Hugo Chvez

caused the economy to falter, with ination,[26] poverty[7]

and shortages in Venezuela increasing. Chvezs presidency also saw signicant increases in the countrys
This name uses Spanish naming customs: the rst
[27][28][29][30]
and corruption within the
or paternal family name is Chvez and the second or murder rate
police force and government.[31][32] His use of enabling
maternal family name is Fras.
acts[33][34] and his governments use of Bolivarian
propaganda was also controversial.[35][36][37][38]
Hugo Rafael Chvez Fras (Spanish pronunciation: [uo
rafael taes fi.as]; 28 July 1954 5 March 2013) was Internationally, Chvez aligned himself with the Marxista Venezuelan politician and the President of Venezuela Leninist governments of Fidel and then Ral Castro in
from 1999 until his death in 2013. He was the leader of Cuba, and the socialist governments of Evo Morales
the Fifth Republic Movement from its foundation in 1997 (Bolivia), Rafael Correa (Ecuador), and Daniel Ortega
until 2007, when it merged with several other parties to (Nicaragua). His presidency was seen as a part of the
form the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), socialist "pink tide" sweeping Latin America. Chvez
described his policies as anti-imperialist, being a promiwhich he led until 2012.
nent adversary of the United Statess foreign policy as
Born into a working-class family in Sabaneta, Barinas, well as a vocal critic of US-supported neoliberalism
Chvez became a career military ocer, and after be- and laissez-faire capitalism.[39] He described himself as
coming dissatised with the Venezuelan political system a Marxist.[40][41][42][43][44] He supported Latin Ameribased on the Punto Fijo Pact,[1] he founded the clan- can and Caribbean cooperation and was instrumental in
destine Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement-200 (MBR- setting up the pan-regional Union of South American
200) in the early 1980s. Chvez led the MBR-200 in an Nations, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas, the
unsuccessful coup d'tat against the Democratic Action Bank of the South, and the regional television network
government of President Carlos Andrs Prez in 1992, TeleSUR. Chavezs ideas, programs, and style form the
for which he was imprisoned. Released from prison af- basis of "Chavismo", a political ideology closely associter two years, he founded a political party known as the ated with Bolivarianism and Socialism of the 21st CenFifth Republic Movement and was elected president of tury.
Venezuela in 1998. He was re-elected in 2000 and again
in 2006 with over 60% of the vote. After winning his
fourth term as president in the October 2012 presidential
1 Early life
election,[2] he was to be sworn in on 10 January 2013, but
Venezuelas National Assembly postponed the inauguration to allow him time to recover from medical treatment 1.1 Childhood
in Cuba.[3] Suering a return of the cancer originally diagnosed in June 2011, Chvez died in Caracas on 5 March Further information: Early life of Hugo Chvez
Hugo Chvez was born on 28 July 1954 in his paternal
2013 at the age of 58.[4][5]
grandmother Rosa Inz Chvezs home, a modest threeFollowing the adoption of a new constitution in 1999,
room house located in the rural village Sabaneta, Barinas
Chvez focused on enacting social reforms as part
State. The Chvez family were of Amerindian, Afroof the Bolivarian Revolution. Using record-high oil
Venezuelan, and Spanish descent.[45] His parents, Hugo
revenues of the 2000s, his government nationalized key
de los Reyes Chvez and Elena Fras de Chvez, were
industries, created participatory democratic Communal
schoolteachers who lived in the small village of Los RasCouncils, and implemented social programs known as
trojos.
the Bolivarian Missions to expand access to food, hous[46][47]
The
ing, healthcare, and education.[6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14] Hugo was born the second of seven children.
This led to improvements in areas such as poverty, couple lived in poverty and sent Hugo and his older
[48]
literacy, income equality, and quality of life.[7][15] brother Adn to live with their grandmother Rosa,
Going into the 2010s, economic actions performed whom Hugo later described as being a pure human be[49]
She was a devout
by Chvezs government over the previous decade ing... pure love, pure kindness.
[16][17][18][19][20]
such as overspending
and price Roman Catholic, and Hugo was an altar boy at a local
[50]
controls[21][22][23][24][25] proved to be unsustainable and church. Hugo described his childhood as poor... [but]
very happy.[51]
For other uses, see Hugo Chvez (disambiguation).

EARLY LIFE

progressing with them to the Venezuelan National Baseball Championships. He also wrote poetry, ction, and
drama, and painted,[60] and he researched the life and
political thought of 19th-century South American revolutionary Simn Bolvar.[61] He also became interested
in the Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara (192867) after reading his memoir The Diary of Che Guevara.[62]
In 1974, he was selected to be a representative in the
commemorations for the 150th anniversary of the Battle
of Ayacucho in Peru, the conict in which Simon Bolvars lieutenant, Antonio Jos de Sucre, defeated royalist forces during the Peruvian War of Independence. In
Peru, Chvez heard the leftist president, General Juan
Velasco Alvarado (19101977), speak, and inspired by
Velascos ideas that the military should act in the interSabaneta, Barinas, where Chvez was born and raised.
ests of the working classes when the ruling classes were
perceived as corrupt,[63] he drank up the books [VeAttending the Julin Pino Elementary School, Chvez lasco had written], even memorising some speeches alwas particularly interested in the 19th-century federalist most completely.[64]
general Ezequiel Zamora, in whose army his own greatgreat-grandfather had served.[52][53] In the mid-1960s, Befriending the son of Panamanian President Omar
Hugo, his brother and their grandmother moved to the Torrijos (19291981), another leftist military general,
city of Barinas so that the boys could attend Daniel Chvez visited Panama, where he met with Torrijos, and
was impressed with his land reform program that was
O'Leary High School.[54]
designed to benet the peasants. Inuenced by Torrijos
and Velasco he saw the potential for military generals to
seize control of a government when the civilian author1.2 Military Academy: 19711975
ities were perceived as serving the interests of only the
[63][65]
In contrast to Torrijos and Velasco,
Aged seventeen, Chvez studied at the Venezuelan wealthy elites.
Chvez
became
highly
critical of Augusto Pinochet, the
Academy of Military Sciences in Caracas, following a
right-wing
general
who
had recently seized control in
curriculum known as the Andrs Bello Plan, instituted
Chile
with
the
aid
of
the
American
CIA.[66] Chvez later
by a group of progressive, nationalistic military ocers.
This new curriculum encouraged students to learn not said, With Torrijos, I became a Torrijist. With Velasco
only military routines and tactics but also a wide vari- I became a Velasquist. And with Pinochet, I became
[67]
ety of other topics, and to do so civilian professors were an anti-Pinochetist. In 1975, Chvez graduated from
brought in from other universities to give lectures to the the military academy as one of the top graduates of the
year.[68][69][70]
military cadets.[55][56][57]

1.3 Early military career: 19761981

Further information: Military career of Hugo Chvez

Supporters of Hugo Chvez at his funeral at the Military academy

of Venezuela.

Living in Caracas, he saw more of the endemic poverty

faced by working class Venezuelans, and said that this
experience only made him further committed to achieving social justice.[58][59] He also began to get involved
in activities outside of the military school, playing baseball and softball with the Criollitos de Venezuela team,

I think that from the time I left the academy I was oriented
toward a revolutionary movement... The Hugo Chvez
who entered there was a kid from the hills, a Ilanero{sic}
with aspirations of playing professional baseball. Four
years later, a second-lieutenant came out who had taken
the revolutionary path. Someone who didn't have obligations to anyone, who didn't belong to any movement,
who was not enrolled in any party, but who knew very
well where I was headed.
Hugo Chvez[71]
Following his graduation, Chvez was stationed as a
communications ocer at a counterinsurgency unit in
Barinas,[72] although the Marxist-Leninist insurgency
which the army was sent to combat had already been erad-

3
icated from that state.[73] At one point he found a stash
of Marxist literature that apparently had belonged to insurgents many years before. He went on to read these
books, which included titles by Karl Marx, Vladimir
Lenin and Mao Zedong, but his favourite was a work
entitled The Times of Ezequiel Zamora, written about
the 19th-century federalist general whom Chvez had
admired as a child.[74] These books further convinced
Chvez of the need for a leftist government in Venezuela:
By the time I was 21 or 22, I made myself a man of the
left.[75]
In 1977, Chvezs unit was transferred to Anzotegui,
where they were involved in battling the Red Flag Party,
a Marxist-Hoxhaist insurgency group.[76] After intervening to prevent the beating of an alleged insurgent by other
soldiers,[77] Chvez began to have his doubts about the
army and their methods in using torture.[75] At the same
time, he was becoming increasingly critical of the corruption in the army and in the civilian government, coming
to believe Venezuelas poor were not beneting from the
oil wealth, and began to sympathize with the Red Flag
Party and their cause and their violent methods.[78]
In 1977, he founded a revolutionary movement together
with Luis R. Gonzalez an William Jimenez, within the
armed forces, in the hope that he could one day introduce
a leftist government to Venezuela: the Venezuelan Peoples Liberation Army (Ejrcito de Liberacin del Pueblo
de Venezuela, or ELPV), consisted of him and a handful
of his fellow soldiers who had no immediate plans for direct action, though they knew they wanted a middle way
between the right wing policies of the government and the
far left position of the Red Flag.[77][79][80] Nevertheless,
hoping to gain an alliance with civilian leftist groups in
Venezuela, Chvez set up clandestine meetings with various prominent Marxists, including Alfredo Maneiro (the
founder of the Radical Cause) and Douglas Bravo.[81][82]
At this time, Chvez married a working-class woman
named Nancy Colmenares, with whom he had three
children: Rosa Virginia (born September 1978), Maria
Gabriela (born March 1980) and Hugo Rafael (born October 1983).[83]

Later military career and the

Bolivarian Revolutionary Army200: 19821991

Logo of MBR-200.

Five years after his creation of the ELPV, Chvez went

on to form a new secretive cell within the military, the
Bolivarian Revolutionary Army-200 (EBR-200), later
redesignated the Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement200 (MBR-200).[55][84][85] He was inspired by Ezequiel
Zamora (18171860), Simn Bolvar (17831830) and
Simn Rodrguez (17691854), who became known as
the three roots of the tree of the MBR-200.[86][87]
Later, Chvez said that the Bolivarian movement that
was being born did not propose political objectives...
Its goals were imminently internal. Its eorts were directed in the rst place to studying the military history
of Venezuela as a source of a military doctrine of our
own, which up to then didn't exist.[88] However, he always hoped for the Bolivarian Movement to become a
politically dominant party that would accept all kinds of
ideas, from the right, from the left, from the ideological
ruins of those old capitalist and communist systems.[89]
Indeed, Irish political analyst Barry Cannon noted that
the MBRs early ideology was a doctrine in construction, a heterogeneous amalgam of thoughts and ideologies, from universal thought, capitalism, Marxism, but
rejecting the neoliberal models currently being imposed
in Latin America and the discredited models of the old
Soviet Bloc.[90]
In 1981, Chvez, by now a captain, was assigned to teach
at the military academy where he had formerly trained.
Here he introduced new students to his so-called Bolivarian ideals and recruited some of them. By the
time they had graduated, at least thirty out of 133 cadets
had joined his cause.[91] In 1984 he met Herma Marksman, a recently divorced history teacher with whom he
had an aair that lasted several years.[92][93] During this
time Francisco Arias Crdenas , a soldier interested in
liberation theology, also joined MBR-200.[94] Crdenas
rose to a signicant position within the group, although he
came into ideological conict with Chvez, with Chvez
believing that they should begin direct military action in
order to overthrow the government, something Crdenas
thought was reckless.[95]
After some time, some senior military ocers became
suspicious of Chvez and reassigned him so that he would
not be able to gain any more fresh new recruits from
the academy. He was sent to take command of the remote barracks at Elorza in Apure State,[96] where he organized social events for the community and contacted
the local indigenous tribal peoples, the Cuiva and Yaruro.
Distrustful as they were because of the mistreatment at
the hands of the Venezuelan army in previous decades,
Chvez gained their trust by joining the expeditions of
an anthropologist to meet with them. Chvez said his
experiences with them later led him to introduce laws
protecting the rights of indigenous tribal peoples.[97] In
1988, after being promoted to the rank of major, the
high-ranking General Rodrguez Ochoa took a liking to
Chvez and employed him to be his assistant at his oce
in Caracas.[98]

2.1

POLITICAL RISE: 19921998

Operation Zamora coup attempt: 1992

Main article: 1992 Venezuelan coup d'tat attempts

In 1989, centrist Carlos Andrs Prez (19222010) was
elected President, and though he had promised to oppose
the United States governments Washington Consensus
and the International Monetary Fund's policies, he opposed neither once he got into oce, following instead
the neoliberal economic policies supported by the United
States and the IMF, angering the public.[99][100][101] In an
attempt to stop the widespread protests and looting that
followed his social spending cuts, Prez initiated Plan
vila and a violent repression of protesters, known as
El Caracazo unfolded.[102][103][104] Though members of
Chvezs MBR-200 movement had allegedly participated
in the crackdown,[105] Chvez did not participate since
he was then hospitalized with chicken pox and later condemned the event as "genocide".[106][107]
Chvez began preparing for a military coup d'tat[104][108]
known as Operation Zamora.[109] The plan involved inside members of the military, the overwhelming of military locations along with communication installations and
the establishment of Rafael Caldera in power following
the capture and assassination of President Perez.[110] Initially prepared for December, Chvez delayed the MBR200 coup until the early twilight hours of 4 February
1992.[110]
On that date, ve army units under Chvezs command
moved into urban Caracas. Despite years of planning,
the coup quickly encountered trouble since Chvez could
command the loyalty of less than 10% of Venezuelas
military forces.[111] After numerous betrayals, defections, errors, and other unforeseen circumstances, Chvez
and a small group of rebels found themselves hiding
in the Military Museum, unable to communicate with
other members with Prez managing to escape Miraores
Palace.[112] Fourteen soldiers were killed, and fty soldiers and some eighty civilians injured during the ensuing
violence.[113][114][115] Another unsuccessful coup against
the government occurred in November,[108][116] with the
ghting during the coups resulting in the deaths of at least
143 people and perhaps as many as several hundred.[117]
Chvez gave himself up to the government and appeared
on television, in uniform, to call on remaining coup members to lay down their arms.[118] Many viewers noted that
Chvez in his speech had remarked that he had failed
only "por ahora" (for now),[55][119][120][121][122] and many
Venezuelans, particularly poor ones, began seeing him
as someone who stood up against government corruption
and kleptocracy.[123][124][125]

The San Carlos military stockade, where Hugo Chvez was held
after attempting to overthrow President Prez in 1992.

after.[128] The government meanwhile began a temporary crackdown on media supportive of Chvez and the
coup.[129] Prez himself was then impeached a year later
for malfeasance and misappropriation of funds for illegal
activities.[130][131]

3 Political rise: 19921998

A painted mural in support of the Fifth Republic Movement

(MVR) found in Barcelona, Venezuela

While Chvez and the other senior members of the MBR200 were in prison, his relationship with Herma Marksman broke up in July 1993.[132] In 1994, Rafael Caldera
(19162009) of the centrist National Convergence Party
and who had knowledge of the coup was elected president, and soon after freed Chvez and the other imprisoned MBR-200 members, though Caldera banned them
from returning to the military.[133][134] Chvez went on
a 100-day tour of the country, promoting his Bolivarian cause of social revolution.[135] On his tours around
the country he met Marisabel Rodrguez, who would give
birth to their daughter shortly before becoming his second
wife in 1997.[136][137]

Chvez was arrested and imprisoned at the San Carlos

military stockade, where he remained wracked with guilt,
feeling responsible for the coups failure.[126][127] ProChvez demonstrations that took place outside of San Travelling around Latin America in search of foreign supCarlos led to his being transferred to Yare prison soon port for his Bolivarian movement, he visited Argentina,

4.1

First presidential term: 2 February 1999 10 January 2001

Uruguay, Chile, Colombia, and nally Cuba, where he

met Castro and became friends with him.[138] After his
return to Venezuela, Chvez was critical of President
Caldera and his neoliberal economic policies.[139] A drop
in per capita income, coupled with increases in poverty
and crime, led to gaps emerging between rulers and ruled
which favoured the emergence of a populist leader.[140]
By now Chvez was a supporter of taking military action,
believing that the oligarchy would never allow him and his
supporters to win an election,[141] while Francisco Arias
Crdenas insisted that they take part in the representative democratic process. Indeed, Crdenas soon joined
the Radical Cause socialist party and won the December
1995 election to become governor of the oil-rich Zulia
State.[142] As a result, Chvez and his supporters founded
a political party, the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR
Movimiento Quinta Repblica) in July 1997 in order to
support Chvezs candidature in the Venezuelan presidential election, 1998.[113][143][144][145]

3.1

1998 election

At the start of the election run-up, front runner Irene

Sez was backed by one of Venezuelas two primary political parties, Copei.[146] Chvezs revolutionary rhetoric
gained him support from Patria Para Todos (Fatherland
for All), the Partido Comunist Venezolano (Venezeuelan Communist Party) and the Movimiento al Socialismo
(Movement for Socialism).[145][147] Chvezs promises of
widespread social and economic reforms won the trust
and favor of a primarily poor and working class. By
May 1998, Chvezs support had risen to 30% in polls,
and by August he was registering 39%.[148] With his support increasing, and Sezs decreasing, both the main
two political parties, Copei and Democratic Action, put
their support behind Henrique Salas Rmer, a Yale University-educated economist who represented the Project
Venezuela party.[149]

4.1 First presidential term: 2 February

1999 10 January 2001
Chvezs presidential inauguration took place on 2 February 1999, and during the usual presidential oath he deviated from the prescribed words to proclaim that I swear
before God and my people that upon this moribund constitution I will drive forth the necessary democratic transformations so that the new republic will have a Magna
Carta betting these new times.[154][155] He appointed
new gures to a number of government posts, including
promoting various leftist allies to key positions; he for instance gave one of the founders of MBR, Jess Urdaneta,
the position in charge of the Bolivarian Intelligence
Agency; and made one of the 1992 coup leaders, Hernn
Grber dreman, governor of the Federal District of
Caracas.[156] Chvez also appointed some conservative,
centrist and centre-right gures to government positions
as well, reappointing Calderas economy minister Maritza Izaquirre to that same position and also appointing
the businessman Roberto Mandini to be president of the
state-run oil company Petroleos de Venezuela.[157] His
critics referred to this group of government ocials as
the "Boliburguesa" or Bolivarian bourgeoisie,[158][159]
and highlighted the fact that it included few people with
experience in public administration.[154] The involvement of a number of his immediate family members in
Venezuelan politics led to accusations of nepotism.[160]
In June 2000 he separated from his wife Marisabel, and
their divorce was nalised in January 2004.[161]

The Chvez governments initial policies were moderate, capitalist and centre-left, having much in common
with those of contemporary Latin American leftists like
Brazils president Lula da Silva.[162][163] Chvez initially
believed that capitalism was still a valid economic model
for Venezuela, but only Rhenish capitalism, not the USsupported neoliberalism of former governments.[164] He
followed the economic guidelines recommended by the
International Monetary Fund and continued to encourage foreign corporations to invest in Venezuela,[165] even
visiting the New York Stock Exchange in the United
Voter turnout in the election is the subject of dispute. States in an attempt to convince wealthy investors to do
Voter turnout was at 63.45%, with Chvez winning the so.[166][167]
election with 56.20% of the vote.[150][151] Academic analysis of the election showed that Chvezs support had Chvez set into motion a social welfare program called
come primarily from the countrys poor and the disen- Plan Bolvar 2000, which he organised to begin on 27
chanted middle class, whose standard of living had de- February 1999, the tenth anniversary of the Caracazo
creased rapidly in the previous decade,[152] and much of massacre. Chvez said he would set aside $20.8 million
for the plan, though some state that the program costed
the middle and upper class vote went Rmer.[153]
$113 million. Plan Bolvar 2000 involved 70,000 soldiers, sailors and members of the air force going out
into the streets of Venezuela where they would repair
roads and hospitals, remove stagnant water that oered
4 Presidency: 19992013
breeding areas for disease-carrying mosquitoes, oer
free medical care and vaccinations, and sell food at low
[168][169][170][171]
Further information: History of Venezuela (1999 prices.
present)

In May 2000 he launched his own Sunday morning radio

show, Al Presidente (Hello, President), on the state radio

network, as well as a Thursday night television show, De

Frente con el Presidente (Face to Face with the President).
He followed this with his own newspaper, El Correo del
Presidente (The Presidents Post), founded in July, for
which he acted as editor-in-chief, but which was later shut
amidst accusations of corruption in its management.[172]
In his television and radio shows, he answered calls from
citizens, discussed his latest policies, sang songs and told
jokes, making it unique not only in Latin America but the
entire world.[173]
4.1.1

Constitutional reform

Chvez then called for a public referendum which

he hoped would support his plans to form a
constitutional assembly, composed of representatives from across Venezuela, as well as from indigenous
tribal groups, which would be able to rewrite the
nations constitution.[174][175] The referendum went
ahead on 25 April 1999, and was an overwhelming
success for Chvez, with 88% of voters supporting the
proposal.[174][175]

PRESIDENCY: 19992013

subordinate to it.[181] The assembly also declared a judicial emergency, granting itself the power to overhaul
the judicial system. The Supreme Court, which ruled that
the assembly did indeed have such authority, was eventually replaced by the 1999 Constitution, which created the
Supreme Tribunal of Justice in its place.[182][183]
The elected members of the constituent assembly put together a new constitution, and a referendum on the issue
of whether to adopt it was held in December 1999; the
referendum saw an abstention vote of over 50%, although
among those voting, 72% approved the new constitutions
adoption.[178][184][185] The constitution gave greater powers to the president, not only by extending their term but
also by giving them the power to legislate on citizen rights
as well as the economic and nancial matters that they
were formerly unable to do.[186] It also gave the military
a role in the government by providing it with the mandated role of ensuring public order and aiding national
development, something it had been expressely forbidden from doing under the former constitution.[186] As a
part of the new constitution, the country, which was then
ocially known as the Republic of Venezuela, was renamed the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (Repblica
Bolivariana de Venezuela) at Chvezs request.[177][178]

4.2 Second presidential term: 10 January

2001 10 January 2007

Chvez holds a miniature copy of the 1999 Venezuelan Constitution at the 2003 World Social Forum held in Brazil.

Then Chvez called for an election to take place on 25

July, in which the members of the constitutional assembly would be voted into power.[176] Of the 1,171 candidates standing for election to the assembly, over 900 of
them were opponents of Chvez. Despite the large number of opposition candidates, Chavezs supporters won
another overwhelming electoral victory creating a very
pro-Chvez Constitutional Assembly, with his supporters taking 125 seats (95% of the total), including all of
those belonging to indigenous tribal groups, whereas the
opposition were voted into only 6 seats.[174][177][178]
On 12 August 1999, the new constitutional assembly
voted to give themselves the power to abolish government institutions and to dismiss ocials who were perceived as being corrupt or operating only in their own
interests. Opponents of the Chvez regime argued that
it was therefore dictatorial.[179][180] Most jurists believed
that the new constitutional assembly became the countrys
supreme authority and that all other institutions were

Chvez visiting Porto Alegre, Brazil in 2003

Under the new constitution, it was legally required that

new elections be held in order to re-legitimize the government and president. This presidential election in July
2000 would be a part of a greater megaelection, the rst
time in the countrys history that the president, governors,
national and regional congressmen, mayors and councilmen would be voted for on the same day.[187][188][189] Going into the elections, Chvez had control of all three
branches of government.[182] For the position of president, Chvezs closest challenger proved to be his former
friend and co-conspirator in the 1992 coup, Francisco
Arias Crdenas, who since becoming governor of Zulia
state had turned towards the political centre and begun to
denounce Chvez as autocratic.[190] Although some of his

4.2

Second presidential term: 10 January 2001 10 January 2007

supporters feared that he had alienated those in the middle class and the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy who
had formerly supported him, Chvez was re-elected with
59.76% of the vote (the equivalent of 3,757,000 people),
a larger majority than his 1998 electoral victory,[191][192]
again primarily receiving his support from the poorer sectors of Venezuelan society.[193]
That year, Chvez helped to further cement his geopolitical and ideological ties with the Cuban government
of Fidel Castro by signing an agreement under which
Venezuela would supply Cuba with 53,000 barrels of oil
per day at preferential rates, in return receiving 20,000
trained Cuban medics and educators. In the ensuing
decade, this would be increased to 90,000 barrels a
day (in exchange for 40,000 Cuban medics and teachers), dramatically aiding the Caribbean islands economy
and standard of living after its "Special Period" of the
1990s.[194] However, Venezuelas growing alliance with
Cuba came at the same time as a deteriorating relationship with the United States: in late 2001, just after the
American-led invasion of Afghanistan in retaliation for
11 September attacks against the U.S. by Islamist militants, Chvez showed pictures of Afghan children killed
in a bomb attack on his television show. He commented
that They are not to blame for the terrorism of Osama
Bin Laden or anyone else, and called on the American
government to end the massacre of the innocents. Terrorism cannot be fought with terrorism. The U.S. government responded negatively to the comments, which
were picked up by the media worldwide.[195]

porations having a signicant level of control, but the

Chvez administration wished to curb this foreign control over the countrys natural resources by nationalising
much of it under the state-run oil company, Petrleos de
Venezuela S.A. (PdVSA). In 2001, the government introduced a new Hydrocarbons Law through which they
sought to gain greater state control over the oil industry: they did this by raising royalty taxes on the oil companies and also by introducing the formation of mixed
companies, whereby the PdVSA could have joint control
with private companies over industry. By 2006, all of the
32 operating agreements signed with private corporations
during the 1990s had been converted from being primarily or solely corporate-run to being at least 51% controlled
by PdVSA.[198]

4.2.1 Opposition and the CD

During Chvezs rst term in oce, the opposition movement had been strong but reasonably contained, [with]
complaints centering mainly on procedural aspects of the
implementation of the constitution.[189]
The rst organized protest against the Bolivarian government occurred in January 2001, when the Chvez administration tried to implement educational reforms through
the proposed Resolution 259 and Decree 1.011, which
would have seen the publication of textbooks with a heavy
Bolivarian bias. The protest movement, which was primarily by middle class parents whose children went to privately run schools, marched to central Caracas shouting
out the slogan Don't mess with my children. Although
the protesters were denounced by Chvez, who called
them selsh and individualistic, the protest was successful enough for the government to retract the proposed
education reforms and instead enter into a consensusbased educational program with the opposition.[200]

Later into 2001, an organization known as the Coordinadora Democrtica de Accin Cvica (CD) was founded,
under which the Venezuelan opposition political parties, corporate powers, most of the countrys media,
the Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce,
the Frente Institucional Militar and the Central WorkChvezs second term in oce saw the implementation of social ers Union all united to oppose Chvezs regime.[196][201]
missions, such as this one to eliminate illiteracy in Venezuela.
The prominent businessman Pedro Carmona (1941) was
chosen as the CDs leader.[196] They received support
Meanwhile, the 2000 elections had led to Chvezs sup- from various foreign sources.
porters gaining 101 out of 165 seats in the Venezue- The CD and other opponents of Chvezs Bolivarian govlan National Assembly, and so in November 2001 they ernment accused it of trying to turn Venezuela from
voted to allow him to pass 49 social and economic a democracy into a dictatorship by centralising power
decrees.[196][197] This move antagonized the opposition amongst its supporters in the Constituent Assembly and
movement particularly strongly.[189]
granting Chvez increasingly autocratic powers. Many of
At the start of the 21st century, Venezuela was the worlds
fth largest exporter of crude oil, with oil accounting
for 85.3% of the countrys exports, therefore dominating the countrys economy.[198][199] Previous administrations had sought to privatise this industry, with U.S. cor-

them pointed to Chvezs personal friendship with Cubas

Fidel Castro and the one-party socialist government in
Cuba as a sign of where the Bolivarian government was
taking Venezuela.[196] Others did not hold such a strong
view but still argued that Chvez was a free-spending,

PRESIDENCY: 19992013

Chvezs response was to moderate his approach, implementing a new economic team that appeared to be more
centrist and reinstated the old board of directors and managers of the state oil company Petrleos de Venezuela
S.A. (PDVSA), whose replacement had been one of the
reasons for the coup.[208][209] At the same time, the Bolivarian government began increased the countrys military capacity, purchasing 100,000 AK-47 assault ries
and several helicopters from Russia, as well as a number of Super Tucano light attack and training planes from
Brazil. Troop numbers were also increased.[210]
In 2002, after appointing political allies to head the
PDVSA and replacing the companys board of directors
with loyalists who had little or no experience in the oil
industry,[211] Chvez faced a two-month management
strike at the PDVSA.[212] The Chvez governments reauthoritarian populist" whose policies were detrimental
sponse was to re about 19,000 striking employees for ilto the country.[202]
legally abandoning their posts and then employing retired
workers, foreign contractors, and the military to do their
jobs instead.[213] According to one observer, this move
4.2.2 Coup, strikes and the recall referendum
further damaged the strength of Chvezs opposition by
Main articles: 2002 Venezuelan coup d'tat attempt, removing the many managers in the oil industry who had
[213]
Venezuelan general strike of 20022003 and Venezuelan been supportive of their cause to overthrow Chvez.
recall referendum, 2004
The 1999 constitution had introduced the concept of a
On 11 April 2002, during mass protests in Caracas recall referendum into Venezuelan politics, so the opposition called for such a referendum to take place. A
2004 referendum to recall Chvez was defeated. 70%
of the eligible Venezuelan population turned out to vote,
with 59% of voters deciding to keep the president in
power.[192][214] Unlike his original 1998 election victory,
this time Chvezs electoral support came almost entirely
from the poorer working classes rather than the middle
classes, who had practically abandoned Chvez after he
had consistently moved towards the left in those ve and
a half years.[215]
Chvez visiting the USS Yorktown, a US Navy ship docked at
Curaao in the Netherlands Antilles, in 2002

4.2.3 Socialism of the 21st century

A 2004 rally against Chvez in Caracas, demanding his removal
from the presidency.

The various attempts at overthrowing the Bolivarian government from power had only served to further radicalize Chvez. In January 2005, he began openly proclaiming the ideology of "Socialism of the 21st Century", something that was distinct from his earlier forms
of Bolivarianism, which had been social democratic in nature, merging elements of capitalism and socialism. He
used this new term to contrast the democratic socialism,
which he wanted to promote in Latin America from the
Marxist-Leninist socialism that had been spread by socialist states like the Soviet Union and the Peoples Republic of China during the 20th century, arguing that the
latter had not been truly democratic, suering from a lack
of participatory democracy and an excessively authoritarian governmental structure.[90]

against the Bolivarian government,[203] twenty people

were killed, and over 110 were wounded.[204] A group of
high-ranking anti-Chvez military ocers had been planning to launch a coup against Chvez and used the civil
unrest as an opportunity.[205] After the plotters gained signicant power, Chvez agreed to be detained and was
transferred by army escort to La Orchila; business leader
Pedro Carmona declared himself president of an interim
government.[206] Carmona abolished the 1999 constitution and appointed a small governing committee to run
the country.[189] Protests in support of Chvez along with
insucient support for Carmonas regime, which many
felt was implementing totalitarian measures, quickly led In May 2006, Chvez visited Europe in a private capacity,
to Carmonas resignation, and Chvez was returned to where he announced plans to supply cheap Venezuelan
power on 15 April.[207]
oil to poor working class communities in the continent.

4.4

Fourth presidential term: 10 January 2013 5 March 2013

The Mayor of London Ken Livingstone welcomed him, United Nations International Labour Organization howdescribing him as the best news out of Latin America in ever expressed concern over some voters being pressured
many years.[216]
to join the party.[225]

4.3

Third presidential term: 10 January

2007 10 January 2013

In the presidential election of December 2006, which

saw a 74% voter turnout, Chvez was once more elected,
this time with 63% of the vote, beating his closest challenger Manuel Rosales, who conceded his loss.[214] The
election was certied as being free and legitimate by the
Organization of American States (OAS) and the Carter
Center.[217][218][219] After this victory, Chvez promised
an expansion of the revolution.[220]
4.3.1

United Socialist Party of Venezuela and domestic policy

On 15 December 2006, Chvez publicly announced that

those leftist political parties who had continually supported him in the Patriotic Pole would unite into one
single, much larger party, the United Socialist Party
of Venezuela (Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela,
PSUV).[145] In the speech which he gave announcing the
PSUVs creation, Chvez declared that the old parties
must forget their own structures, party colours and slogans, because they are not the most important thing for
the fatherland.[145] According to political analyst Barry
Cannon, the purpose of creating the PSUV was to forge
unity amongst the disparate elements [of the Bolivarian
movement], providing grassroots input into policy and
leadership formation, [and] uniting the grassroots and
leadership into one single body.[221] It was hoped that by
doing so, it would decrease the problems of clientelism
and corruption and also leave the movement less dependent on its leadership:[221] as Chvez himself declared,
In this new party, the bases will elect the leaders. This
will allow real leaders to emerge.[221]

In 2007, the Bolivarian government set up a constitutional

commission in order to review the 1999 constitution and
suggest potential amendments to be made to it. Led by
the prominent pro-Chvez intellectual Luis Britto Garca,
the commission came to the conclusion that the constitution could include more socially progressive clauses, such
as the shortening of the working week, a constitutional
recognition of Afro Venezuelans and the elimination of
discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation.[214] It
also suggested measures that would have increased many
of the presidents powers, for instance increasing the presidential term limit to seven years, allowing the president
to run for election indenitely and centralizing powers
in the executive.[214] The government put the suggested
changes to a public referendum in December 2007.[226]
Abstention rate was high however, with 43.95% of registered voters not turning out, and in the end the proposed changes were rejected by 50.65% of votes.[214][227]
This would prove to the rst electoral loss that Chvez
had faced in the thirteen electoral contests held since he
took power,[214] something analysts argued was due to the
top-down nature of the changes, as well as general public dissatisfaction with the absence of internal debate on
its content, as well as dissatisfaction with the running of
the social programmes, increasing street crime, and with
corruption within the government.[228]
In order to ensure that his Bolivarian Revolution became socially engrained in Venezuela, Chvez discussed
his wish to stand for re-election when his term ran out
in 2013, and spoke of ruling beyond 2030.[229] Under
the 1999 constitution, he could not legally stand for reelection again, and so brought about a referendum on 15
February 2009 to abolish the two-term limit for all public oces, including the presidency.[230] Approximately
70% of the Venezuelan electorate voted, and they approved this alteration to the constitution with over 54%
in favor, allowing any elected ocial the chance to try to
run indenitely.[229][230][231]

4.4 Fourth presidential term: 10 January

2013 5 March 2013
The logo for the PSUV, Chvezs socialist political party founded
in 2007

Chvez had initially proclaimed that those leftist parties

which chose to not dissolve into the PSUV would have
to leave the government, however, after several of those
parties supporting him refused to do so, he ceased to issue
such threats.[222] There was initially much grassroots enthusiasm for the creation of the PSUV, with membership
having risen to 5.7 million people by 2007,[221][223] making it the largest political group in Venezuela.[224] The

On 7 October 2012, Chvez won election as president

for a fourth time, his third six-year term. He defeated
Henrique Capriles with 54% of the votes versus 45%
for Capriles, which was a lower victory margin than in
his previous presidential wins, in the 2012 Venezuelan
presidential election[2][232] Turnout in the election was
80%, with a hotly contested election between the two
candidates.[233] There was signicant support for Chvez
amongst the Venezuelan lower class. Chvezs opposition blamed him for unfairly using state funds to spread
largesse before the election to bolster Chavezs support

10

5 POLITICAL IDEOLOGY
Acting executive ocials produced orders of government signed by Chvez, which were suspected of
forgery by some opposition politicians, who claimed that
Chvez was too sick to be in control of his faculties.
Guillermo Cochez, recently dismissed from the oce of
Panamanian ambassador to the Organization of American States, even claimed that Chvez had been brain-dead
since 31 December 2012.[235][236] Near to Chavezs death,
two American attachs were expelled from the country
for allegedly undermining Venezuelan democracy.

Due to the death of Chvez, Vice President Nicolas

Maduro took over the presidential powers and duties for
the remainder of Chvezs abbreviated term until presChvez (far right) with fellow Latin American leftist presidents
in 2009. From left to right: Paraguays Fernando Lugo, Bolivias idential elections were held. Venezuelas constitution
Evo Morales, Brazils Lula da Silva and Ecuadors Rafael Correa species that the speaker of the National Assembly, Diosdado Cabello, should assume the interim presidency if a
president cannot be sworn in.[237]
among his primary electoral base, the lower class.[232]

5 Political ideology
Democracy is impossible in a capitalist system. Capitalism is the realm of injustice and a tyranny of the richest
against the poorest. Rousseau said, 'Between the powerful and the weak all freedom is oppressed. Only the rule
of law sets you free.' Thats why the only way to save
the world is through socialism, a democratic socialism...
[Democracy is not just turning up to vote every ve or
four years], its much more than that, its a way of life,
its giving power to the people... it is not the government
of the rich over the people, which is whats happening
in almost all the so-called democratic Western capitalist
countries.
Hugo Chvez, June 2010[164]

Chvez in June 2012.

Chvez propagated what he called socialism for the

21st century, but according to the pro-Chavez academic Gregory Wilpert, Chvez has not clearly dened
twenty-rst century socialism, other than to say that it
is about establishing liberty, equality, social justice, and
solidarity. He has also indicated that it is distinctly different from state socialism", as implemented by the governments of the Soviet Union and the Peoples Republic of China.[238] As a part of his socialist ideas, he
emphasised the role of so-called "participatory democracy", which he claimed increased democratic participation, and was implemented through the foundation of the
Venezuelan Communal Councils and Bolivarian Circles
which he cited as examples of grassroots and participatory democracy.[239]

The inauguration of Chvezs new term was scheduled for

10 January 2013, but as he was undergoing medical treatment at the time in Cuba, he was not able to return to
Venezuela for that date. The National Assembly president Diosdado Cabello proposed to postpone the inauguration and the Supreme Court decided that, being just
another term of the sitting president and not the inauguration of a new one, the formality could be bypassed.
The Venezuelan Bishops Conference opposed the verdict, 5.1 Bolivarianism
stating that the constitution must be respected and the
Venezuelan government had not been transparent regard- Main articles: Bolivarianism and Bolivarian Circles
ing details about Chvezs health.[234]

5.2

Marxism

11
other Enlightenment or national liberation thinker.[241]
Chvezs ideology originating from Bolvar has also received some criticism because Chvez had occasionally
described himself as being inuenced by Karl Marx, a
critic of Bolvar.[242][243] Beddow and Thibodeaux noted
the complications between Bolvar and Marx, stating
that "[d]escribing Bolivar as a socialist warrior in the
class struggle, when he was actually member of the
aristocratic 'criollos,' is peculiar when considering Karl
Marxs own writings on Bolivar, whom he dismissed as a
false liberator who merely sought to preserve the power
of the old Creole nobility which he belonged.[243]

5.2 Marxism

19th century general and politician Simn Bolvar provided a

basis for Chvezs political ideas.

Hugo Chvez dened his political position as

Bolivarianism, an ideology he developed from that
of Simn Bolvar (17831830) and others. Bolvar
was a 19th-century general who led the ght against
the colonialist Spanish authorities and who is widely
revered across Latin America today. Along with Bolvar,
the other two primary inuences upon Bolivarianism
are Simn Rodrguez (17691854), a philosopher who
was Bolvars tutor and mentor, and Ezequiel Zamora,
(18171860), the Venezuelan Federalist general.[240]
Political analyst and Chvez supporter Gregory Wilpert,
in his study of Chvezs politics, noted that The key
ingredients for Chvezs revolutionary Bolivarianism
can be summarized as: an emphasis on the importance
of education, the creation of civilian-military unity,
Latin American integration, social justice, and national
sovereignty. In many ways this is not a particularly
dierent set of principles and ideas to those of any

Chvezs connection to Marxism was a complex one,

though he had described himself as a Marxist on some
occasions.[40][41][42][43][44] In May 1996, he gave an interview with Agustn Blanco Muoz in which he remarked
that I am not a Marxist, but I am not anti-Marxist. I
am not communist, but I am not anti-communist.[244]
In a 2009 speech to the national assembly, he said: I
am a Marxist to the same degree as the followers of the
ideas of Jesus Christ and the liberator of America, Simon Bolivar.[40][245] He was well versed in many Marxist texts, having read the works of many Marxist theoreticians, and often publicly quoted them. Various international Marxists supported his government, believing it to
be a sign of proletariat revolution as predicted in Marxist
theory.[246] In 2010, Hugo Chvez proclaimed support for
the ideas of Marxist Leon Trotsky, saying When I called
him (former Minister of Labour, Jos Ramn Rivero)"
Chvez explained, he said to me: 'President I want to
tell you something before someone else tells you ... I am
a Trotskyist', and I said, 'well, what is the problem? I am
also a Trotskyist! I follow Trotskys line, that of permanent revolution, and then cited Marx and Lenin.[247][248]

5.3 Other inuences

Chvezs early heroes were nationalist military dictators that included former Peruvian president Juan Velasco Alvarado[61] and former Panamanian Maximum
Leader Omar Torrijos.[65][249] Chvez was also well acquainted with the various traditions of Latin American socialism, espoused by such gures as Colombian
politician Jorge Elicer Gaitn[250] and former Chilean
president Salvador Allende.[250] Early in his presidency,
Chvez was advised and inuenced by the Argentine fascist Norberto Ceresole.[249] Cuban Communist revolutionaries Che Guevara and Fidel Castro also inuenced
Chvez, especially with Castros government assistance
with the Bolivarian Missions.[249][250] Other indirect inuences on Chvezs political philosophy are the writings
of American linguist Noam Chomsky[251] and the Gospel
teachings of Jesus Christ.[252][253] Other inspirations

12

POLICY OVERVIEW

of Chvezs political view are Giuseppe Garibaldi,[254]

Antonio Gramsci and Antonio Negri.[255][256][257][258]

ments in addressing illiteracy, healthcare and poverty,[15]

and economic and social advances.[262] with Venezuelans quality of life improving according to a UN Index.[7]
The Gini coecient, a measure of income inequality,
also dropped from nearly .50 in 1998 to .39 in 2011,
6 Policy overview
putting Venezuela behind only Canada in the Western
Hemisphere.[263] The poverty rate fell from 48.6 per6.1 Economic and social policy
cent in 2002 to 29.5 percent in 2011, according to the
U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America.[7] The
See also: Economic policy of the Hugo Chvez govern- drop of Venezuelas poverty rate compared to poverty
in other South American countries was slightly behind
ment and Economy of Venezuela
From his election in 1998 until his death in March that of Peru, Brazil and Panama.[264] Venezuelans aged
15 and older, 95.2% could also read and write, with
Venezuela having one of the highest literacy rates in the
region,[265] though some scholars have refuted that literacy improvements during Chavezs presidency resulted
from his administrations policies.[12] Teresa A. Meade
wrote that Chvezs popularity strongly depended on the
lower classes who have beneted from these health initiatives and similar policies.[266]
The social works initiated by Chvezs government relied
on oil products, the keystone of the Venezuelan economy, with Chvezs administration suering from Dutch
disease as a result.[18][267] Economist Mark Weisbrot, in
a 2009 analysis of the Chvez administration stated that
economic expansion during Chvezs tenure began when
the government got control over the national oil company
in the rst quarter of 2003.[268] Chvez gained a reputation as a price hawk in OPEC, pushing for stringent
enforcement of production quotas and higher target oil
prices.[269] According to Cannon, the state income from
oil revenue grew from 51% of total income in 2000
to 56% 2006";[269] oil exports increased from 77% in
1997 [...] to 89% in 2006";[269] and his administrations
dependence on petroleum sales was one of the chief
problems facing the Chvez government.[269] In 2012,
the World Bank also explained that Venezuelas economy is extremely vulnerable to changes in oil prices
since in 2012 96% of the countrys exports and nearly
The blue line represents annual rates. The red line represents half of its scal revenue relied on oil production, while
trends of annual rates given throughout the period shown. GDP by 2008, according to Foreign Policy, exports of everyis in billions of Local Currency Unit that has been adjusted for thing but oil collapsed.[18][270] The Chvez administraination.
tion then used such oil prices on his populist policies and
Sources: International Monetary Fund, World Bank
for voters.[18][260]
2013, Chvezs administration proposed and enacted
democratic socialist economic policies. Domestic policies included redistribution of wealth, land reform,
and democratization of economic activity via workplace self-management and creation of worker-owned
cooperatives.[259] With increasing oil prices in the early
2000s and funds not seen in Venezuela since the 1980s,
Chvez created the Bolivarian Missions, aimed at providing public services to improve economic, cultural,
and social conditions.[10][14][21][260] The Missions entailed
the construction of thousands of free medical clinics for
the poor,[10] and the enactment of food[21] and housing
subsidies.[14] A 2010 OAS report[261] indicated achieve-

Economists say that the Venezuelan governments overspending on social programs and strict business policies contributed to imbalances in the countrys economy,
contributing to rising ination and widening shortages
near the end of Chavezs presidency.[16][17][18][260][263]
Into the 2010s, poverty began to rise in Venezuela
increase and funding for healthcare in Venezuela began to decrease.[7][271] According to analysts, the economic woes Venezuela suered under President Nicols
Maduro would have still occurred with or without
Chvez.[272]
The balance between the public and private sectors of
the Venezuelan economy remained relatively unchanged

6.1

Economic and social policy

13

during Chavezs presidency, according to estimates from

the Central Bank of Venezuela in 2009, with the private
sector accounting for a slightly larger share than before
Chavez took oce, having grown faster than the government between 2003 and 2006 when the economy was
healthy. According to the Venezuelan government, despite several nationalizations the government still controlled the same percent of the economy as when Chavez
was elected in 1998.[273] In January 2013 near the end
of Chvezs presidency, the Heritage Foundation and the
Wall Street Journal gave Venezuelas economic freedom a
low score of 36.1, twenty points lower than 56.1 in 1999,
ranking its freedom very low at 174 of 177 countries,
with freedom on a downward trend.[274] Nicholas Kozlo,
Chvezs biographer, stated of Chvezs economic poli- Shoppers waiting in line at a government-run MERCAL store.
cies: Chvez has not overturned capitalism, he has done
much to challenge the more extreme, neo-liberal model
of development.[275]
tors and hoarders for these scarcities[284] and strictly enforced his price control policy, denouncing anyone who
sold food products for higher prices as speculators.[278]
6.1.1 Food and products
In 2011, food prices in Caracas were nine times higher
than when the price controls were put in place and resulted in shortages of cooking oil, chicken, powdered
milk, cheese, sugar and meat.[22] The price controls increased the demand for basic foods while making it difcult for Venezuela to import goods causing increased
reliance on domestic production. Economists believe
this policy increased shortages.[284][285] Shortages of food
then occurred throughout the rest of Chvezs presidency
with food shortage rates between 10% and 20% from
2010 to 2013.[24] One possible reason for shortages is
the relationship between ination and subsidies, where
no protability due to price regulations aect operations. In turn, the lack of dollars made it dicult to
purchase more food imports.[23] Chvezs strategy in response to food shortages consisted of attempting to inEmpty shelves in a Venezuelan market due to shortages in crease domestic production through nationalizing large
parts of the food industry, though such nationalizations
Venezuela.
allegedly did the opposite and caused decreased producIn the 1980s and 1990s health and nutrition indexes in tion instead.[286][287]
Venezuela were generally low, and social inequality in ac- As part of his strategy of food security Chvez
cess to nutrition was high.[276] Chvez made it his stated started a national chain of supermarkets, the Mercal
goal to lower inequality in the access to basic nutrition, network, which had 16,600 outlets and 85,000 emand to achieve food sovereignty for Venezuela.[277] The ployees that distributed food at highly discounted
main strategy for making food available to all economic prices, and ran 6000 soup kitchens throughout the
classes was a controversial policy of xing price ceil- country.[288] Simultaneously Chvez expropriated many
ings for basic staple foods implemented in 2003.[278] Be- private supermarkets.[288] According to Commerce Mintween 1998 and 2006 malnutrition related deaths fell ister Richard Canan, The average [savings] for the baby 50%.[279] In October 2009, the Executive Direc- sic food bundle (at the Mercal Bicentennial markets) is
tor of the National Institute of Nutrition (INN) Mari- around 30%. There are some products, for example
lyn Di Luca reported that the average daily caloric in- cheese and meat, which reach a savings of 50 to 60%
take of the Venezuelan people had reached 2790 calo- compared with capitalist markets.[289] The Mercal netries, and that malnutrition had fallen from 21% in 1998 work was criticized by some commentators as being a
to 6%.[280] Chvez also expropriated and redistributed 5 part of Chvezs strategy to brand himself as a provider
million acres of farmland from large landowners.[281]
of cheap food, and the shops feature his picture promiPrice controls initiated by Chvez created shortages of nently. The Mercal network was also subject to frequent
goods since merchants could no longer aord to im- scarcities of basic staples such as meat, milk and sugar
port necessary goods.[282][283] Chvez blamed specula- and when scarce products arrived, shoppers had to wait

14

POLICY OVERVIEW

in lines.[288]
6.1.2

Communes

Every factory must be a school to educate, like Che Guevara said, to produce not only briquettes, steel, and aluminum, but also, above all, the new man and woman, the
new society, the socialist society.
Hugo Chvez, May 2009[290]
After his election in 1998, more than 100,000 stateowned cooperatives which claimed to represent some
1.5 million people were formed with the assistance of
government start-up credit and technical training;[291] and
the creation and maintenance, as of September 2010, of
over 30,000 communal councils, examples of localised
participatory democracy; which he intended to be integrated into regional umbrella organizations known as
Communes in Construction.[292]
In 2010, Chvez supported the construction of 184
communes, housing thousands of families, with $23 million in government funding. The communes produced
some of their own food, and were able to make decisions by popular assembly of what to do with government
funds.[293] In September 2010, Chvez announced the location of 876 million bolivars ($203 million) for community projects around the country, specically communal councils and the newly formed communes. Chvez
also criticised the bureaucracy still common in Venezuela
saying, when in discussion with his Communes Minister Isis Ochoa, that All of the projects must be carried
out by the commune, not the bureaucracy. The Ministry for Communes, which oversees and funds all communal projects, was initiated in 2009.[292] Despite such
promises, the Venezuelan government often failed to construct the number of homes they had proposed.[294][295]
According to Venezuelas El Universal, one of the Chvez
administrations outstanding weaknesses is the failure to
meet its goals of construction of housing.[294]
6.1.3

Blue line represents implied value of VEF compared to USD. The

red line represents what the Venezuelan government ocially
rates the VEF.
Sources: Banco Central de Venezuela, Dolar Paralelo, Federal
Reserve Bank, International Monetary Fund

tinued to devalue for Venezuelan citizens and merchants

since the government held the majority of the more reliable currencies.[297]
The implied value or black market value is what
Venezuelans believe the Bolivar Fuerte is worth compared to the United States dollar.[298] The high rates in
the black market make it dicult for businesses to purchase necessary goods since the government often forces
these businesses to make price cuts. This leads to businesses selling their goods and making a low prot.[299]
Since businesses make low prots, this leads to shortages
since they are unable to import the goods that Venezuela
is reliant on.[300]

6.2 Crime and punishment

For more details on this topic, see Crime in Venezuela.
During the 1980s and 1990s there was a steady increase

Currency controls

For more details on this topic, see Economy of Venezuela

Currency Black Market.
In the rst few years of Chavezs oce, his newly created social programs required large payments in order to
make the desired changes. On February 5, 2003, the
government created CADIVI, a currency control board
charged with handling foreign exchange procedures. Its
creation was to control capital ight by placing limits on
individuals and only oering them so much of a foreign
currency.[296] This limit to foreign currency led to a creation of a currency black market economy since Venezuelan merchants rely on foreign goods that require payments
with reliable foreign currencies. As Venezuela printed
more money for their social programs, the bolvar con-

Murder rate (1 murder per 100,000 citizens) from 1998 to 2013.

Sources: OVV,[301][302] PROVEA,[303][304] UN[303][304][305]
* UN line between 2007 and 2012 is simulated missing data.

in crime in Latin America. The countries of Colombia,

El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil all had homicide rates

6.2

Crime and punishment

15
only 1,332 investigations for kidnappings were opened or
about 7% of the total kidnapping cases, with 90.4% of
the kidnappings happening away from rural areas, 80%
of all being express kidnappings and the most common
victim being lower-middle or middle class Venezuelans
and middle-aged men.[319] Also in 2009, it was reported
that Venezuelan authorities would assign judicial police
to Caracas area morgues to speak with families.[320] At
that time, they would advise families not to report the
murder of their family member to the media in exchange
to have the process of recovering the victims body in an
expedited manner.[320]

Number of kidnappings in Venezuela 19892011.

Source: CICPC[306][307][308]
* Express kidnappings may not be included in data

above the regional average.[309] During his terms as president, hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans were murdered due to violent crimes occurring in the country.[310]
Gareth A. Jones and Dennis Rodgers stated in their book
Youth violence in Latin America: Gangs and Juvenile
Justice in Perspective that, With the change of political
regime in 1999 and the initiation of the Bolivarian Revolution, a period of transformation and political conict
began, marked by a further increase in the number and
rate of violent deaths showing that in four years, the murder rate had increased to 44 per 100,000 people.[311] Kidnappings also rose tremendously during Chavezs tenure,
with the number of kidnappings over 20 times higher in
2011 than when Chavez was elected.[306][307][308] Director James Brabazon, stated kidnapping crimes had skyrocketed ... after late Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez
freed thousands of violent prisoners as part of controversial criminal justice system reforms while kidnappings
and murders also increased due to Colombian organized
crime activity as well.[312][313] He further explained that
common criminals felt that the Venezuelan government
did not care for the problems of the higher and middle
classes, which in turn gave them a sense of impunity that
created a large business of kidnapping-for-ransom.[312]

In September 2010, responding to escalating crime rates

in the country, Chvez stated that Venezuela is no more
violent than it was when he rst took oce.[321] An
International Crisis Group report that same year stated
that when Chvez took oce, there were some factors
beyond his control that led to the crime epidemic throughout Venezuela, but that Chvez ignored it as well as
corruption in the country; especially among fellow state
ocials. The report also stated that international organised crime lters between Colombia and Venezuela
with the assistance among the highest spheres of government in Venezuela, lead to higher rates of kidnapping, drug tracking, and homicides. Chvez supporters stated that the Bolivarian National Police has reduced
crime and also said that the states with the highest murder rates were controlled by the opposition.[322][323] According to the publications El Espectador and Le Monde
diplomatique, rising crime in rural and urban areas of
Venezuela was partly due to increased cross-border activity by Colombian right-wing paramilitary groups like
guilas Negras.[324]

6.2.1 Prisons
During Chvezs presidency, there were reports of prisoners having easy access to rearms, drugs, and alcohol.
Carlos Nietohead of Window to Freedomalleges
that heads of gangs acquire military weapons from the
state, saying: They have the types of weapons that can
only be obtained by the countrys armed forces. ... No
one else has these. Use of internet and mobile phones
are also a commonplace where criminals can take part in
street crime while in prison. One prisoner explained how,
If the guards mess with us, we shoot them and that he
had seen a man have his head cut o and people play
football with it.[325]

Under Chvezs administration, crimes were so prevalent

that by 2007 the government no longer produced crime
data.[314] Homicide rates in Venezuela more than tripled,
with one NGO nding the rate to have nearly quadrupled. The majority of the deaths occur in crowded slums
in Caracas.[27][28] The NGO found that the number of
homicides in the country increased from 6,000 in 1999 to
24,763 in 2013.[29][30][315] In 2010 Caracas had the highest murder rate in the world.[316] According to the United Edgardo Lander, a sociologist and professor at the CenNations Oce on Drugs and Crime, in 2012 there were tral University of Venezuela with a PhD in sociology
13,080 murders in Venezuela.[317]
from Harvard University explained that Venezuelan prisIn leaked government INE data for kidnappings in the ons were practically a school for criminals since young
year 2009, the number of kidnappings were at an esti- inmates come out more sort of trained and hardened
mated 16,917, contrasting the CICPCs number of only than when they went in. He also explained that pris673,[307] before the Venezuelan government blocked the ons are controlled by gangs and that very little has been
data.[313][318][319] According to the leaked INE report, done to control them.[326]

16

6.3

POLICY OVERVIEW

Corruption

old Fourth Republic political parties. Venezuelas trade

unionists and indigenous communities have participated
For more details on this topic, see Corruption in in peaceful demonstrations intended to impel the government to facilitate labor and land reforms. These commuVenezuela.
In December 1998, Hugo Chvez declared three goals nities, while largely expressing their sympathy and support for Chvez, criticize what they see as Chvezs slow
progress in protecting their interests against managers and
mining concerns, respectively.[333][334][335]
6.3.1 Aiding FARC
According to the International Institute for Strategic
Studies (IISS), Chavezs government funded FARC's
oce in Caracas and gave it access to Venezuelas intelligence services and said that during the 2002 coup
attempt that, FARC also responded to requests from
(Venezuelas intelligence service) to provide training in
Venezuelas perception of corruption scores between 2004 and
urban terrorism involving targeted killings and the use of
2013.
( * ) Score was averaged according to Transparency Interna- explosives. The IISS continued saying that the archive
oers tantalizing but ultimately unproven suggestions that
tionals method.
FARC may have undertaken assassinations of Chavezs
Source: Transparency International
political opponents on behalf of the Venezuelan state.
for the new government; convening a constituent as- Venezuelan diplomats denounced the IISS' ndings say[336]
sembly to write a new constitution, eliminating govern- ing that they had basic inaccuracies.
ment corruption, and ghting against social exclusion In 2007, authorities in Colombia claimed that through
and poverty. However, during Hugo Chvezs time in laptops they had seized on a raid against Raul Reyes, they
power, corruption has become widespread throughout the found in documents that Hugo Chvez oered payments
government due to impunity towards members of the of as much as $300 million to the FARC among other
government, bribes and the lack of transparency.[327] In nancial and political ties that date back years along
2004, Hugo Chvez and his allies took over the Supreme with other documents showing high-level meetings have
Court, lling it with supporters of Chvez and made new been held between rebels and Ecuadorean ocials and
measures so the government could dismiss justices from some documents claiming that FARC had bought and
the court.[328] According to the libertarian Cato Institute, sold uranium".[337][338]
the National Electoral Council of Venezuela was under
In 2015, Chvezs former bodyguard Leamsy Salazar
control of Chvez where he tried to push a constitustated in Bumern Chvez that Chvez met with the
tional reform that would have allowed him unlimited ophigh command of FARC in 2007 somewhere in rural
[329]
portunities for reelection.
The Corruption PercepVenezuela. Chvez created a system in which the FARC
tions Index, produced annually by the Berlin-based NGO,
would provide the Venezuelan government with drugs
Transparency International (TNI) reports ndings of corthat would be transported in live cattle and the FARC
ruption in countries around the world. In the later years
would receive money and weaponry from the Venezueof Chvezs tenure, corruption worsened; it was 158th out
lan government. According to Salazar, this was done in
of 180 countries in 2008, and 165th out of 176 (tied with
order to weaken Colombian President lvaro Uribe, an
[330]
Burundi, Chad, and Haiti)
). Most Venezuelans beenemy of Chvez.[339]
lieved the governments eort against corruption is ineffective, that corruption has increased, and that government institutions such as the judicial system, parliament,
6.4 Human rights
legislature and police are the most corrupt.[331]
In Gallup Poll's 2006 Corruption Index, Venezuela
ranked 31st out of 101 countries according to how
widespread the population perceive corruption as being in the government and in business. The index lists
Venezuela as the second least corrupt nation in Latin
America, behind Chile.[332] Some criticism came from
Chvezs supporters. Chvezs own political party, Fifth
Republic Movement (MVR), had been criticized as being
riddled with the same cronyism, political patronage, and
corruption that Chvez alleged were characteristic of the

For more details on this topic, see Human rights in

Venezuela.

6.4.1 1999 Venezuelan Constitution

In the 1999 Venezuelan constitution, 116 of the 350 articles were concerned with human rights; these included
increased protections for indigenous peoples and women,

6.4

Human rights

17
and the Direccion de Inteligencia Seguridad y Prevencin
(DISIP) stating that they allegedly used excessive force
to control the situation on a number of occasions during
protests involving the 2004 Venezuela recall.[343] It was
also noted that many of the protesters detained seemed
to not be brought before a judge within the legal time
limit.[343]

Chvez, speaking at the 2003 World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil

and established the rights of the public to education, housing, healthcare, and food. It called for dramatic democratic reforms such as ability to recall politicians from ofce by popular referendum, increased requirements for
government transparency, and numerous other requirements to increase localized, participatory democracy, in
favor of centralized administration. It gave citizens the
right to timely and impartial information, community access to media, and a right to participate in acts of civil
disobedience.[340][341]
6.4.2

Criticisms

In 2008, Human Rights Watch released a report reviewing Chvezs human rights record over his rst decade
in power.[344] The report praises Chvezs 1999 amendments to the constitution which signicantly expanded
human rights guarantees, as well as mentioning improvements in womens rights and indigenous rights, but noted
a wide range of government policies that have undercut the human rights protections established by the revised constitution.[344] In particular, the report accused
Chvez and his administration of engaging in discrimination on political grounds, eroding the independence of the
judiciary, and of engaging in policies that have undercut
journalists freedom of expression, workers freedom of
association, and civil societys ability to promote human
rights in Venezuela.[345] The Venezuelan government retaliated for the report by expelling members of Human
Rights Watch from the country.[346] Subsequently, over
a hundred Latin American scholars signed a joint letter
with the Council on Hemispheric Aairs criticizing the
Human Rights Watch report for its alleged factual inaccuracy, exaggeration, lack of context, illogical arguments,
and heavy reliance on opposition newspapers as sources,
amongst other things.[347][348][349]
The International Labor Organization of the United Nations had also expressed concern over voters being pressured to join the party.[225]

Freedom ratings in Venezuela from 1998 to 2013. (1 = Free, 7

= not free)
Source: Freedom House

Shortly after Hugo Chvezs election, ratings for freedom

in Venezuela dropped according to political and human
rights group Freedom House and Venezuela was rated
partly free.[342] In 2004, Amnesty International criticized President Chavezs administration of not handling
the 2002 coup in a proper manner, saying that violent incidents have not been investigated eectively and have
gone unpunished and that impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators encourages further human rights violations in
a particularly volatile political climate.[343] Amnesty International also criticized the Venezuelan National Guard

Chvez meets with Hillary Clinton at the Summit of the Americas

on 19 April 2009.

In 2010, Amnesty International criticized the Chvez administration for targeting critics following several politically motivated arrests.[350] Freedom House listed
Venezuela as being partly free in its 2011 Freedom in
the World annual report, noting a recent decline in civil
liberties.[351] A 2010 Organization of American States report found concerns with freedom of expression, human
rights abuses, authoritarianism, press freedom, threats to

18

POLICY OVERVIEW

democracy,[352][353] as well as erosion of separation of

powers, the economic infrastructure and ability of the
president to appoint judges to federal courts.[352][353][354]
OAS observers were denied access to Venezuela;[354]
Chvez rejected the OAS report, pointing out that its authors did not even come to Venezuela. He said Venezuela
should boycott the OAS, which he felt is dominated by
the United States; a spokesperson said, We don't recognize the commission as an impartial institution. He
disclaimed any power to inuence the judiciary.[355] A
Venezuelan ocial said the report distorted and took
statistics out of context, and said that human rights violations in Venezuela have decreased.[356] Venezuela said
it would not accept an IACHR/OAS visit as long as Santiago Cantn remains its Executive Secretary, unless the
IACHR apologizes for what he described as its support
of the 2002 coup.[261][357]
In November 2014, Venezuela appeared before the
United Nations Committee Against Torture over cases
between 2002 and 2014.[358] Human rights expert of the
UN committee, Felice D. Gaer, noted that in only 12
public ocials have been convicted of human rights violations in the last decade when in the same period have
been more than 5,000 complaints.[359] The United Nations stated that there were 31,096 complaints of human
rights violations received between the years 2011 and
2014.[360] Of the 31,096 complaints, only 3.1% of the
cases resulted in only in an indictment by the Venezuelan Venezuelans protesting against the closing of RCTV.
Public Ministry.[360][361]
Allegations of Anti-semitism See also: Accusations
of Chvez anti-Semitism
Chavezs opposition to Zionism and close relations with
Iran led to accusations of antisemitism[362][363] Such
claims were made by the Venezuelan Jewish community at a World Jewish Congress Plenary Assembly in
Jerusalem.[364] Claims of antisemitism were prompted
by various remarks Chvez made, including in a 2006
Christmas speech where he complained that a minority, the descendants of the same ones that crucied
Christ, now had taken possession of all of the wealth
of the world.[365][366] In 2009, attacks on a synagogue
in Caracas were alleged to be inuenced by vocal denunciations of Israel by the Venezuelan state media and
Hugo Chvez even though Chavez promptly condemned
the attacks blaming an oligarchy.[364][367] A weeklong
CICPC investigation revealed the synagogue attack to be
an 'inside job', the motive apparently being robbery rather
than anti-semitism.[368][369]

Venezuelas press as being Not Free in its 2011 Map of

Press Freedom, noting that "[t]he gradual erosion of press
freedom in Venezuela continued in 2010.[370] Reporters
Without Borders criticized the Chvez administration for
steadily silencing its critics.[371] In the groups 2009
Press Freedom Index, Reporters Without Borders noted
that Venezuela is now among the regions worst press
freedom oenders.[371]
In July 2005 Chvez inaugurated TeleSUR, a PanAmerican equivalent of Al Jazeera that sought to challenge the present domination of Latin American television news by Univision and the United States-based CNN
en Espaol.[372] In 2006 Chvez inaugurated a statefunded movie studio called Villa del Cine (English: Cinema City).[373]

Chvez also had a Twitter account with more than

3,200,000 followers as of August 2012.[374][375][376] A
team of 200 people sorted through suggestions and com6.5 Media and the press
ments sent via Twitter. Chvez said Twitter was another mechanism for contact with the public, to evaluate
Human Rights Watch criticized Chvez for engaging in many things and to help many people,[377] and that he
often discriminatory policies that have undercut journal- saw Twitter as a weapon that also needs to be used by
ists freedom of expression.[345] Freedom House listed the revolution.[378]

19

6.6

Foreign policy

Further information: Foreign policy of the Hugo Chvez

government
Chvez refocused Venezuelan foreign policy on Latin

Chvez with fellow South American presidents of Argentina and

Brazil

American economic and social integration by enacting bilateral trade and reciprocal aid agreements, including his so-called oil diplomacy.[379][380] Relationships with Cuba (CubaVenezuela relations) and Iran
(IranVenezuela relations) were of particular importance. Chvez focused on a variety of multinational institutions to promote his vision of Latin American inte- Bolivarian memorabilia for sale in Venezuela, 2006
gration, including Petrocaribe, Petrosur, and TeleSUR.
Bilateral trade relationships with other Latin American
On January 15, 2014, Mexican novelist Norma
countries also played a major role in his policy, with
Gomez released Swan Song, a political thriller that
Chvez increasing arms purchases from Brazil, forming
points to American involvement in the death of
oil-for-expertise trade arrangements with Cuba, and creHugo Chvez.[388]
ating unique barter arrangements that exchange Venezuelan petroleum for cash-strapped Argentinas meat and
On 5 March 2014, Oliver Stone and teleSUR release
dairy products. He also befriended pariah states such as
the documentary lm Mi Amigo Hugo (My Friend
[381]
Belarus and Iran.
Hugo), a documentary about his political life, one
year after his death. The lm also is a spiritual answer and a tribute from Stone to Chvez.[389]

In popular culture

Syndicated cartoonists from around the world cre- 8 Personal life

ated cartoons, illustrations, and videos of Hugo
Chvezs controversial political career and the reacChvez married twice. He rst wed Nancy Colmenares,
tions to his death.[382][383][384][385]
a woman from a poor family in Chvezs hometown of
Sabaneta. Chvez and Colmenares remained married for
Hugo Chvez appears as a heroic character in the 18 years, during which time they had three children: Rosa
Latin American postmodern fantasy novel United Virginia, Mara Gabriela, and Hugo Rafael, the latter of
States of Banana (2011) by Giannina Braschi; whom suers from behavioural problems.[390] The couChvez leads left-wing Latin American leaders Evo ple separated soon after Chvezs 1992 coup attempt.
Morales, Lula, Fidel Castro, and Cristina Fernn- During his rst marriage, Chvez had an aair with hisdez de Kirchner on a quest to liberate the people of torian Herma Marksman; their relationship lasted nine
Puerto Rico from the United States.[386]
years.[391] Chvezs second wife was journalist Marisabel
Rodrguez de Chvez, with whom he separated in 2002
Oliver Stone directed the 2009 documentary South and divorced in 2004.[392] Through that marriage, Chvez
of the Border, where he sets out on a road trip had another daughter, Rosins.[393] Both Mara and Rosa
across ve countries to explore the social and po- provided Chvez with grandchildren.[390][394] Allegations
litical movements as well as the mainstream medias were made that Chvez was a womanizer, and had been
misperception of South America, while interview- throughout both his marriages, but these have remained
unproven and are contradicted by statements provided by
ing seven of its elected presidents.[387]

20

10

other gures close to him.[395]

Chvez was a Catholic. He intended at one time to become a priest. He saw his socialist policies as having
roots in the teachings of Jesus Christ,[396] (liberation theology) and he publicly used the slogan of Christ is with
the Revolution!"[397] Although he traditionally kept his
own faith a private matter, Chvez over the course of
his presidency became increasingly open to discussing
his religious views, stating that he interpreted Jesus as a
Communist.[398] He was, in general, a liberal Catholic,
some of whose declarations were disturbing to the religious community of his country. In 2008 he expressed
his skepticism of an afterlife, saying that such idea was
false.[399] He also would declare his belief in Darwin's
theory of evolution, stating that it is a lie that God created man from the ground.[400] Among other things, he
cursed the state of Israel,[401] and he had some disputes
with both the Venezuelan Catholic clergy and Protestant
groups like the New Tribes Mission,[402][403] whose evangelical leader he condemned to hell.[404] In addition,
he showed syncretistic practices such as the worship of
the Venezuelan goddess Mara Lionza.[405][406] In his last
years, after he discovered he had cancer, Chvez became
more attached to the Catholic Church.[407]

Illness

Chvez walking with a cane accompanied by Rafael Correa in

July 2011, shortly after his surgery.

In June 2011, Chvez revealed in a televised address from

Havana, Cuba, that he was recovering from an operation
to remove an abscessed tumor with cancerous cells.[408]
Vice President Elas Jaua declared that the President remained in full exercise of power and that there was
no need to transfer power due to his absence from the
country.[409] On 3 July, the Venezuelan government denied, however, that Chvezs tumour had been completely
removed, further stating that he was heading for complete recovery.[410] On 17 July 2011, television news reported that Chvez had returned to Cuba for further cancer treatments.[411]

DEATH

57th birthday, in which he stated that his health troubles had led him to radically reorient his life towards a
more diverse, more reective and multi-faceted outlook, and he went on to call on the middle classes and
the private sector to get more involved in his Bolivarian
Revolution, something he saw as vital to its success.[412]
Soon after this speech, in August Chvez announced that
his government would nationalize Venezuelas gold industry, taking it over from Russian-controlled company
Rusoro, while at the same time also moving the countrys
gold stocks, which were largely stored in western banks,
to banks in Venezuelas political allies like Russia, China
and Brazil.[413]
On 9 July 2012, Chvez declared himself fully recovered
from cancer just three months before the 2012 Venezuelan presidential election, which he won, securing a fourth
term as president.[414] In November 2012, Chvez announced plans to travel to Cuba for more medical treatment for cancer.[415]
On 8 December 2012, Chvez announced he would undergo a new operation after doctors in Cuba detected
malignant cells; the operation took place on 11 December 2012.[416] Chvez suered a respiratory infection
after undergoing the surgery but it was controlled.[417]
It was announced 20 December by the countrys vicepresident that Chvez had suered complications following his surgery.[418] It was announced on 3 January
2013 that Chvez had a severe lung infection that had
caused respiratory failures following a strict treatment
regimen for respiratory insuciency.[419] However he
was reported to have overcome this later that month,[420]
and it was reported that he was then undergoing further treatment.[421] On 18 February 2013, Chvez returned to Venezuela after 2 months of cancer treatment
in Cuba.[422] On 1 March 2013, Vice President Nicols
Maduro said that Chvez had been receiving chemotherapy in Venezuela following his surgery in Cuba.[423] On 4
March, it was announced by the Venezuelan government
that Chvezs breathing problems had worsened and he
was suering a new, severe respiratory infection.[424]

10 Death
Main article: Death and state funeral of Hugo Chvez

On 5 March 2013, Vice President Nicols Maduro announced on state television that Chvez had died in a military hospital in Caracas at 16:25 VET (20:55 UTC).[425]
The Vice President said Chvez died after battling a
tough illness for nearly two years.[425] According to the
head of Venezuelas presidential guard, Chvez died from
a massive heart attack, and his cancer was very advanced
when he died.[426] Gen. Jose Ornella said that near the
end of his life Chvez could not speak aloud, but mouthed
Chvez gave a public appearance on 28 July 2011, his his last words: Yo no quiero morir, por favor no me

21
dejen morir (I don't want to die. Please don't let me
die).[426] Chvez is survived by four children and four
grandchildren.[427]
Suggestions of foul play[425][428] (that Chvez had been
poisoned or infected with cancer,[429][430][431] ) were
strongly denied by the U.S. Department of State as
absurd.[432]
His death triggered a constitutional requirement that a
presidential election be called within 30 days. Chavezs
Vice President, Maduro, was elected president on April
14, 2013.

11
11.1

Honours and awards

Recognition

Beijing University, China; Honorary Doctorate in

Economics, 24 May 2001.
Higher University of San Andrs, Bolivia; Honorary
Doctorate, 24 January 2006.[450]
UARCIS, Chile; Honorary Doctorate Granted
by Rector Carlos Margotta Trincado on 7 March
2006.[451]
University of Damascus, Syria; Honorary Doctorate
Granted by Rector Wael Moualla on 30 August
2006.[452]
University of Tripoli, Libya; Honorary Doctorate in Economy and Human Sciences, 23 October
2010.[453][454]

12 See also

The United States-based Time magazine included Hugo

Chvez among their list of the worlds 100 most inuen Bolivarianism
tial people in 2005 and 2006, noting the spreading of his
Chavismo
anti-globalization eorts and anti-US sentiment through[440][441]
out Latin America.
In a 2006 list compiled by
the leftist British magazine New Statesman, he was voted
eleventh in the list of Heroes of our time.[442] In 2010 13 References
the magazine included Chvez in its annual The Worlds
50 Most Inuential Figures.[443] His biographers Marcano 13.1 Footnotes
and Tyszka believed that within only a few years of his
presidency, he had already earned his place in history [1] McCoy, Jennifer L; Myers, David J. (2006). The Unravelas the president most loved and most despised by the
ing of Representative Democracy in Venezuela. Baltimore,
Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 310. ISBN
Venezuelan people, the president who inspired the great9780801884283.
est zeal and the deepest revulsion at the same time.[444]
In 2008 Chvez was awarded the Blue Planet Award [445]
by the Ethecon Foundation,[446] one of the comparatively
very few 'grass-root' foundations.[447]

[2] Cawthorne, Andrew (8 October 2012). Venezuelas

Chvez re-elected to extend socialist. rule. Reuters. Retrieved 8 October 2012.

11.2

[3] Chavez swearing-in delay legal, rules Venezuela Supreme

Court. World.myjoyonline.com. 9 January 2013. Retrieved 8 March 2013.

Honorary degrees

Chvez was awarded the following honorary degrees:[448]

[4] Castillo, Mariano (5 March 2013). Venezuelan leader

Hugo Chvez dies. CNN. Retrieved 5 March 2013.

Kyung Hee University, South Korea; Honorary

Doctorate in Political Science Granted by Rector
Chungwon Choue on 16 October 1999.

[5] Cawthorne, Andrew (5 March 2013). Venezuelas Hugo

Chvez dies from cancer: VP. Reuters. Retrieved 5
March 2013.

Universidad Autnoma de Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic; Honorary Doctorate in Jurisprudence,

9 March 2001.

[6] Ian James (4 October 2012). Venezuela vote puts 'Chavismo' to critical test. Yahoo. Archived from the original
on 4 Sep 2014. Retrieved 2 February 2013.

University of Braslia, Brazil; Honorary Doctorate

Granted by Rector Alberto Prez on 3 April 2001.

[7] Charlie Devereux & Raymond Colitt. March 7, 2013.

Venezuelans Quality of Life Improved in UN Index Under Chavez. Bloomberg L.P. Archived from the original
on 4 Sep 2014. Retrieved 7 March 2013.

Universidad Nacional de Ingeniera, Nicaragua;

Honorary Doctorate in Engineering Granted by
Rector Aldo Urbina on May 2001.[449]

[8] Social Panorama of Latin America 2014 (PDF). ECLAC.

March 2014. pp. 9192. Retrieved 15 June 2015.

Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russia; Honorary Doctorate, 15 May 2001.

[9] Montilla K., Andrea (23 April 2014). Hoy se inicia consulta nacional para el currculo educativo. El Nacional.
Retrieved 24 April 2014.

22

[10] Estrategia de Cooperacin de OPS/OMS con Venezuela

20062008 (PDF) (in Spanish). Pan American Health
Organization. June 2006. pp. p. 54. Archived from the
original (PDF) on 2006-10-24. Retrieved 31 December
2006.
[11] Mrquez, Humberto (28 October 2005). Venezuela se
declara libre de analfabetismo (in Spanish). Inter Press
Service. Archived from the original on 4 Sep 2014. Retrieved 29 December 2006.
[12] Propaganda, not policy. The Economist. 28 February
2008. Archived from the original on 4 Sep 2014. Retrieved 3 May 2014.
[13] Weisbrot, Mark; Rosnick, David (May 2008).
""Illiteracy Revisited: What Ortega and Rodrguez
Read in the Household Survey (PDF). Retrieved 3 May
2014.
[14] Banco de la Vivienda transri 66 millardos para subsidios (in Spanish). El Universal. 10 November 2006.
Retrieved 29 December 2006.
[15] Alonso, Juan Francisco (24 February 2010). IACHR requests the Venezuelan government to guarantee all human
rights. El Universal. Retrieved 25 February 2010.
[16] Siegel, Robert (25 December 2014). For Venezuela,
Drop In Global Oil Prices Could Be Catastrophic. NPR.
Retrieved 4 January 2015.
[17] Scharfenberg, Ewald (1 February 2015). Volver a ser
pobre en Venezuela. El Pais. Retrieved 3 February 2015.
[18] Corrales, Javier (7 March 2013). The House That
Chavez Built. Foreign Policy. Retrieved 6 February
2015.
[19] Gallagher, J. J. (25 March 2015). Venezuela: Does an
increase in poverty signal threat to government?". The
Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved 29 March 2015.
[20] Corrales, Javier (7 May 2015). Dont Blame It On the
Oil. Foreign Policy. Retrieved 10 May 2015.
[21] Barreiro C., Raquel (4 March 2006). Mercal es 34% ms
barato (in Spanish). El Universal. Retrieved 29 December 2006.
[22] Venezuelas economy: Medieval policies.
The
Economist. 20 August 2011. Retrieved 21 April 2014.
[23] Las principales causas de la escasez en Venezuela.
Banca & Negocios. 27 March 2014. Retrieved 21 April
2014.
[24] EL ASCENSO DE LA ESCASEZ. El Universal. 13
February 2014. Retrieved 21 April 2014.
[25] "Por qu faltan dlares en Venezuela?". El Nacional. 8
October 2013. Retrieved 21 April 2014.
[26] Venezuelas economy: Medieval policies.
The
Economist. 20 August 2011. Retrieved 23 February 2014.
[27] Pretel, Enrique Andres (2 September 2010). Chavez
defends his record on crime in Venezuela. Reuters.
Archived from the original on 2010-09-16. Retrieved 10
September 2010.

13

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[28] Venezuela murder-rate quadrupled under Chvez:

NGO. Reuters. 11 March 2010. Retrieved 10
September 2010.
[29] Holland, Alisha. A decade under Chvez: political intolerance and lost opportunities for advancing human rights in
Venezuela Human Rights Watch, New York (2008) ISBN
1-56432-371-4
[30] Chavez criticizes US take on crime in Venezuela. The
Boston Globe. 27 March 2012. Archived from the original
on 2013-12-17. Retrieved 16 May 2012.
[31] Wills, Santiago (10 July 2013). The World Is Getting
More Corrupt, and These Are the 5 Worst Oenders.
Fusion. Archived from the original on 2014-08-25. Retrieved 18 March 2014.
[32] Venezuela: Police corruption blamed for kidnapping epidemic. The Scotsman. 30 May 2011. Retrieved 18
March 2014.
[33] Leyes habilitantes. Correo del Orinoco. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
[34] Stay informed today and every day (2010-12-28).
Enabling laws in The Economist. Economist.com. Retrieved 2014-05-19.
[35] Moloney, Anastasia (29 January 2007). Photo Feature:
Chavezs Propaganda. World Politics Review. Retrieved
10 March 2012.
[36] Grant, Will (November 23, 2010). Venezuela bans unauthorised use of Hugo Chavezs image. BBC News. Retrieved April 26, 2012.
[37] Romero, Simon (February 4, 2011). In Venezuela, an
American Has the Presidents Ear. The New York Times.
Retrieved April 26, 2012.
[38] Lakshmanan, Indira (27 July 2005). Channeling his energies Venezuelans riveted by presidents TV show. The
Boston Globe. Retrieved 14 April 2012.
[39] Ellner 2002
[40] Hugo Chavez admits to being Marxist, just like Christ |
World | RIA Novosti. En.ria.ru. 2010-01-16. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
[41] Yolanda Valery BBC Mundo, Venezuela (1970-01-01).
BBC Mundo Amrica Latina El marxismo segn
Chvez. Bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 2014-05-19.
[42] Foto: ABN / Zurimar Campos. Chvez arma que es
marxista pero reconoce que todava no ha ledo El Capital en. Noticias24.com. Retrieved 2014-05-19.
[43] Ludmila Vinogrado (2010-06-03). Chavez se declara
marxista Internacional_Iberoamerica Internacional.
ABC.es. Retrieved 2014-05-19.
[44] Chvez se declara marxista en un mensaje ante el Congreso. Edant.clarin.com. 2010-01-16. Retrieved 201405-19.
[45] Beaumont 2006.

13.1

Footnotes

23

[46] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. pp. 78, 247.

[82] Jones 2007. pp. 6577.

[47] Jones 2007. p. 21.

[83] Jones 2007. p. 634.

[48] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. pp. 0809.

[84] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. pp. 4849, 56.

[49] Chvez quoted in Jones 2007. pp. 22, 25.

[85] Wilpert 2007. p. 16.

[50] Jones 2007. p. 24.

[86] Gott 2005. pp. 2324.

[51] Chvez quoted in Jones 2007. pp. 23, 2526.

[87] Cannon 2009. p. 56.

[52] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p. 11.

[88] Chvez, quoted in Jones 2007. p. 80.

[53] Jones 2007. pp. 2324, 2627.

[89] Chvez, quoted in Jones 2007. p. 81.

[54] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. pp. 07, 2426.

[90] Cannon 2009. p. 58.

[55] Cannon 2009. p. 55.

[91] Jones 2007. pp. 8385.

[56] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p. 30.

[92] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. pp. 5153.

[57] Jones 2007. p. 38.

[93] Jones 2007. pp. 8690.

[58] Jones 2007. pp. 4950.

[94] Jones 2007. pp. 9293.

[59] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p. 31.

[95] Crdenas, quoted in Jones 2007. pp. 9293.

[60] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p. 35.

[96] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p. 50.

[61] Jones 2007. pp. 4047.

[97] Jones 2007. p. 98-102.

[62] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. pp. 2930.

[98] Jones 2007. pp. 105, 108.

[63] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p. 36.

[99] Cannon 2009. pp. 3637.

[64] Chvez quoted in Jones 2007. p. 40-47.

[100] Kozlo 2006. pp. 4344.

[65] Jones 2007. pp. 5253.

[101] Gibbs 2006. p. 270.

[66] Jones 2007. p. 54.

[102] Inter-American Court of Human Rights 1999.

[67] Chvez quoted in Marcano and Tyszka 2007. pp. 3637. [103] Pretel 2005.
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[107] Jones 2007. pp. 122123, 126.

[72] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p. 38.

[108] Cannon 2009. pp. 5556.

[73] Jones 2007. pp. 5759.

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[74] Jones 2007. p. 59.

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[112] Gott 2005. p. 63.

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[113] Sylvia and Danopolous 2003. p. 66.

[79] Jones 2007. pp. 6365.

[114] Gott 2005. p. 69.

[80] Wilpert 2007. p. 15.

[115] Jones 2007. pp. 131155.

[81] Cannon 2009. p. 54.

[116] Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p. 95.

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[412] BBC News 2011b.

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[396] Chvez demands Pope apologize for Indian comments.
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13.2 Bibliography
13.2.1 Books
Ali, Tariq (2006). Pirates of the Caribbean: Axis of
Hope. London and New York: Verso. ISBN 978-184467-102-1.
Brewer-Caras, Allan (2010). Dismantling Democracy in Venezuela: The Chvez Authoritarian Experiment. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-19587-4.
Bruce, Iain (2008). The Real Venezuela: Making
Socialism in the 21st century. London: Pluto Press.
ISBN 978-0-7453-2736-5.

32

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Cannon, Barry (2009). Hugo Chvez and the Bolivarian Revolution: Populism and Democracy in a
Globalised Age. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-7771-5.

Wilpert, Gregory (2007). Changing Venezuela by

Taking Power: The History and Policies of the
Chvez Government. London and New York: Verso.
ISBN 978-1-84467-552-4.

Carroll, Rory (2013). Commandante: myth and reality in Hugo Chvezs Venezuela. New York: The
Penguin Press. ISBN 978-1-59420-457-9.

Woods, Alan (2006). The Venezuelan Revolution: A

Marxist Perspective (Third Edition). London: Well
Red Books. ISBN 978-1-900007-21-4.

Corrales, Javier and Penfold, Michael (2011).

Dragon in the Tropics: Hugo Chvez and the Politi- 13.2.2 Academic articles
cal Economy of Revolution in Venezuela. Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. ISBN 978-0 Ellner, Steve, S. (2002). The 'Radical' Thesis on
8157-0497-3.
Globalization and the Case of Venezuelas Hugo
Chvez. Latin American Perspectives (Thousand
Gates, Leslie C. (2010). Electing Chvez: The Busioaks, California: SAGE Publications) 29 (6): 88
ness of Anti-Neoliberal Politics in Venezuela. Pitts93. doi:10.1177/0094582X0202900609. JSTOR
burgh, Pennsylvania: University of Pittsburgh Press.
3185001.
ISBN 978-0-8229-6064-5.
Gibbs, Terry, T. (2006). Business as Usual:
Gott, Richard (2005). Hugo Chvez and the Boliwhat the Chvez era tells us about democvarian Revolution in Venezuela. London and New
racy under globalisation. Third World QuarYork: Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-533-3.
terly (London: Routledge) 27 (2): 265279.
doi:10.1080/01436590500492931.
JSTOR
Hawkins, Kirk A. (2010). Venezuelas Chavismo
4017674.
and Populism in Comparative Perspective. New
York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0 Lpez Maya, Margarita (2003). Hugo Chvez
521-76503-9.
Fras: His Movement and His Presidency. In Ell Jones, Bart (2007). Hugo! The Hugo Chvez Story
from Mud Hut to Perpetual Revolution. Hanover,
New Hampshire: Steerforth Press. ISBN 978-158642-135-9.
Kozlo, Nicholas (2006). Hugo Chvez: Oil, Politics, and the Challenge to the United States. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-40397315-3.
Kozlo, Nicholas (2008). Revolution!: South America and the Rise of the New Left. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-61754-4.
Marcano, Christina and Tyszka, Alberto Barrera
(2007). Hugo Chvez: The Denitive Biography
of Venezuelas Controversial President. New York:
Random House. ISBN 978-0-679-45666-7.
McCaughan, Michael (2005).
The Battle of
Venezuela. New York: Seven Stories Press. ISBN
978-1-58322-680-3.

ner, Steve; Hellinger, Daniel. Venezuelan Politics

in the Chvez Era: Class, Polarization and Conict.
Boulder: Lynne Riener. pp. 7392. ISBN 978-158826-297-4.
Ramrez, Cristbal Valencia, C. b. V. (2005).
Venezuelas Bolivarian Revolution: Who Are the
Chavistas?". Latin American Perspectives (Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications) 32 (3):
7997. doi:10.1177/0094582X05275532. JSTOR
30040243.
Sylvia, Ronald D. and Danopoulos, Constantine P.,
R. D.; Danopoulos, C. P. (2003). The Chvez Phenomenon: Political Change in Venezuela. Third
World Quarterly (London: Routledge). 24 (1) (1):
6376. doi:10.1080/713701367. JSTOR 3993630.
Zquete, Jos Pedro, Jos Pedro (Spring 2008).
The Missionary Politics of Hugo Chvez.
Latin American Politics and Society (Hoboken,
New Jersey: Wiley-Blackwell) 50 (1): 91121.
doi:10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00005.x. JSTOR
30130840.

Tarver, H. Michael and Frederick, Julia C. (2005).

The History of Venezuela. Westport, Connecticut:
Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-31313.2.3 News articles, reports and essays
33525-9.
Trinkunas, Harold A. (2005). Crafting Civilian Control of the Military in Venezuela: A Comparative Perspective. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of
North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-5650-5.

Anderson, Jon Lee (January 28, 2013). Slumlord

: what has Hugo Chvez wrought in Venezuela?".
Letter from Caracas. The New Yorker 88 (45): 40
51. Retrieved 2015-04-08.

33
Beaumont, Peter (7 May 2006). The new kid in the 13.2.5 Websites and e-publications
barrio. The Observer (London: Guardian Media
Trinkunas, Harold and McCoy, Jennifer (February
Group). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
1999). Observation of the 1998 Venezuelan Elec Bellos, Alex (17 December 1999). New Venezuela
tions: A Report of the Council of Freely Elected
hands Chvez wide powers. The Guardian (LonHeads of Government (PDF). Atlanta, Georgia:
don: Guardian Media Group). Retrieved 25 March
The Carter Centre. Retrieved 21 March 2011.
2011.
Del Caracazo Case. Inter-American Court of Human Rights. 11 November 2011. Retrieved 21
Carl, Traci (11 January 2007). Nicaraguas Ortega
March 2011.
Signs Trade Pact. The Washington Post (Washington D.C.: The Washington Post Company). Re Venezuela: Hugo Chvezs Revolution. Internatrieved 12 May 2011.
tional Crisis Group. 22 February 2007. Retrieved 8
April 2011.
Carroll, Rory (16 February 2009). Hugo Chvez
wins referendum allowing indenite re-election.
The Guardian (London: Guardian Media Group).
Retrieved 27 March 2011.
14 External links
Padgett, Tim (18 April 2005). Hugo Chvez: The
Radical with Deep Pockets. Time (New York City:
Time Inc.). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Padgett, Tim (30 April 2006). Hugo Chvez:
Leading the Left Wing Charge. Time (New York
City: Time Inc.). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Padgett, Tim (3 March 2008). War Drums in Latin
America. Time (New York City: Time Inc.). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Pretel, Enrique Andres (21 September 2009).
Venezuela exhumes unnamed dead in riot investigation. London: Reuters. Retrieved 30 March
2011.
Romero, Simon (16 February 2010). Purging Loyalists, Chvez Tightens His Inner Circle. The New
York Times (New York City: The New York Times
Company). Retrieved 10 April 2011.
Shifter, Michael, M. (MayJune 2006). In Search
of Hugo Chvez. Foreign Aairs (New York
City: Council on Foreign Relations) 85 (3): 4559.
doi:10.2307/20031966. JSTOR 20031966.
Chvez oers oil to Europes poor. The Observer
(London: Guardian Media Group). 14 May 2006.
Retrieved 27 March 2011.
Chvez wins Venezuela re-election. London:
BBC News. 4 December 2006. Retrieved 27 March
2011.
13.2.4

Interviews

Sackur, Stephen; Chvez, Hugo (subject) (15 June

2010). Hugo Chvez, President of Venezuela.
HARDtalk. London: British Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 25 March 2011.

Ocial personal blog (Spanish)

Multimedia
PBS Frontline Documentary: The Hugo Chvez
Show
Chavez: Inside the Coup: The Revolution Will Not
Be Televised on YouTube
The Guardian: The Rise and Rule of 'Hurricane
Hugo' audio slide show
Democracy Now! 16 September 2005 Interview:
Part I and Part II with Hugo Chvez, in New York
City
ABC News Video, 27 April 2007: Barbara Walters
interviews Hugo Chvez
Interview with Hugo Chvez about the American
threat on YouTube October 2009
NPR Audio Report, 18 February 2008: The Politics
of Venezuelas Hugo Chvez
Appearances on C-SPAN
Articles and Interviews
BBC News: Prole: Hugo Chvez
Shifter, Michael. In Search of Hugo Chvez. Foreign Aairs, May/June 2006 issue
Palast, Greg. Hugo Chvez Interview. The Progressive, July 2006
Hugo Chvez collected news and commentary at Al
Jazeera English
Hugo Chvez collected news and commentary at
The Guardian

34
Hugo Chvez collected news and commentary at
The New York Times
Hugo Chvez collected news and commentary at
The Wall Street Journal
Controversial Venezuelan Leader Hugo Chavezs
Death Teaches Vital Lesson About Cancer.
Archived from the original on 2013-03-27.
Miscellaneous
Extended biography by CIDOB (in Spanish)
Hugo Chvez at the Internet Movie Database
Works by or about Hugo Chvez in libraries
(WorldCat catalog)

14

EXTERNAL LINKS

35

15
15.1

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

Text

Hugo Chvez Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hugo_Ch%C3%A1vez?oldid=674769536 Contributors: Tobias Hoevekamp, Jimbo

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Vincius94, LeroyFranz, Marcelo Armando, Cathar66, GreekSocialist100, Elcooetuhhhh, Victorvilleg, TonyJJFish, KasparBot, Dinoloco27 and Anonymous: 1429

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File:1998_to_2013_Venezuela_Murder_Rate.png Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/79/1998_to_2013_

Venezuela_Murder_Rate.png License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Zgueroa
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File:Artculos_comerciales_sobre_Hugo_Chvez.jpg Source:
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ADculos_comerciales_sobre_Hugo_Ch%C3%A1vez.jpg License: CC BY 2.0 Contributors: originally posted to Flickr as 04-Chavez
Original artist: Jean-Marc /Jo BeLo/Jhon-John
File:Bolivar_Arturo_Michelena.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c5/Bolivar_Arturo_Michelena.jpg
License: Public domain Contributors: Galera de Arte Nacional. Original artist: Arturo Michelena (1863-1898)
File:By-order_friendship_of_nations_rib.png Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b3/By-order_friendship_
of_nations_rib.png License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ?
File:Chavez_Kirch_Lula141597.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5a/Chavez_Kirch_Lula141597.jpg
License: CC BY 3.0 br Contributors: Agencia Brasil [1] - [row,column]=[2,2] (#123217) Original artist: Ricardo Stuckert/PR
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artist: ?
File:Edit-clear.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/f/f2/Edit-clear.svg License: Public domain Contributors: The
Tango! Desktop Project. Original artist:
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minimally).
File:El_pueblo_venezolano_acompaa_los_restos_de_su_presidente_Hugo_Chvez_Fras_en_la_Academia_Militar.jpg
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/6a/El_pueblo_venezolano_acompa%C3%B1a_los_restos_de_
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https://www.flickr.com/photos/dgcomsoc/8539058970/ Original artist: Cancillera del Ecuador
File:Escasez_en_Venezuela,_Central_Madeirense_8.JPG Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/65/Escasez_
en_Venezuela%2C_Central_Madeirense_8.JPG License: CC0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: The Photographer
File:Escasez_en_Venezuela,_Mercal.JPG Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9b/Escasez_en_Venezuela%
2C_Mercal.JPG License: CC0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: The Photographer
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File:Flag_of_Nicaragua.svg
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docman%26task%3Ddoc_download%26gid%3D704%26Itemid%3D4+ley+sobre+los+simbolo+patrios+nicaragua+
2002,<span>,&,</span>,hl=es,<span>,&,</span>,gl=ni,<span>,&,</span>,pid=bl,<span>,&,</span>,srcid=ADGEEShaqFptSDRqZyUoeWlWgMGTvcFvWOs
About Characteristics And Use Of Patriotic Symbols of Nicaragua</a> Original artist: C records (talk contribs)
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