1922, Ionescu was Prime Minister of
PS splinter group, an embryonic Communist Party.[82] a minority cabinet. It also fell when the PP managed to
Averescus subordinates also staged the unusually harsh pass its motion of no condence, but was swiftly replaced
trial of communist Mihail Gheorghiu Bujor, and stood by a PNL administration. Brtianu became Premier and
accused of murdering PS militant Hercu Aroneanu.[83] Vitoianu headed Internal Aairs.[96]
Their actions were hotly debated by the mainstream opThe PNL made a victorious comeback in the March 1922
position, not least of all because they risked destroying all
election. Its campaign focused on instigating hostility tochances of peace between Romania and Russia.[84]
ward Averescu, but Brtianus prefects also lifted censor-

ship and allowed all parties to campaign freely.[97] The

PP, neutral toward all other anti-PNL forces, attempted
to form an alliance with the Marghiloman Conservatives,
while Ionescus faction went to the PND.[98] The Averescans dropped to 7.6% of the vote in the Assembly and
6.5% overall, although theirs was still the most important
single opposition force.[99] The PPs downfall was glaring
in Bessarabia, where it failed to win any parliamentary
seats.[100] In Bukovina, the Averescan party was joined
by one segment of the Jewish community, under Mayer
Ebner, but was still defeated at the ballot box.[101]

1.7

Orderly opposition

HISTORY

and civil administrator Ion Georgescu Obrocea[109] all

signed up with the PP around 1922. The Averescans still
negotiated with the PNR and other Transylvanian parties,
but only managed to form an alliance with the minority
Magyar Party, personally negotiated by Goga.[90]
The street battles, but moreover the Transylvanian and
Bukovinan objections to its centralizing policies, again
left the PNL in an uncomfortable situation.[110] On June
3, 1924, the Averescans staged a triumph of democracy march in Bucharest, threatening with a coup, and
demanding that Averescu be granted the premiership.[90]
In the subsequent mayoral elections, Brtianus administration eectively censored PP propaganda.[111]

By 1922, as a result of the Versailles and Trianon treaties, 1.8

the borders of Greater Romania had been secured, and
the country, with its growing economy, ocially went
from 7.5 to 16.5 million inhabitants, which also seemed
to compensate for her demographic losses.[102] The PNL
leadership saw the electoral success as a conrmation of
its pivotal role in Romanian society, and, despite protests
from the right and the left, resumed its paternalistic approach to politics.[103]

1926 return to power

In this uneasy climate, the PNL nally passed the 1923

Constitution, thereafter criticized as the beginning of a
PNL-ist guided democracy. As Florescu notes, Brtianu
was not inclined to renounce, even for a short while, his
conductors baton. [...] Because of this, the modernization of Romanian political life was subordinated to Ion
I.C. Brtianu and the liberals, which proved to be a decisive obstacle in the natural evolution of political life, in
its adjustment to the new epoch.[3] When the PNR-led
opposition suggested a political boycott, Averescu sided
with the PNL, announcing that his men were the orderly
opposition.[90]
In addition to the Constitution, the PNL nally agreed to
emancipate Romanias Jewish minority. In March 1923,
Cuza parted with the PP and set up his own NationalChristian Defense League (LANC). This far-right group,
later joined by PP right-wingers Ion Zelea Codreanu,
umuleanu and Brileanu,[104] was dedicated to antisemitic violence, popularizing the Protocols of the Elders
of Zion canard, and welcoming into its ranks the fascist
youth.[105] Cuza still held Averescus ideas of moral order
as a source of inspiration, and the LANC tried to draw
traditional PP voters into antisemitism.[106]
In their various statements, Averescu and Goga were
still friendly toward Cuza, playing down LANC violence,
and giving exposure to fascist propaganda.[107] However, at the other end, Argetoianu and many of the former Conservative-Democrats left the PP and sided with
the PNR, a magnet of new conservatism.[108] Other gures of prewar conservatism made the opposite move:
philosopher Constantin Rdulescu-Motru, diplomat Ion
Mitilineu, educationist Constantin Meissner, journalist
Andrei Corteanu, social activist Dem. I. Dobrescu,[90]

A Peasantist cartoon of 1926, portraying Averescu and Ion I. C.

Brtianu as vermin. The peasant voter is encouraged to stamp
them out at the ballot box

The PP and the PNR agreed to form a united

front against government, but Averescu made it clear
that he had not lost his appetite for negotiating with
Brtianu.[112] The National Liberal tacticians eventually pushed Averescu to the forefront, allowing him
to take over as Prime Minister (March 1926), but in
fact maneuvering in his shadow.[112][113] The Averescans
were welcomed into the National Liberal high nance,
with Averescu himself being appointed on the board of
Creditul Minier society.[114]
The PP government ordered for the new elections to be
carried out under a single electoral law, equally valid in
the Old Kingdom and the new regions. More controversially, the cooperation between the PNL and the
PP legalized the government dowry in an amendment
to proportional representation, ensuring the majority of

1.9

Downfall and intrigues

parliamentary seats to any party that could absorb at

least 40% of the popular vote, and obliging all registered parties to open regional sections anywhere in the
country.[115] The subsequent electoral campaign became
a showdown: the PP, PNL and Peasantists each absorbed
a number of smaller parties, centralizing the national
vote.[116] The PP also formalized its cartel with the Magyar Party.[117]

7
was an unhealthy solution.[112] Mihail Manoilescu, his
Minister of the Economy, adopted radical scal policies for the redistribution of wealth,[128] and undermined
the PNLs big nance with calls for cooperative banking.[129] At a time, a movement directed by the PPs
own Teodor Neaga sought to bring back the old Bessarabian zemstvos; Averescu welcomed it with speeches about
decentralization, describing zemstvos as a compromise
between centralism and regional autonomy.[130] Moreover, the PP strayed from the traditional course of Romanias European policies, by obtaining a recognition of the
Bessarabian union from the (nominally hostile) Kingdom
of Italy, and turning Romania away from her Little Entente alliance.[112][131]

The 1926 surage was an absolute peak for the PP,

which received 52% of the total vote.[118] In Rmnicu
Srat County, the Averescan candidate managed an outstanding 96.6%.[119] However, the PPs electioneering
was noted for its numerous and unsanctioned abuses, including the use of state funds for Peoples Party propaganda and the intimidation of opposition candidates
(particularity those running for the P and the Bessara1.9
bian Peasantists).[120] As the caretaker of Internal Aairs,
[46]
Goga was a prime suspect.

Downfall and intrigues

Under such circumstances, the PP beneted from a fresh

inux of cadres, many of whom were literati. Among
those elected into Parliament as PP men was former
Prahova Conservative, the award-winning writer I. A.
Bassarabescu.[121] Novelist Mihail Sadoveanu was elected
in Bihor County, Transylvania,[122] but, together with
poet George Toprceanu, represented a new generation
of Moldavian PP cadres.[112] Also active in PP politics,
poet Mateiu Caragiale tried but failed to receive a party
nomination.[123]
The Bukovinan caucus co-opted Antin Lukasevych and
Iurii Lysan of the Ukrainian Social Democrats, who also
won parliamentary seats,[124] while the partnership with
individual Jewish and German politicians was again revived. Ebner, Streitman, Kohlruss and Karl Klger in
Bukovina, and Yehuda Leib Tsirelson in Bessarabia, were
elected on the Averescan ticket.[125]
Ballot rigging only strengthened the opposition in the long
run. Viewing the PP and the PNL as one political machine, the other parties again coalesced into a single bloc.
In October 1926, the PNR and P created the most stable avatar of new politics, the National Peasants Party
(PN). It grouped together "Green International" agrarians and classical liberals, social conservatives and socialAverescu and Carol II, the rival policymakers, attending a parade
ists, driven into a revolutionary mood.[126] After a while,
in August 1930. Snapshot by Iosif Berman
the Peasantist sections were pushed into moderate positions, which allowed the PN to absorb Iorgas old PND
Eventually, in June 1927, the king ordered Averescu to
(known then as Peoples Nationalist Party).[23]
step down. According to some reports, the deposed
Still, the PN lost some of its more conservative Transyl- Prime Minister was outraged enough to threaten with a
vanian leaders, who became PP leaders: Vasile Goldi, coup, but was quickly neutralized by the PNL.[132] PP
Ion Lapedatu, Ioan Lupa, Ion Agrbiceanu.[23][112] Join- optimism was motivated by its victories in two partial
ing them were old PCD cadres who had parted with the elections,[133] but the National Liberals focused their engeneral in 1918, including rival G. Filipescu.[112] At the ergies on sabotaging the Averescan candidates.[134] Inother end, the PP remained suspicious of left-wingers. ternecine disputes also undermined the PP: Lapedatu verReturning to its anticommunist agenda, it staged a repres- sus Manoilescu and Constantin Garoid; Negulescu version against Lupta and other leftist newspapers.[127]
sus Petrovici.[112]
With new backing, Averescu attempted to break out of Just as the PP was announcing a new political oensive,
the unequal partnership with the PNL, implying that it the entire Bukovina chapter defected.[133] The party was

8
in disarray, losing most of its support base in the Old
Kingdomexcept for Dobruja, where, in the 1927 suffrage, it received 5.75% regionally, compared to 1.93%
nationally.[135] In Bessarabia, it relied on 3.3% of the
vote[136] and lost Neagas backing.[53] In Transylvania, the
Magyar Party unsealed its pact with Averescu, prompting
the latter to turn more nationalistic.[112] From ca. 1930,
the Averescan program included demands for racial quotas, so as to undermine the Hungarians political and cultural representation.[137]
The PPs decline was less evident in the 1928 election,
carried out under a triumphant National Peasantist cabinet, which did not touch the electoral legislation.[138] The
PP formed a cartel with its former rivals, the PND. They
managed 2.48% nationally.[139]
The successive deaths of Brtianu and King Ferdinand
announced a major political reshuing. PP theoretician
Manoilescu sensed this, and left the party to make his
debut as a corporatist doctrinaire.[140] A conspiracy, facilitated by the PN government and by former PP men
(Argetoianu, Manoilescu), granted the throne to Ferdinands disgraced son, Prince Carol, who would reign as
Carol II.[141] Averescu spoke out against the PN tactics, staging a (futile) parliamentary walkout in 1929,[133]
but his party voted overwhelmingly in favor of Carols
reinstatement.[142] By then, most of the PP elite cadres,
from Garoid to Petrovici and Filipescu, were following
Manoilescus example and resigning from the party.[133]
From 1930, again citing the fear of social revolution,
Averescu also began courting King Carol. As a reward,
he was made Marshal of Romania and considered for
Carols own ministerial reserve team.[133] That promise
failed to materialize: the king was more impressed by
Iorgas loyalty, and, to Averescus chagrin, set up a PND
cabinet.[143] In the 1931 election, the Averescan candidates received a minor boost, reemerging with 4.82%
of the Assembly vote.[144] However, the PP had lost all
footing in Romanias new regions, where it had always
been a minor presence. In Transylvanian counties, it received more than 10% of the vote only in Nsud and
Fgra.[37]

HISTORY

mer LANC paramilitary wing, the Iron Guard, which

Averescu denounced as an anarchic movement.[143] The
Guard made steady electoral gains throughout the more
disputed electoral circumscriptions, appealing to the social groups most aected by the economic crisis.[146]
As Veiga notes, the Guard was also able to collect the PPs upper-class voters, including CantacuzinoGrnicerul.[147]
The PNA defection was a debilitating coup against the
Averescans, who lost not just Goga, but also Ghibu,
Agrbiceanu, and several high-ranking cadres (Silviu
Dragomir, Stan Ghiescu, Constantin Iancovescu).[143]
Out of 76 PP chapters, 24 opted to join Goga.[143] In
the July 1932 election, the PP only appealed to some
2.16% of the Romanian electorate; this was less than
what Goga had receivedtogether, the two parties accounted almost exactly for the PPs electoral base in the
1931 surage.[148] The PP was again able to benet from
the customary allocation of seats (called downright absurd by analyst Marcel Ivan): in Transylvania, where it
obtained less than 2%, Averescus men still received two
Assembly seats, whereas the PNL, with 8% of the regional vote, only managed one seat.[149]
PP men witnessed the PN's return to power on an antiCarlist platform, and, although numerically irrelevant,
announced that they were preparing their own comeback.
Despite arousing public indignation, the PP began negotiating with both Carol and the Iron Guard, probably hoping to play one against the other.[143] Averescus
optimism was stoked by the government crisis of 1932,
when Carols dictatorial project clashed badly with the
PN's commitment to democratic action.[143] The Marshals stated objective was to tear down the barrier that
exists between the Peoples Party and the Sovereign.[150]

The elections of 1933 were called by a new PNL cabinet, headed by Ion G. Duca. The PP mobilized itself,
forming a tiny cartel with Filipescus Conservative revivalists and the right-wing Georgist Liberals.[150] It
was also joined by Nicolae Rdescu, an anti-Carlist ofcer. He was involved with an Averescan veterans association, Cultul Patriei (Cult of the Motherland).[151]
The Averescans were again interested in the German
votes, and attempted to set up a satellite German Farmers
1.10 PNA split and Georgist alliance
Union in Transylvania.[152] The PPs Constitutional-andConservative list registered a dismal result, of less than
The fascist and corporatist models became even more 2% nationally.[153]
fashionable as the Great Depression set in. Half of the
Seeing the Iron Guard and other growing parties as diPP broke o in 1932, setting up the National Agrarian
rect threats to the political system, Premier Duca reestabParty (PNA), with Octavian Goga as its president. This
lished censorship and repressive mechanisms, even besplit was allegedly prompted by the king: Goga fully supfore the actual voting.[154] The Guard assassinated him
ported his dictatorial projects, while Averescu was still
that December. Although its leadership was promptly
ambivalent.[133] The PNA became more like the LANC,
jailed, the Guard found itself courted by King Carol,
quoting fascist principles, and favoring strong antisemitic
who had come to resent PNL politics. In that context,
measures.[46][145] Goga made history in 1933, when he
the ambitious monarch planned to create a puppet govopenly demanded the creation of special concentration
ernment, headed by Averescu, managed by Argetoianu,
camps for sorting out Romanian Jews.[46]
and supported by the Iron Guard.[150][155] His attempt
Fascism was more successfully represented by the for-

9
failed, returning the PP into obscurity. Instead, Carol was haps voluntary, and in any case welcomed by several of
able to form an obedient cabinet from the PNL youth of Averescus former colleagues.[121][150][165] Others, howGheorghe Ttrescu, with Manoilescu as adviser.[156]
ever, were taken by surprise: as a distraught Trancu-Iai
noted, the PP simply zzled out, without any ocial
acceptance from its elected corps.[166]

1.11 Demise

After he agreed to this nal compromise with King Carol,

Averescu largely withdrew from public life. He maintained only some informal contacts with former PP dignitaries, such as Argetoianu, Meissner, Trancu-Iai and
Petre Papacostea.[162][166] He bemoaned the passing of
Romanias repressive constitution, and refused to countersign it, but he also rejected oers to join up with a
Octavian Goga's ara Noastr newspaper, displaying the public show of protest by the PN and PNL.[162] Just
National Christian Party's swastika logo (1935)
as some advanced proposals to restore Averescu to the
premiership, the ailing Marshal went on an extended trip
In July 1935, the PPs fascist breakaway groups, PNA abroad. He died of heart disease shortly after returning
and LANC, merged to form the National Christian Party to Romania, and was granted a state funeral.[166]
(PNC), a direct competitor of the Iron Guard.[157] As
far as traditional Averescans were concerned, the new
party was nothing more than agitatorial.[150] The PP
and the Georgists, meanwhile, were closer than ever. 2 Ideological synthesis
In September 1935, they formed a Constitutional Front,
soon joined by the para-fascist Crusade of Romanian- 2.1 Class collaboration vs. meritocracy
ism and by Carols outstandingly vocal critic, Grigore
Foru, who led a marginal Citizens Bloc of National Averescus politics were part of a European-wide reoriSalvation.[150][158]
entation, a pragmatic conservative answer to the postwar
The election of 1937 created two conjectural camps: the
National Peasantists sealed a non-aggression pact with
the Iron Guard, aiming to restrict Carols intervention
in party politics; Gheorghe Ttrescus National Liberals managed to obtain conditional support from both the
PP and the PNC, forming a loose alliance of Carlist interest groups.[150][159] Averescu was isolated on the political scene. The Georgists dissolved the Constitutional
Front and crossed the oor, sealing pacts with the Guard
and the PN. In response, the PP made vague eorts to
form another cartel, with either the PNL or the PNC.[150]
Even with the application of 1926 laws, the election result
was a deadlock. Since no party totaled 40%, it became
impossible to form government.[160] For Carol II, this
was an opportunity. Using his prerogative, the monarch
handed power to the PNC minority (9.15% of the votes),
which had promised to enact his dictatorial and corporatist program.[46][161] Goga initiated discussions with the
Averescans, trying to talk them into a fusion, but the two
sides could not agree on how to share mandates between
them.[162]
The PNCs partnership with the king broke down when
Goga also began negotiating with the Guard,[46][163] leading Carol to test a new political solution. In February
1938, the PNC administration was deposed. All the parties were ocially banned and replaced with the National
Renaissance Front, with high oces reserved for oldregime politicians, Averescu included.[150][162][164] In
early March 1938, the Marshal ocially resigned from
the PP, and the party presidency was assigned by default to Negulescu.[150] The PPs dissolution was per-

leftist riots, but also a manifestation of the soldiers particular resentment toward classical liberal democracy. As
a military opponent of the civilian elite, looking for a
way out of the two-party system, Averescu was compared (by both contemporaries and historians) to General
Boulanger[12] and Mustafa Kemal.[162] Veiga also suggests that Averescu was a local "Primo de Rivera", and
that his demobilized supporters were Romanias "khaki
rioters".[167]
According to Gheorghe I. Florescu, the general was forcefully propelled into politics by his soldiers ambitions:
With the glowing aura of an ever-increasing, tide-like,
popularity, General Averescu found himself riding the
wave of innovation, but also of danger, given that there
was no clear direction to its menacing advance, to its mysterious and incomprehensible character.[3] Also according to Florescu: In 19201921, Romanian political life
traversed a very complex interval [...] evolving from obsolete conservative tendencies to an increased radicalism,
aiming to keep in tune with the new age. The Peoples
Party itself, having rst presented itself as the purveyor
of democratic principles, fell back on conservatism during its two-year interval in government.[90] In his own
words, the general was a prudent liberal ushering in the
"rule of law".[168]
The PPs anti-systemic bias was universally perceived
as incoherent, demagogic, even self-contradictory, a
textbook example of non-ideological populism.[169] In
1918, Argetoianu explained that the League was indeed
a political party, but a pluralistic one, playing host to several strong currents of the masses.[12] Witnessing the

10
Averescan phenomenon from the side, Nicolae Iorga argued that the PP was even imsier than that: the [PPs]
program was Averescu, the guarantee that it would be effected was Averescu, the party prestige was Averescu, the
ght for an ideal was Averescu. Everything led back to
Averescu.[85] The establishment regarded Averescu as
entirely unt for his political duties, a fascinating but
permanently indecisive character.[3] Others simply believed that Averescu was incompetent. The PN's Ioan
Hudi claimed to see right through Averescus charisma,
to his spineless and servile core.[166] Drghicescu also
writes that the Averescan myth appealed to the turncoats, disguised as they may be into new men, virginal
men.[170]
From inception, the Peoples League courted both the
self-reliant middle class and the disenfranchised, crediting itself as a class collaboration party.[24][171] Its propaganda declared it a protector of The Artisans, of The
Villagers, and of all the maligned people,[172] fueled not
by bonds of interest, but by the overwhelming love of the
peasants and the soldiers.[173] Some party members tried
to connect this inter-class positioning with a more concrete political terminology. Before his defection to corporatism, Manoilescu depicted the PP, with its tax reform
policies and labor courts, as a prime example of neoliberal doctrine (that is to say, social liberalism).[174] For
a short while, the PP counted among its intellectual elite
the other voice of youthful liberalism: Manoilescus rival,
tefan Zeletin.[90][175]
In Manoilescus denition, the Averescu program did
not rely on any single social class, but on all of them,
mixing quite sentimental liberalism into quite timid
socialism.[176] Meanwhile, through Gogas inner faction, the PP was tied to various political social experiments promoted by the intelligentsia. Vasile Goldi
and Ioan Lupa, for instance, directed government funds
into eugenic research (1927).[177] Gogas own rapid ascent embodied the political aspirations of his fellow writers, who believed in an intellectual meritocracy: Mihail
Sadoveanu motivated his decision to join the PP as a
need to strengthen the intellectuals direct presence in
politics;[122] from the outside, Camil Petrescu pressured
Goga (unsuccessfully so) to legislate the dictatorship of
intellectual labor.[178]

2 IDEOLOGICAL SYNTHESIS
by Codreanu for its antisemitic doctrines.[180] Other extremist clubs on the right were courted by the PP over
the remainder of its existence: as historian of fascism
Stanley G. Payne notes, the post-1920 PP was an everdiminishing, increasingly right-wing organization.[181]
The national syndicalist doctrinaire Nae Ionescu saw the
Averescan League as a federalist group resembling the
syndicalist ethos, but noted with regret that it had
evolved into a more rigid and abstracting structure.[182]
From the left, the PP was perceived as duplicitous when
it came to fascist rioting. An angry Jewish commentator, Isac Ludo, accused his coreligionists of naivete, since
their endorsement of the PP did not prevent Averescu
from tolerating antisemitic hooliganism, nor Goga from
stoking it.[183]
The PP was also noted for its privileged relationship
with Italian fascism, its own hopes of success rekindled by the March on Rome.[90][184] Although inspired
by and advantageous to the PNL, the 1926 electoral legislation was supposedly modeled on the Italian "Acerbo
Law".[185] Moreover, in a 1930s project, Averescu, Iorga,
Manoilescu and Goga were all considered as overseers of
the Action Committees for the Universality of Rome, that
is to say the Italian bureau of the Fascist International.[186]
The fascist connections were explicitly contradicted by
the public attitudes of some PP leaders. Historian
H. James Burgwyn writes that Averescu may have indeed been perceived as a Fascist sympathizer, but actually had no interest in the Duce as an ideological
mentor.[187] While fascism was taking its rst steps in
Romania, this most serious candidate for the role of
dictator[188] was earning high praise for preserving the
middle line.[112] After the Goga defection, Averescu issued several disclaimers against suspicions that the PP
was secretly fascist.[143] Later on, Averescu also distanced
himself from Carol IIs authoritarian projects, but (as Butaru writes) this mainly showed that he was not one of the
kings favorites.[189]

Some other PP members were ever more vocal in rejecting fascism. Peoples League ideologist P. P. Negulescu, who deplored Averescus attack on socialism,[190]
endures in Romanian political history as a supporter
of moderation. He wrote an outspoken critique of
racist discourse, denouncing Romanian fascism as a
tool for German spies,[191] and actively supported ethnic
pluralism.[192] The PPs conservative core repeatedly cen2.2 Para-fascism vs. anti-fascism
sured Averescus tactical alliances with fascist politicians,
was allied by proxy with
Despite its pragmatic trans-ethnic alliances and its multi- including in 1935, when the PP
[150]
Crusade
of
Romanianism.
the
culturalism, the PP maintained political links with the far
right, most notably through Cuzas followers. As a minor Many revolutionaries on the right were exasperated,
partner during the 1920 strike, the National Awareness their press calling Averescu a leader of an old mens
Guard, which had among its junior members the future insurrection.[193] After converting to authoritarianism,
Iron Guard organizer Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, seems Manoilescu expressed his frustration that Negulescu and
to have been inspired by both the Austrian Christian So- other intellectual politicians had prevented Averescu
cial Party and the German Nazi Party.[179] The National from fullling his historical mission.[162] Manoilescu also
Awareness Guard was called a fascist organization by contended that, owing to such aliations, the PP could
historian Lucian Butaru, and was fondly remembered

11
never appeal to the mainstay voters of either fascism or
communism: the educated youth.[188] This verdict is consistent with statistical data. In 1938, the PP had 14 university professors as registered members, including Negulescu, Ilie Brbulescu and N. I. Herescu; the Iron Guard
meanwhile only had 8.[194]

niei, Doljul, Ordinea), Dorohoi (Biruina, Steaua Poporului), Iai (Liga Poporului), Rmnicu Vlcea (Glasul
Poporului, Steaua), Roman (Opinca Romn), Slatina
(Gazeta Oltului, Liga Oltului), Soroca (Basarabia de Sus),
Trgu Jiu (Gazeta Poporului din Gorj) etc.[205]

The party slogan was Munc, cinste, legalitate (Labor, honesty, legality), which in itself alluded to
the meeting of workers rights, social liberalism, and
evolved conservatism.[24] The phrase became known
(and ridiculed) as the generals primer, and as a
timid alternative to the PNLs Prin noi nine (By
ourselves).[199] As much as it diversied it support base,
the PP always used personalized politics as an asset. According to historian Svetlana Suveic, its electoral manifestos for 1926 focused entirely on Averescus merits,
their content hardly ever mentioned the name of the party
headed by the general.[200]

of Greater Romania and the shock of World War II

(see Romania in World War II). In 1940, after ceding
Bessarabia to the Soviets and Northern Transylvania to
the Hungarian Regency, Carol II was pushed into exile, and the Iron Guard took over. This bloody interregnum, known as National Legionary State, was ended
from within by Ion Antonescu, the appointed Conductor.
Antonescus Romania was also aligned with international fascism, and joined Nazi Germany in carrying out
Operation Barbarossa.

During their alliance with Iorgas party, the Averescans

inherited former PND-ist gazettes, starting with Iorgas
own Neamul Romnesc and Traian Brileanu's Poporul of
Cernui.[206] Others were Coasa of Constana, Brazda
3 Symbols and institutions
Nou of Brlad, Cuvntul Naionalist of Bacu, ndemnul of Piteti, Rvaul Nostru of Suceava, Vremea Nou
The Averescan party made informal use of the color yel- and Vremea Ordinei of Craiova, Biruina of Turnu Sevlow, which was notably used in oral arrangements at of- erin etc.[207]
cial functions.[166] Unlike the other parties, which freBy the early 1930s, the PPs ocial press included nquently changed symbols, the PP was committed to using
dreptarea, Cuvntul Olteniei, and the newer Constituia
the six-pointed star, lled, as its electoral logo.[195] First
of Rmnicu Srat.[208] ndreptarea survived the PPs ofappearing in 1918 as the Leagues badge, the star was
cial disestablishment, and was in print until summer
said to represent Averescus political newness and for the
1938.[166]
hopes invested in him.[196] References to the party symbol featured prominently in propaganda rhymes. These
called the PNL elite rats, and the star itself the rats
scourge.[197] In 1926, however, the PP switched to a 4 Legacy
broken trigram (), used for identication in the election bulletins.[198]
The PPs agony and disestablishment preceded the end

The PPs central tribune was ndreptarea, whose editors included Constantin Gongopol and (in 1923) tefan
Ttrescu.[201] The PP also controlled many regional
newspapers. In early 1919, it won ocial support from
two provincial weeklies: Adevr i Dreptate, put out
in Galai by Sebastian S. Eustatziu, and George Lungulescu's Alarma Mehediniului, of Turnu Severin.[202]
In the Bessarabian center of Chiinu, the PP was represented by Vasile Cijevschi's Nashe Slovo and, later,
by Dumitru Iov's Cuvntul Nou.[203] At Timioara, the
PP press was mainly represented by Petru Nemoianu's
Gazeta Banatului.[204]
Many other such tribunes existed, during the PPs heyday, in: Baia Mare (Renaterea), Brlad (Aprarea
Naional, Steagul Biruinei, Tribuna Tutovei), Bazargic
(Deliormanul, Dobrogea Nou, nfrirea, Ecoul Caliacrei, Steaua Caliacrei), Brila (ndreptarea Brilei),
Bucharest (Banatul, Cinstea, Muncitorul, Olteanul, Realitatea), Buzu (Drapelul, Steaua Poporului), Cahul (Cahulul), Cernui (Dreptatea, rnimea), Cluj (Romnia),
Constana (Refacerea, Steaua), Craiova (Cuvntul Olte-

In late August 1944, with the turn of tides, the King

Michael Coup nally deposed Antonescu and broke o
Romanias alliance with the Axis Powers. It was the unwitting start of communization. Once a minor group persecuted by PP governments, the Romanian Communist
Party swelled up in numbers and, with Soviet assistance,
advanced steadily toward imposing a Romanian Peoples
Republic. The process required support from some key
members of the old political class, most notoriously so
from two former PP dignitaries, Petru Groza and Mihail
Sadoveanu, who held some of the top positions in the
new state.[4][209] In this context, Groza took over as Prime
Minister of a communist-dominated cabinet, after ousting the former PP man Nicolae Rdescu; Rdescu ed
the country to escape imprisonment.[210]
Other PP cadres, particularly those who had fraternized
with fascism, were also prosecuted. The more notorious such cases are those of Argetoianu,[211] Manoilescu,
Petrovici, Lapedatu and Brileanu.[212] Agrbiceanus position was more unusual. He and his literary work were
well regarded by the communists, but still he would
not relinquish his priesthood in the outlawed Latin Rite
Church.[213]

12

Meanwhile, communist propaganda made deliberate efforts to minimize the PPs role in political history. It cautioned that the Averescans were the bourgeoisie and the
landowners, not the people, and noted that they spearheaded "reactionary" persecutions.[4] This verdict was
nuanced by Grozas memoirs, published in the same interval. According to Grozas ambiguous account, Averescu
was honest and talented, but impotent when it came
to challenging the royalty.[4] Grozas book is a questionable source of information, noted for the unsubstantiated
allegations against various former PP colleagues.[192]

CADRES (ALPHABETICAL LIST)

Grigore Filipescu
Iancu Flondor
Constantin Garoid
Ion Georgescu Obrocea
Stan Ghiescu
Octavian Goga
Vasile Goldi
Constantin Gongopol

Cadres (alphabetical list)

Ion Agrbiceanu
Elena Alistar
Zamr Arbore
Constantin Argetoianu
Constantin C. Arion
Alexandru Averescu
Ilie Brbulescu
I. A. Bassarabescu
Vladimir Bodescu
Traian Brileanu
Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grnicerul
Matei Cantacuzino
Mateiu Caragiale
Vladimir Chiorescu
Vasile Cijevschi

Petru Groza
N. I. Herescu
Constantin Iancovescu
Avram Imbroane
D. R. Ioaniescu
Take Ionescu
Dumitru Iov
Karl Klger
Vasile Koglniceanu
Alfred Kohlruss
Ion Lapedatu
Vasile Lucaci
Antin Lukasevych
George Lungulescu
Ioan Lupa
Iurii Lysan
Mihail Manoilescu

Constantin Coand

Constantin Meissner

Ion Zelea Codreanu

Teodor Mihali

Andrei Corteanu

Ion Mitilineu

Grigore C. Criniceanu

Anton Mocsonyi de Foeni

Vladimir Cristi

Teodor Neaga

A. C. Cuza

P. P. Negulescu

Dimo Dimitriev

Petru Nemoianu

Dem. I. Dobrescu

Sergiu Ni

Silviu Dragomir

Enric Otetelianu

Mayer Ebner

Petre Papacostea

Sebastian S. Eustatziu

Dorimedont Popovici

13
Nicolae Rdescu
Constantin Rdulescu-Motru
Mihail Sadoveanu
Henric Streitman
Ioan Suciu
Corneliu umuleanu
Octavian Tsluanu
tefan Ttrescu
George Toprceanu
Grigore Trancu-Iai
Yehuda Leib Tsirelson
Ioan Ursu
Gheorghe Vleanu
Duiliu Zamrescu
tefan Zeletin

Notes

[1] Olga Greceanu, Bucarest et ses environs, Cartea Medical,

Bucharest, 1928, p.30
[2] Veiga, p.17-19, 20-29
[3] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu,
omul politic (I)", in Convorbiri Literare, May 2009
[4] Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu, omul politic
(XII)", in Convorbiri Literare, May 2010

[17] Emanoil Bucua, Institutul Social Romn, in Boabe de

Gru, AugustSeptember 1931, p.369
[18] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1920..., p.162
[19] Petrescu, p.312-313
[20] Veiga, p.55-56, 62, 69
[21] Bozdoghin (2003), p.70-72, 74
[22] Petrescu, p.313
[23] (Romanian) Ionu Ciobanu, Structura organizatoric a
Partidului ranesc i a Partidului Naional ", in Sfera
Politicii, Nr. 129-130
[24] (Romanian) Lavinia Vldil, Partidele politice n primii
ani interbelici (II)", in the Valahia University of Trgovite
Law Study, Nr. 1/2011
[25] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1919..., p.142
[26] Bozdoghin (2003), p.72
[27] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1919..., p.139141; Veiga, p.35
[28] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1919..., p.141142. See also Drghicescu, p.63, 64; Radu (2003), p.74
[29] Petrescu, p.313. See also Zamrescu & Adam, p.129
[30] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1919..., p.142;
Veiga, p.29, 34-35
[31] Veiga, p.34
[32] (Romanian) Laura Guanu, Valori de patrimoniu. Lucia
Koglniceanu, in the University of Iai Central Library
Biblos, Nr. 11-12 (2001), p.9
[33] Drghicescu, p.62

[5] Veiga, p.46

[34] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1919..., p.142,

143, 144-145, 147-148, 149, 151

[6] Veiga, p.26, 31-32

[35] Ivan, p.9

[7] Boia (2010), passim; Veiga, p.31-34

[36] Ivan, p.20

[8] Veiga, p.19, 37

[37] Ivan, p.19

[9] Veiga, p.20-23, 34

[38] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu,

omul politic (III)", in Convorbiri Literare, July 2009

[10] Gheorghe & erbu, p.183-184; Veiga, p.19, 21

[39] Zamrescu & Adam, p.5-6, 26, 54

[11] Boia (2010), p.48-51; Gheorghe & erbu, p.164

[40] Suveic, p.72
[12] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu,
omul politic (II)", in Convorbiri Literare, June 2009

[41] Veiga, p.35-36

[13] Veiga, p.19, 33-34, 37

[42] Bozdoghin (2003), p.72-73

[14] Boia (2010), p.48-52, 127-130, 251, 259-260, 277, 284,

311, 322-323, 331; Veiga, p.34

[43] Bozdoghin (2003), p.73; Veiga, p.27-28, 36, 45. See also
Suveic, p.82

[15] Zamrescu & Adam, p.25-26

[44] Ivan, p.46-47; Suveic, p.84-85

[16] Drghicescu, p.62-63

[45] Hrenciuc, p.161-162, 163, 166-167

14

[46] (Romanian) Zigu Ornea, Publicistica lui Goga, in

Romnia Literar, Nr. 2/1999
[47] Pop, p.38
[48] Drghicescu, p.62-63, 68
[49] Ovidiu Buruian, Partidul Naional Liberal i minoritarii etnici n Romnia interbelic", in Ciobanu & Radu
(2008), p.104
[50] Giorge Pascu, Comunicri. Ion Ursu, in Arhiva, Organul Societii tiinice i Literare, Nr. 2/1922, p.250

6 NOTES

[70] Pop, p.39-40; Radu Racovian, R.W. Seton-Watson

i problema minoritilor n Romnia interbelic", in
Ciobanu & Radu (2008), p.156; Radu (2003), p.73, 75;
Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1920..., p.164165, 168-169; Suveic, p.84-85, 87-89; Ion Zainea, Minoriti etnice, organizaii politice i comportament electoral n Romnia interbelic", in Ciobanu & Radu (2009),
p.163-164
[71] Drghicescu, p.63-64; Ivan, p.4, 9, 19, 20, 30, 31
[72] Filipescu, p.67, 70, 75-77
[73] Boia (2010), p.146

[51] Suveic, p.82-85, 88-89, 93-94

[52] (Romanian) I. D. Apostu, In memoriam D. Iov, in
the Romanian Academy Buletinul Institutului de Filologie
Romn A. Philippide, Nr. 4/2008, p.11
[53] (Romanian) Gheorghe Cernea, Teodor Neaga, un u devotat al rii, in Literatura i Arta, September 13, 2012

[74] Petrescu, p.349-358; Veiga, p.42, 46, 49-51

[75] Gheorghe & erbu, p.196-197; Ivan, p.47; Petrescu,
p.350-355
[76] Suveic, p.89
[77] Filipescu, p.75; Petrescu, p.356

[54] (Romanian) Elena Postic, Deputai ai Sfatului rii exterminai de NKVD, in Revista 22, Nr. 1068, August
2010

[78] Petrescu, p.349-350

[55] Suveic, p.84

[80] Veiga, p.48-49, 51-53

[56] Suveic, p.84-85

[57] (Romanian) Ion Constantin, Ion Negrei, Gheorghe Negru,
Ioan Pelivan: printe al micrii naionale din Basarabia,
Editura Biblioteca Bucuretilor, Bucharest, 2011, p.166,
239, 249. ISBN 978-606-8337-04-3. See also Zamrescu & Adam, p.78

[79] Filipescu, p.75

[81] Petrescu, p.350-351, 353

[82] Filipescu, p.73
[83] Petrescu, p.348-349, 356
[84] Filipescu, p.72-74, 75
[85] Veiga, p.47

[58] Doctrinele partidelor politice, p.219

[86] Veiga, p.42

[59] George Ungureanu, Tendine i tentative de constituire a

unui partid minoritar bulgar n Romnia interbelic", in
Ciobanu & Radu (2009), p.150-152, 153

[87] Filipescu, p.73, 75-76

[60] Lya Benjamin, The Determinants of Jewish Identity

in Inter-War Transylvania, Erdlyi Magyar Adatbank
reprint (originally published in the Babe-Bolyai University Studia Judaica, 1996, p.6877); retrieved February
25, 2013

[89] Petrescu, p.372-373

[61] Desa et al. (1987), p.987

[92] (Romanian) Horia-Florin Bozdoghin, Aspecte din activitatea politic a lui Vasile M. Koglniceanu la nceputul
secolului XX, in Transilvania, Nr. 10-11/2005, p.99;
tefan Gorovei, Koglnicenii, in Magazin Istoric, July
1977, p.19

[62] Bruja, p.224, 228-230

[63] Hrenciuc, p.167; Mihai, p.84, 86, 88
[64] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1922..., p.160.
See also Zamrescu & Adam, p.146
[65] Bozdoghin (2003), p.73-74
[66] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1920..., p.165,
166, 168
[67] Ivan, p.9, 19
[68] Suveic, p.88-89
[69] Ivan, p.9, 30, 31

[88] Ciuchea, p.256. See also Gheorghe & erbu, p.207-208

[90] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu,

omul politic (IV)", in Convorbiri Literare, August 2009
[91] Veiga, p.27, 42, 47

[93] Ctlin Turliuc, Reconstrucia statului femeii. De la discriminare la dezvoltare profesional i egalitate de anse
(II)", in Cronica. Revist de Cultur, March 2011, p.2
[94] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1922..., p.153
[95] Ciuchea, p.254-255
[96] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1922..., p.153154
[97] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1922..., p.153,
154, 158, 160-164, 169-170

15

[98] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1922..., p.158- [124]

160
[125]
[99] Ivan, p.19, 31. See also Simion, Alegerile parlamentare
din anul 1922..., p.170-171
[100] Suveic, p.93-95
[101] Mihai, p.86-87
[102] Veiga, p.19-20
[103] Veiga, p.53, 89-91
[104] Butaru, p.102. See also Bruja, p.224
[105] Veiga, p.53, 74-80
[106] Butaru, p.99-101
[107] Ludo, p.82-83
[108] Veiga, p.99-101, 103

Hrenciuc, p.170. See also Mihai, p.89-90

Mihai, p.88, 90; Claudia Ursuiu, From Mntuirea to the
Benches of the Parliament: the Jewish Party and Its Representatives in the Romanian Parliament, in the BabeBolyai University Studia Judaica, 2007, p.153-154

[126] Veiga, p.100-102, 105, 127

[127] Veiga, p.98
[128] Puca & Slgean, p.327
[129] Veiga, p.91, 98
[130] Suveic, p.196, 199-200, 228-229
[131] Burgwyn, p.37-39
[132] Veiga, p.92
[133] Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu, omul politic
(VI)", in Convorbiri Literare, October 2009

[109] (Romanian) Dana Mihai, Ion Georgescu-Obrocea i [134] Suveic, p.107

Constantin Brezeanu, primarii care au pus bazele
Ploietiului modern, in Adevrul (Ploieti edition), [135] Ivan, p.19, 20, 31
February 15, 2013
[136] Suveic, p.112-113
[110] Veiga, p.91, 97, 99
[137] Adrian Majuru, Romanians and Hungarians. Legislation,
Everyday Life and Stereotypes in Interwar Transilvania,
[111] Radu (2003), p.75
in Caietele Echinox, Vol. 4, 2003
[112] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu,
omul politic (V)", in Convorbiri Literare, September 2009 [138] Veiga, p.103-104
[113] Butaru, p.304, 307; Suveic, p.99-100, 110; Veiga, p.91- [139] Ivan, p.31
92
[140] Boia (2012), p.59, 73, 154, 209; Ornea (1995), p.265266; Payne, p.279; Veiga, p.127, 129, 214
[114] Suveic, p.99-100
[115] Suveic, p.96-99; Veiga, p.90

[141] Veiga, p.126-131

[116] Ivan, p.9; Mihai, p.82, 88; Suveic, p.99. See also Veiga, [142] (Romanian) Petre urlea, Romnia sub stpnirea Camarilei Regale (1930-1940) (I)", in the Dimitrie Cantemir
p.90, 100-101
Christian University Analele UCDC. Seria Istorie, Vol. I,
[117] Ivan, p.24; Szilrd Tth, Problema nvmntului
Nr. 2, 2010, p.96-97
minoritii maghiare n dezbaterile parlamentare, in
[143] Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu, omul politic
Ciobanu & Radu (2009), p.127-128
(VII)", in Convorbiri Literare, November 2009
[118] Ivan, p.19; Suveic, p.106
[144] Ivan, p.19, 31
[119] Ivan, p.2
[145] Veiga, p.133-134
[120] (Romanian) Simona Lazr, " 'Banditismele' Puterii, la
alegerile locale din 1926, in Jurnalul Naional, June [146] Veiga, p.134-147, 152-161
6, 2012; Suveic, p.99-106. Also according to Payne
(p.135), the Averescan government carried out unusually [147] Veiga, p.184
fraudulent elections.
[148] Ivan, p.19, 23, 31
[121] (Romanian) Vasile Pop-Luca, Arhiva Revistei Romne. [149] Ivan, p.27
Fondul N. I. Herescu, in Revista Romn (ASTRA), Nr.
4/2003
[150] Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu, omul politic
(VIII)", in Convorbiri Literare, December 2009
[122] (Romanian) Constantin Coroiu, Constantin Ciopraga,
Sadoveanu din spatele operei (II)", in Evenimentul, Oc- [151] Gheorghe & erbu, p.303
tober 10, 2005
[152] (Romanian) Szilrd Tth, Incidente sngeroase la
[123] Ion Vianu, Investigaii mateine, Biblioteca Apostrof &
alegerile parlamentare din 1928 la secia de votare din
Polirom, Cluj-Napoca & Iai, 2008, p.82-83. ISBN 978com. Olteni (jud. Trei-Scaune)", in Acta Siculica, 2008,
973-9279-97-0; ISBN 978-973-46-1031-0
p.419

16

6 NOTES

[153] (Romanian) Sorin Arhire, Alegerile parlamentare din [179] Veiga, p.49
anul 1933 n judeul Alba, in the 1 December University of Alba Iulia Annales Universitatis Apulensis, Series [180] Butaru, p.158-159
Historica, 4-5/2000-2001, p.179
[181] Payne, p.135
[154] Veiga, p.194-203
[155] Veiga, p.202-203. See also Payne, p.284; Petrescu, p.455

[182] Doctrinele partidelor politice, p.183-184

[183] Ludo, p.80-84, 88, 92

[156] Veiga, p.211-214, 232

[184] Veiga, p.93

[157] Boia (2012), p.58, 102-103; Butaru, p.102-103; Ornea
[185] Veiga, p.90
(1995), p.17, 59, 245-247, 255-258, 397, 411; Payne,
p.285-287; Petrescu, p.455-456; Veiga, p.215, 224
[186] Veiga, p.253
[158] (Romanian) Petre urlea, Carol al II-lea i Camarila re- [187] Burgwyn, p.37
gal (III). Un adversar incomod: Grigore Foru, in Ziarul
Financiar, May 5, 2010
[188] Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu, omul politic
(XI)", in Convorbiri Literare, March 2010
[159] Veiga, p.235-236. See also Payne, p.286-287
[189] Butaru, p.303
[160] Ornea (1995), p.312-313; Payne, p.288-289; Veiga,
p.236, 245
[190] Drghicescu, p.63; Petrescu, p.357
[161] Boia (2012), p.127-128, 131; Ornea (1995), p.312, 411, [191]
419; Payne, p.288-289; Veiga, p.245-246
[192]
[162] Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu, omul politic
(IX)", in Convorbiri Literare, January 2010
[193]
[163] Veiga, p.247
[194]
[164] Gheorghe & erbu, p.197; Veiga, p.248
[195]
[165] Boia (2012), p.134-135
[196]
[166] Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu, omul politic
[197]
(X)", in Convorbiri Literare, February 2010
[167] Veiga, p.13, 46-47, 91-92

Butaru, p.209, 244; Ornea (1995), p.79, 108-110

(Romanian) Gheorghe Ceauescu, Memoriile unei marionete, in Romnia Literar, Nr. 16/2003
Ornea (1995), p.243
Boia (2012), p.98-99, 102
Radu (2002), p.575-576, 579, 582-583
Radu (2002), p.582-583
Radu (2002), p.586

[198] Radu (2002), p.578

[168] Gheorghe & erbu, p.195-196

[199] (Romanian) M. Mircea, Un banchet i un program, in

Contimporanul, Nr. 41/1923, p.1 (digitized by the Babe[169] (Romanian) Mihai Ghiulescu, Despre diversitatea popBolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
ulismelor, in the University of Craiova Revista de tiine
Politice, Nr. 16/2007, p.135-136
[200] Suveic, p.100
[170] Drghicescu, p.63

[201] Desa et al. (1987), p.499-500

[171] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1919..., p.142- [202]

143
[203]
[172] Desa et al. (1987), p.80
[204]
[173] Simion, Alegerile parlamentare din anul 1919..., p.143
[205]
[174] Doctrinele partidelor politice, p.159-160; Hans-Christian
Maner, Despre elite i partide politice din Romnia in- [206]
terbelic", in Ciobanu & Radu (2008), p.194
[207]
[175] (Romanian) Cezar Papacostea, "tefan Zeletin. Insemnri privitoare la viaa i opera lui, in Revista de Filosoe,
Nr. 3/1935, p.208-211 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai [208]
University Transsylvanica Online Library)
[176] Doctrinele partidelor politice, p.156, 157
[177] Butaru, p.202

Desa et al. (1987), p.8, 17-18

Desa et al. (1987), p.244, 651, 1078
Desa et al. (1987), p.380
See respective entries in Desa et al. (1987)
Desa et al. (1987), p.658-659, 713
Desa et al. (1987), p.80, 88, 183, 237, 243, 285, 498, 682,
743-744, 876, 902-903, 967, 1054, 1060-1061, 1064
Ileana-Stanca Desa, Elena Ioana Mluanu, Cornelia Luminia Radu, Iliana Sulic, Publicaiile periodice romneti
(ziare, gazete, reviste). Vol. V, 1: Catalog alfabetic 19311935, Editura Academiei, Bucharest, 2009, p.288, 363.
ISBN 973-27-0980-4

[209] Boia (2012), p.246, 263-280, 311

[178] (Romanian) Ioana Prvulescu, O persoan ocial: Goga
i confraii, in Romnia Literar, Nr. 41/2002
[210] Gheorghe & erbu, p.305-307

17

[212] Boia (2012), p.312-313. See also Bruja, p.224; Puca &
Slgean, p.329; (Romanian) Toma Roman Jr., Pungua
cu muli cocoei, in Revista 22, Nr. 1060, June 2010

Ileana-Stanca Desa, Dulciu Morrescu, Ioana

Patriche, Adriana Raliade, Iliana Sulic, Publicaiile
periodice romneti (ziare, gazete, reviste). Vol. III:
Catalog alfabetic 1919-1924, Editura Academiei,
Bucharest, 1987

[213] (Romanian) Rzvan Voncu, Agrbiceanu (aproape) necunoscut, in Romnia Literar, Nr. 1/2011

Dumitru Drghicescu, Partide politice i clase sociale, Tipograa Reforma Social, Bucharest, 1922

[211] Zamrescu & Adam, p.144; Ciuchea, p.257

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Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

8.1

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Contributors: BD2412, Number 57, Anonimu, Dahn, Kendrick7, Biruitorul, Gik, Yobot, YoursBadDay, EmausBot, Frietjes, Charles
Essie, Filedelinkerbot, Absolute98 and Anonymous: 1

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a/a3/%C3%8Endreptarea_-_Alegerile_sub_dictatura_militar%C4%83%2C_15_nov_1919.jpg License: Public domain Contributors:
Ciprian Stoleru, Primele alegeri din Romnia Mare, prima mare surpriz: favoriii, zdrobii la urna de vot ", Historia, Dec 2012 Original artist: ndreptarea sta . If copyrighted, the copyright was presumably owned by Alexandru Averescu (d. 1938)
File:ara_Noastr,_swastika_logo,_1935.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fe/%C8%9Aara_Noastr%
C4%83%2C_swastika_logo%2C_1935.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Politics and Political Parties in Roumania, International
Reference Library Publishing, London, 1936 (available through the Bucharest City Library DacoRomanica archive) Original artist: unknown/uncredited; newspaper assets owned by Octavian Goga

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