Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Disseminating Darwinism:
The Role of Place, Race,
Religion, and Gender
Edited by
RONALD L. NUMBERS
University of Wisconsin, Madison
And
JOHN STENHOUSE
University of Otago, New Zealand
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
CONTENTS
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CONTRIBUTORS
Modern World (1992), coeditor, with Martin E. Marty, of the five volumes of The
Fundamentalism Project (1991-1995), and author of The Ambivalence of the Sacred:
Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation (1999).
BARRY W. BUTCHER is lecturer in the social studies of science at Deakin University in Geelong, Australia. In 1992 he completed his Ph.D. at the University
of Melbourne, where he wrote his dissertation on "Darwinism and Australia,
1836-1914." He is the author of several articles on the reception of Darwinism in
Australia, including "Darwinism, Social Darwinism, and the Australian Aborigines: A Reevaluation," in Darwin's Laboratory: Evolutionary Theory and Natural
History in the Pacific, ed. Roy MacLeod and Philip F. Rehbock (1994), pp. 371-94.
He is currently working on an oral history of Australian science.
MARK R. JORGENSEN is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Sociology at
the University of Minnesota, where he is completing a dissertation on the role
of patent rivalry and litigation in stimulating or inhibiting inventive activity
in American industry, and an M.A. candidate in the Program in the History of
Science and Technology. Other research interests include the evolution of market
structure in the history of computing; the social construction of environmental
catastrophism; and risk, ethics, and responsibility in the automobile industry.
SALLY GREGORY KOHLSTEDT is professor of the history of science and director of the Center for Advanced Feminist Studies at the University of Minnesota
vii
viii
Contributors
and former president of the History of Science Society. She is the author of The
Formation of the American Scientific Community: The American Association for the
Advancement of Science (1976) and editor of several books, including International
Science and National Scientific Identity: Australia between Britain and America (1991),
coedited with R. W. Home; Women, Gender, and Science: New Directions (1997),
coedited with Helen Longino; and Women and Science: An /sis Reader (1999). She
is a fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and the
American Antiquarian Society.
DAVID N. LIVINGSTONE is professor of geography and intellectual history
at The Queen's University of Belfast in Northern Ireland. He is the author of
Nathaniel Southgate Shaler and the Culture of American Science (1987), Darwin's
Forgotten Defenders (1987), The Geographical Tradition: Episodes in the History of a
Contested Enterprise (1992), and, with Ronald A. Wells, Ulster-American Religion
(1999). He is currently writing a book on the spaces of science for Basil Blackwell and coediting the volume on Modern Science in National and International
Context in the Cambridge History of Science. He is a fellow of the British Academy,
a member of the Royal Irish Academy, a recipient of the Royal Geographical Society's Back Award, and a recipient of the Royal Scottish Geographical Society's
Centenary Medal.
RONALD L. NUMBERS is Hilldale and William Coleman professor of the history of science and medicine at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and onetime William Evans visiting fellow in religious studies at the University of Otago
in Dunedin, New Zealand. He is the author or editor of over twenty books,
including The Creationists (1992) and Darwinism Comes to America (1998). He is
currently writing a history of science in America for Cambridge University Press
and coediting, with David C. Lindberg, the eight-volume Cambridge History of
Science. He is a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the president of the American Society of Church History, and the president-elect of the
History of Science Society.
JON H. ROBERTS is professor of history at the University of Wisconsin, Stevens
Point. In the past he has taught in the history departments of Harvard University
(1980-1985), the University of Wisconsin, Madison (1989), and the University
of Michigan (1992-1993). He is the author of the prize-winning book Darwinism
and the Divine in America: Protestant Intellectuals and Organic Evolution, 1859-1900
(1988). He is currently writing a history of psychology and religion in the United
States since the late nineteenth century.
JOHN STENHOUSE is senior lecturer in history at the University of Otago in
Dunedin, New Zealand, and a former fellow in the Institute for Research in the
Humanities at the University of Wisconsin, Madison (1996). He has written a
number of articles on the history of evolution in New Zealand, including "The
Darwinian Enlightenment and New Zealand Politics," in Darwin's Laboratory:
Evolutionary Theory and Natural History in the Pacific, ed. Roy MacLeod and Philip
Contributors
ix
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
With one exception, the papers in this volume were first presented at a
conference on "Responding to Darwin: New Perspectives on the Darwinian Revolution," held in Dunedin, New Zealand, 12-15 May 1994.
(David N. Livingstone, who unfortunately could not attend the conference, has graciously permitted us to include his essay in the published
proceedings.) This conference was made possible largely through the
generosity of the Division of International Programs of the National
Science Foundation (represented by Dr. Charles Wallace). Additional
support came from the Royal Society of New Zealand (represented by
Mrs. Sue Usher), the Alexander Turnbull Library Endowment Trust in
Wellington, the Hocken Library and the Division of Humanities at the
University of Otago, Knox College in Dunedin, the Departments of History and Religious Studies at the University of Otago, and the Department of the History of Medicine at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.
To all these institutions we are most grateful.
We wish to thank, in addition to the contributors to this volume, the
following conference participants: Ruth Barton, University of Auckland;
Keith R. Benson, University of Washington; Barbara Brookes, University of Otago; Mark Francis, Canterbury University; Chris Gousmett,
Dunedin, New Zealand; Pamela M. Henson, Smithsonian Institution;
John Angus Laurent, Griffith University; Peter J. Lineham, Massey University; Roy M. MacLeod, University of Sydney; Peter Matheson, The
Theological Hall, Knox College; James R. Moore, The Open University;
John Omer-Cooper, University of Otago; Gordon S. Parsonson, University of Otago; Gary Tee, University of Auckland; Stephen P. Weldon,
University of Wisconsin, Madison; and Janice E. Wilson, University of
Otago. Their critiques and comments, as well as those of two anonymous
referees, have significantly improved this volume.
XI
INTRODUCTION
RONALD L. NUMBERS AND JOHN STENHOUSE
In 1859 the English naturalist Charles Darwin, a resident of Down outside of London, published his controversial views on the origin of species.
In a landmark book entitled On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, he argued against the conventional notion that God had
supernaturally created the original types of plants and animals and in
favor of the idea that they had evolved naturally over long periods of
time primarily, though not exclusively, by means of random variation
and natural selection. News of his heretical views spread rapidly, and
before long even the citizens of such remote outposts of British civilization as Dunedin, New Zealand, halfway around the globe from Down
and home of the southernmost university in the world, were debating
the merits of Darwinism.
The essays in this volume focus specifically on the ways in which
geography, gender, race, and religion influenced responses to Darwin.
Chronologically, they span the period from the publication of the Origin
to the 1930s, when Darwin's theory of natural selection finally captured
the allegiance of the scientific community. Geographically, they concentrate on the English-speaking world, especially Canada, Australia, New
Zealand, and the United States. Although historians of science have
been examining Darwin's influence for decades and have produced a
number of notable studies, our knowledge of how various groups and
regions responded to Darwinism remains spotty. For example, despite
the availability of such works as Thomas F. Glick's Comparative Reception
of Darwinism (1974) and the section "Towards the Comparative Reception of Darwinism" in David Kohn's Darwinian Heritage (1985) - neither
of which covers Australia, New Zealand, or Canada - we still know relatively little about the role of locale in affecting responses to Darwin.1
The case studies in this volume illustrate the importance of local social
and religious arrangements in affecting responses to Darwinism, a term,
it should be noted, that conjured up markedly different images for different people. The essays show that neither distance from Down nor size
of community greatly influenced how regions responded to Darwinism,
although the smaller the community the more likely it was that individual personalities would dominate the debates. Institutional maturity
Introduction
also seems to have made some difference. In Canada and Australia, for
example, where nonevolutionists frequently continued to occupy scientific chairs established before 1859, evolution entered the universities
relatively slowly. In New Zealand, in contrast, which did not establish a
university until 1869, evolutionists often occupied scientific chairs from
their establishment. This made it easier in principle for evolution to
gain a foothold. However, on occasion concern about the vulnerability
of youthful institutions led their leaders to shy away from involvement
in possibly damaging Darwinian debates.
Local environments, both physical and social, seem to have colored
responses to evolution. In Canada, for example, the settlers' struggle
to survive in a harsh physical environment predisposed some to see a
measure of plausibility in a Darwinian view of nature. The New Zealand
environment, though temperate in climate, likewise contributed to a
positive view of the doctrine of survival of the fittest. There the main
threat came from the social environment, in particular from the indigenous Maori, who stood in the way of white expansion. Faced with this
obstacle, some settlers employed evolution as an ideological weapon in
their struggle against the Maori.
In the field of Darwinian studies, few topics have received more attention than the responses of the religious. Jon H. Roberts' Darwinism
and the Divine in America (1988), David N. Livingstone's Darwin's Forgotten Defenders (1987), and James R. Moore's Post-Darwinian Controversies
(1979), to name only three of the most important recent studies, represent only a small fraction of the large body of literature on this subject.2
Yet the extent to which such factors as geographical location and denominational affiliation made a difference in responding to Darwinism
remains unclear. In addition, the responses of Catholics and Jews have
remained comparatively unexplored.
In contrast to historians who have seen theological interests as central in determining the responses of the religious, Livingstone stresses
the significance of geographical locality. He argues that local conditions noticeably affected the ways in which orthodox Calvinists (mostly
Presbyterians) in Princeton, New Jersey; Belfast, Northern Ireland; and
Edinburgh, Scotland reacted to Darwinism. For example, John Tyndall's
notorious attack on Christianity in a Belfast speech in 1874 tended
to sour northern Irish Presbyterians on Darwinism, whereas the absence of such frontal attacks in Princeton left their theologically similar brethren across the Atlantic psychologically less hostile to evolutionary claims. Similarly, John Stenhouse suggests that the introduction
of evolution in Dunedin, New Zealand, by Anglicans and Methodists
contributed to the somewhat jaundiced response by their Presbyterian
rivals.
Introduction
Introduction
Notes
Notes
1 Thomas E Glick, ed., The Comparative Reception of Darwinism (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1974); David Kohn, ed., The Darwinian Heritage (Princeton,
N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985), Part 3: "Towards the Comparative Reception of Darwinism." In 1988 the University of Chicago Press brought out a
new edition of the Glick collection. In 1984 the philosopher of science David
L. Hull noted that no one had yet demonstrated a correlation "between the
reception of Darwin's theory around the world and the larger characteristics of these societies"; see "Evolutionary Thinking Observed," Science, 223
(1984):923-24, quotation on p. 923.
2 James R. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies: A Study of the Protestant
Struggle to Come to Terms with Darwin in Great Britain and America, 18701900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); David N. Livingstone,
Introduction
In recent years there has been a remarkable "spatial turn" among students of society and culture. The genealogy of this twist of events is
both multifaceted and complex. Among philosophers, social theorists,
and historians of science there has been a renewed emphasis on the significance of the local, the specific, the situated. Some philosophers thus
argue that what passes as a good reason for believing a claim is different
from time to time, and from place to place. Rationality, it turns out, is
in large measure situation specific, such that what counts as rational
is contingent on the context within which people are located.1 Good
grounds for holding a certain belief are evidently different for a twelfthcentury milkmaid, a Renaissance alchemist, and a twentieth-century
astrophysicist. Among social theorists there has also been a recovery
of spatiality. The importance of the diverse locales within which social life is played out has assumed considerable significance with such
writers as Clifford Geertz, Erving Goffman, and Anthony Giddens. In
Geertz's telling, for example, law turns out not to be ecumenical but
local knowledge - local in terms of place, time, class, issue, and what
he terms "accent."2 For Goffman, the situations facilitating human assemblages - gatherings, social occasions, informal encounters, and so
on - furnish agents with those repertoires of structural meaning that
they draw upon to constitute communication.3 In Giddens's case it is
because of the routinization of everyday life that he sees human agents
as transacting their affairs in a variety of locales - settings of interaction
which are themselves frequently zoned to facilitate routine social practices. As he puts it, "space is not an empty dimension along which social
I am greatly indebted to the Rev. William O. Harris, archivist at the Speer Library, Princeton
Theologial Seminary, and to Dr. Bradley Gundlach for much assistance with archival
queries when I visited the Speer Library. Their generosity and help are deeply appreciated.
A modified version of this paper also appears in David N. Livingstone, D. G. Hart, and
Mark A. Noll, eds., Evangelicals and Science in Historical Perspective (New York: Oxford
10
was thus more urgent than ever, so that "heavenly light is preserved
and cherished." What was more, he declared that he was "prepared
to show that not a single scientific fact has ever been established" from
which the pernicious dogmas of Huxley and Tyndall could be "logically
deduced."10 Within a few weeks, on the last day of November, Porter
would pursue this same theme in an address on "Science and Revelation: Their Distinctive Provinces," which inaugurated a series of winter
lectures on Science and Religion in Rosemary Street Church in downtown Belfast. The need for a clear-cut boundary line - both in terms of
content and methodology - between the provinces of science and theology were of the utmost importance to Porter, and while he was happy to
insist that "no theological dogma can annul a fact of science," the question of "crude theories and wild speculations" - in which evolutionists
were all too prone to engage - was a different matter. As for Darwin
himself, The Origin of Species was described as having made empirically
"one of the most important contributions to modern science"; in logic,
by contrast, it was "an utter failure." The facts, in other words, were
welcome; the theory was alien. The problem was that the latter was utterly unsupported by the former. In sum, the book was "not scientific."
Darwin was not to be substituted for Paley.11 In the key Calvinist spaces
of Belfast and Edinburgh, different attitudes to evolution theory were
already being promulgated.
Earlier in May of that same year, Charles Hodge, arguably the most
influential theologian at Princeton Theological Seminary during the first
century of its existence, had published his last work, V\fhat Is Darwinism ? It contained Hodge's considered treatment of the Darwinian theory
and can appropriately be regarded an extended exercise in definition.
Thereby Hodge believed its nature could be ascertained and the lineaments of an appropriate Christian response plotted. Because he was
certain that Darwin's use of the word "natural" was "antithetical to
supernatural," Hodge insisted that "in using the expression Natural
Selection, Mr. Darwin intends to exclude design, or final causes." Here
the very essence of the theory lay exposed. That "this natural selection
is without design, being conducted by unintelligent physical causes,"
Hodge explained, was "by far the most important and only distinctive
element of his theory." In a nutshell, the denial of design was the very
"life and soul of his system" and the single feature that brought "it into
conflict not only with Christianity, but with the fundamental principles
of natural religion."12 By this definitional move, Hodge could set the
terms of the debate and adjudicate on who was or was not a Darwinian.
It plainly meant that those such as Asa Gray who considered themselves
Christian Darwinians were either mistaken or just plain mixed up; that
label had no meaning. Thus for all his efforts to teleologize Darwinism,
Three situations
11
Gray simply was "not a Darwinian."13 That he was a Christian evolutionist, Hodge had no doubt; but that was a different matter. For to Hodge,
Darwinism simply was atheism.
Three situations
These key pronouncements, of course, were not elaborated in a vacuum; rather they were broadcast in differing ideological contexts. My
suggestion is that in these diverse arenas different issues were facing
Presbyterian communities, and that these were crucially significant in
conditioning the rhetorical stances that were adopted by a variety of
religious commentators on evolutionary theory. Besides this, different
voices were being sounded in different ways, and their modes of expression, whether bellicose or irenic, did much to set the tone of the
local science-religion encounter. I suggest that such prevailing circumstances - and no doubt there are many more - had an important influence on the style of language that was available to theologically conservative spokesmen pronouncing on evolution, which in turn determined
not only what could be said, but what could be heard, about evolution in
these three different localities.
In Edinburgh Robert Rainy attempted to "retain the evangelical heritage of the F[ree] C[hurch] while keeping pace with rapid contemporary
developments" - a strategy that increasingly made him a controversial
figure. To much of the secular press he became known as "Dr. Misty
as well as Dr. Rainy," even though he was named by Gladstone as the
greatest living Scotsman. Later in his career as an ecclesiastical statesman and architect of the union of the Free Church and the United Presbyterian Church, he found it necessary to "offer unlimited hospitality
to biblical criticism." And if in the case of William Robertson Smith
he judged it politic to sacrifice that particular critic, he later protected
Marcus Dods, A. B. Bruce, and George Adam Smith in a sequence of
heresy trials - judgments which secured the later censure of those retaining the classical Calvinism of the Free Church.14 Certainly Rainy's
forte was ecclesiastical polity rather than intellectual engagement. But
what is significant is that because, as Drummond and Bulloch put it, he
"was circumspect and heedful of public reactions," his endorsement of
an evolutionary reading of human descent at New College in 1874 is
indicative of a general lack of anxiety about evolution among Scottish
Calvinists.15
In fact, during the 1870s in Edinburgh, the Darwinian issue paled
in significance beside two other intellectual currents assaulting the
orthodox Scottish mind. To be sure it was, as Simpson writes, a "period
when a somewhat scornful materialism was asserting itself - it was the
12
Three situations
13
14
science, and relinquish all thought of controlling it."26 The gauntlet had
been thrown down.
Events moved quickly. On Sunday, 23 August, Tyndall's address was
the subject of a truculent attack by Rev. Professor Robert Watts at
Fisherwick Church in downtown Belfast. Watts, the Assembly's College Professor of Systematic Theology - and an erstwhile student of
Princeton Seminary in the United States - had good reason for spitting blood. He had already submitted to the organizers of the Biology
Section of the Belfast British Association meeting a paper congenially
entitled "An Irenicum; or, A Plea for Peace and Co-operation between
Science and Theology."27 They flatly rejected it.28 It must have seemed
to Watts that the scientific fraternity was not interested in peace. As for
the spurned lecture, which Watts - not prepared to waste good words
already committed to paper - delivered at noon the following Monday
in Elmwood Presbyterian Church, it revealed just how enthusiastic he
could be about science.29 But the BA's rebuff had stung, and chagrin over
his expulsion from the program put him in a bad mood. Yet this was
nothing compared to the anger that Tyndall's address aroused in him. So
when on the Sunday following the infamous address he turned his big
guns on Tyndall in a sermon preached to an overflowing evening congregation at Fisherwick Place Church in the center of Belfast, the irenic tone
of the rejected paper was gone. Tyndall's mention of Epicurus was especially galling; that name had "become a synonym for sensualist," and
Watts balked at the moral implications of adopting Epicurean values.
To him it was a system that had "wrought the ruin of the communities
and individuals who have acted out its principles in the past; and if the
people of Belfast substitute it for the holy religion of the Son of God,
and practise its degrading dogmas, the moral destiny of the metropolis
of Ulster may easily be forecast."30
Watts, of course, was not a lone voice imprecating Tyndall-style science. On the very same Sunday that he was arraigning atomism before
the downtown congregation of Fisherwick Place, the same message
was buzzing through the ears of other congregations.31 That evening
none other than W. Robertson Smith found himself preaching from
Killen's North Belfast pulpit. And while he did not speak out there and
then on Tyndall's speech, he had certainly caught the prevailing mood,
for he was moved within the week to write to the press challenging
Tyndall's assertions about early religious history, castigating his "pragmatic sketch of the history of atomism," and complaining that he was
"at least a century behind the present state of scholarship" concerning the Christian Middle Ages.32 Small wonder that Tyndall reflected:
"Every pulpit in Belfast thundered of me."33 It was the BA event that
set the agenda for Porter's opening speech at the Assembly's College
Three situations
15
that winter, and for the Belfast response to evolution for a generation.
In Princeton, things were different yet again. Of crucial importance, I
think, was the fact that Hodge's powerful voice was not the only one to
be heard. The judgments of James McCosh, president of the College of
New Jersey since 1868, were also audible. In fact, as Gundlach has convincingly shown, there was little real difference of substance between
Hodge and McCosh on the Darwinian question.34 Both were determined
to resist any removal of design from the natural order; teleology, not
transmutation, was the key theological issue for both. But there was a
difference in rhetorical style such as to secure McCosh's reputation as
the foremost Protestant reconciler of theology and Darwinism in the
New World. Thus at the 1873 New York meeting of the Evangelical Alliance, McCosh told his hearers that, instead of denouncing the theory of
evolution, "religious philosophers might be more profitably employed
in showing ... the religious aspects of the doctrine of development; and
some would be grateful to any who would help them to keep their new
faith in science."35 In later years he could produce such works as The
Religious Aspect of Evolution - a title, I suspect, that Hodge would never
have adopted.
McCosh, as I have implied, was every bit as unnerved by the naturalism of the Darwinian vision as Charles Hodge, and thus devoted
considerable intellectual energy to the task of producing an evolutionary teleology. But by lapsing into a Lamarckian-style evolutionism that
conceived of organic progress along predetermined paths, he was able
to couch his responses in terms of a sympathetic rereading of the evolutionary story and thereby to do what he could to avert what one of his
students, Rev. George Macloskie, called a potentially "disastrous war
between science and faith."36 It further enabled him, when reminiscing
on twenty years as Princeton's president, to confess that much of his time
had been devoted to "defending Evolution, but, in so doing, have given
the proper account of it as the method of God's procedure, and find that
when so understood it is in no way inconsistent with Scripture."37
It was back in Belfast, however, that McCosh had learned how to use
words wisely - and on a rather different issue. During the momentous
events of 1859 he found it possible to query the Ulster revival's "physiological accidents." But - and this is crucial - by casting his diagnosis
in the language of defense he could insist that the "deep mental feeling"
that induced somatic convulsions was itself "a work of God."38 Thus he
came to be seen as the key theological apologist for revival. Precisely
the same was true of his evolutionary stance. Remote from the Tyndall
episode, McCosh was free to maneuver his theology around science.39
Like his Belfast colleagues, McCosh too had drunk deeply at the waters
16
of Scottish common-sense philosophy. But whereas Tyndall's naturalism predisposed them to marshall its inductive principles in opposition
to evolution, McCosh could mobilize William Hamilton's neo-Kantian
reformulations to construct a rather more idealist response. By renegotiating natural theology in a less Paleyan way, he found resources to
accommodate biological transformism.40 So, whether one spoke of divine visitation or Darwinian vision, rhetorical nuance counted for much,
cognitive content for little. For it was style of communication rather than
substance of argument that secured history's judgment on McCosh as
the defender of religious revival and evolutionary theory. By keeping the
rhetorical space of Princeton open to the possibility of evolution theory whatever his reservations about Darwinian naturalism - he did much
to determine that the theory would at least be tolerated at American
Presbyterianism's intellectual heartland.
Three stories
Given the different sets of circumstances prevailing in Edinburgh,
Belfast, and Princeton, it is now understandable why the subsequent
histories of conservative Christian responses to evolution were different
in these Calvinist cities. In a nutshell, the theory of evolution was absorbed in Edinburgh, repudiated in Belfast, and tolerated in Princeton.
This, I hope, can be illustrated by a brief survey of the judgments issued
by a number of key individuals in these different places.
Henry Calderwood was a lifelong member of the United Presbyterian Church.41 During the latter part of the nineteenth century, this
Presbyterian body - which in 1900 joined with the Free Church to form
the United Free Church - had increasingly adopted aspects of liberal
theology which frequently issued in a relatively radical political outlook. According to S. D. Gill, "while other Presbyterian Churches in
Scotland were being rocked by the issue of higher criticism the UPC
remained comparatively unaffected."42 Calderwood himself, however,
remained substantially evangelical in his outlook, supporting the evangelistic activities of Moody and Sankey in Edinburgh, and retaining the
modified Calvinism (which, according to some, demonstrated Arminian
infiltration43) embodied in the United Presbyterian's Declaratory Act of
1879 with which he was closely associated.44 Besides this, his staunch
defense of Scottish common-sense philosophy enabled him to maintain philosophical continuity with the tradition of Scottish realism. This
stance had involved him in a critique of his teacher William Hamilton's
idealist inclinations. As Pringle-Pattison put it, "Calderwood may be
said to have been the first to reassert ... the traditional doctrine of
Scottish philosophy against the agnostic elements of Kantianism which
Three stories
17
Hamilton had woven into his theory."45 This early work,46 which appeared in 1854, established his philosophical reputation and, after serving as a United Presbyterian minister in Glasgow from 1861 until 1868,
he was appointed to the chair of moral philosophy in Edinburgh in 1868.
Significantly, one of the first letters of congratulation was received from
James McCosh at Princeton, who wrote enthusiastically of his appointment but also spoke of "a dark thread running through the white of
my feeling ... I looked to you as my successor, and had laid plans to
secure it. You would have had the support of the College and of my old
pupils in the Presbyterian Church. As it is, I am now fairly at sea."47
Clearly McCosh had hoped that Calderwood would follow in his own
footsteps and cross the Irish sea to assume the professorship of logic
and metaphysics at the Queen's College of Belfast.
In the case of Calderwood (and indeed McCosh), the commonly held
view that common-sense philosophy was typically deployed against
evolutionary theory certainly does not seem to hold good. In 1877
Calderwood took up the issue of ethical evolution in The Contemporary
Review. Here he left to one side all questions of evolution as a strictly
biological theory, and turned to its use as an account of moral development. For this is what Calderwood found objectionable - the attempt
to read human values through the spectacles of natural selection and
heredity. And so, using the example of human altruism, he argued for
evolution's inability to account for self-denial without compromising
the very principles of selection and competition intrinsic to the theory.48
For all that, he was far from denying the evolutionary process and, like
Rainy in the Free Church, certainly did not oppose it as a bona fide
scientific theory. In 1881, for example, he observed:
biological science must be credited with the new departure which has
given fresh stimulus to thought, and has succeeded in gaining wide
support to a theory of Evolution. To Mr. Darwin, as a naturalist, belongs
the indisputable honour of having done service so great as to make its
exact amount difficult of calculation, involving, as it does, vast increase
of our knowledge of the relations and inter-dependence of various
orders of animate existence. "Origin of species" may not be the phrase
which exactly describes the sphere of elucidation, over the extent of
which all students of Nature now acknowledge indebtedness to Mr.
Darwin; but "development of species" does express an undoubted
scientific conclusion, which has found a permanent place in biological
That same year Calderwood delivered the Morse lectures at the Union
Theological Seminary in New York on the subject 'The Relation of
Science and Religion." Here he insisted that even if "the theory of the
18
Place in Nature. In two editions of this work - the second a more or less
complete reworking - which came out in 1893 and 1896, respectively,
he sought to exempt rational life from the reign of evolutionary law by
arguing that "Animal Intelligence shows no effective preparation for
Rational Intelligence."54 Yet this did not prevent him from declaring
that "Evolution stands before us as an impressive reality in the history
of Nature,"55 for he was convinced that the evidence for "descent with
Three stories
19
20
Three stories
21
During that 1874-75 winter of discontent, eight Presbyterian theologians and one scientist joined together to stem, from the Rosemary Street
pulpit, any materialist tide that Tyndall's rhetoric might trigger. Just as
the villagers of medieval Europe and colonial New England annually
beat the bounds - marked out the village boundaries - so did the Presbyterian hierarchy need to reestablish its theological borders. Indeed, it
is precisely for this reason, I would contend, that the winter lecture series
22
Three stories
23
that since "the Word of God enjoins it upon men as a duty to infer the invisible things of the Creator from the things that are made," the Roman
Catholic hierarchy of Ireland had, by their declaration, "taken up an attitude of antagonism to that Word, prohibiting scientists, as such, from
rising above the law to the infinitely wise, Almighty Lawgiver."73
The sectarian traditions in Irish religion doubtless had a key role
to play in these particular machinations. The furor surrounding the
Tyndall event merely became yet another occasion for Ulster nonconformity to uncover its sense of siege. In his confrontation with evolutionary theory, Watts wanted to cultivate and tend to his own tradition's
theological space, and not engage in extramural affiliations. And by
seeking to cast secularization and Catholicism as subversive allies
against the inductive truths of science and the revealed truths of scripture, he found it possible to conflate as a single object of opprobrium
the old enemy, popery, and the new enemy, evolution. To Watts these
were indeed the enemies of God. Writing to A. A. Hodge in 1881, he observed: "Communism is, at present rampant in Ireland. The landlords
are greatly to blame for their tyranny, but the present movement of the
Land League, headed by Parnell, is essentially communistic. He and his
co-conspirators are now on trial, but with six Roman Catholics on the
jury there is not much likelihood of a conviction."74 Later in an 1890
letter to Warfield, on the eve of Gladstone's second Home Rule Bill, in
which he castigated both the Free Church and the United Presbyterians
in Scotland, he added: "Both these churches are so bent on Disestablishment that they are quite willing to sustain Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy &
deliver their Protestant brethren into the hands of the Church of Rome,
to be ruled by her through a band of unmitigated villains."75
For their part, the Catholic hierarchy did not miss the opportunity of
firing its own broadsides at Protestantism. The bishops and archbishops felt it would "not be amiss, in connection with the Irish National
system of education, to call attention to the fact that the Materialists
of to-day are able to boast that the doctrines which have brought most
odium upon their school have been openly taught by a high Protestant
dignitary." It only confirmed them in their uncompromising stance on
the Catholic educational system. Had it not been for their own vigilance, an unbelieving tide would have swept through the entire curriculum. Such circumstances justified "to the full the determination of
Catholic Ireland not to allow her young men to frequent Universities and
Colleges where Science is made the vehicle of Materialism." Accordingly, the bishops and archbishops rebuked "the indifference of those
who may be tempted to grow slack in the struggle for a Catholic
system of education."76 Tyndall's speech, it seems, succeeded not
only in fostering the opposition of both Protestants and Catholics in
24
address of 1875. Again in 1887, he wrote: "[d]espite the efforts of evolutionists, the laws which protect and perpetuate specific distinctions
remain unrepealed, and Science joins its testimony to that of Revelation
in condemnation of the degrading hypothesis that man is the offspring
of a brute."77 Here we witness a much narrower biblicist rejection of
evolution than was evident in either Edinburgh or Princeton.
Not surprisingly, Watts utterly repudiated the efforts of Henry
Drummond to evolutionize theology and to import Spencer's evolutionary laws into the supernatural realm. To him Drummond's project
was just a mess - theologically and scientifically. To be sure, his aim of
removing the "the alleged antagonism" between science and religion
was a worthy objective, but the Drummond strategy ultimately was
"not an Irenicum between science and religion or between the laws of
the empires of matter and of spirit" at all. Rather it only displayed the
expansionist character of natural law. Watts found the whole project so
bizarre that, as he worked up to his conclusion, he felt "inclined to apologise for attempting a formal refutation of a theory which, if it means
anything intelligible, involves the denial of all that the Scriptures teach,
and all that Christian experience reveals."78
By now, Watts had grown entirely disillusioned with the Edinburgh
New College network and continued to cultivate links with Princeton.
This is clearly apparent in extant correspondence from Watts to Warfield,
though there is just the slightest whiff of suspicion that Watts was beginning to have concerns on the evolution front there too. Writing in
1889 to Warfield, he began: "It would seem as if Princeton is going to
absorb Belfast. Here I am asked to introduce to you, I think, the fifth
student, within the past few weeks. Well, over this I do not grieve but
rather rejoice. I am glad that our young men are setting their faces towards your venerable and orthodox institution instead of turning their
backs upon orthodoxy and seeking counsel at the feet of men who are
Three stones
25
he concluded yet another letter with the comment: "I dread the influence
of the Scotch Theological Halls, as you may learn from my book."83
For all that, in a reply to Warfield in 1894 thanking him for sending
a copy of William Brenton Greene's inaugural lecture, Watts felt constrained to comment:
I admired Dr. Greene's Inaugural, but I am sorry that he passed such
high eulogium upon Mr. Herbert Spencer. My revered father, Professor
Wallace, author of an immortal work, entitled 'Representative
Responsibility/ had, for Spencer, supreme contempt as a professed
philosopher. Immediately after the meeting of the British Association in
Belfast, in 1874,1 reviewed Spencer's Biological Hypothesis, & proved
that he was neither a philosopher, nor a scientist. Someone sent him a
paper containing only one half of my review, &, assuming that what the
paper gave was the whole of my address, he took occasion in an issue of
his book, then passing through the Press, to charge me with
misrepresentation. I called his attention to the mistake of his
correspondent, but he had not the courtesy to withdraw the charge. Dr.
McCosh's successor in the Queen's College here, trots out Spencer to our
young men in their undergraduate course, and one of my duties, in my
class work, is to pump out of them Mill & Spencer.84
Clearly even after twenty years the recollection of the Tyndall event
remained unsullied and Watts neither would, nor could, release his grip
on that bitter memory.
In 1916, reflecting on his undergraduate days at Princeton, B. B.
Warfield recalled the coming of James McCosh to take up the presidency of the College of New Jersey. Yet in one sense Warfield made it
clear that McCosh's coming had no influence on him ... and that was
on the question of Darwin's theory of evolution. For Warfield already
was, by his own admission, "a Darwinian of the purest water" before
26
Three stories
27
28
Three stories
29
30
human origins:
Evolution, if proven as to man, will be held by the biblicist to be a part,
the naturalistic part, of the total work of his making, the other part being
his endowment miraculously with a spiritual nature, so that he was
created in the image of God As a member of the animal kingdom,
man was created by God, probably in the same naturalistic fashion as
the beasts that perish; but, unlike them, he has endowments which point
to a higher, namely a supernaturalistic, order of creation.100
Not surprisingly, he applauded A. A. Hodge's words that "we have
no sympathy with those who maintain that scientific theories of evolution are necessarily atheistic." More, he insisted that attempts to make
evolution a heresy - he seems to have had the James Woodrow case
in mind101 - were disastrous for religion and science alike, and he applauded both McCosh and Asa Gray for their "great service" in demonstrating that evolution "is not dangerous."102
Notes
31
Notes
1 In the case studies which follow I make no claim that the various positions adopted were based solely on warranted rationality; my point here,
rather, is that epistemology has recently displayed something of a spatial
turn.
2 Clifford Geertz, Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology
(New York: Basic Books, 1983).
3 Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (London: Allen Lane,
1969).
4 Anthony Giddens, The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory ofStructuration (Oxford: Polity Press, 1984), p. 368.
5 I have surveyed some of these matters in "The Spaces of Knowledge: Contributions Towards a Historical Geography of Science," Society and Space,
13 (1995)5-35.
6 Patrick Carnegie Simpson, The Life of Principal Rainy, 2 vols. (London:
Hodder and Stoughton, 1909), 1:285. A. C. Cheyne agrees, commenting
that the proevolution sentiment of Rainy and Robert Flint "is a measure
of the rapid intellectual transformation that had taken place in Scotland
in less than half a century"; see Cheyne, The Transforming of the Kirk: Victorian Scotland's Religious Revolution (Edinburgh: St. Andrews Press, 1983),
pp. 77-78.
7 Robert Rainy, Evolution and Theology: Inaugural Address (Edinburgh: Maclaren & Macniven, 1874), pp. 6, 9.
8 Ibid., p. 18.
9 I have discussed the Belfast Calvinist response to Darwin in "Darwinism
and Calvinism: The Belfast-Princeton Connection," /si's, 83 (1992):408-28;
and in "Darwin in Belfast," in Nature in Ireland: A Scientific and Cultural
History, ed. John W. Foster and Helena Ross (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 1997),
pp. 387-408.
10 J. L. Porter, Theological Colleges: Their Place and Influence in the Church and
in the World; with Special Reference to the Evil Tendencies of Recent Scientific
Theories. Being the Opening Lecture of Assembly's College, Belfast, Session 187475 (Belfast: Mullan, 1875), p. 8.
32
Notes
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
33
Scottish Enlightenment and Other Essays (Edinburgh: Polygon, 1991), pp. 10145, quotation on p. 131.
Davie, "Scottish Philosophy," p. 123.
Karl Barth pointed out, when he delivered the lectures in the late 1930s, that
the entire enterprise of natural theology was based upon a radical theological error. See Barth, The Knowledge of God and the Service of God (London:
Hodder and Stoughton, 1938).
The Witness, 19 August, 1874.
Adrian Desmond and James Moore, Darwin (London: Michael Joseph,
1991), p. 611.
John Tyndall, Address Delivered Before the British Association Assembled at
Belfast, with Addition (London: Longman, 1874). See the discussion in Ruth
Barton, "John Tyndall, Pantheist: A Rereading of the Belfast Address,"
Osiris, 2nd ser., 3 (1987):lll-34.
Robert Watts, "An Irenicum; or, A Plea for Peace and Co-operation between
Science and Theology," in The Reign of Causality: A Vindication of the Scientific
Principle ofTelic Causal Efficiency (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1888), pp. 2-27.
The Witness, 9 October, 1874.
Northern Whig, 25 August, 1874, p. 8. Also The Witness, 9 October, 1874.
Watts, "Atomism - An Examination of Professor Tyndall's Opening Address before the British Association, 1874," in Reign of Causality, pp. 27-43.
Rev. John MacNaughtan at the Rosemary Street Presbyterian Church, Rev.
George Shaw at Fitzroy, and Rev. T. Y. Killen at Duncairn all took up the
cudgels.
Robertson Smith, "Letter," Northern Whig, 27 August, 1874.
Cited in Barton, "John Tyndall, Pantheist," p. 116.
Bradley John Gundlach, "The Evolution Question at Princeton, 1845-1929,"
Ph.D. diss., University of Rochester, 1995.
James McCosh, "Religious Aspects of the Doctrine of Development," in
History, Orations, and Other Documents of the Sixth General Conference of
the Evangelical Alliance, ed. S. Irenaeus Prime (New York: Harper, 1874),
pp. 264-71.
William Milligan Sloane, The Life of James McCosh: A Record Chiefly Autobiographical (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1896).
Ibid., p. 234. The standard biography of McCosh is J. David Hoeveler, James
McCosh and the Scottish Intellectual Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1981).
James McCosh, The Ulster Revival and Its Physiological Accidents: A Paper Read
Before the Evangelical Alliance, September 22,1859 (Belfast: C. Aitchison, 1859).
This certainly does not mean that Princetonians were unaware of the Tyndall
episode. For example, "An Open Letter to Professor Tyndall" from Rev.
John Laing of Dundas, Ontario, appeared in The Presbyterian Quarterly and
Princeton Review, 4 (1875):229-53.
I discuss this in Darwin's Forgotten Defenders: The Encounter between Evangelical Theology and Evolutionary Thought (Grand Rapids and Edinburgh:
Eerdmans and Scottish Academic Press, 1987), pp. 107-08.
34
Notes
35
60 Orr, God's Image in Man and Its Defacement in the Light of Modern Denials
(London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1905), p. 88.
61 I discuss Orr's thinking on this matter in Darwin's Forgotten Defenders,
pp. 140^4.
62 Orr, "Science and Christian Faith," in The Fundamentals (Chicago: Testimony
Publishing [1910-1915]), vol. 4, p. 103.
63 Robert Flint, Theism, 3rd ed. (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1880), pp. 201-06,
208.
64 George Matheson, "The Religious Bearings of the Doctrine of Evolution,"
in Alliance of the Reformed Churches, p. 86. See also Matheson's "Modern
Science and the Religious Instinct," Presbyterian Review, 5 (1884): 608-21.
65 Matheson, Can the Old Faith Live with the New? or, The Problem of Evolution
and Revelation (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1885).
66 The best analysis of Drummond's efforts is James R. Moore, "Evangelicals and Evolution: Henry Drummond, Herbert Spencer, and the Naturalisation of the Spiritual World," Scottish journal of Theology, 38 (1985):383417.
67 Technically, Duns occupied the position as lecturer from 1864 to 1869 due to
some doubts expressed by the General Assembly of 1864 about the propriety of retaining natural science in the theological curriculum. A bequest
provided for the endowment of a professorial chair in 1869, and Duns
occupied that position until his death during the General Assembly of
1903.
68 John Duns, Creation According to the Book of Genesis and the Confession ofFaith:
Speculative Natural Science and Theology: Two Lectures (Edinburgh: Maclaren
& Macniven, 1877), p. 36.
69 Duns, "On the Theory of Natural Selection and the Theory of Design,"
Transactions of the Victoria Institute, 20 (1885):l-22. Duns also maintained
this viewpoint in Christianity and Science (Edinburgh: William P. Kennedy,
1860), and Science and Christian Thought (London: Religious Tract Society,
n.d.)
70 "The British Association," The Witness, 28 August, 1874. It should not be
assumed that there were no less strident voices. Rev. George Macloskie, in
a letter to the Northern Whig on 26 August, for example, insisted that there
was no desire in Belfast "to stifle free scientific inquiry." Northern Whig, 27
August, 1874, p. 8.
71 J. G. C, "Darwinism," Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 9 (1873):337-61.
72 "Pastoral Address of the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland," Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 11 (1874):49-70.
73 Robert Watts, Atomism: Dr. Tyndall's Atomic Theory of the Universe Examined
and Refuted. To which are added, Humanitarianism accepts, provisionally, Tyndall's impersonal atomic deity; and a letter to the presbytery of Belfast; containing
a note from the Rev. Dr. Hodge, and a critique on Tyndall's recent Manchester
recantation, together with strictures on the late Manifesto of the Roman Catholic
hierarchy of Ireland in reference to the sphere of science (Belfast: Mullan, 1875),
pp. 34, 38, 39. The addition of Hodge's endorsement evidently meant a
36
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
Notes
37
87 This scrapbook is extant in the Speer Library, Princeton Theological Seminary. Most of the clippings are from the National Livestock Journal. The
Speer Library also retains a number of books on short-horn cattle from B. B.
Warfield's personal library.
88 William Warfield, The Theory and Practice of Cattle-Breeding (Chicago: J. H.
Sanders, 1889).
89 From the Darwin volumes in Warfield's personal library, it is clear that the
second volume of this work was the first of Darwin's books to be purchased
by B. B. Warfield. It is dated May 1st 1868. The Origin of Species and The
Descent of Man are both dated 1871. In 1872, while in London, B. B. Warfield
purchased The Expression of the Emotions.
90 W. Warfield, Cattle-Breeding, pp. 85-86. Warfield also enthusiastically commended a volume by J. H. Sanders, Horse-Breeding: Being the General Principles of Heredity applied to the Business of Breeding Horses ... (Chicago: J. H.
Sanders, 1885), in which Darwin's evolutionary thinking was promulgated.
Warfield particularly endorsed the long first chapter, which dealt with these
general principles.
91 See James Secord, "Nature's Fancy: Charles Darwin and the Breeding of
Pigeons," /sis, 72 (1981):163-86.
92 B. B. Warfield, "Lectures on Anthropology," December 1888, Speer Library.
93 Mark A. Noll, Between Faith and Criticism: Evangelicals, Scholarship, and the
Bible in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1987), pp. 28-29. See also the
introduction in Noll, The Princeton Theology: Scripture, Science, and Theological
Method from Archibald Alexander to Benjamin Warfield (Grand Rapids: Baker,
1983).
94 B. B. Warfield, Review of God's Image in Man, by James Orr, Princeton Theological Review, 4 (1906)555-58.
95 B. B. Warfield, "Calvin's Doctrine of the Creation," Princeton Theological
Review, 13 (1915):190-255.
96 See my discussion in Darwin's Forgotten Defenders, Chapter 4.
97 When Watts visited Princeton in 1880, he wrote to his wife: "After writing
you at Professor Green's on Monday, Dr. M'Closkie who you remember
lost his dredge in Belfast Lough when our little boys were out with him in
a boat, called according to promise and took me over all the buildings of
Dr. M'Cosh's College." Letter, Robert Watts to his wife, 17 September, 1880,
in "Family Letters of Revd. Robert Watts, D.D., LL.D.," compiled by his wife
(typescript). I am grateful to Dr. R. E. L. Rodgers for making this typescript
available to me.
98 George Macloskie, "Scientific Speculation," Presbyterian Review, 8 (1887):
617-25.
99 See Macloskie, "Concessions to Science," Presbyterian Review, 10 (1889):22028; idem, "Theistic Evolution," Presbyterian and Reformed Review, 9 (1898):122; idem, "The Outlook of Science and Faith," Princeton Theological Review,
1 (1903)597-615; idem, "Mosaism and Darwinism," Princeton Theological
Review, 2 (1904):425-51.1 discuss the contents of these articles in Darwin's
Forgotten Defenders, pp. 92-96.
38
100 Macloskie, "The Origin of Species and of Man," Bibliotheca Sacra, 60 (1903):
261-75, quotation on p. 273.
101 Macloskie's papers at the Princeton University Library contain The Examination of the Rev. James Woodrow D. D. by the Charleston Presbytery (Charleston,
40
Darwin's reception in Australia. The acceptance or rejection of Darwinism exhibited the full gamut of attitudes found elsewhere. In the 1860s
small numbers of Darwinians were scattered throughout Australia, just
as they were in Europe and North America. And into the 1880s antiDarwinians remained active in Australia, just as they did in Europe
and North America, though their influence had abated. Between 1875
and 1885 Robert David Fitzgerald, a surveyor in New South Wales, produced a Darwinian tour de force in the form of a survey of Australian
orchids, which drew admiration from Darwin and the British botanist
Joseph Hooker.2 At the same time, most of the professional botanists in
the colonies - those running the botanic gardens, for instance - were
explicitly opposing evolutionary ideas.
In what now seems a naive attempt at model building, I once tried
to account for this sort of complexity by suggesting that although there
may have been dominant orthodoxies in science at the periphery of
Western culture, there were also heterodoxies that thrived and laid the
groundwork to some extent for the eventual triumph of Darwinism. In
many respects, as Ann Moyal has claimed, Paleyan natural theology
dominated Australian science until very late into the nineteenth century; nevertheless, many Australian scholars worked within a distinctively evolutionary framework from the 1860s on. There was no time
lag between happenings at the center of Darwinian science in Britain
and similar events at the Australian periphery; the same cornucopia
of opinions, beliefs, philosophies, and religious allegiances influenced
responses to Darwinism in both regions.3
This fact raises the issues of geographical isolation and distance: How
much did the physical distance separating Australia from its cultural
homeland, Britain, affect intellectual developments? Australia, a tiny
fragment of European culture surrounded by a variety of Pacific and
Asian cultures, sometimes out-Europeanized Europe. From the time of
the earliest European settlements, colonists had attempted to recreate
"home" in a landscape manifestly unsuitable for such yearnings. Small
gatherings of British immigrants set up philosophical and scientific societies in outposts of "real culture," importing the trappings of British
society life: theaters, museums, rabbits to feed the foxes that had been
brought in to be hunted, journals from the London, Paris, and Edinburgh scientific societies, and, of course, books such as the Origin of
Species. In a context in which the journey from Europe to Australia lasted
about twelve weeks and the constant influx of immigrants brought all
of the latest fashions, material and otherwise, with them, one has to
question whether nineteenth-century Australians suffered much of an
intellectual disadvantage. The historian James Secord once pointed out
that a person lacking social and institutional support could be isolated
Early responses
41
Early responses
In 1863 George Britton Halford, newly appointed professor of medicine
at the University of Melbourne, effectively initiated public debate over
Darwinism in Australia when he challenged Thomas Henry Huxley's
claim that the similarities between humans and apes suggested a common ancestor. In a series of public lectures over the next two years,
Halford refused to accept Huxley's growing scientific authority and
continued to assert that crucial anatomical differences between humans
and apes could not be explained by evolutionary theory. What was at
one level a technical argument about muscles and bones became a platform for debating the merits of evolutionary theory and the place of
humans in nature. Politicians, churchmen, and colonial heads of state
42
43
44
Macleay reduced the issue to the question "What is man, a created being under the direct government of his creator or only an accidental
sprout of some primordial type that was the common progenitor of
both plants and animals?" Macleay possessed excellent scientific credentials. His own extremely complex quinarian system of classification
was much discussed by some of the leading scientific minds of the day,
including the Swiss-American naturalist Louis Agassiz. Darwin himself
appears to have flirted with it in the earliest stages of his investigations
into the species problem. When the question of man's place in nature
attracted public discussion in 1863, Macleay let it be known that although he accepted the close physical relationship of men and apes, he
denied the possibility of any intellectual evolution connecting the two
groups. Rejecting Darwinism, Macleay opted instead for a divinely ordained universe where "even the black tuft of hair on the breast of the
turkey cock" gave evidence of providential concern. In passing, Macleay
railed against those who sought to "surrender everything to the many
headed monster of democracy and the rush to embrace the brutality of
the mob." This juxtaposition of political and scientific opinion illustrates
the cogency of the historian Robert Young's claim that scientific content
can never be isolated out of the debates over Darwinism, because social, religious, economic, and philosophical factors were ever present.
When John Bleasdale, a Roman Catholic priest who served as president
of the Colonial Royal Society, denounced Huxley's evolutionary reasoning as a "swindle ... fit only for the half educated intellect fashioned in
mechanics institutes," he revealed the nexus of these factors.10
A similar situation occurred when eminent social and political figures
spoke out on scientific issues. Support for Halford's attack on Huxley
came from the highest possible sources, most notably the governor of
Victoria, Henry Barkly. In 1860 and 1861 Barkly served as president of
the Royal Society of Victoria, a position that by tradition required him
to address the scientific elite of the colony on the general state of science
and its recent advances. In 1860, before the Darwinian issue emerged
into prominence, he pleaded for scientific freedom as a religious duty,
arguing that scientists ought to be unfettered in their investigation of
the natural world as a counter to religious skepticism. A year later, however, he warned against the "gross and subversive theory of progressive
development." Politically, Barkly was grappling with the social turmoil
arising from the aftermath of the gold rushes in Victoria; in his seven
years as governor (1856-1863) he witnessed six changes of government
and the encroachment of that "many headed monster" that so disturbed
Macleay. Barkly publicly expressed concern about the possible breakdown of social relations between labor and capital and the ensuing collapse into anarchy that would surely follow. Against such a background,
45
46
47
48
Perry's lecture left a lasting effect on Turner. When he came to write his
two-volume History of the Colony of Victoria (1904), he painted the bishop
as a man out of touch with modern thought, one who "had so little conception of the trend of scientific investigation as to be satisfied that he
had demolished Darwin and all his theories in the course of an hour's
lecture." Perry's disdain was all the more lamentable in view of his
longstanding interest in scientific matters. For fifteen years prior to his
arrival in Australia, the Anglican divine had worked alongside William
Whewell at Cambridge. In 1833 he had attended the third meeting of
the British Association for the Advancement of Science, where he made
the acquaintance of many prominent scientists and clerics, including
Thomas Chalmers, author of one of the Bridgewater Treatises. Like other
evangelicals, Perry did not reject the scientific enterprise per se but only
the attempt to formulate and structure it in ways that made it inimical
to religious faith. His critique of Darwinism rested on the sort of inductivism that underlay the providentialist approach to science so popular
among nineteenth-century Australians.20
49
50
Darwinism triumphant?
51
Darwinism triumphant?
In 1883 the socially prestigious Scots Presbyterian Church in Melbourne
sacked its pastor, Charles Strong, for allowing George Higginbotham
to lecture on science and religion from the pulpit. Higginbotham, the
52
greatest legal figure in Australia at the time, had shocked the congregation by telling them that they were living through the death throes of
Christianity as they knew it because science had shown it to be false. The
furor generated by "the Strong Case," as it came to be called, symbolized the extent to which debates over the relation of science and religion
in general, and Darwinism in particular, extended into the very heart
of Australian cultural life. Despite Sir Henry Barkly's fear of social ruin
coming on the heels of the Darwinian theory, that theory itself quickly
became simply another social resource that even some within the establishment could profitably use. Not only could a respected judge expound
on the subject, but a prominent minister could use it as inspiration for
new religious insights. Strong turned his back on Presbyterianism to
found the Australian Church, a curious theological amalgam of science,
as represented by Darwin, Huxley, and Herbert Spencer, and religion,
as represented by liberal Christianity and spiritualism.31
The early debates over Darwinism in Australia, including the Strong
case, belie the claim that science and theology were engaged in an ongoing "warfare." The surveyor Fitzgerald, introduced at the beginning
of this chapter, found time to produce a massive testament to Darwinism
with his work on Australian orchids, findings that Darwin incorporated
into the second edition of his Fertilization of Orchids (1877). Nevertheless, Fitzgerald remained on friendly terms with several of the leading
anti-Darwinians in the country: the botanist Ferdinand von Mueller, the
internationally respected cleric-scientist William Woolls, and Charles
Moore, the director of the Sydney Botanic Gardens. Fitzgerald, Woolls,
and Moore made countless botanizing trips around New South Wales,
while apparently never shying away from ridiculing one another's beliefs on evolution. When Fitzgerald died, Woolls wrote a moving poetic tribute to his friend, honoring him as the foremost authority on
Australian orchids and referring sympathetically to his belief in "development."32
The concept of divine design in nature may have underlain the debates
about human origins and protoplasm, but behind that notion stood a
greater challenge: identifying the true nature of biological science and
its role in arbitrating knowledge claims. What would replace the older
teleological view of biology? Huxley explicitly aimed to separate biology
from theology and thus make it as scientific as physics or astronomy. To
men such as Perry, McCoy, Mueller, and Macleay, this was tantamount
to amputating one of the major limbs from the body of science. Worse
still, as both sides recognized, the naturalization of biology was the thin
end of a wedge that would sever the realms of science and religion,
secularize public policy, and undermine traditional mores and social
institutions.
Darwinism triumphant?
53
54
Conclusions
55
his Melbourne meetings drew 140 doctors, all but four of them nonchurchgoers. Drummond's openness to evolution helped him convert
large numbers of Australian unbelievers to Christianity and strengthened others racked by the "Victorian crisis of faith."37
Conclusions
In the decades following the first arrival of Darwinism in Australia, the
social and intellectual life of the continent underwent dramatic change.
By the end of the century, four universities were offering instruction in
science, government bureaucracies were employing an increasing number of professional scientists trained under the Huxleyan program, and
the AAAS was promoting the production of local scientific research. The
"new men" at the helm of Australian science still came largely on the recommendation of committees "back home" in Britain, but they brought
with them a science stripped of theological and providential aspirations.
Spencer, Haswell, McAlpine, Farrer, and a host of lesser minds represented a breed altogether different from such predecessors as McCoy,
Mueller, Macleay, and Halford. The former were not only confident of
their own abilities and excited by their prospect of contributing to the
advancement of universal science, but sure that science could satisfy the
material wants of humanity.
In the religious sphere, at least in the mainstream churches, the thoroughgoing biblical faith of men such as Perry was conceding to a more
cautious, even doubting, faith, where questions rather than answers
seemed to be the order of the day. Moorhouse, Perry's successor, had
learned his theology during the heyday of critical biblical studies and
schemes for harmonizing evolutionary theory with Christian belief. In
his later years he praised Bergson's work, noting that it was "stimulating
to find the conclusions of science called in aid of the speculations of philosophy: to find the haughty a priori methods of metaphysics forced to
stoop their proud heads to look prosaic facts in the face." Such a Huxleylike phrase could never have been penned by Perry, for whom science
and religion "rightly understood" could never come into conflict.38
As free thought and spiritualism prospered in Australia in the 1890s,
the fledgling theosophical movement found a local footing, albeit largely
temporarily. Combining elements of traditional belief with scientific language, the prophetess Annie Besant told her Australian audiences during her 1908 speaking tour that materialism was untenable, that science
was discovering the spiritual side of human beings. "The man of genius," she declared, "shows you what the human race shall be. He is the
prophecy of the future. He is not the product of degeneracy. He shows
us what all men shall become at a stage of higher evolution."39
56
The dark forebodings of Barkly and Macleay regarding the likely social effects of Darwinism on "the mob" had come to nothing in the intervening years. The Australian colonies peacefully formed a federation
and in the main prospered. Popular journals such as the Bulletin looked
forward to the day when a new and superior variety of the Anglo-Saxon
race would appear in the favorable climate of Australia, a day when the
"uncivilized" indigenous population would disappear, swept aside by
the inevitable process of biological and social evolution.40 Australia's
relation to "the development hypothesis" had changed immeasurably
since the first arguments over gorilla feet and protoplasm. Darwinism
may not have been triumphant at the end of the century, but it certainly
was triumphalist.
Notes
1 Advertisement, Sydney Morning Herald, 18 April, 1860; William Edward
Hearn, Plutology; or, The Theory of the Efforts to Satisfy Human Wants
(Melbourne: George Robertson, 1863). Leslie Stephen, in "Review of Plutology, by William Edward Hearn," Reader, 19 March, 1864, p. 142, noted that
Hearn's was the first attempt to apply evolutionary theory to economics. The
following essay is based in large part on Barry W. Butcher, "Darwinism and
Australia, 1836-1914," Ph.D. diss., University of Melbourne, 1992.
2 Butcher, "Darwin's Australian Correspondents: Deference and Collaboration in Colonial Science," in Nature in Its Greatest Extent, ed. Philip F. Rehbock
and Roy MacLeod (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1988), pp. 131-58.
3 Ann Moyal, "Evolution and the Climate of Opinion in Australia, 1840-76,"
Victorian Studies, 10 (1965):411-30. See also Butcher, "Darwin's Australian
Correspondents."
4 James A. Secord, "John W. Salter: The Rise and Fall of a Victorian Palaeontological Career," in From Linnaeus to Darwin, ed. A. Wheeler and J. H. Price
(London: Society for the History of Natural History, 1985), pp. 61-75.
5 William Archer, Tourist to the Antipodes, ed. Raymond Stanley (St. Lucia:
University of Queensland Press, 1977), p. 33.
6 Butcher, "Gorilla Warfare in Melbourne: Halford, Huxley and 'Man's Place
in Nature/" in Australian Science in the Making, ed. R. W. Home (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 153-69.
7 Ibid., p. xx.
8 Moyal, "Evolution and the Climate of Opinion."
9 Perry's lecture was covered extensively in the Age, 28 September, 1860.
10 William Sharp Macleay to Robert Lowe, May, 1860, quoted in Moyal, Scientists in Nineteenth-Century Australia: A Documentary History (Melbourne:
Cassell Australia, 1976), pp. 190-92; Louis Agassiz, Essay on Classification
(London: Longman, 1859), pp. 344-45; Dov Ospovat, The Development of
Darwin's Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 101-13;
Notes
57
58
Scientific Culture: An Overview," in Religion and Twentieth-Century American Intellectual Life, ed. Michael J. Lacey (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1989), pp. 23^8.
21 Thomas Henry Huxley, "On the Physical Basis of Life," Fortnightly Review,
new ser., 5 (1869):129-45. On the protoplasm affair in Britain, see Gerald L.
Geison, "The Protoplasmic Theory of Life and the Vitalist-Mechanist Debate," Isis, 60 (1969):273-92.
22 Huxley, Protoplasm: The Physical Basis of Life (Melbourne: Peter C. Alcock,
1869), pp. 15-16; "The Protoplasm Excitement at the Antipodes," Nature, 4
November, 1869, p. 13; Argus, 1,2, and 31 July, 1869; Australian Medical Journal,
August (1869):259. On the Australian debate, see also Argus, 23 July and 20
and 27 August, 1869; McCoy, "The Order and Plan of Creation," pp. 1216; John Bromby, "Creation versus Development: A Lecture," in Lectures
Delivered before the Early Closing Association, pp. 7-16; Archer to Huxley, 5
October, 1869, Huxley Papers, Imperial College, London. For Higginson's
views, see Argus, 7 and 11 June, 1869.
23 Argus, 1 July, 1869. See also Charles Perry, Science and the Bible (Melbourne:
Mullen, 1869), pp. 3-4.
24 Argus, 2 July, 1869.
25 Argus, 24 August, 1869.
26 D. H. Borchardt, "Julian Tenison Woods," in Australian Dictionary of Biography, vol. 6; pp. 254-55; Julian Tenison Woods, Not Quite as Old as the Hills:
A Lecture on the Evidences of Man's Antiquity (Melbourne: Dolman Dwight,
1864). In later years Woods seems to have softened his stand on Darwinism;
see Woods, "Presidential Address," Proceedings of the Linnaean Society of New
South Wales, 4 (1879):474-76.
27 Argus, 10 August, 1869, which reported extensively on John Bromby's lecture
on "Prehistoric Man," given the day before to the Early Closing Association;
C. M. H. Clark, "John Bromby," in Australian Dictionary of Biography, vol. 3,
pp. 242-43. For a discussion of conditionalism, see Geoffrey Rowell, Hell and
the Victorians (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), Chap. 9.
28 Argus, 10 August, 1869.
29 Ibid., which mentions Perry's positive comments about Bromby's lecture;
Perry, Science and the Bible, pp. 3-4,16-23. For additional criticism of Bromby,
see Argus, 12,19, 21, 23, and 24 August, 1869. See also Bromby's replies to
his critics in Argus, 23 and 31 August, 1869; and Bromby, "Creation versus
Development," pp. 16-23.
30 Argus, 21 September, 1869.
31 For a rather antagonistic review of the Higginbotham incident and the Strong
case, see Aeneas MacDonald, One Hundred Years of Presbyterianism in Victoria (Melbourne: Robertson & Mullens, 1937), pp. 125-40. Strong's theological position after his dismissal from the Presbyterian church can be found
in his collection of sermons, Christianity Re-Interpreted and Other Sermons
(Melbourne: George Robertson, 1894).
32 Woolls's poem appears in MS 581.995/W, Mitchell Library, Sydney.
33 Patricia Morison, "William Aitcheson Haswell," Australian Dictionary of Biography, vol. 8, pp. 226-27.
Notes
59
34 For Spencer's life and work, see D. J. Mulvaney and J. H. Calaby, "So Much
That Is New": Baldwin Spencer, 1860-1929 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1985). On Dendy, see Brian J. Smith, "Arthur Dendy," Australian
Dictionary of Biography, vol. 8, pp. 279-80; and Peter J. Bowler, The Eclipse
of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around
1900 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), pp. 79, 170, 172.
McAlpline's work is discussed briefly in J. H. Willis, "Botanical Pioneers in
Victoria," Victorian Naturalist, 66 (1949): 107-08. For Farrer's life and work,
see Archer Russell, William James Farrer (Melbourne: F. W. Cheshire, 1949).
35 F. von Mueller, "Presidential Address," Report of the Second Meeting of the
Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science (Melbourne: The Association, 1890), pp. 8-9; A. P. Thomas, "Address to Section D," ibid., pp. 10309; William Haswell, "Address to Section D," Report of the Third Meeting of
the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science (Wellington, NZ:
The Association, 1891), pp. 174-86; James Hector, "Presidential Address,"
ibid., pp. 15-16. For criticisms of Wallace, see F. W. Hutton, "Address to
Section D,"Report of the Fourth Meeting of the Australasian Association for the
Advancement of Science (Hobart: The Association, 1892), pp. 365-66; and C. H.
Hedley, "Address to Section D," Report of the Fifth Meeting of the Australasian
Association for the Advancement of Science (Adelaide: The Association, 1893),
pp. 444-46.
36 On Conway's Australian visit, see his book, My Pilgrimage to the Wise Men of
the East (London: Archibold Constable, 1906), pp. 70-104.
37 For a description of Drummond's Australian tour, see George Adam Smith,
The Life ofHenry Drummond (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1899), pp. 358-72.
38 On Moorhouse, see Edith C. Rickards, Bishop Moorehouse of Melbourne and
Manchester (London: John Murray, 1920).
39 Annie Besant, Australian Lectures: 1908 (Sydney: George Robertson, 1908),
p. 157.
40 For a discussion of the Bulletin's attitude toward the future of the "Australian
race," see Beverley Kingston, Glad, Confident Morning, vol. 3 of The Oxford
History of Australia (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp 106437.
In 1860 Samuel Butler, a young Englishman later famous as a novelist, sailed into Lyttelton harbor with the Bible and The Origin of Species
in his baggage, leaving far behind an angry clergyman father and the
Anglican Establishment. Within two years, Butler, now a high-country
farmer, began enlightening New Zealanders on the merits of Darwin's
theory. His first article, published in The Press of Christchurch, presented
a dialogue between free thinker "F," an ardent Darwinian speaking for
Butler himself, and "C," a devout and simple-minded Christian, who
found evolution "horrid" and "utterly subversive of Christianity." Free
thinker attempted to enlighten Christian by pointing out that illustrations of evolution could be observed everywhere in New Zealand. For
example, the competition within a population of wild cats on sheep stations such as Butler's own Mesopotamia illustrated Darwin's struggle
for life. Competing with one another for a diminishing supply of quail,
only the fittest cats survived.1
The Reverend C. J. Abraham, the Anglican bishop of Wellington,
writing under a pseudonym, picked up the gauntlet that Butler had
thrown down. As far as he was concerned, the Origin of Species, which
he had recently read, simply rehashed the speculations of earlier writers
such as Erasmus Darwin. "Were it not for their supposed effect upon
religion," Abraham declared, "no one would waste his time in reading
about the possibility of polar bears swimming about and catching flies
so long that they at last get the fins they wish for." These disparaging
remarks angered Butler, who identified the author by consulting the
editor of The Press. For "nicknames" to misrepresent a theory that "the
British Association is discussing with great care in England," he fulminated, simply demonstrated how low some people would go in opposing modern science. Butler and Bishop Abraham continued to argue
about evolution for some months, with Butler publishing two further
articles in The Press, including "Darwin among the Machines," which
foreshadowed his novel Erewhon.2
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class distinctions, and hoped to build a freer and more egalitarian society
in the Antipodes.
Most New Zealanders, able to read and write, could familiarize themselves with Darwin's writings if they so chose. The 1877 Education
Act, which established a free, secular, and compulsory system of state
schools, consolidated New Zealand's reputation as one of the most literate societies in the world. Four towns grew large enough to facilitate the development of intellectual culture: Auckland in the far north,
Wellington on the southern end of the North Island, Christchurch in the
middle of the South Island, and Dunedin in the far south. The cultural
institutions established in these cities - churches, universities, schools,
public libraries, scientific and literary societies, and so on - brought a
diverse Pakeha population together, sometimes creating sparks.
Around eighty percent of the population professed to be Protestants
in 1881, compared with about fourteen percent who identified themselves as Roman Catholics. New Zealand possessed a larger proportion of Catholics than England or Scotland, but proportionally fewer
than Ireland, the United States, Canada, or Australia. Almost all New
Zealand Catholics came from Ireland.
No denomination possessed a majority of even nominal adherents.
The Church of England (almost entirely English, but including some
Anglo-Irish) came closest at slightly over two fifths of the population;
Presbyterians (largely Scottish) comprised about a quarter; Methodists
(mostly English), almost a tenth. The first waves of settlers came to
New Zealand a decade after Britain began lifting legal restrictions on
dissenters and Catholics. This liberal tide flowed over to New Zealand.
No state church took root in New Zealand soil. Determined nonAnglican opposition destroyed the few early attempts made to transplant the English Establishment. Contemporaries remarked on the religious freedom of the colony. Charles Southwell, for example, a lecturer,
publisher, and notorious English atheist, had been imprisoned for blasphemy in the Bristol jail in the early 1840s. But, shortly after arriving in
Auckland in 1856, he praised his adopted land for opening "to all alike
the paths of political fame and social power" without regard to religious
belief. Southwell saw little need to advance atheism aggressively in New
Zealand. Compared with the Oracle of Reason that he had published in
England, Southwell's Auckland Examiner and People's Journal, which he
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Evangelical churchmen (that is to say, non-Anglican Protestants) began publicly accepting evolution from about 1870, slightly earlier perhaps than their American brethren.8 In Dunedin in 1870, Mr. Smythies,
a local barrister, assured a small audience in Trinity Wesleyan Church
that evolution should be seen as compatible with Christianity, providing that the Genesis stories of Creation and Fall were interpreted allegorically rather than literally. In Christchurch in 1872 the Reverend
William Habens, a young Congregationalist minister, told his audience
that Christians had nothing to fear from Darwin's theory. "Far from
leading to infidelity," Habens argued, "natural evolution was even a
more wonderful thing than the creation itself."9
Protestant evolutionists were generally well-educated men determined to keep the churches abreast of the latest science and scholarship. The Reverend Charles Fraser, for example, the leading Presbyterian minister in Anglican-dominated Christchurch in the 1870s, had
long been active in the cultural and intellectual life of the city. He helped
to found the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury in 1862 and counted
the geologist and explorer Julius Haast among his friends. Fraser, an
able mathematician and self-taught naturalist, was elected a fellow of the
Geological Society of London in 1867. As early as 1873 he expounded the
merits of evolution to a small audience at his St. Andrews church, clearly
explaining the argument of The Origin, even distinguishing between natural selection and other mechanisms of evolution.10 Fraser's espousal
of theistic evolution does not seem to have aroused much controversy.
Otago, the province immediately to the south of Canterbury, saw debate break out in earnest three years later. It had systematically been
settled in 1848 by Scottish Presbyterians five years after the Reverend
Dr. Thomas Chalmers had led the evangelical party out of the established Church of Scotland to form the Free Church. The first leaders of
the Otago settlement, Captain William Cargill and the Reverend Thomas
Burns, ardent Free Churchmen, hoped to shape the province along
Calvinist lines. Yet Otago never became an exclusively Free Church
settlement, and Presbyterians, though more numerous in the far south
than in the rest of the country, soon lost majority status even in their
own province. Conflict between Scottish Presbyterians and a powerful
English and Anglican minority had occurred from first settlement. The
latter group, prosperous, urbane, often appointees of the Anglican governor, refused to allow Dunedin to be turned into the Edinburgh of the
south, much to the annoyance of the Scots.11 Dunedin boomed during
the Otago gold rush of the 1860s, becoming the largest, richest, most
vibrant city in the country.
In 1876 the Dunedin Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA)
blew apart over evolution. This incident is worth examining in detail
66
for three reasons. First, it represents the most explosive controversy involving evolution to occur within New Zealand religious institutions.
Second, it illustrates how powerfully factors such as sectarianism, ethnicity, politics, and personality informed the evolution debates, and how
incomplete scientific and theological ideas alone are in explaining such
conflicts. Third, it highlights the significance of religious geography.
Like most explosions over Darwinism in New Zealand, this incident occurred in Dunedin. That the far south almost monopolized evolutionary controversy suggests that New Zealand, though small, contained
sufficient regional diversity to render problematic nationwide generalizations about science and religion.
Early in 1876 the Reverend Alfred Robertson Fitchett, the liberalminded minister of the city's leading Methodist church, advocated evolution in sermons to his Trinity Wesleyan Congregation and published a
pamphlet reconciling evolution and Christianity. He dismissed the traditional understanding of the Genesis account of creation as "the popular
craving for creation by flat." As he saw it, the accounts of Creation and
Fall in Genesis constituted allegories. These passages taught profound
moral and spiritual truths not in precise scientific terminology but in
those of "a child's first lesson book." Humans had evolved, body and
mind, from apelike ancestors.12
Shortly after announcing these evolutionary views, Fitchett applied
to join the Dunedin YMCA. Five out of eleven members of the board of
management blackballed his application, and a general meeting of the
association was called to consider the case. The YMCA had originally
been set up as an interdenominational organization in which evangelical
Protestants could co-operate in evangelizing young men. Membership
was open to all who accepted Christ as their "only Savior" and acknowledged the "Divine inspiration and authority of Scripture." But, as this
debate over Darwinism would reveal, even this minimal credo could not
contain the growing social, intellectual, and religious tensions within the
Dunedin Protestant community.13
For the Fitchett hearing, the YMCA hall was packed with 120 worthy Dunedin citizens: Scottish Presbyterians, English Anglicans, Methodists, Congregationalists, and Baptists. Robert Borrows, a physician, a
member of Fitchett's Trinity Wesleyan Congregation, and a close personal friend of his, spoke first. Evidently annoyed at the insult to Methodism that the blackballing represented, he began by criticizing the YMC A's
board of management for rejecting a trained and respected theologian
who had been ordained by the Wesleyan Methodist Conference. Fitchett
believed in the inspiration and authority of Scripture, Borrows declared,
and the board had no right to insist that members hold a particular view
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68
group, strongly Calvinist in outlook, believed that the Fall had plunged
humans down into such radical moral and intellectual depravity that
they could not save themselves. Denying the Fall, as Fitchett had done,
implicitly denied the supernatural work of Christ as fallen humanity's
only hope for salvation. These latter-day Tertullians looked sceptically
upon the wisdom of this world, especially upon such modern science
and scholarship as contradicted their reading of Scripture. J. Aitken
Connell, a surveyor and lay Presbyterian, ascribed Fitchett's errors to
his being "an intellectual man," a victim of pride, the besetting sin of
intellectuals.15 Moore spoke for many when he announced that he preferred to trust "the Word of God" over Fitchett's speculations.16
Liberal Protestants such as Fitchett, by contrast, placed more faith in
human reason, softpedalled miracles and the supernatural, and refused
to read Genesis literally. By such means they hoped to sustain the preDarwinian alliance between science and Christianity. On an intellectual
level, then, the Fitchett affair concerned biblical theology, hermeneutics,
and the ultimate ground of religious authority.17 Biblical, theological,
and metaphysical issues became vastly more important for most Christian thinkers than details of evolutionary biology.
Still, Otago Protestants did not divide into two neatly polarized camps
of Calvinist antievolutionists versus liberal Protestant evolutionists.
Some conservative Calvinists, such as the Reverend James MacGregor
of Oamaru, the most powerful theologian in nineteenth-century New
Zealand, saw no theological problem in biological evolution - though
as late as 1882 he still had scientific reservations. And some of those
who walked out of the YMCA remained sufficiently conservative to
nurse suspicions about Fitchett's theistic evolutionary views. As one of
them put it, not only the "Evolutionists" but also the "nonEvolutionists" who left the YMCA objected to having "the whole of the Scriptures
strained through the brains of this so-called Christian Association."18
These nonevolutionists, upholding the traditional Protestant right to
interpret the meaning of Scripture for themselves, simply disliked dictatorial Calvinists even more than they disliked theological liberals.
The Fitchett affair thus represented a power struggle between local
Calvinists and Christians who were neither Scottish nor Presbyterian
nor prepared to let the former dominate the cultural and religious life of
Dunedin. Otago's ethnic and religious divisions constituted a fault line
that brought the YMCA tumbling down.
This incident represented the major controversy over evolution to
occur within the New Zealand religious community during the nineteenth century. Compared with those that wracked Christian institutions in the United States, such as the furor within Presbyterianism
that resulted in James Woodrow's dismissal from Columbia Theological
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representing a historic individual, Adam symbolized generic humanity and the unity of the human race. Salmond called on his audience
to cling no longer "to the beggarly letter" of Scripture but instead to
"march on with all the life of reason and science, knowing that they, too,
are divine."23
Such science-exalting, Scripture-abasing theology failed to convince
a number of local Christians. A correspondent to the Otago Daily Times
rejected the argument that Adam symbolized generic humanity, citing
1 Timothy 2:13, in which Paul assumed the truth of the Mosaic account
of creation. According to this critic, Salmond had closed "the Old Book"
and manufactured "a Christianity to suit the circumstances." Another
writer, "Veritas," argued that because Christ in Matthew 19:5 quoted
Genesis 2:24 on the creation of Eve out of Adam's rib, and Paul did the
same in Ephesians 5:31, then the matter was settled.24 By this time the
gap between university and pew had widened further than the Presbyterian founders of the University of Otago, inspired by the Scottish
tradition of the "democratic intellect," had ever envisaged.
In the opening decades of the twentieth century, another Presbyterian minister, the Reverend P. B. Fraser, succeeded Copland as the main
Protestant opponent of evolution. Fraser never attended a theological
college but had taught himself what theology he knew. Influenced by
American fundamentalism, and disturbed by new guidelines from the
Ministry of Education encouraging the teaching of evolution in schools,
he entitled an antievolutionist tract in 1929 Evolution and Ape-man-ism
in Schools and adopted a populist approach that scholarly nineteenthcentury conservatives such as Copland had eschewed. Fraser attracted
400 Christchurch citizens to a public meeting against the teaching of evolution in schools in 1929, a substantial number by local standards. Yet he
never mobilized sufficient support to mount a large-scale antievolution
crusade comparable to the American movement of the 1920s.25
Darwinism and the scientific community
The appearance of scientific institutions in New Zealand coincided with
the beginning of the Darwinian debates. Short-lived attempts had been
made to found local scientific and literary societies in the 1840s and
1850s, but colonial science acquired a solid institutional infrastructure
only in the 1860s. That decade witnessed the founding of the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, the Auckland Institute, the Otago Institute,
and the Wellington Philosophical Society, as well as their governing
body, the New Zealand Institute. Though other leading provincial towns
established institutes or philosophical societies, most of the colony's scientific research and discussion took place in these four main institutions.
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Three weeks later Hutton gave the second talk in the institute's series,
on "The Inductive Method as Applied to the Theory of Descent." The
Dunedin public was evidently captivated, for the University Hall was
filled to capacity. Hutton began with the "most disagreeable" task of disposing of special creation by showing that it implied that the Creator was
an incompetent bungler. Hutton compared the competing hypotheses
of evolution and special creation by using J. S. Mill's "method of difference," designed to choose between competing explanations. Europe
possessed a large number of terrestrial mammals. New Zealand had
none, though the success of introduced animals showed that its environment favored them. Europe also had fossil mammals, while New
Zealand had none. Evolution explained this difference by assuming that
the fossil mammals of Europe were the progenitors of the presently existing species. Special creation did not. Why did the Creator fail to populate New Zealand's eminently hospitable environment? Furthermore,
reasoned Hutton, small oceanic islands contained large numbers of distinct species closely allied to mainland species. Here again evolution
explained the phenomenon. The progenitors of the island species had
migrated from the mainland, and the intense struggle for existence on
the confined islands had led to more rapid speciation than on the mainland. Direct creation implied that God had been busier on the islands,
placing more species from the same genus there than on nearby continents. This seemed arbitrary, if not absurd, to Hutton, who concluded
his defense of Darwinism to warm applause.32
Bishop Nevill gave the final lecture in the series. He summarized the
failings of Darwin's theory on October 17 in a crowded University Hall.
No new organic forms had evolved during recorded history, and fossil
evidence of the intermediate forms that evolution demanded was lacking. Besides, natural selection could not explain the marvellous adaptation of structure to function. The highly developed teeth of the beaver,
for instance, so well adapted for felling trees, could only be the work of
an Intelligent Author, Nevill argued, not of the blind forces of nature. On
purely scientific grounds, evolution offered no advantages over special
creation. The audience politely applauded Nevill's exposure of the scientific weaknesses of Darwinism, and his idealist and teleological view
of nature.33
Yet Nevill's dissection of Darwinism had convinced few. The editor
of the Otago Daily Times observed that Hutton "ruthlessly despatched"
Nevill's arguments in discussion following the lecture. Shortly after the
Otago Institute series the Reverend William Salmond, who had initially
been Hutton's fiercest opponent, announced his conversion, declaring
himself "an Evolutionist of the Hutton [i.e., theistic] kind." He continued to believe that some evolutionists were "atheists," but in the future,
75
he confessed, he would reserve that term for "certain extreme men ...
chiefly of the German school." The credit for Salmond's conversion belonged entirely to Hutton, observed the editor of the Times. He had never
heard a "more charming speaker" able to bring "great knowledge out in
a perfectly lucid and clear way, and convincing those who desire to pick
holes almost against their will." The editor surmised that most persons
attending the series had concluded that evolution rather than creation
had been scientifically proven.34
The Hutton-Nevill debate represents the closest New Zealand came
to the famous Huxley-Wilberforce debate at the Oxford meeting of the
British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1860. The differences between the two encounters are significant. In New Zealand both
sides sought peace rather than conflict. Robert Gillies, reviewing the lecture series in his retiring presidential address, observed that "the most
kindly feeling" and "courteous consideration" for others' opinions had
been shown by everyone, with the exception, initially, of Salmond. For
this "happy result" the institute was indebted to Captain Hutton and
Bishop Nevill; "high tone and gentlemanly feeling" had characterized
their discussions.35
Hutton's attitude toward Anglican critics of evolution in New Zealand
in 1876 contrasted markedly with his attitude in England in the early
1860s. As a young man of twenty-four, he had denounced clerical revilers of Darwin such as Adam Sedgwick as "wilful pervertors [sic]" of
evolution, spouting "mere verbosities, baseless assertions," and "gross
ironical misrepresentations."36 He never employed such fierce language
in New Zealand, apparently because of the different social and religious conditions he found there. In Britain the rising breed of younger
scientists, led by Huxley and Tyndall and including Hutton in 1860-61,
turned science against religion in order to break the power of the clerical
establishment and to assert their own professional autonomy and hegemony. They employed scientific naturalism and religious agnosticism
as weapons to wrest control of the nation's scientific and educational
institutions from the conservative, Anglican establishment.37 In New
Zealand, by contrast, no established church existed. Clergymen could
hardly dominate science for they were too busy establishing churches
and ministering to widely scattered flocks. Bishop Nevill, one of the most
scientifically literate and active ministers in the country, illustrated this
when he apologized to the Otago Institute in 1877 for being unable to
review the latest scientific discoveries as the retiring president normally
did:
One who is debarred by the ceaseless pressure of other duties from
conducting a course of independent enquiry, and who can do little more
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that the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury forbade religious controversy. Members had no choice but to trudge home. Maskell had been
summarily silenced.
Yet the scientific community appears to have taken care not to ostracize the crusading Catholic in their midst. Maskell was elected treasurer
of the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury the following year and a
governor of the New Zealand Institute in 1885. He eventually tired of
crying alone in the wilderness, admitting in 1890 that, in the context of
scientific discussions, religious belief might perhaps remain "a matter
of private opinion." By the end of the nineteenth century most New
Zealand scientists had, like Maskell, largely privatized their religious
beliefs.43
From the little evidence available, it seems that New Zealand Catholics
resisted scientific naturalism in general, and evolution in particular,
more systematically than the dominant Protestant and secular community. In 1884 R. H. Bakewell, for example, a Catholic physician, perhaps
encouraged by Maskell's recent forays, told the Canterbury Institute
that "life" represented a distinct force or form of energy which, when
directed by a "Supreme Intelligence," led to growth, differentiation, and
reproduction. Bakewell's argument for theistic vitalism appeared in the
Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, which went out to scientific societies all over the world. The thought of distinguished foreign scientists
reading such stuff annoyed the hardheaded Presbyterian botanist G. M.
Thomson, who declared that Hector, as editor of the Transactions, should
have consigned Bakewell's paper to "oblivion" as soon as it reached his
desk.44 Although Maskell and Bakewell made themselves heard, they
hardly constituted a significant anti-Darwinian bloc within the scientific
community. Because Catholics constituted only about fourteen percent
of the total population, these two had relatively few co-religionists to
mobilize, far fewer than if they had lived in Ireland, Canada, the United
States, or Australia.
On one major issue, however, Maskell and Bakewell stood in the
mainstream. Like these two Catholics, the vast majority of the colony's
scientists continued to believe in God. Hutton, Haast, Hector, Travers,
Thomson, the eminent ornithologist Walter Buller, and A. P. W. Thomas,
liberal Anglican professor of natural science at Auckland University, all
believed that, as Thomson put it, "Darwin's view of life and of the Creator of life was a far grander one than any which it subverted." Hector
and Travers articulated religious views that were at least deistic, while
the others interpreted evolution theistically.45
If Maskell and Bakewell should be placed on the conservative end of
the religious spectrum, with most men of science somewhere in the middle, a couple of professional scientists should be assigned to the opposite
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84
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lay behind the theory. Te Rangi Hiroa (Peter Buck), a physician and eminent anthropologist, for example, condemned Newman's dying Maori
as a Pakeha "excuse" for their arrogance and rapacity.60
Conclusions
As these applications of Darwinism to Maori affairs suggest, the cultural leaders of New Zealand embraced evolution for a wide variety of
reasons. Evolution interpreted theistically as God's method of creation
enabled thinking Christians to support their faith with the authority of
modern science. Darwinism enabled colonial scientists to explain a host
of scientific problems naturalistically, and it helped them to turn natural
history into a respected and useful activity. Most men of science adopted
evolution without abandoning their religious tenets. Because they faced
neither an entrenched religious establishment nor significant opposition
from fellow scientists, they arguably enjoyed greater intellectual freedom than their colleagues in the rest of the English-speaking world. Free
thinkers deployed Darwinism as a weapon in their crusade against the
churches, and suffered little as a result. A number of scientist-politicians
and settlers turned evolution into a weapon to justify racial warfare
and colonial conquest. For all these diverse reasons, New Zealand's
cultural mainstream absorbed Darwinism with both equanimity and
enthusiasm.
Notes
1 The Press, 20 December, 1862.
2 Ibid., 17 January, 1863; Samuel Butler, A First Year in Canterbury Settlement
with Other Early Essays, ed. R. A. Streatfield (London: A. C. Fifield, 1914),
pp. 154-55; The Press, 21 February, 1863.
3 The Press, 2 April, 1863.
4 These and the following statistics are taken from the New Zealand Census
1881.
5 Auckland Examiner and People's Journal, 11 December, 1856; for Southwell's
religious views, see "Religion in Relation to Education," ibid., 8 January,
1857.
6 New Zealand Census 1921. For a fuller discussion, see H. Jackson, "Churchgoing in Nineteenth Century New Zealand," New Zealand Journal of History,
17 (1983):43-59.
7 H. W. Harper to C. W. Richmond, 16 August, 1869, in The Richmond-Atkinson
Papers, ed. G. H. Scholefield, 2 vols. (Wellington: Government Printer, 1960),
vol. 2, p. 291; New Zealand Presbyterian, 1 (1866):7; Church Gazette, 1 March,
1873, p. 29; ibid., 1 April, 1873, p. 57; and ibid., 1 September, 1879, p. 89.
Notes
87
8 Jon Roberts has argued that in the United States few Protestant thinkers regarded evolution as scientifically plausible until about 1875, when the conversion of most scientists to evolution encouraged a change of mind. See Jon
H. Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine in America: Protestant Intellectuals and
Organic Evolution, 1859-1900 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988).
9 Otago Daily Times, 30 July, 1870, p. 4; The Press, 27 August, 1872.
10 [Charles] Fraser, "Darwinism," Canterbury Presbyterian and Record of Church
News, 1 (1873):125-34.
11 See further Erik Olssen, A History of Otago (Dunedin: John Mclndoe, 1984),
pp. 39-41.
12 A. R. Fitchett, The Ethics of Evolution (Dunedin: Mills, Dick, 1876), pp. 9,11-17.
13 The report on which the following account is based appears in the Otago
Daily Times, 24 October, 1876, pp. 2-3. Quotations are from this source unless
otherwise acknowledged.
14 Otago Daily Times, 17 January, 1876, p. 2; and ibid., 25 October, 1876, p. 4.
15 Ibid., 25 October, 1876, p. 4.
16 Ibid., 24 October, 1876, p. 3.
17 Roberts argues thus in this volume.
18 James MacGregor, Regarding Evolution: The Previous Question of Science Considered (Dunedin: J. Horsburgh and A. Tracer; n.d. [1885?]), and Otago Daily
Times, 4 November, 1876, p. 3 (italics in original).
19 James Copland, "The Divine Authority and Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures," The Evangelist, 5 (1873):76.
20 The Evangelist, 3 (1871):242-43.
21 Otago Daily Times, 3 October, 1878, p. 2.
22 Copland, The Origin and Spiritual Nature of Man (Dunedin: James Horsburgh,
1885), passim. For a fuller discussion of Copland's life and thought, see
John Stenhouse, "The Rev. Dr James Copland and the Mind of New Zealand
'Fundamentalism/ " Journal of Religious History, 17 (1993):475-97.
23 Otago Daily Times, 4 September, 1902, p. 6; and ibid., 6 September, 1902, p. 2.
24 ibid., 6 September, 1902, p. 4; and ibid., 11 September, 1902, p. 7. See also
ibid., 15 September, 1902, p. 7.
25 Allan K. Davidson, "A Protesting Presbyterian: The Reverend P. B. Fraser
and New Zealand Presbyterianism, 1892-1940," Journal of Religious History, 9
(1986):193-217; P. B. Fraser, Evolution and Ape-manism in Schools: New Syllabus
challenged, (Dunedin: Otago Daily Times, 1929); and Lyttelton Times, 25 June,
1929; for a useful survey of evolution in school textbooks and curricula in
the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, see Colin McGeorge, "Evolution
and the New Zealand Primary School Curriculum, 1900-1950," History of
Education, 21 (1992):205-18.
26 On Hutton, see Stenhouse, "Darwin's Captain: F. W. Hutton and the Nineteenth-Century Darwinian Debates," Journal of the History of Biology, 23
(1990):411-42.
27 The Press, 16 January, 1891, p. 6.
28 Canterbury Standard, 9 October, 1862; letter, Charles Darwin to Julius Haast,
22 January, 1863, Haast MS 35, Folder 51, Alexander Turnbull Library,
Wellington.
88
Notes
89
48 Robert Stout, Evolution and Theism (Christchurch: 1881), pp. 1,2,7; and Stout,
The Resurrection of Christ: A Reply to Messrs Brunton and Forlong (Dunedin:
Joseph Braithwaite, 1881), pp. 17-18.
49 Peter J. Lineham, "Freethinkers in Nineteenth Century New Zealand," New
Zealand journal of History, 19 (1985):61-80; and Lineham, "Christian Reaction
to Freethought and Rationalism in New Zealand," Journal of Religious History,
15 (1988):236-50.
50 Quoted in Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion
of Europe, 900-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 217;
William Fox, The Six Colonies of New Zealand (London: Parker, 1851), p. 54;
and Edward Shortland, The Southern Districts of New Zealand: A Journal, with
Passing Notices of the Customs of the Aborigines (London: Longman, 1851), p. 40.
51 G. A. Selwyn to W. E. Gladstone, 15 September, 1846, microfilm MS 426,
Hocken Library; Shortland, The Southern Districts, pp. 40-41.
52 Octavius Hadfield,.A Sequel to 'One Of England's Little Wars': Being An Account
Of The Real Origin Of The War in New Zealand: Its Present State, and The Future
Prospects of The Colony (London: Williams and Norgate, 1861), pp. 14-15.
53 Joseph Giles, ed., "Waitara and the Native Question," Southern Monthly
Magazine, 1 (1863):209-16, on p. 215; "Our Colonization and its Ethics," Ibid.,
548-52, passim.
54 A. S. Atkinson, personal journal, 5 June, 1863, Alexander Turnbull Library,
Wellington.
55 Lyttelton Times, 8 July, 1867, p. 3.
56 Travers, "On the Changes," pp. 308,312; and TPNZI, 1 (1868):443.
57 William Colenso, "On the Maori Races of New Zealand," TPNZI, 2nd ed. 1
(1875):339^24, quotation on p. 342, originally published in 1868.
58 Alfred K. Newman, "A Study of the Causes Leading to the Extinction of the
Maori," TPNZI, 14 (1881):459-77, quotations on pp. 475-76; Walter Buller,
"Presidential Address," TPNZI, 17 (1884):443-45, quotation on p. 444; Ibid.,
p. 446.
59 New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, 38 (1884):231-32; Ibid., 56 (1886):105; for
a fuller discussion of Newman's life and thought, see Stenhouse, " 'A Disappearing Race before We Came Here': Doctor Alfred Kingcome Newman,
the Dying Maori, and Victorian Scientific Racism," New Zealand Journal of
History, 30 (1996):124-40.
60 Te Rangi Hiroa, "The Passing of the Maori," TPNZI, 57 (1924):362-75, on
p. 364.
earlier claims that it was "a calling to natural theology that Dawson
heard as a calling to science." Yet while Pyenson also documented the
detrimental effects of this decision upon Dawson's subsequent scientific reputation, historians have yet to evaluate definitively not only the
impact, but even the nature and extent, of his sustained critique. Only
then will we know its actual place in Dawson's long and complex career
as well as in the larger Canadian context.2
The author thanks Ron Numbers, John Stenhouse, Pam Henson, Keith Benson, George
Urbaniak, Ken Dewar, Cynthia Comacchio, and Graeme Wynn for their valued comments
on earlier versions of this paper; and gratefully acknowledges financial support for this
research from a grant funded by Wilfrid Laurier University Operating Funds and the
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada Institutional Grant to WLU.
92
93
Protestantism." In Roome's analysis, these limitations demanded intellectual conformity; with an elite "united in ... opposition to Darwin's
wild speculations," she concluded, "there was no necessity for debate."5
Roome's cultural consensus held firm in the institutional framework
explored by A. B. McKillop, in A Disciplined Intelligence: Critical Inquiry
and Canadian Thought in the Victorian Era (1979). McKillop exposed the
intellectual underpinnings of a powerful "moral imperative" in EnglishCanadian culture that derived from both Scottish Common Sense philosophy and natural theology. He agreed that critical reviews of The
Origin of Species published in 1860 by both J. W. Dawson and Daniel
Wilson, a Scottish archaeologist who taught history and literature at the
University of Toronto, "reflected to a very high degree" the reception of
Darwin's evolutionary theory more generally in Canada.6
Dawson's review, published in the Canadian Naturalist and Geologist,
the journal of the Natural History Society of Montreal, precluded questions of origin from the domains of both natural law and Baconian
(inductive) inquiry. Concerned more with religious implications than
with scientific validity, Dawson dismissed the importance of Darwin's
theory in what one subsequent observer termed "a posture of abnegation unique in the history of science": "We may well ask," Dawson
chastened, "what is gained by such a result [as Darwin's], even if established." Wilson (1816-92), McKillop noted, shared Dawson's commitment to the Baconian ideal. His review in the Canadian Journal of
Industry, Science, and Art, the organ of Toronto's Canadian Institute, also
emphasized the lack of fossil evidence "for any such gradations of form
as even to suggest a process of transmutation." The fact that, on the one
hand, Dawson's natural theology was shaped by "the Hebraic legacy of
his Calvinism," while, on the other, Wilson's science drew more upon
his own poetic sensibility, highlighted for McKillop the existence of a
broader cultural consensus in Canadian society.7
During the 1980s two more general contributions to the history of
Canadian science nuanced our understanding of this cultural consensus, along the fault lines of the country's fundamental dualism. In a
1983 lecture series on the natural-history tradition in English Canada,
Carl Berger revealed the power of Dawson's own growing isolation to
illuminate his vehemence against Darwin. Personal disappointments,
including his failure (twice) to accede to coveted chairs at the University of Edinburgh (1855, 1868) and the unprecedented refusal of the
Royal Society of London to publish his Bakerian Lecture (1870), scarred
Dawson with a deepening sense of alienation from British centers of
science. Time and distance only hardened his conviction that, as the
metropolis lost sight of "the true Baconian mission" of science (i.e.,
by accepting Darwin's hypothetico-deductive method), the torch had
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95
without addressing theoretical issues at all.10 And while the Quebec historians discerned important nuances in the responses to Darwin even
among clerics in an increasingly conformist ultramontane culture, they
also underlined the isolation and dispersion of French-Canadian as well
as English-Canadian scientific communities as major hindrances to sustained public debate of The Origin in Quebec, at least until the 1870s.11
Meanwhile, Roome also recognized the other side of her case for
a conservative consensus. While it remained prudent for members of
fledgling public institutions, dependent upon public financial support
and the goodwill of the churches, to emphasize the harmony of "science
and religion, revelation and reason," she noted, it does not necessarily
follow that individual private convictions toed this party line. Roome
referred specifically to Canadian universities, but her judgment can certainly be extended to the deafening silence observed by Sir William
Logan and his staff on the Geological Survey.12
Indeed, scientific biography has since demonstrated the accuracy of
Roome's implication that interesting exceptions might be found flourishing beneath the formal consensus in British North American society.
In David Boyle: From Artisan to Archaeologist (1983), Gerald Killan docu-
96
declawed the human implications of the mutability of species, reassigning to the evolutionary process an overseeing deity in place of a
self-regulating natural law.15
In the more exclusive view, Canadian evangelical responses to evolution, forged by the Great Awakening after 1780, differed fundamentally
from those of Enlightenment-based Anglicans. In The Evangelical Century
(1991), Michael Gauvreau argued that not only creed but college as well
in English Canada combined biblical sources, Baconian method, and
historical perspectives to render natural theology superfluous to the
evangelical outlook. For Gauvreau, the creative edge of the Baconian
method of acquiring knowledge had been blunted in Canada by the
1850s, leaving only "a rhetorical structure promoting caution and reverence." The resulting conservatism helps to explain why Canadian evangelical churches offered no "single major contributor to the transatlantic
discussion" of Darwin's theory or, indeed, of more general issues raised
by science.16
Excluded from Gauvreau's interpretation was the Presbyterian J. W.
Dawson, on the questionable grounds that Dawson's critique "stemmed
less from his religious or theological beliefs than from his scientific
methodology"; following Berger's interpretation, Gauvreau judged
Dawson's position as "even more atypical of evangelical attitudes toward modern thought than of the scientific reaction to Darwinism."17
Yet this restriction may be unnecessary. The explanatory power of
Gauvreau's insight into evangelical appropriations of the Baconian
method is, if anything, enhanced when Dawson is included. These important religious connotations go a considerable way to contextualize
Dawson's dogged critical fixation upon Darwin's methodology.
Consensus in context
While Berger estimated that among Canadian naturalists in general,
a tide turned in favor of evolution only shortly after 1900,18 there is
evidence that positive responses eluded the formal ideology of consensus considerably earlier, apparently with impunity, in three phases.
The first, during the 1860s, confirmed the extent of the consensus that
an insecure colonial society could actually muster; yet almost immediately Canadian botanists took up Darwinian themes indirectly, quietly
adapting their scientific researches accordingly. The second, after the
publication of The Descent of Man, marked the rise of public debate and
the eventual accommodation of evolution within a larger conservative
context of philosophical idealism; yet with it arrived a new generation of
Canadian scientists trained in Darwinian and other modern approaches
to research. The third, from about the mid-1880s, saw a broadening
acceptance of Darwinian science, as Canadian entomologists joined
Consensus in context
97
98
Nor did it seem self-evident to everyone that God intended human populations to follow, as the fur trader George Barnston urged, the northward diffusion of edible plants from the cabbage family into "those
dismal regions where ice holds almost eternal empire." 22
Yet earlier pioneer settlers had found solace in the belief that clearing and cultivation would eventually moderate British North America's
climate to resemble that of Europe in similar latitudes. Such optimism
harked back to long-standing climatic theories absorbed by Enlightenment culture and lent authority by Edward Gibbon's famous History of
the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776). Relying on earlier writ-
ers of the 18th century, Gibbon designated "Canada, at this day, [a]s
an exact picture of ancient Germany. Although situated in the same
parallel with the finest provinces of France and England, that country
experiences the most rigorous cold." Virtually every educated person
in the English-speaking world was familiar with Gibbon's History, its
claims vulgarized in popular expectations that Canada's climate would
one day be ameliorated by settlement and cultivation. The end of the
pioneer era in Canada, when settlement reached the Shield, forced reluctant admissions by the late 1850s that no improvement at all could
be discerned.23
It may not seem surprising, then, that some British North Americans
concerned themselves with the long-term implications of the country's
apparently permanent climatic condition. There remained, for example, the Comte de Buffon's infamous theory of physical degeneration
among European immigrants to the North American environment. In
1854 the Clear Grit (frontier liberal) politician William McDougall (18221905), an agricultural reformer and editor of the Canadian Agriculturist
in Toronto, offered a more positive alternative derived from Jean Baptiste
de Lamarck's theory of the inheritance of acquired characteristics.
McDougall suggested that North American's historical time scale was
still too short to interpret conclusively the significance of physical modifications outside of the vegetable kingdom. Recognizing that secondand third-generation North Americans already differed visibly from
First responses
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100
structures had been built. If each species had not been specially created
as part of the harmonious design of nature, then there might remain
no immediate need for a Designer. Similarly, if humankind consituted a
mere species randomly evolved in nature, then there might remain no
guarantees of human privilege, no material basis for religious faith, in
the struggle for existence.
Yet underneath the formal ideology that dominated the first scholarly reviews of The Origin of Species, some deeper questioning did occur.
While E. J. Chapman (1821-1904), professor of mineralogy and geology
at University College, Toronto, shared Dawson's preference for "the
Creator's plan" over Darwin's theory, he conceded that "few persons
have ever made the close contemplation of nature their study for any
time, without having experienced, at one period or another, the visitation of sundry hauntings" about distinctions between species and
varieties. And although Dawson had recently developed in his Archaia:
Studies of the Cosmogony and Natural History of the Hebrew Scriptures (1860)
a rigidly antitransformist view that precluded by definition any possibility of variations transcending the realm of their species, Chapman
felt unable to "go with the author to the full extent of his argument."27
In 1866 John Macoun (1831-1920), who became one of Canada's most
influential field botanists with the Geological Survey, revealed to the
evolutionist J. D. Hooker at Kew Gardens his own perplexity over
Darwin's challenge to his Presbyterian assumptions: "Mr. Darwin is
most likely right in his opinion," he wrote, "but I doubt it." Even for
Daniel Wilson, who understood his entire intellectual paradigm to be in
flux, the scientific case for Darwin's theory remained open for the time
being. While under his presidency a copy of The Origin was immediately procured for the library of the Canadian Institute, Wilson himself
struggled toward a gradual acceptance of evolution in a limited form
that excluded human origins.28
J. W. Dawson, meanwhile, hoped to close the case permanently with
an authentication of the notorious "fossil" that he named Eozoon canadense, the dawn animal of Canada. Discovered in the Precambrian Shield
of the Ottawa Valley by a staff member of the Geological Survey of
Canada in 1858, the curious markings were thought by Dawson to represent evidence of the existence of a relatively sophisticated organism
that predated simpler forms. Eozoon offered Dawson an apparent counterexample to the theory of natural selection and Canadian romantics
a dramatic image of their northern homeland as the very cradle of
life on earth. William Logan cautiously referred to Eozoon as a "supposed fossil" in his magnum opus, the Geology of Canada (1863), while
his staff palaeontologist Elkanah Billings privately maintained his own
utter rejection of the specimens as fossils. In deference to Dawson's
First responses
101
102
Second round
103
the snow and the sleet drive over our forests and fields, we may be poor,
but we must be a hardy, a healthy, a virtuous, a daring, and if we are
worthy of our ancestors, a dominant race." This aggressive nationalism
purported to justify Canada's northwestward and transcontinental expansion at the expense of its native peoples, a fulfilment of its manifest
destiny, in the view of the Nova Scotian R. G. Haliburton, as a new
"Norland" that would succeed Great Britain as the core of the Empire.
McDougall, for his part, applied his aggressive expansionist outlook to
guide a near-disastrous federal policy of acquiring the Hudson's Bay
Company's northwestern lands. His approach provoked an armed resistance by Metis and native peoples in 1869, forcing the concession of
full provincial status to the proposed Crown colony of Manitoba.33
Second round
Canadians in growing numbers and varieties pursued the implications
of evolutionary theory with more concerted intensity, and from more
varied directions, after 1871. This greater alacrity resulted not just from
the publication of Darwin's Descent of Man that year, or from the proliferation of national literary magazines that promoted discussion of its
implications for Christian morality. In addition, the rise of "materialism"
in the physical sciences, epitomized by John Tyndall's Belfast address to
the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1874, which
traced the origins of life back to inorganic compounds and even single
atoms, made Darwin appear moderate.
The growing body of ideas associated with scientific materialism signalled a restless questioning that challenged the traditional cultural consensus far more fundamentally than any single revolutionary theorist
alone could have accomplished. At the University of Toronto, it was said,
students undertook pilgrimages to the lectures of philosophers who,
they hoped, could safeguard their religious faith from doubts visited by
Darwin and other scientists upon their generation. Professors of physical science at McGill and Dalhousie Universities too felt called to counter
a growing "agitation" and "uneasiness" in "the mind of the nation in
general," as well as among students who learned of Darwin, Spencer,
Huxley, and Tyndall in their classes.34 In this way, Darwin's evolutionary theory became subsumed by larger evolutionary issues, not all of
which Darwin himself had raised.
Yet while there was more room for discussion outside of the realm of
science, there was also more room for dissent within - dissent, that
is, from the moral imperative, which no longer permeated the outlook of the generation of scientists who came to prominence after 1870.
Belonging to the same general age cohort that informed the Canada
104
Second round
105
the serious challenges for survival facing them. He recommended policies both to encourage the Haida's social evolution and integration into
European culture and industry through education and, just as importantly, to respect their "fully developed" concepts of property ownership during forthcoming railway-land negotiations with the Canadian
government. Dawson's advice was eclipsed, however, by more aggressive politicians, including William McDougall, who more willingly used
science to ride roughshod over native societies while promoting the advance of "civilization," which even Dawson saw as inevitable.37
The irony of George Dawson's wide-ranging accomplishments as a
field geologist must have struck the elder Dawson, who never seems to
have confronted his son over Darwinian differences between them. Yet
William Dawson felt himself fighting an uphill battle against growing
numbers of popular articles and textbooks that presented organic evolution as a scientific given. "In this way," he recognized, a process of
intellectual selection was taking place in education, as "young people
are being trained to be evolutionists without being aware of it, and," he
regretted, they "will come to regard nature wholly through this medium." Indeed, scientific critics of J. W. Dawson's increasingly discordant
searches for counterevidence to natural selection had begun to wish
aloud, lest his books "fall into the hands of commencing biological students, who would find it difficult to shake off the false associations that,
in it, surround the facts which are discussed." Quoting an "eminent naturalist," one public lecturer pointedly told a Montreal audience in 1883
that, "with one exception, every man in the world who can properly be
called a naturalist has accepted the theory of Evolution."38
Daniel Wilson too departed from the scientific mainstream when The
Descent of Man challenged his assumption of humanity's special place
in Creation. As his aesthetic temper gained ascendancy, Wilson's extraordinary response took the form of Caliban: The Missing Link (1873),
which the anthropologist Bruce Trigger recently described as "distinctly
post-modernist" in approach. Under the guise of literary criticism, the
work explored the philosophical and psychological implications of
Darwin's theory by representing a character from Shakespeare's The
Tempest as an imaginary missing link whose existence Darwinians had
consistently failed to prove.39
In Quebec the ultramontane Abbe Le'on Provancher (1820-92), an entomologist at Laval University, also faced a dilemma. While wishing to
encourage popular interest in natural history and science among French
Canadians, he felt a responsibility to combat on its own ground the
"absurdity and impiety" of modern scientific materialism, including
Darwinism. As a result, Provancher founded Le Naturaliste canadien in
1872 to serve this dual and sometimes contradictory purpose. His main
106
Second round
107
108
Diffusion
109
110
Diffusion
111
112
during the 1870s, and maintained regular contact with William Brodie
after leaving Toronto. His publication of Wild Animals I Have Known
(1898), and the many animal stories that followed it, depicted nature as
governed by a stern ecological ethic of survival rather than by Christian
morality. The stories are scientific more than literary in appeal, and more
disturbing than entertaining in effect. Seton was also concerned to incorporate the Darwinian ideas of Brodie and other pioneers on animal
instinct and intelligence. Sympathy for the animals in his stories, as in
Brodie's before him, was intended to convey his complete identification
of humankind with them, as opposed to an anthropomorphic interpretation of nature.60
Developments in Darwinian psychology also confirmed for specialists in education as well as in industry that humankind was "not apart
from but a part of nature." The sooner one proceeded to investigate
human nature "as part of the grand whole," argued Wesley Mills (18471915), professor of physiology at McGill University, the better it would
be "for man and all other animals." In particular, these researches bore
enormous significance for educators, in Mills's view "first, last, and always, developer[s]." In this broader evolutionary context, Mills held,
teachers who recognized the complete interdependence of mind and
body could facilitate students' learning by considering the importance of
environment, both physical as well as social.61 As the British Columbian
minister of education told the Mainland Teachers' Institute in Vancouver
in 1896,
you will find the study of evolution a great aid and assistance to you in
the noble work of moulding the immature minds which are committed
to your charge. It will help you to cultivate, not only the three R's,
Conclusions
113
but the more important qualities, the two P's, Pity and Patience - pity
for inherited faults - patience to mould them into virtues, and when you
meet with aggravating eccentricities of character, it will help you to look
upon them, not with anger and impatience, but with a curious interest,
as manifestations of inherited tendencies, which it is your duty and your
privilege to correct and to reform for the advancement of the human race.62
In an age of growing monopoly, capitalism, and intensified competition,
these social Darwinian principles of learning were extended in Industrial
Canada, the trade journal of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association,
to the industrial arts, to explain the process of "industrial evolution."
The engineering profession, too, scrupulously applied them to analyze
the process of invention as an undertaking that promised "a MODERN
success" if understood correctly.63
Conclusions
By the time the Royal Society of Canada marked the fiftieth anniversary of The Origin of Species in 1909, principles of evolution by natural
selection were being applied in Canada to human pathology; to the improvement of field crops; and to the biochemical origins of life itself.64
A. B. Macallum (1858-1934), who as professor of the new science of biochemistry at the University of Toronto was himself a virtual product
of the Darwinian revolution, judged in hindsight that Darwin's theory
had appeared in "such a degree of completeness as to parallel the birth
of Minerva, armed with shield and spear, from the brain of Jupiter."
Darwin's thoroughness, Macallum observed, "intensified the keenness
of the discussion and precipitated into the struggle all the representatives of the older schools of thought." Such critical attention in turn
tested the theory's mettle, "served to clear ideas," and diffused it sufficiently widely to "silence its opposition." Macallum confessed himself
part of a generation that took "evolution more or less for granted."65
Two years later Macallum's mentor, Ramsay Wright, ventured into the
more controversial social Darwinian offshoot of eugenics. Acknowledging recent criticisms of natural selection as a mechanism for evolutionary
change, Wright pointed out to the Royal Society of Canada that organic
evolution had nevertheless "fertilized every branch of human knowledge since its general acceptance by the scientific world." He highlighted
heredity and variation as twin operative factors in the origin of "new
forms," and called for eugenics to control undesirable elements in human societies. For unlike George Parkin, Wright reasoned with admitted
caution that modern provisions for "philanthropic schemes of various
kinds, improvements in modern hygiene and the progress of medical
114
science," effectively eliminated "natural selection, which would otherwise remove the unfit in the struggle for existence." As a result, he
feared, a growing "decadence" was "observable in the slum populations of great cities and elsewhere." Wright stressed the "urgent import" of heredity studies for Canada, "emigration to which has now
attained such magnitude." The country, he predicted, would "soon be
an immense experimental ground in miscegenation, so various are the
elements of our new population." There could be "no question about the
desirability of fostering as far as possible immigration of a high quality
from the British Isles and Northern Europe."66
At roughly the same time, however, children in some rural Ontario
Sunday schools were still being taught to vilify pieces of coral along
Great Lakes shorelines as the horns of the devil ("devils' decorations,
and we always smash 'urn").67 These continued differences in outlook
underline the fact that the reception of Darwinian evolution in Canada
proceeded as part of a large matrix of related ideas, along numerous
paths and at many different rates, as it became clear over time that evolution and natural selection could be dealt with on quite separate terms
(or in some cases not at all). The reception and diffusion of Darwinian
ideas in Canada occurred within a particular historical and geographical context, and was governed to a large extent by Canadians' changing
images and experiences of the northern land they inhabited.
Indeed, the long-standing centrality of environmental perceptions
and relationships in the Canadian case predated Darwin's theory, and
suggests an exception to Peter Bowler's assumption that "only when
Darwin made the basic idea of evolution acceptable did the possibility
of rehabilitating Lamarck's idea [of acquired characteristics in response
to environment] emerge."68 The Canadian reality appears to have been
more complex, as Lamarckian and other older myths recurrently found
expression from the pioneer era on, yet shifted in tone to more aggressive postures of dominance within the Darwinian context. As industrialization, urbanization, and immigration proceeded to distance
many Canadians from the natural environment - as wilderness became
cottage country - the moral imperative was adapted to meet changing conditions. The results amounted to more than mere variations in
traditional forms; by the 1890s new species both intellectual and cultural
were evolving.
Notes
1 By the late 1850s British North America comprised the United Province of
Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland, Rupert's Land, the North West Territories, and British Columbia. In
Notes
115
1867 confederation united the first three to form the Dominion of Canada;
by 1873 all but Newfoundland belonged to the Dominion.
2 The quote is from John Fenlon Cornell, "Sir William Dawson and the Theory
of Evolution," unpublished M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1977, p. 21. On
Dawson, see also Charles R O'Brien, Sir William Dawson: A Life in Science
and Religion (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1971); Robert
John Taylor, "The Darwinian Revolution: The Responses of Four Canadian
Scholars," unpublished Ph.D. diss., McMaster University, 1976; T. H. Clark,
"John William Dawson," in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. Charles C.
Gillispie, 16 vols. (New York: Scribner's, 1970-80), vol. 3, pp. 607-09; Peter
R. Eakins and Jean Sinnamon Eakins, "John William Dawson," in Dictionary
of Canadian Biography [DCB], ed. Francess Halpenney and Ramsay Cook,
13 vols. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966-1994), vol. 12, pp. 23037; and Susan Sheets Pyenson, John William Dawson: Faith, Hope and Science
(Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996).
3 Suzanne Zeller, Inventing Canada: Early Victorian Science and the Idea of a Transcontinental Nation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), pp. 63-64,77,
93-94,101-02; and Carl Berger, Science, God, and Nature in Victorian Canada
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983), p. 69. See also Morris Zaslow,
Reading the Rocks: The Story of the Geological Survey of Canada 1842-1972
(Ottawa: Macmillan, 1975), pp. 38-82 passim.
4 Berger, Science, God, and Nature, pp. 69-70; P. Roome, "The Darwin Debate in
Canada, 1860-1880," in Science, Technology and Culture in Historical Perspective,
eds. L. A. Knafla, M. S. Staum, and T. H. E. Travers (Calgary: University of
Calgary, 1976), p. 186.
5 Roome, "Darwinian Debate," pp. 183-86.
6 A. B. McKillop, A Disciplined Intelligence: Critical Inquiry and Canadian Thought
in the Victorian Era (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1979), p. 110.
7 Ibid., especially pp. 99-110; J. W. Dawson, review in Canadian Naturalist and
Geologist [CN&G], 5 (1860):100-22; Daniel Wilson, "President's Address,"
Canadian Journal of Industry, Science, and Art [CJ], 5 (1860):99-127; both reprinted in J. D. Raab, ed., Religion and Science in Early Canada (Kingston: Ronald P.
Frye, 1988), sec. 11; and Clifford Holland, "First Canadian Critics of Darwin,"
Queen's Quarterly, 88 (1981):102. Dawson reiterated his presumption in advice to scientists to "spare themselves the trouble of looking for any such
transition from apes to men in any period," in "On the Antiquity of Man,"
Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal [ENPJ], 19 (1864)55.
8 Berger, Science, God, and Nature, pp. 63-64; Dawson quoted in Zeller, Inventing Canada, p. 7; and Richard Jarrell, "L'ultramontanisme et la Science au
Canada francais," in Science et medecine au Quebec, ed. Marcel Fournier, Yves
Gingras, and Othmar Keel (Quebec: Institut qu6becois de Recherche de la
Culture, 1987), pp. 41-68. For a broader discussion of the "fortress mentality"
in Canadian culture, see Gaile McGregor, The Wacousta Syndrome: Explorations
in the Canadian Landscape (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985).
9 Luc Chartrand, Raymond Duchesne, and Yves Gingras, Histoire des Sciences
au Quebec (Montreal: Boreal Press, 1987), pp. 167-79.
10 Berger, Science, God, and Nature, pp. 55, 70-72.
116
Notes
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
117
118
32
33
34
35
36
37
climb from the simplest manifestations of consciousness to the highest performances of the most gigantic human intellect," in Lawson, "Presidential
Address," RSC, P&T, 6 (1888):XXVIII. See also Zeller, "George Lawson: Victorian Botany, the Origin of Species, and the Case of Nova Scotian Heather,"
in Profiles of Science and Society in the Maritimes, ed. Paul Bogaard (Fredericton:
Acadiensis, 1989), pp. 51-64.
Dawson, review of Hooker, CN&G, 7 (1862):334-44; Harland Coultas, "Origin
of Our Kitchen Garden Plants," ibid., n.s. 2 (1865):33^2; and letter, Hooker
to Darwin, 2 November, 1862, #355, in Darwin, ed., More Letters, p. 466.
Zeller, Inventing Canada, pp. 262-67; R. G. Haliburton, The Men of the North
and Their Place in History (Montreal: n.p., 1869); see also Carl Berger, The
Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914 (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1970), p. 53; and his "The True North Strong
and Free," in Nationalism in Canada, ed. Peter Russell (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1966), pp. 3-26.
Irving, "Philosophy in Central Canada," p. 264. See also Cook, Regenerators; Alexander Johnson (McGill University), Science and Religion (Montreal:
Dawson Brothers, 1876), p. 6; William Lyall, address in Halifax Reporter and
Times, 4 November, 1874, clipping, Dalhousie University Archives; and
Charles MacDonald, "Evolution," [1883] and "Old Lesson in Metaphysics,"
[n.d.], mss., Dalhousie University Archives.
See McKillop, "The Research Ideal and the University of Toronto," in Contours of Canadian Thought, ed. A. B. McKillop (Toronto: University of Toronto
Press, 1987), p. 85.
William Hincks, "The Gorilla/'C/, 8 (1863):319; Hincks, "Presidential Address to the Canadian Institute," Nature, 2 (1870):108; H. Alleyne Nicholson, "Sexual Selection in Man," CN&G, 6 (1872):449-54; McKillop, "Research
Ideal," p. 85; Wright, "Haeckel's Anthropogenie," CJ, n.s. 15 (1876-78):23536; and Sandra F. McRae, "The 'Scientific Spirit' in Medicine at the University
of Toronto, 1880-1910," unpublished Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1987,
Chap. 3.
On Dawson, see Zeller and Gale Avrith, "George Mercer Dawson," in DCB,
vol. 13, pp. 257-61; Avrith, "George Dawson, Franz Boas, and the Origins
of Anthropology in Canada," in Dominions Apart: Reflections on the Culture of
Science and Technology in Canada and Australia, 1850-1945, eds. Roy MacLeod
and Richard Jarrell, special issue of Scientia Canadensis, 17 (1994):185-203;
and Dawson's report reprinted in To the Charlottes: George Dawson's 1878
Survey of the Queen Charlotte Islands, ed. Douglas Cole and Bradley Lockner
(Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1993). The larger impact
of Social Darwinism on perceptions of (and polices toward) native peoples in
Canada has not yet come under close scholarly scrutiny, but see J. R. Miller,
Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens: A History of Indian-White Relations in Canada,
rev. ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989,1991), pp. 96-98; Miller,
Shingwauk's Vision: A History of Native Residential Schools (Toronto: University
of Toronto Press, 1996), pp. 154-55, 185-86, 414-15; and Zeller, Inventing
Canada, pp. 266-67. George Dawson may have been attempting to integrate
his modern evolutionary training with older theories of cultural evolution
Notes
119
120
46 Zeller, "David Pearce Penhallow," in DCB, vol. 13, pp. 827-28; see also
Margaret Gillett, "Carrie Derrick (1862-1941) and the Chair of Botany at
McGill," in Despite the Odds: Essays on Canadian Women and Science, ed. Marianne Gosztonyi Ainley (Montreal: Vehicule Press, 1990), pp. 74-87; and Eugene Cittadino, Nature as the Laboratory: Darwinian Plant Ecology in the German
Empire, 1880-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
47 John Watson, "Darwinism and Morality," Canadian Monthly and National Review [CMNR], 10 (1876):644; the relevant literature includes Roome, "Darwinian Debate;" McKillop, Disciplined Intelligence; Raab, ed., Religion and Science; and Armour and Trott, Faces of Reason. Schurmann went on to become
president of Cornell University.
48 J. A. Allen, "The Evolution of Morality," CMNR, 11 (1877):491-501; Watson,
"The Ethical Aspect of Darwinism: A Rejoinder," ibid., pp. 638-44; LeSueur,
"Science and Materialism," ibid., pp. 22-29; "Darwin and His Work," CMNR,
8 (1882)541; and Goldwin Smith, "The Prospect of a Moral Interregnum,"
CMNR, 14 (1879):651. See also Roome, "Darwinian Debate," pp. 196-97;
McKillop, ed., Critical Spirit; Cook, Regenerators, pp. 28-32. Not one among
these advocates seemed available, however, to inform the editors of a magazine for workers, who waited in vain to witness "any one species in the act of
transforming itself into any other;" see "Charles Robert Darwin," Scientific
Canadian: Mechanics' Magazine and Patent Office Record, 10 (1882): 129-30.
49 See McKillop, "The Idealist Legacy," in Contours of Canadian Thought, pp. 96110; and S. E. D. Shortt, The Search for an Ideal: Six Canadian Intellectuals and
their Convictions in an Age of Transition, 1890-1930 (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1976), especially pp. 20-21. The case study is B. Anne Wood,
Idealism Transformed: The Making of a Progressive Educator (Kingston: McGillQueen's University Press, 1985), pp. 26-29. See also John English, The Decline
of Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977); and Doug Owram, The
Government Generation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986).
50 R. D. Gidney and W. P. J. Millar, Inventing Secondary Education: The Rise
of the High School in Nineteenth-Century Ontario (Montreal: McGill-Queen's
University Press, 1990), p. 316; and Wood, Idealism Transformed, pp. 21-25.
51 Frank Dawson Adams, "In Memoriam - Sir John William Dawson," RSC,
P&T, 9 (1901):12-13; see also E. W. MacBride, "Zoological Problems for the
Natural History Society of Montreal," Canadian Record of Science, 8 (1899):10;
Berger, Science, God, and Nature, p. 75; Sheets Pyenson, Dawson, leaves this
question essentially unanswered.
52 Charles Baillairg6, La Vie-L'Evolution-Le Materialisme, reprinted from RSC,
P&T, 23 May, 1899, Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions
[CIHM], #2504 (microfiche), 37 pp.; see also Chartrand et al., Histoire des
Sciences, pp. 179-82; and "Opinions sur le Transformisme," Le Naturaliste
canadien, 32 (1905):14.
53 Ramsay Wright, "The Progress of Biology," RSC, P&T, 3rd ser. 5 (1912):XLVI.
Where not otherwise stated, the information for these paragraphs is taken
directly from the relevant university calendars.
54 Hilda Neatby, Queen's University, eds. Frederick W Gibson and Roger
Graham, 2 vols. (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1978), vol. 1,
Notes
121
pp. 164,218, 229; James Fowler, "Arctic Plants Growing in New Brunswick,
with Notes on their Distribution," RSC, P&T, 5 (1887): 189-205; A. P. Knight,
"Animal Biology," Queen's Quarterly, 1 (1893-94):135-39; and "Species," ibid.,
pp. 214-22. See also B. N. Smallman, H. M. Good, and A. S. West, Queen's
Biology (Kingston: Queen's University, 1991), Chap. 5.
55 L. W. Bailey's (1839-1925) research interests centered largely on geology, and
then on diatoms. He graduated from Harvard University in 1858 and taught
in the traditions of both Gray and Agassiz; see Joseph Whitman Bailey, Loring
Woart Bailey: The Story of a Man of Science (Saint John, N.B.: J & A McMillan,
1925).
56 Berger, "Race and Liberty: The Historical Ideas of Sir John George Bourinot,"
in Annual Report of the Canadian Historical Association (1965), pp. 94-95,97,
101. This theme is developed more fully in Berger, The Writing of Canadian
History: Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing since 1900 (Toronto: Uni-
122
65
66
67
68
No region in the world has won greater notoriety for its hostility to Darwinism than the American South. Despite the absence of any systematic
study of evolution in the region, historians have insisted that southerners were uniquely resistant to evolutionary ideas. Rarely looking beyond
the dismissals of Alexander Winchell from Vanderbilt University in the
1870s and James Woodrow from Columbia Theological Seminary in the
1880s - or beyond the Scopes trial in the 1920s - they have concluded in
the words of Monroe Lee Billington that "Darwinism as an intellectual
movement... bypassed southerners." W. J. Cash, in his immensely influential The Mind of the South, contended that "the overwhelming body
of Southern schools either so frowned on [Darwinism] for itself or lived
in such terror of popular opinion that possible heretics could not get
into their faculties at all or were intimidated into keeping silent by the
odds against them." Darwin's few southern converts either "took the
way of discretion" by moving to northern universities or so qualified
their discussions of evolution as to render the theory "almost sterile."1
Historians of religion and of science have generally concurred with
the judgment of southern historians. Uncompromising antievolutionism, says the American church historian George M. Marsden, "seems
more characteristic of the United States than of other countries and more
characteristic of the South than of the rest of the nation." Because the
region was more religiously conservative and less well educated than
the North, such differences were only to be expected. The historian of
science David N. Livingstone echoes Marsden, describing antievolutionism as "mainly a southern phenomenon."2
We have no desire to discount southern resistance to organic evolution. The evidence for that is ample - and no doubt in greater quantities
This chapter is reprinted from Ronald L. Numbers, Darwinism Comes to America
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998) and appears with the permission
of the President and Fellows of Harvard College.
124
than for other regions in the United States. Jon H. Roberts is probably correct when he suggests in Darwinism and the Divine in America
125
126
127
The publication of Woodrow's address in both the Southern Presbyterian Review and in pamphlet form touched off a controversy that raged
within southern Presbyterianism for four years. "At once a vehement
attack upon him was begun," reported the Woodrow-edited Southern
Presbyterian, "not apparently for his own views as given in the address, but on account of... the whole brood of Evolutionists from the
beginning, especially the atheistic part of it, most of his assailants seeming not to have read the address at all." Leading the charge against
Woodrow was his own colleague at the seminary, the powerful theologian John Lafayette Girardeau, who feared that enrollments would
decline if Columbia became known as the "Evolution Seminary." In
view of the recent closing of the institution for two years because of a
shrinking student body, Girardeau's fears were not unfounded. Besides,
at least one financial backer of the seminary had complained that "the
Church did not give you money to have Darwinism taught."12
It quickly became clear that most southern Presbyterians had little use
for "tadpole theology." Yet Woodrow was not without support. When
the seminary trustees met in September, 1884, to respond to the developing controversy, they voted eight to three to back Woodrow on the
grounds that "the Scriptures, while full and clear in asserting the fact of
creation, are silent as to its mode." This decision inflamed Woodrow's
opponents, who quickly succeeded in reconstituting the board and obtaining a call for Woodrow's resignation. When he declined, the board
fired him. Two of Woodrow's friends on the faculty quit in support
of their beleaguered colleague, leaving Girardeau and his associates
free, as the Southern Presbyterian put it, to form "a new 'Anti-Evolution
Seminary.' " 13
For several more years, however, the evolution question continued
to preoccupy "the upper circles" of southern Presbyterians. At times
it seemed as though the church was devoting "more zeal and attention to discussing the origin of Adam's body than to the interest of the
souls of Adam's descendants." In 1886 alone, three different levels of
church courts wrestled with it: the Presbytery of Augusta, which tried
Woodrow for heresy, the four synods responsible for the seminary, and
the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States,
which had received official complaints from no fewer than eight different presbyteries scattered throughout the South. By a vote of fourteen
to nine, Woodrow won acquittal in Augusta, but the General Assembly
adopted a hard-line position against human evolution:
The Church remains at this time sincerely convinced that the Scriptures,
as truly and authoritatively expounded in our confession of Faith and
Catechisms, teach that Adam and Eve were created, body and soul, by
128
129
been going on for more than a year past have come to the conclusion ...
that Adam's body was 'probably evolved' from organic matter."16
It is also important not to generalize about southern attitudes towards
evolution generally from the Woodrow controversy over human evolution. "Neither party," declared one participant, "denies that descent with
modification is probably the law of the successive appearances of the
animal tribes on this globe from the beginning until we come down to
man.... We differ only upon one point, viz., the creation of the body of
Adam." Another writer noted the same tendency to distinguish between
animal and human evolution: "The point of discussion is ... not Evolution in general. For life below man this is conceded generally, and one
newspaper pronounces it 'harmless.' The controversy begins when the
doctrine is applied to man."17
Because the above opinions appeared in Woodrow's Southern Presbyterian, one might suspect that the writers were painting an overly
positive picture of toleration for prehuman evolution in order to make
all evolution seem less threatening. But the same distinction appears in
the writings and speeches of the anti-Woodrow George D. Armstrong,
southern Presbyterianism's leading voice on matters of science and religion. As a sometime science professor turned minister, he claimed to
reject all forms of evolution "on grounds purely scientific." Nevertheless, he readily conceded that if evolution excluded the transition from
inorganic to organic, at the beginning of the process, and from animals to
humans, at the end, it was neither atheistic nor irreconcilable "with the
Bible account of the origin of plants and animals in the world." Speaking
before the General Assembly in 1886, he warned Christian evolutionists
in the audience not to let evolution carry them "to the belief that it refers
to man made in the image of God. It will necessitate giving up the doctrine of the fall." To ripples of laughter, he explained that "According to
evolution, man was at his lowest stage, just evolved from a brute - how
could he fail? he was already low as he could get."18
Southern Presbyterians were not alone in distinguishing between animal and human evolution. As they sometimes noted, even such leading northern lights as Princeton Theological Seminary's James McCosh,
Francis Patton, and Archibald Hodge made the same distinction. "About
the lower animals," explained Hodge, apparently speaking for his colleagues as well, "we are willing to leave it to the scientists as outside of
immediate theological or religious interest."19 In light of this widespread
feeling, we should not assume in the absence of direct evidence that
Woodrow's southern critics opposed all forms of organic evolution.
And before we take Woodrow's dismissal from the faculty of a theological seminary as representative of southern intolerance of Darwinism,
we should keep in mind that Woodrow, as the South's most notorious
130
evolutionist, continued to serve undisturbed on the faculty of the University of South Carolina until his retirement in 1897, spending his last
six years there as president.
In trying to account for why antievolution became "a standard test of
the faith among southern evangelicals earlier than it did among northern fundamentalists," George M. Marsden draws on the Woodrow case
to suggest that "the most likely principal explanation was that their
northern counterparts had been infected by a liberal spirit, evidenced
in the first instance in their unbiblical attacks upon slavery." Although
this argument may have some merit, it finds little support in the actual debates over Darwinism. Southern Presbyterians were well aware
that their opposition to evolution distinguished them from many northern brothers and sisters. Some feared that the northern church would
call them "heretics" if they did not condemn evolution. Others, such as
one of Woodrow's female correspondents, grieved "that the Northern
Church should have occasion to comment upon a want of union among
ourselves, with some little unchristian exultation."20
Indeed, even the Presbyterian press in the North seemed to relish reporting the monkey business disturbing fellow believers in the South.
The Presbyterian Journal of Philadelphia, for example, called the attack
on Woodrow "the ecclesiastical blunder of this generation" and accused
his persecutors of yielding "to a spasm of terror." The Interior, a Presbyterian paper in Chicago, wondered editorially if there was "ever in the
world such a thundering fiasco as the Woodrow business in the Southern
Presbyterian Church!" Invoking meteorological metaphors, the editor
concluded that "Southern cyclones do not have the faculty of catching
on." Northerners congratulated themselves that the internecine struggle
in the South could never occur in their region. But despite the intense
and at time acrimonious interregional rivalry, noted one of Woodrow's
staunchest supporters, the northern church's "toleration of Evolution has
never been named" in the long list of errors charged against it.21
Woodrow's fate at the Columbia seminary tells us as little about the
overall reception of Darwinism in southern institutions of higher learning as does the equally celebrated expulsion of Alexander Winchell from
the Methodist Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee. Winchell,
a respected geologist and Methodist layman from the North, was already well known as a theistic evolutionist when the Vanderbilt trustees
invited him in 1876 to join the faculty as a part-time lecturer, which required his spending only two months in the South each spring. All
went smoothly until 1878, when Winchell published a little book titled
Adamites and Pre-Adamites, in which he argued that humans had populated the earth long before the appearance of Adam in the Garden of
Eden. Even more provocatively, he insisted that Adam had "descended
131
from a black race, not the black races from Adam." When Winchell's
views began circulating in the racially sensitive South, the trustees responded to criticism by abruptly abolishing his position. Publicly they
justified their action on "purely economic grounds"; privately the Methodist bishop who headed the trustees informed Winchell that he had lost
his job because of his opinion on "Adamites and Pre-Adamites," a position that did not require belief in evolution.22
The Methodist's Tennessee Conference applauded the trustees for
courageously confronting the "arrogant and impertinent claims of ...
science, falsely so called," while at least one local newspaper sprang to
Winchell's defense. The anticlerical Popular Science Monthly, published
in the North, railed against the "stupid Southern Methodists" who used
their "power to muzzle, repress, silence, and discredit the independent
teachers of scientific truth." The editor, like many later commentators,
overlooked the fact that evolution had had little to do with Winchell's
brief stay at Vanderbilt, where by the 1890s "Christianized versions of
Darwinian evolution" were again welcome on campus.23
Racism may have motivated some of Winchell's critics, but racial concerns rarely manifested themselves in the antievolutionary literature we
examined. One southern historian, writing about the evolution controversies of the 1920s, has noted that although objections to evolution
"were usually religious in nature, the frequent references to the theory's
heretical implications regarding man's ancestry suggested that much of
the anti-evolution sentiment may have been related to traditional concepts of race held by a majority of the citizens of the state." However, the
only evidence he cites in support of this claim is W. J. Cash's personal
recollection that "one of the most stressed notions which went around
was that evolution made a Negro as good as a white man - that is, threatened White Supremacy." This may have been true, but it is difficult to
document from the publications of the time.24
With the exception of Woodrow, no southern professor before World
War I seems to have lost a job over Darwinism. And during that time
evolution frequently appeared in the classrooms of both state and sectarian colleges. Henry Clay White's experience at the University of Georgia
illustrates the extent to which evolutionists could survive, at times even
thrive, in the intellectual atmosphere of the New South. A professor
of chemistry and geology, White joined the faculty in Athens in 1872.
In 1875 he first cautiously endorsed evolution, and within a few more
years he was freely teaching it to his students. Although Darwinism remained "heavily under fire from all sides," as one of his former students
put it, White continued to expose his classes to it, and in 1887, without
incident, he publicly declared himself to be an evolutionist. That same
year a senior orator at the university delivered a positive address on
132
evolution - stripped of any mention of its religious implications because of the school's ban on "any references to politics or religion upon
the college stage."25
During the late 1870s or early 1880s White (or perhaps one of his
colleagues in geology) commissioned a fresco depicting evolution for
the ceiling of the geology lecture room. The artist created what a contemporary described as "a beautifully painted design, representing the
evolution of life through all the geologic or zoologic ages." In 1909, when
Darwin would have been a hundred years old, White planned a special
birthday celebration in honor of the revered scientist. In deference to the
concerns of the chancellor of the university, who feared criticism from
evangelical antievolutionists, White hosted the event in his own home.
Three of White's colleagues at the university - a historian, a biologist,
and a classicist - joined him in honoring Darwin with prepared papers,
as did a noted Episcopal bishop. Despite such eye-catching enthusiasm
for evolution, White remained in the good graces of the university until
his death in the 1920s.26
At Tulane University in New Orleans, theistic evolutionists also flourished, especially in the medical school, where there were three or four
known Darwinists in the mid-1880s. J. W. Caldwell, Tulane's professor
of geology and mineralogy, had resigned his position at Southwestern
Presbyterian University (now Rhodes College) in Tennessee when the
controlling synods in the wake of the Woodrow affair declared, as one
cynic put it, "that Evolution is inconsistent with Synodical natural science." At Tulane, Caldwell suggestively advertised in the school catalog
that he aimed "to consider organic life, as it is expressed in the fossils of
the various strata, and to discover, if possible, the connexion between
the successive fauna and flora."27
John B. Elliott, professor of the theory and practice of medicine at
Tulane, used his platform as president of the New Orleans Academy of
Sciences in the late 1880s to promote evolution as a "great natural law"
and to defend it against the charge that it led to unbelief. The son of
an Episcopal bishop, he could at times barely contain his fervor for this
new revelation from science. "The effect of the theory of natural selection upon the human mind," he declared on one occasion, "has been
vivifying in the extreme, so bold, so clear-cut, and so simple; accounting for so much that can be accounted for in no other way." Despite his
praise of natural selection, Elliott, like virtually all other scientific evolutionists in the South - and the vast majority in the North - preferred
non-Darwinian modes of evolutionary development.28
At the University of Mississippi, George Little, who had earned a
Ph.D. at the University of Berlin, openly taught evolution, even though
at the time of his arrival in 1881 "the controversy between evolution and
133
134
most incredible" situation, in which "our young men ... may be taught
by our scientific professors, even in our church schools, that Evolution
is true; and then our professors in the theological schools must tell these
same young men ... 'Evolution is false.' "33
Evolutionists could also be found on Southern Baptist campuses.
William Louis Poteat, a German-trained biologist on the faculty of Wake
Forest College in North Carolina, helped to pioneer the teaching of scientific evolution in the South in the 1880s. Shortly after the turn of the
century, Baylor University in Texas called one of Poteat's students, John
Louis Kesler, to organize that school's biology department. He in turn
recruited Lulu Pace, a theistic evolutionist, to join him in the department.
Few other Baptist colleges at the time could afford to hire a professional
biologist. On the eve of World War I, Kesler could think of only two
Southern Baptist biologists, Poteat and Pace, who "would be thought
of out of their own neighborhood when biology is mentioned." Both
were widely known to be evolutionists, and neither had yet heard more
than murmurings about their teaching Baptist students the theory of
evolution.34
The Methodists' Wofford College in South Carolina and the Quakers'
Guilford College in North Carolina were likewise exposing their students to evolution before the end of the century. During the 1890s two
Guilford biologists, Joseph Moore and T. Gilbert Pearson, repeatedly and
openly advocated organic evolution. Pearson, who went on to become
a distinguished ornithologist, explained that life on earth had begun
with a single cell - a product of "the divinely appointed agencies of
heat, gravity, chemical affinity, water, air and organic life" - which had
evolved over "millenniums on millenniums" into the diversity of life
seen today. At one point a committee of Guilford trustees investigated
his orthodoxy, but Pearson presented such a compelling case for his
Christian beliefs that he shortly thereafter received a fifty percent raise.
He continued to teach evolution during his tenure at Guilford "and
never heard any further complaint about my unorthodox views."35
Some southern scientists, however, did criticize Darwin, especially
during the first fifteen years or so after the publication of his Origin
of Species, before a scientific consensus in favor of evolution developed.
For example, the Louisville chemist and mineralogist J. Lawrence Smith,
135
136
137
138
the high side, but they would not have surprised J. Frank Norris, the
fiery fundamentalist preacher from Fort Worth. "Contrary to what most
people here in the South think," he informed William Jennings Bryan in
1923, "evolution has already made tremendous gains in our schools."
For confirming evidence, he needed to look no farther than nearby Waco,
where Baptist biologists at Baylor had been teaching organic evolution
for years and where one sociologist had recently published a description
of primitive man as "a squat, ugly, somewhat stooped, powerful being,
half human and half animal, who sought refuge from the wild beasts
first in the trees and later in caves." Exposed and vilified by Norris,
the social scientist submitted his resignation. But the fact that a Southern Baptist professor had felt free openly to advocate human evolution
tells us much about the degree to which Darwinism had penetrated the
"mind" of the South.46
Notes
1 Monroe Lee Billington, The American South: A Brief History (New York:
Scribner, 1971), pp. 301-02; and W. J. Cash, The Mind of the South (New
York: Knopf, 1941), pp. 140-41. For other negative views by historians of
the South, see William B. Hesseltine, A History of the South, 1607-1936 (New
York: Prentice-Hall, 1936), p. 340; Clement Eaton, Freedom of Thought in the
Old South (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1940), pp. 312-14; Thomas
D. Clark, The Emerging South, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press,
1968), pp. 248-52; John Samuel Ezell, The South since 1865, 2nd ed. (New
York: Macmillan, 1975), pp. 348-52; and Carl N. Degler, Place over Time: The
Continuity of Southern Distinctiveness (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1977), p. 23. C. Vann Woodward's classic Origins of the New South,
1872-1913 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1951) remains
surprisingly silent about evolution in the New South.
2 George M. Marsden, Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), pp. 168-73; and David N. Livingstone, Darwin's
Forgotten Defenders: The Encounter between Evangelical Theology and Evolutionary Thought (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987), p. 124.
3 Jon H. Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine in America: Protestant Intellectuals
and Organic Evolution, 1859-1900 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,
1988), p. 222; and A. T. R[obertson], "Darwinism in the South," Wake Forest
Student, 4 (1885):205-06. James Moore brought this article to our attention.
4 S. E. Morison, The Oxford History of the United States, 1783-1917, 2 vols.
(London: Oxford University Press, 1927), vol. 2, p. 24; and Ronald L. Numbers
and Janet S. Numbers, "Science in the Old South: A Reappraisal," in Science
and Medicine in the Old South, ed. Ronald L. Numbers and Todd L. Savitt
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), pp. 9-35.
5 On southern responses to the nebular hypothesis, see Ronald L. Numbers,
Creation by Natural Law: Laplace's Nebular Hypothesis in American Thought
(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977), pp. 37-38,63-64, 86.
Notes
139
140
1885), p. 35; and Ernest Trice Thompson, Presbyterians in the South, 3 vols.
(Richmond, Va.: Knox Press, 1973), vol. 2, p. 464. Thompson offers perhaps
the best account of the Woodrow affair, but see also Street, "The Evolution
Controversy in the Southern Presbyterian Church," and the largely derivative discussion in Frank Joseph Smith, "The Philosophy of Science in Later
Nineteenth Century Southern Presbyterianism," Ph.D. diss., City University
of New York, 1992. On Girardeau, see George A. Blackburn, The Life Work
of John L. Girardeau, D. D., LL. D. (Columbia, S.C.: State Company, 1916). On
October 24, 1884, the Greenville Daily News credited Girardeau with firing
"the first shot in the evolution controversy."
13 Flinn, "Evolution and Theology: The Consensus of Science against
Dr. Woodrow's Opponents," Southern Presbyterian Review, 36 (1885)510; "The
Seminary Board Question before the Synod," p. 2; "Columbia Theological
Seminary," Southern Presbyterian, 18 December, 19 (1884):2; and "Professor
Woodrow's Removal," Ibid.
14 "A Sure Enough Subject for the Charleston 'Inquisition,' " Southern Presbyterian, 8 November, 23 (1888):2; and George D. Armstrong, A Defence of the
"Deliverance" on Evolution, Adopted by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church in the United States, May 26th, 1886 (Norfolk, Va.: John D. Ghiselin,
Notes
141
142
33 "Professor Caldwell at Tulane University," p. 2; "The Southwestern Presbyterian University and Evolution," Southern Presbyterian, 4 December, 19
(1884):2; and Flinn, "Evolution and Theology: Consensus," pp. 544-45.
34 This paragraph is taken in large part from Ronald L. Numbers, The Creationists (New York: Knopf, 1992), p. 40.
35 Regarding Wofford, see "Professor Woodrow's Speech before the Synod,"
p. 34. Regarding Guilford, see Joseph Moore, "The Greatest Factor in Human
Evolution," Guilford Collegian, 6 (1894):240-44; T. Gilbert Pearson, "Evolution
in Its Relation to Man," ibid., 8 (1896):107-ll; Pearson, Adventures in Bird
Protection: An Autobiography (New York: Appleton-Century, 1937), pp. 5859; and Oliver H. Orr, Jr., Saving American Birds: T. Gilbert Pearson and the
Founding of the Audubon Movement (Gainesville: University Press of Florida,
1992), pp. 19,42,46,49,81.
36 J. Lawrence Smith, "Address," in Proceedings of the American Association for
the Advancement of Science (Portland, Maine: AAAS, 1873), pp. 14-16. On
medical opinion, see, e.g., J. C, Review of On the Origin of Species by Means of
Natural Selection, by Charles Darwin, Richmond and Louisville Medical Journal,
9 (1870):84-100; and F. M. Robertson, "President's Address," in Transactions
of the South Carolina Medical Association (1880-81), Appendix, pp. 1-15. We
are indebted to the late Patricia Spain Ward for these last two references.
37 John McCrady, "The Law of Development by Specialization: A Sketch of
Its Probable Universality," Journal of the Elliott Society of Natural History, 1
(1860):101-14; Lester D. Stephens and Dale R. Calder, "John McCrady of
South Carolina: Pioneer Student of North American Hydrozoa," Archives of
Natural History, 19 (1992):39-54; Numbers, The Creationists, pp. 8-9.
38 John Bachman, "An Investigation of the Cases of Hybridity in Animals, Considered in Reference to the Unity of the Human Species," Charleston Medical
Journal, 5 (1850):168-97, especially p. 186; Stephens, Ancient Animals and Other
Wondrous Things: The Story of Francis Simmons Holmes, Paleontologist and Curator of the Charleston Museum (Charleston, S.C.: Charleston Museum, 1988);
Lewis R. Gibbes, marginalia on letter from John L. Girardeau to Gibbes,
5 March, 1891, in the Lewis R. Gibbes Papers, Manuscript Division, Library
of Congress. See also Stephens, "Lewis R. Gibbes and the Professionalization
of Science in Antebellum South Carolina," unpublished paper presented at
the annual meeting of the Southern Historical Association, 13 November,
1980; and Stephens, "A Sketch of Natural History Collecting in Charleston,
South Carolina: The Golden Age, 1820-1865," unpublished paper presented
at the second North American meeting of the Society for the History of Natural History, 24 October, 1986.
39 Tamara Miner Haygood, "Henry Ravenel (1814-1887): Views on Evolution
in Social Context," Journal of the History of Biology, 21 (1988):457-72; Gabriel
E. Manigault, manuscript autobiography written ca. 1887-1897, in the
Manigault Family Papers, Manuscripts Department, Library, University of
North Carolina at Chapel Hill; and letter, J. H. Mellichamp to George
Englemann, 26 August, 1872, in the South Carolina Collection, Charleston
Museum Library.
Notes
143
The sustained labor of historians during the past six decades has provided us with a relatively clear understanding of the response of American Protestant intellectuals to Darwinism. We know, for example, that
at the time that Charles Darwin published his Origin of Species in 1859,
most Protestant thinkers in the United States assumed that interpretations of the history of life were inextricably bound up with beliefs that
lay at the very heart of Christian theology. We now also know, however, that prior to the middle of the 1870s, virtually all spokespersons in
the American Protestant community, recalling the fate of earlier transmutation hypotheses and aware that many reputable scientists were
fiercely hostile to Darwin's work, concluded that the Darwinian hypothesis was a false system of metaphysics masquerading as science.
Accordingly, insofar as they addressed themselves to that hypothesis
at all, they tended to focus on its scientific deficiencies and its metaphysical affinities with the heretical works of Thomas Huxley, Herbert
Spencer, and John Tyndall. Only after 1875, when it had become abundantly clear that the scientific community had endorsed the theory of
organic evolution, did American Protestant thinkers feel compelled to
During the course of writing this piece I incurred a number of intellectual debts that I
am happy to acknowledge. I am grateful to Ronald L. Numbers and John Stenhouse for
the invitation to participate in the conference that served as the inception for the volume
in which this article appears. While writing this paper I received institutional support
from the Institute for Research in the Humanities at the University of Wisconsin-Madison
and the University Personnel Development Committee at the University of WisconsinStevens Point. Several scholars read this paper in its formative stage and made significant
contributions in improving the final product: Paul S. Boyer, Matthew Kramer, Ronald L.
Numbers, and William B. Skelton. I profited from the comments of all the participants at
the Dunedin Conference, especially Peter J. Lineham and Jim Moore. In 19951 presented a
version of this essay before the Committee on the History and Philosophy of Science at the
University of Colorado-Boulder. I am grateful to Fred Anderson for issuing the invitation
and to the participants for their helpful responses. As always my wife, Sharon (ILYS), and
my son, Jeff, gave me loving support and wise counsel.
146
engage in a sustained assessment of its theological implications. During the next quarter of a century most of them concluded that judicious
modifications of traditional formulations of Christian doctrine would
enable them to accept the transmutation hypothesis. Not all Protestant
opinion leaders, however, endorsed that view. A minority concluded
that the theory of evolution was so irrevocably antagonistic to Christian
theology that reconciliation was simply impossible.1
Yet, despite being able to describe the responses of members of the
American Protestant community to Darwinism, we are still only beginning to unearth the many layers of motivation that prompted these
responses. At first glance, this might well seem rather surprising. After
all, students of scientific and religious thought characteristically analyze
the views of articulate people at pains to explain themselves. Unfortunately, however, it is rarely possible to accept the explanations of these
people at face value. For one thing, as even the most determined introspection suggests, human beings are seldom entirely conscious of the
factors influencing their decisions. Further complicating the picture is
the work of such "masters of suspicion" as Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud,
and Michel Foucault, who have convinced us to view the accounts that
people give of their behavior with skepticism. Self-deception now plays
an integral role in the way we understand the human condition. Finally, as if these problems were not enough, sociologists of knowledge
and their votaries have advanced persuasive arguments that the status
of ideas within cultural communities cannot be entirely understood in
terms of the internal dynamics of intellectual discourse; they are "socially constructed" as well.
In view of the difficulties involved in gaining a purchase on motivation, it is perhaps not altogether surprising that most historians who
have assessed the responses of religious thinkers to the transmutation
hypothesis have eschewed trying to explain those responses in favor
of the more modest goal of simply describing them. Although some attempts have been made to grapple with the issue of motivation, agreement remains elusive. The dialogue continues, however, for the question
of why thinkers adopted the positions they did is as potentially illuminating as it is problematic.
In an effort to contribute to this dialogue, I shall assess the variables
that historians have most frequently advanced to account for the responses of American Protestant leaders to the theory of organic evolution between 1875 and 1930. I then offer a hypothesis of my own.
Before proceeding, however, several methodological issues should be
addressed. First, the focus of this paper is limited to clergy and theologians within the American Protestant community. This is not entirely
unexceptionable, for scientists and a variety of other lay people (William
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148
149
150
thus devoted less attention to it.12 At this point, we simply do not know
enough to make well-grounded generalizations.
If the analysis of the relationship between denominational affiliation
and the responses to the theory of organic evolution is extended beyond the mainline, a more meaningful pattern begins to emerge. Although a systematic investigation is also needed here, it seems clear that
spokespersons within denominations to the theological "right" of the
mainline, such as Missouri Synod Lutherans, Seventh-day Adventists,
and churches within the American holiness movement, were far more
likely than opinion leaders within mainline denominations to unite in
opposition to the theory. Because they prided themselves on being people of "one book," they were more apt to find the transmutation hypothesis a source of provocation. On the other side of the theological spectrum, it would appear that once the scientific community embraced the
theory of organic evolution, Unitarian clergy and theologians, as well
as leaders of other groups generally viewed as theologically to the left
of mainline Protestantism, almost unanimously followed suit.13
The behavior of Protestant leaders outside the mainline suggests that
in at least some cases, denominational affiliation partially predicts one's
response to Darwinism. It is not altogether clear, however, that strong
correlations between denominational affiliation and views of Darwinism, even when they do exist, actually tell us very much. Denominations
represent clusters of more general theological orientations, creedal commitments, and sociological allegiances. Any effort to move beyond description to explanation will therefore necessitate a further unpacking
of those characteristics. Denominational affiliation, in short, does not
constitute an appropriate terminus of explanation.
This is also true of geography, another variable often cited as particularly salient in shaping the response of American Protestants to Darwinism. A number of studies, possibly reflecting an assumption that
Dayton, Tennessee, was microcosmic, have suggested that critics of evolution tended to hail from rural areas, especially in the South.14 These
studies imply that rejection of the transmutation hypothesis provides a
regrettable, albeit colorful, example of "cultural lag."15
David N. Livingstone has argued persuasively (Chapter 1) that certain correlations exist between geographical location and the responses
of American Protestants to the theory of organic evolution.16 His analysis can also be extended. For example, it seems clear that as time went
on, the number of supporters of the theory within northern seminaries
increased, while few seminaries in the South harbored outspoken proponents. Moreover, the agitation for legislation outlawing evolution in
the public schools centered (though it was not exclusively located) in the
South.17 To be sure, most southern legislatures rejected such legislation.
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152
social interests, cultural-psychological strain, and theological considerations. It is, of course, possible that the construction of a master narrative
of the Darwinian controversies will require the deployment of more
than one of these contextual elements; there are, after all, worse sins
than overdetermination.22 At the very least, it seems unlikely that any
explanation of motivation will suffice that is not consistent with each
element of the contextual landscape. This does not mean, however, that
one must accord those elements parity, and the explanations thus far advanced by historians to account for the responses of religious thinkers
to Darwinism have not done so. The hypothesis I advance will be no
exception.
The claim that ideas "do work" has become one of the reigning assumptions of contemporary intellectual and cultural history. One of the
consequences of this functionalist assumption has been the appearance
of concerted efforts to draw connections between ideas and the social
context in which they emerge and flourish. Indeed, social constructionism has become a cottage industry in most fields of humanistic scholarship during the past decade. At one level the idea that social factors
play an integral role in creating boundary conditions for the development and articulation of ideas seems quite unexceptionable. The nature
of one's educational background, for example, doubtless helps to determine one's range of ideas, conceptual apparatus, and vocabulary.
If, however, it is clear that in this relatively weak sense intellectual
positions are socially constructed, this does not mean that ideas are
largely, or even primarily, expressions of social interests. An early application of this stronger position can be found in the work of Richard
Hofstadter and others, who attributed the motivation of Protestant intellectuals, in common with other middle-class Americans, at least partly
to considerations of social status. Although this view received a barrage of criticism, the claim that social interest played a fundamental
role in shaping the contours of the post-Darwinian landscape continues
to find favor.23 James Moore presents perhaps the clearest statement of
this claim in his 1985 article, "Herbert Spencer's Henchmen: The Evolution of Protestant Liberals in Late Nineteenth-Century America." Moore
maintains that during the half-century after 1882, evolution served an
"ideological function" for "many of the most influential spokesmen for
Protestant liberalism." These spokespersons, Moore asserts, embraced
a Spencerian view of cosmic evolution largely because they believed
that it could be used to justify normative judgments concerning the
appropriate means and pace of social change. Evolutionism served as
an "adjustive, palliative, and gradualist" theodicy justifying "law and
order, and hope," rather than "revolutionary social change." Although
Spencer was the primary architect of this theodicy, Moore quite rightly
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154
155
Hutchison argues that during the period between 1875 and the end of
World War I, American Protestant thinkers experienced a good deal of
tension and even a "loss of meaning" in the face of challenges to traditional formulations of Christian theology. Their efforts to cope with this
"cultural strain" impelled them to examine some of their most fundamental assumptions. Ultimately Protestant thinkers arrived at much different conclusions concerning the nature and sources of religious truth.
In accounting for the differences between liberals and conservatives,
Hutchison emphasizes the salience of "distinctive patterns" of family
life, conversion experience, education, and personality.33
James R. Moore's analysis of the interaction of individuals with the
larger culture focuses somewhat more narrowly on Protestants who
played a prominent role in the Darwinian controversies. Using Leon
Festinger's concept of cognitive dissonance, he has assessed the impact
of the theory of organic evolution on twenty-eight Protestant leaders in
Great Britain and America. Moore concludes that the efforts of Protestants to come to grips with the theory of evolution culminated in the
emergence of three major groups: Christian anti-Darwinians, for whom
dissonance was "negligible"; Christian Darwinians, largely comprising
orthodox Christians who "understood Darwin's theory and left it substantially intact"; and "Christian Darwinisticists" (Moore now prefers
the term "Christian evolutionists"), composed of liberal Protestants who
"misunderstood, misinterpreted, or modified Darwin's theory" in their
efforts to reconcile transmutation with their theological commitments.34
Although cultural strain and cognitive dissonance may be useful in
describing the psychological context in which Protestant leaders in the
United States rendered their judgments about Darwinism, these concepts shed little light on the question of why some Protestants chose to
embrace the transmutation hypothesis while others opted to reject it.
Recognizing this, Moore has called attention to the role of prior theological considerations. He contends that whereas orthodox Protestants
were likely to accept the Darwinian version of the theory, liberal Protestants typically adhered to more optimistic renditions of evolutionary
thought. Indeed, he argues, "it was only those who maintained a distinctly orthodox theology who could embrace Darwinism; liberals were
unable to accept it."35
This is not the place to engage in an extended critique of Moore's position. It is important to emphasize, however, that relatively few American
Protestant leaders who remained committed to orthodox formulations
of Christian theology actually embraced Darwinism. More commonly
they rejected the theory of organic evolution altogether.36 In practice,
Calvinism and other categories used to describe American theology
156
prior to 1875 are only modestly useful as a predictor of individual Protestants' view of Darwinism. By the last quarter of the nineteenth century,
opposition to Calvinism, far from being a bold step, was sufficiently
common to render it relatively useless as a predictor of precisely how
Protestant leaders would respond to the evolutionary hypothesis.37 Although one can be reasonably sure that believers who remained committed to Calvinism would find the immanentist orientation of the liberals'
"New Theology" unacceptable, one could not predict with similar confidence whether they would choose to endorse progressive creationism
or reject the theory of organic evolution altogether.38 And while virtually all liberal Protestants accepted the transmutation hypothesis, the
terms of their acceptance ranged from a belief in evolution by resident
forces to the halfway house of progressive creationism.
These caveats, however, are not intended to dismiss the value of theological considerations in shaping the responses of American Protestant
leaders to the theory of organic evolution. To the contrary, I would argue that little progress in making sense of those responses will be made
until we appreciate the theological stakes that those religious thinkers
believed were at issue and the differing theological presuppositions that
they embraced.
In order to understand the dynamics of the decision-making process
that occurred in the wake of scientists' endorsement of the transmutation
hypothesis, it is necessary to realize that during the first three quarters of
the nineteenth century, views concerning the nature of the relationship
between science and the Bible remained considerably fuzzier than a superficial examination might suggest. To be sure, there was widespread
agreement that God had revealed himself in both nature and the Scriptures and that, when properly interpreted, those two sources of revelation would prove consistent. Protestant intellectuals also agreed that
although both sources of divine revelation were sufficiently clear to be
understood, fallible human beings did not always immediately apprehend their real meaning.39 This enabled them to account for the conflicts
that had periodically arisen between the conclusions of scientists and the
prevailing understanding of the scriptural message: they indicated that
either nature or the Bible had been erroneously interpreted. Convinced
that God had provided human beings with the Bible in order to reveal
the scheme of redemption rather than to provide them with a detailed
knowledge of natural history, most Protestant leaders reasoned that as
long as the findings of science were not irreconcilable with doctrines
central to Christian faith and practice, those findings could be accepted
and biblical interpretations could be revised accordingly. Prior to about
1875 this reasoning led to the periodic alteration of their interpretation
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158
159
"plain sense" reading of the Scriptures was one of the considerations that
convinced most Protestant evolutionists to abandon the claim that the
Bible was either an infallible or an exclusive source of divine revelation.
To be sure, they continued to defend some biblical doctrines - most notably the doctrine that the human species bore the divine image - quite
vigorously.49 Nevertheless, they found themselves increasingly placing
the testimony of the Scriptures before the bar of modern scholarship.
They continued to insist that the Bible contained the word of God, but
they no longer assumed it to be that word.50
This view of the Scriptures, coupled with the conviction that knowledge was a product of progressive illumination, went a long way toward
undermining the allegiance of many American Protestant leaders to biblical authority. Indeed, by the 1920s some of the more liberal American
Protestant intellectuals were doing little more than paying lip service
to the Scriptures. To those who viewed the entire natural world and all
of human history as arenas of divine revelation, it seemed clear that
doctrinal change should be welcomed rather than feared, for it was the
product of increasing wisdom about the nature of the divine - human
encounter.51
Protestant clergy and theologians who rejected the theory of organic
evolution proceeded from a different set of convictions concerning human nature and divine activity. Though they respected the intellect as
the most obvious evidence of humanity's kinship with God, their view
of the human condition was informed more profoundly by their belief
in the universality of sinfulness and fallibility than by awareness of humanity's past accomplishments or its promises of future potential. From
this perspective, the glorification of specialized experts and the exalted
visions of their ability to ascertain the nature of reality seemed to exemplify the very pride that served to separate human beings from their
Creator.52
If, however, these Protestants tended to share a rather bleak view of
humanity's nature and possibilities, this does not mean that they believed that God had simply cast human beings adrift.53 Rather, they emphasized that in keeping with his infinite grace and mercy, the Deity had
provided in the Bible a complete, clear, and inerrant guide to His plan of
salvation, an "ultimate standard of authority as to religious truth."54 An
interpretation of that divinely inspired text in accordance with "common sense principles," these Protestants maintained, would disclose the
essential elements of God's scheme of redemption.55 This perspective,
which was "populist" in the sense of affirming the equal accessibility of
religious knowledge to all people, prompted Charles Hodge, an eminent
Princeton Seminary theologian, to announce proudly that his institution
had never been "charged with originating a new idea."56 Given Hodge's
160
belief that a merciful God had presented human beings with a unique
and perfect rule of Christian faith and practice, it made little sense to
alter creeds, for as long as they expressed the scheme of redemption revealed in the Scriptures, their validity, like God Almighty, transcended
time itself.57
Although anticipations of this "muscular" view of biblical authority
can be found long before 1875, its systematic development did not occur until the last quarter of the nineteenth century.58 In that period a
significant minority of American Protestant leaders, confronted by the
theory of organic evolution and the higher criticism of the Bible, began to construct a systematic discourse of scriptural infallibility that
precluded compromise with rival secular sources. More than any other
factor, this discourse and the thinking that informed it shaped their assessment of modern science. Noting that the history of science revealed
all too clearly that scientists had frequently erred in their interpretations
of the natural world, proponents of biblical infallibility concluded that
conflict between the clear message of the Bible and the verdict of scientists was tantamount to conflict between an infallible vehicle of divine
truth and the fallible conclusions of human beings.59
This pattern of reasoning inevitably led a sizable minority of American Protestant leaders to join Jesse B. Thomas, the pastor of Brooklyn's
First Baptist Church of Pierrepont Street, in concluding that "to recast
a theological system to the pattern of a shifting and precarious biological hypothesis is madness."60 These thinkers maintained that the
evolutionary hypothesis was irreconcilable with "the whole system of
truth, for the revelation of which the Scriptures were given to men."61
The Methodist theologian Miner Raymond warned his readers that "if
the origin of the race be found anywhere else than in the special creation of a single pair, from whom all others have descended, then is the
whole Bible a misleading and unintelligible book."62 For Raymond and
many other American Protestant leaders, it seemed patently clear that
if a "plain sense" reading of passages relating to the creation of human
beings and other species did not disclose the truth about natural history,
there was no reason to assume the reliability of the Scriptures on any
other subject.63 Convinced that an untrustworthy Bible was incompatible with the benevolence and mercifulness of God, they concluded that
Christians must reject the theory of organic evolution in favor of the
faith that "once for all was delivered to the saints."
These thinkers continued to view the natural world as one source of
divine revelation, and they continued to deny that any real conflict between valid interpretations of nature and the Bible was possible. They
inferred from the scientific community's conversion to the theory of organic evolution, however, that they could no longer trust scientists to
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163
164
Notes
1 I have treated this subject at some length in Jon H. Roberts, Darwinism and
the Divine in America: Protestant Intellectuals and Organic Evolution, 1895-1900
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), especially pp. 14-20,32-87.
See also Gary Scott Smith, The Seeds of Secularization: Calvinism, Culture, and
Pluralism in America, 1870-1915 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985), p. 97. For
a useful summary of previous approaches to the periodization of Protestant
responses to Darwinism, see James R. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies: A Study of the Protestant Struggle to Come to Terms with Darwin in Great
Britain and America, 1870-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1979), pp. 9-10.
2 Moore, Post-Darwinian Controversies, pp. 300-07, passim.
3 Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine, p. xiv.
4 Peter J. Bowler, The Non-Darwinian Revolution: Reinterpreting a Historical Myth
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988); and Ronald L. Numbers,
Darwinism Comes to America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998),
pp. 24--18.
5 Members of the group I have termed "progressive creationists," which included such notable figures as George Frederick Wright, Augustus H. Strong,
James McCosh, Benjamin B. Warfield, and Archibald Hodge, are discussed
in David N. Livingstone, Darwin's Forgotten Defenders: The Encounter Between
Evangelical Theology and Evolutionary Thought (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1987), pp. 106-23, 125-31, 134-37; Moore, Post-Darwinian Controversies,
pp. 218,241-42; Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine, passim; and Smith, Seeds
of Secularization, pp. 98-105,107-11.1 should confess that the position I am
taking in this paper is different from the one I took in a previous work, in
which I refused to accord the most conservative members of this group evolutionist status and tended instead to interpret individuals as evolutionists
or antievolutionists on a case-by-case basis. See Roberts, Darwinism and the
Divine, pp. 209,318-19, n. 1. The problem with my former approach is that it
failed to establish a meaningful, sharply delineated set of criteria by which
individuals could be classified. As a result, it seemed somewhat arbitrary.
6 Bert James Loewenberg, "The Controversy over Evolution in New England
1859-1873," New England Quarterly, 8 (1935):257; and Norman F. Furniss,
The Fundamentalist Controversy, 1918-1931 ([1954]; Hamden, Conn.: Archon
Books, 1963), pp. 19-20. See, for additional examples of this approach,
Andrew Dickson White, A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology,
2 vols. (New York: Appleton, 1896); Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism
in American Life (New York: Random House, 1963); Stewart G. Cole, The
History of Fundamentalism (New York: Richard R. Smith, 1931), p. 328, passim; Frank Hugh Foster, The Modern Movement in American Theology: Sketches
in the History of American Protestant Thought from the Civil War to the World
Notes
165
War ([1930]; Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries, 1969), pp. 40,42-43,47; and
Sidney E. Mead, The Lively Experiment: The Shaping of Christianity in America
(New York: Harper & Row, 1963), pp. 148-49. Perceptive discussions of the
role of the "military metaphor" in shaping the historiography dealing with
the relationship between science and religion include Moore, Post-Darwinian
Controversies, 19-100; David C. Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers, "Beyond
War and Peace: A Reappraisal of the Encounter between Christianity and
Science," Church History 55 (1986):338-54; and Numbers, "Science and Religion," Osiris, 2nd ser., 1 (1985):59-80.
7 Robert E. Wenger, "Social Thought in American Fundamentalism, 19181933," Ph.D. diss., University of Nebraska, 1973, pp. 33, 87-92; Paul A.
Carter, "The Fundamentalist Defense of the Faith," in Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America: The 1920's, eds. John Braeman, Robert H.
Bremner, and David Brody (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1968),
pp. 206-07; and George M. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 47-48.
8 David Bloor, Knowledge and Social Imagery, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1991); and Barry Barnes, Scientific Knowledge and Sociological
Theory (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974).
9 Windsor Hall Roberts, "The Reaction of the American Protestant Churches to
the Darwinian Philosophy, 1860-1900," Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago,
1936, pp. 195-97. For an even earlier discussion of the reception of Darwinism by Protestants that relies on denominational categories, see Foster,
Modern Movement in American Theology, pp. 38-58. General treatments of denominational responses to evolutionary ideas include Milton Berman, John
Fiske: The Evolution of a Popularizer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1961), pp. 173-98; Edward Justin Pfeiffer, "The Reception of Darwinism in
the United States, 1859-1880," Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 1957, pp. 6774; Herbert Schneider, "The Influence of Darwin and Spencer on American
Philosophical Theology," Journal of the History of Ideas, 6 (1964):3-18, especially p. 5; Stow Persons, "Evolution and Theology in America," in Evolutionary Thought in America, ed. Stow Persons ([1950]; Hamden, Conn.: Archon
Books, 1968), p. 425; and Numbers, Creation by Natural Law: Laplace's Nebular Hypothesis in American Thought (Seattle: University of Washington Press,
1977), pp. 119-23. For examples of treatments of individual denominations'
response to the theory of evolution, see Dennis Royal Davis, "Presbyterian
Attitudes toward Science and the Coming of Darwinism in America, 1859
to 1929," Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana, 1980; Deryl
Freeman Johnson, "The Attitudes of the Princeton Theologians toward Darwinism and Evolution from 1859-1929," Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa, 1968;
T. Watson Street, "The Evolution Controversy in the Southern Presbyterian
Church with Attention to the Theological and Ecclesiastical Issues Raised,"
Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society, 37 (1959):232-50; Edward Lassiter
Clark, "The Southern Baptist Reaction to the Darwinian Theory of Evolution," Th.D. diss., Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1952; Reginald
W. Deitz, "Eastern Lutheranism in American Society and American Christianity, 1870-1914: Darwinism - Biblical Criticism - The Social Gospel," Ph.D.
166
Notes
167
provided a good discussion of the role of the Scopes trial in shaping views
of fundamentalism in his Fundamentalism and American Culture, pp. 18491.
15 Carter, "Fundamentalist Defense," p. 202; Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism,
p. 126; and Furniss, Fundamentalist Controversy, p. 129.
16 See also Livingstone, "Darwinism and Calvinism: The Belfast-Princeton Connection," /sis, 83 (1992):408-28.
17 Donald Tinder, "Fundamentalist Baptists in the Northern and Western United
States, 1920-1950," Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1969, p. 110; Bailey, Southern
White Protestantism, especially pp. 74-75,78,79,90. Bailey's study focuses on
the Fundamentalist movement as a whole rather than the more specific issue
of religious leadership. For a discussion of Baptist fundamentalist clergy that
supports Bailey's findings, see Ellis, "Social and Religious Factors," p. 78.
18 Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture, pp. 103-04; and Livingstone,
Darwin's Forgotten Defenders, p. 124.
19 Wenger, "Social Thought," pp. 57-62,30. See also Ernest R. Sandeen, The Roots
of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800-1930 (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1970), pp. xii, 132-269.
20 William R. Hutchison, "Cultural Strain and Protestant Liberalism," American
Historical Review, 76 (1971):386-411, especially pp. 394,408-09.
21 Once again, it is necessary to draw inferences about leaders in the evolutionary controversy from studies of liberal and conservative leadership. See, for
example, Hutchison, "Cultural Strain," pp. 408-09; and Carter, "Fundamentalist Defense," pp. 203-05.
22 On this subject, see Robert M. Young, "Darwin and the Genre of Biography,"
in One Culture: Essays in Science and Literature, ed. George Levine (Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), pp. 206-07.
23 Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism, p. 121; Ellis, "Social and Religious Factors,"
pp. 30,82, passim.
24 Moore, "Herbert Spencer's Henchmen: The Evolution of Protestant Liberals
in Late Nineteenth-Century America," in Darwinism and Divinity, ed. John
Durant (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985), pp. 76-100, quotations on pp. 81,89,
92,91, and 93.
25 Moore, "The Creationist Cosmos of Protestant Fundamentalism," in Fundamentalisms and Society: Reclaiming the Sciences, the Family, and Education, eds.
Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1993), p. 45.
26 Robert M. Young, quoted in Ingemar Bholin, "Robert M. Young and Darwin
Historiography," Social Studies of Science, 21 (1991):619; Young, "Natural Theology, Victorian Periodicals and the Fragmentation of a Common Context,"
in Darwin to Einstein: Historical Studies on Science and Belief, eds. Colin Chant
and John Fauvel (New York: Longman, 1980), pp. 69-107; and Young, "The
Historiographic and Ideological Contexts of the Nineteenth-Century Debate
on Man's Place in Nature," in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science:
Essays in Honor of Joseph Needham, eds. Mikulas Teich and Robert Young
(London: Heinemann, 1973), p. 376.
27 Young, "Man's Place," pp. 371-86.
168
Notes
169
about the nature and scope of biblical inspiration and authority in the United
States prior to 1875, see Sandeen, Roots of Fundamentalism, pp. 106,110; and
Norman H. Maring, "Baptists and Changing Views of the Bible, 1865-1918
(Part I)," Foundations, 1 (1958) :60.1 have also dealt with this subject at greater
length in Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine, pp. 21-30, 235.
41 I have discussed most of the following issues in greater detail and provided
documentation for the period between 1875 and 1900 in Roberts, Darwinism
and the Divine.
42 Willard B. Gatewood, Jr., ed., Controversy in the Twenties: Fundamentalism,
Modernism, and Evolution (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1969), p. 15;
Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture, p. 215; and James Turner,
Without God, Without Creed: The Origins of Unbelief in America (Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), p. 133. For a representative contemporary view, see A. V. G. Allen, "The Theological Renaissance of the Nineteenth Century," Princeton Review, n. s., 10 (1882):280-81.
43 Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine, p. 118. For the tendency of evolutionists
to equate knowledge with divine revelation, see ibid., p. 157-59, 234; and
Moore, Post-Darwinian Controversies, p. 219.
44 Turner, Without God, pp. 121-25.
45 Hutchison, Modernist Impulse, pp. 2,99-101,186-93; Grant Wacker, Augustus
H. Strong and the Dilemma of Historical Consciousness (Macon, Ga.: Mercer
University Press, 1985), p. 11; Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture,
pp. 48,63; Moore, Post-Darwinian Controversies, pp. 240,350; Turner, Without
God, pp. 86-88,130-31; Charles D. Cashdollar, The Transformation of Theology,
1830-1890: Positivism and Protestant Thought in Britain and America (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 160, 358-59; and Roberts, Darwinism
and the Divine, pp. 161-62,182,234-35.
46 Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine, pp. 124,136-42,145.
47 George F. Moore, "The Modern Historical Movement and Christian Faith,"
Andover Review, 10 (1888):333.
48 Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine, pp. 118-20,237.
49 Ibid., pp. 177-79.
50 An excellent general treatment of the attitude of liberal Protestants toward
Scripture is Grant Wacker, "The Demise of Biblical Civilization," in The Bible
in America, pp. 121-38. See also Kenneth Cauthen, The Impact of American
Religious Liberalism (New York: Harper & Row, 1962), pp. 13-20. For a somewhat more narrowly focused view, see Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine,
pp. 149,151-65.
51 Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine, pp. 157-61,171-73,234-35; Wenger, "Social Thought," pp. 21-22; Cauthen, Impact of American Religious Liberalism,
pp. 22-24,29-30,218-19; and Hutchison, Modernist Impulse, pp. 95-105.
52 Tinder, "Fundamentalist Baptists," pp. 45,91-92; Wenger, "Social Thought,"
pp. 92-93,95-96; Hart, "True and the False," pp. ix, 21-22; Rennie Schoepflin,
"Anti-Evolutionism and Fundamentalism in Twentieth-Century America,"
M. A. paper, University of Wisconsin, 1980, p. 19; and James R. Moore, "Interpreting the New Creationism," Michigan Quarterly Review, 22 (1983):333.
170
Notes
171
172
In 1931, not long after the theory of evolution by means of natural selection had gained widespread acceptance in the scientific community, the
Catholic Encyclopaedic Dictionary rendered the official Roman Catholic
teaching on the subject as follows:
EVOLUTION, EVOLUTIONISM. Transformism, or Evolutionism,
means the theory of the transformation of species only, but evolution is a
more general and universal theory which is applied to the physical
world, to the realm of ethics, to man and to society (Spencer). Absolute
evolutionism is not justified by physical science which has established
without doubt the stability of species, without ever discovering veritable
specific transformations; moreover, it is condemned by metaphysics
which refuses to admit that effects can be more perfect than their efficient
causes; and "extreme" evolution denies the special act of creation of life,
attributing the whole process to a natural development from inorganic
matter. The doctrine of the natural development of all the species of the
animal and vegetable world from a few primitive types created by God
is moderate evolution. Catholics are free to believe in moderate evolution,
excluding the evolution of man. Animals, as distinguished from man,
are devoid of reason. Hence the animal soul, i.e., the principle which
gives an animal life, is essentially material. Hence, man's soul, though
depending on material things for its activities, being essentially
spiritual, the evolution of man as a whole from the lower animal is
impossible.1
This somewhat tendentious appraisal of the status of evolution as
both a science and a philosophy epitomized the official gloss on half a
century of conflict within the church. Its confident and authoritative tone
gave little indication that the Roman Catholic response to Darwinism in
the United States, as in Europe, had been varied and ardently contested,
reflecting developments both in American Catholicism and in the theory
of organic evolution itself.
174
175
176
177
178
greatest number of individuals in full vigor and health, with all their faculties perfect under the conditions to which they are subjected."14 The
naturalist Joseph LeConte, a Protestant exponent of theistic evolution,
could have been speaking for Roman Catholics in 1891 when he worried
that "if selection of the fittest is the only method available, if we are to
have race improvement at all, the dreadful law of the destruction of the weak
and helpless must, with Spartan firmness, be carried out voluntarily and
deliberately." Against such a course, LeConte stated, "all that is best in
us revolts."15
Within this general social and cultural context the American Catholic
reception of Darwinism occurred on elite and popular levels, although
popular awareness of Darwinism was restricted to the relatively small
American Catholic middle class, especially to those lay people who attended the Catholic Summer Schools in the 1890s, joined the Catholic
Reading Circle, and subscribed to its Review, where much of the controversy was reported. Even among this select group of middle-class
Catholics, there was little familiarity with the thought of Haeckel,
Spencer, or Huxley, for "the American popular mind, when directed
to intellectual, scientific, and religious matters, centered on discussions
of a more general nature."16 The supply of priests and other Catholic
educators conversant with "the evolution question" was thin, for "seminaries, bound to traditional instruction, were unable to keep up with
the breathless pace of evolutionary thought, since they were training
priests to become pastors of flocks with little interest in Darwinism."17
Nonetheless, a small number of well-informed priests were engaged,
along with their Protestant counterparts, in the controversy over the
higher biblical criticism, the teaching of evolution, and theological modernism within the seminaries and colleges. The battle over "Americanism" shaped the small Catholic intellectual community's reponses to
Darwinism as well. Indeed, the Americanist controversy was the most
important "internal context" of the Catholic response to Darwinism, and
it accounted for many of the most important divergences of the Catholic
response from that of Protestant elites.
The so-called Americanists within the Catholic clergy were attempting to balance what they perceived to be the needs of the immigrant
community - specifically, the need to gain access to the mainstream
institutions of American society - with the requirements of theological orthodoxy as defined by the Vatican. With the possible exception
of John Zahm's brief career as a theistic evolutionist, this balancing act
produced an inconsistent, tentative, and sometime confused response
to evolution. On the one hand, the progressives sought to demonstrate
that Roman Catholics would take a back seat to no one when it came to
scientific research and freedom of inquiry. On the other hand, these
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180
181
182
destruction of social forms which seemed to be part of her life, and develop new strength in surroundings which had been held to be very fatal
to her very existence." Nineteenth-century scholasticism would have to
adapt itself to new philosophical insights. "Aristotle is a great mind, but
his learning is crude and his ideas of nature are frequently grotesque," he
told the audience at the ceremony marking the laying of the cornerstone
of Catholic University in 1888. "Saint Thomas is a powerful intellect but
his point of view in all that concerns natural knowledge has long since
vanished from sight."34 The United States, receptive to the latest advances in scientific method, was the perfect setting for the passing of
the torch of knowledge and truth to a new generation. Catholic scientists
and theologians must be willing, if necessary, Spalding said, "to abandon positions which are no longer defensible, to assume new attitudes
in the face of new conditions."35
The priests who took Spalding's admonitions to heart were not satisfied that their conservative colleagues had really understood either
Darwin or his interpreters. Nor were they assured that Thomism provided the best framework for doing so. Is Darwinism or evolutionism
tenable on strictly scientific grounds? they asked. If so, should the theory of the evolution of species be restricted to nonhuman species and
forms of life? Could this restricted version of evolution pass dogmatic
tests? Eventually, progressive Catholic thinkers posed the most dramatic
question: Could the theory of human evolution be held scientifically?
If so, would it necessarily contradict scriptural and traditional understandings of human creation? Some progressive priests, in fact, were
willing to consider a modified form of Darwinism that allowed Adam's
body to be a product of evolution, while claiming that his soul had been
created immediately by God. Conservatives found this to be scientific
nonsense and Christian heresy; no reading of Genesis, to their minds,
could justify it. To suggest that humans had evolved from lower forms
of animal life was to deny the doctrine that God had created man in His
image.36
The progressives shared a respect for the legitimacy of scientific data
on its own terms, as well as a disdain for what they saw as the facile
syllogisms of traditional scholasticism. "Medieval armor will not turn
a bullet from a modern rifle," one priest wrote, "nor will the authority
of a Medieval philosopher be secure behind which to fight a modern
evolutionist."37 The general idea of evolution would not fade away in
the face of scholastic condemnations; it must be understood, accommodated, and interpreted according to the "expansive" mind of the church.
Between the neoscholastics and those who would become known as
theistic evolutionists (and later tainted with the label "modernists") a
middle ground did exist, if only for a fleeting moment. The Paulist
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184
seems likely that Gmeiner shared its conclusions with his students. The
Darwinian theory "contains valuable grains of truth," he wrote, "yet,
as commonly understood, it is far from being a well-founded theory;
it is no more than a bold hypothesis."45 In a later article, published
in 1888, Gmeiner predicted that ecclesiastical opposition to evolution
would nonetheless fall away as Darwinism gained widespread acceptance in the scientific community. "Perhaps (due to indisputable proofs
establishing their contradictories) some other views widely held among
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186
agnostics, materialists, and atheists" who transformed a "shaky" scientific theory into a "full-blown" philosophical system. Zahm asserted
the priority of dogma over the claims of science, for "no liberalism in
matters of doctrine can be tolerated
What the Church teaches must
be accepted as divine truth." Yet one must distinguish between official
teaching of the magisterium and the private opinions of theologians and
commentators. The "official church" had never and would never define
the exact age of the world or of the human species, for such matters "have
nothing to do" with faith and morals. Similarly, the church permitted an
understanding of biblical inspiration that allowed for errors on the part
of the authors in matters of history, biology, geology, and other scientific
disciplines. (Zahm made this assertion in 1886; twenty-one years later,
in 1907, the Pontifical Biblical Commission ruled otherwise.)52
On the question of evolution in general, Zahm was ambivalent. On
one hand, he rejected Darwinism because it was based, he believed, on
a number of highly questionable assumptions: the spontaneous generation of life from inorganic matter, the "nebular hypothesis" that the earth
and all heavenly bodies were originally in a state of incandescent vapor,
and the "unprovable" notion that one species evolved from another by
a process of transmutation. "Not a single fact in the whole range of natural science can be adduced favoring the truth of the transmutation of
Species," he wrote.53
On the other hand, Zahm argued that Catholics could accept a form
of theistic evolution. Nothing precluded the Catholic definition of creation from being broadened to include derivative creation "when God,
after having created matter directly, gives it the power of evolving under
certain conditions all the various forms it may subsequently assume."
Neither church teaching nor Scripture stood in the way of this understanding of creation; indeed, "according to the words of Genesis, God
did not create animals and plants in the primary sense of the word,
but caused them to be produced from preexisting material." The evolutionist simply maintained that "God did potentially, what the ordinary
Scripture interpreter believes he did by a distinct, immediate exercise of
infinite power."54 Like Gmeiner, Zahm plumbed traditional teachings
for opinions on evolution and concluded that St. Augustine had taught
that animals and plants were brought into existence by the operation
of natural causes. On the question of human evolution Zahm followed
Mivart, who taught that "theistic evolution may embrace man's body,
considered as separate from, and independent of, the soul, which was,
Catholics must affirm, created immediately by God." Zahm concluded
his careful discussion by stating that "as matters now stand, evolution is
not contrary to Catholic faith; and anyone is at liberty to hold the theory,
if he is satisfied with the evidence adduced in its support."55
187
Zahm's early rejection of Darwin stemmed in part from an identification of scientific inductionism with atheism. In Catholic Science and
Scientists, he reflected upon the "proper" relationship between metaphysical truths and scientific, empirically based truths. Philosophers
such as Spencer and Huxley err, he decided, when they subject statements of faith to empirical tests, just as religionists err when they seek
to validate faith claims by empirical induction. Darwin had "sinned" in
presuming that science might dispense with metaphysics in drawing a
picture of human design and purpose. "What has been said of Tyndall
and Huxley can, in great measure, be repeated respecting Darwin," he
charged. "As a close, patient observer of facts and phenomena in the
various forms of animal and vegetable life he has had few, if any, superiors. But here his merit ends [for] he is all along directing his energies
not so much to increase our knowledge of nature as to establish and
corroborate a pet theory. Facts are presented, assumptions made, and
conclusions drawn with a recklessness and a disregard for the simplest
rules of dialectics
This is what is called 'science'!"56
Science and religion each proceeded from its own principles, operated by its own distinctive methods, and arrived at its own conclusions.
Yet these conclusions were not, could not be, mutually exclusive nor ultimately antagonistic, Zahm wrote, for both science and religion sought to
explain and describe the wonders of God's creation. The priest-scientist
was, therefore, the perfect person to demonstrate the harmony between
the conclusions of science and of theology, for he respected each method
in its integrity while appreciating the implications of one for the other.57
Having settled the methodological question to his satisfaction, Zahm
entered a new phase in his career, marked by two themes. First, he
came to respect the general idea of evolution, apart from its specific
post-Darwinian formulations, as a viable explanation of creation and of
the development of plant, animal, and human life. Following upon this
reconsideration of evolution, second, Zahm recognized the need for a
new narrative of the unfolding of God's providence in human history,
one that would enliven the traditional Roman Catholic account with
insights into creation offered by the evolutionists. These two themes
informed Zahm's work from 1893 to 1896, the period when he formulated his version of theistic evolution as a way to modify Darwinism. As he embarked on this phase of his career, Zahm harbored great
expectations. "I am beginning to feel that I have a great mission before me," he confided to Edward Sorin, C.S.C., the founder of Notre
Dame in 1892, "in making known to the Protestant world the true relation of Catholic dogma towards modern science."58 During the next
four years he produced five books and several articles assessing evolutionary theory vis a vis Catholic dogma and popularizing theistic
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189
190
The changes and developments are the result "not of so many separate
creative acts, but rather of a single creation and of a subsequent uniform process of Evolution, according to certain definite and immutable
laws."70 Consequently, the older views regarding creation must be materially modified to harmonize with modern science: "Between the two
theories, that of creation and that of Evolution, the lines are drawn tautly,
and one or the other theory must be accepted
No compromise, no
via media, is possible. We must needs be either creationists or evolutionists. We cannot be both."71
For Zahm, evolution was a question "of natural science, not of metaphysics, and hence one of evidence which is more or less tangible." The
general theory of evolution, he was convinced, eventually would be
borne out by the evidence. Zahm thus refrained from endorsing in toto
any particular system, lest its imperfections detract from the general
theory; Darwin himself, Zahm recalled, had modified his theory as new
data demanded.72 Eventually, a modified general theory of evolution
would admit "of a preconceived progress 'towards a foreseen goal' and
disclose the unmistakable evidence and the certain impress of a Divine
Intelligence and purpose." Zahm hastened to add that "the lack of this
perfected theory, however, does not imply that we have not already
an adequate basis for a rational assent to the theory of Organic Evolution
Whatever, then, may be said of Lamarckism, Darwinism, and
other theories of Evolution, the fact of Evolution, as the evidence now
stands, is scarcely any longer a matter for controversy."73
In spite of Zahm's zeal for the independence of scientific inquiry,
dogmatic considerations did play a role in his treatment of the origin
and development of the human race. On this point Zahm sided with
the neo-Lamarckians. Lamarck's theory of transmutation embraced two
causal factors: an innate power conferred on nature by God that tends
to produce a series of plants and animals of increasing complexity and
perfection; and an inner, adapting disposition peculiar to living bodies that assures the performance of actions sufficient to the needs created by a changing environment, those actions becoming instinctive and
heritable. Zahm integrated the Lamarckian "powers" into a Christian
understanding of the ordered progression of species under God. The addition of the Lamarckian "powers" helped to make credible a scientific
worldview that featured design and intention in nature and purposeful,
teleological variations in organisms.74
Zahm drew on this tradition when he endorsed the theory of human
evolution explicated in Mivart's 1871 work, On the Genesis of Species,
which subordinated natural selection to the role played by "special powers and tendencies existing in each organism." According to Mivart,
191
192
193
194
195
196
ulative teaching of the church regarding the appropriate context - eugenics - in which the advocacy of birth control was to be understood:
EUGENICS. The science which aims at improving the well-being of the
race by studying the factors which affect bodily and mental health, with
a view to the encouragement of the beneficial and the elimination of the
harmful. Statistics are adduced to show that the chief obstacle is the
marriage of the unfit, leading to an increase of hereditable evils, such as
insanity, addiction to drink, consumption, venereal disease. The Church
has nothing but praise for the aim of eugenics and has no objection to
the positive methods proposed as a remedy of the evil, e.g., granting
diplomas to the fit, endowing them to encourage the rearing of a large
family, providing healthy homes, educating public opinion; but she
cannot approve of the negative methods suggested by some eugenists,
viz., "birth control" or the compulsory sterilization of degenerates
When eugenists go astray, it is because they forget or deny that spiritual
well-being is of far greater importance than material, and that even a
tainted existence is better than no existence at all.100
With this social and cultural battle in the foreground, Catholic antievolutionism in the early twentieth century took the form of warnings,
like the one presented by the editors of the conservative Ecclesiastical
Review, about "the constant diminution of the birth rate over almost
the entire civilized world, [which] is one of the most appalling signs
of degeneration in our time, and a subject for the most earnest consideration on the part of our pastoral clergy, since our own country is
fast taking a conspicuous part in this triumph of the modern paganism." The culprit was "materialistic education and the overwhelming
deluge of Socialistic literature" celebrating "the rapidly decreasing birth
rate and the no less rapidly ascending proportion of divorces." In the
socialist-materialist scheme of things, "continence, when demanded by
the Church, is spoken of as immoral because opposed to nature; the laws
of civilized nations in matters of sex are proclaimed as unjust because
hindering the free development of normal instincts; the bounds set to
the full satisfaction of sexual inclinations are stigmatized as degrading because destructive to character and detrimental to the harmonious
expansion of the human faculties." Socialism, the editors continued,
"is popularizing among the masses the teachings it has gathered from
Darwin... and Spencer," among others. Socialist doctrine, which should
be made "the center of attack on the part of the clergy from pulpit and
platform as well as in our schools of ethics," is quite specific in its prescriptions:
197
198
Conclusion
199
200
Notes
1 Donald Attwater, ed., The Catholic Encyclopaedic Dictionary (New York:
Macmillan, 1931), p. 187.
2 R. Scott Appleby, Church and Age Unite! The Modernist Impulse in American
Catholicism (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992),
pp. 7-8.
3 Gerald P. Fogarty, S. }., American Catholic Biblical Scholarship: A History from
the Early Republic to Vatican II (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1989),
p. 174. On O'Connell, see James M. O'Toole, Militant and Triumphant: William
Henry O'Connell and the Catholic Church in Boston, 1859-1944 (Notre Dame,
Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992). After serving for six years as the
rector of the American College in Rome, where he had been sent to restore
Thomistic orthodoxy after the tenure of the "Americanist agent in Rome,"
Denis O'Connell, William O'Connell (no relation) was named Bishop of
Portland, Maine; in 1905 he was named Co-Adjutor Archbishop of Boston.
He became Archbishop of Boston in 1907 and was elevated to cardinal in
1911. O'Toole and Fogarty note that he owed his rise to his friendship with
Cardinal Raffaele Merry del Val, the Vatican Secretary of State. Merry del
Val was a leading anti-modernist and a force behind the Romanization of
the American hierarchy.
4 John L. Morrison, "A History of American Catholic Opinion on the Theory
of Evolution, 1859-1950," Ph.D. diss., University of Missouri, 1951.
5 James Turner, Without God, Without Creed: The Origins of Unbelief in America
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), pp. 150-57.
6 Ibid., p. 240. Turner notes that Charles Eliot Norton, later of Harvard, valued
Darwin's honesty and plain-speaking, and believed that "the progress of
science" had left Protestantism "vacant of spiritual significance," a turn of
events he did not lament. Yet he doubted that science offered very little if
any moral foundation to "the ignorant and dependent masses" (quoted in
Turner, p. 241).
7 Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore, Darwin (New York: Warner Books,
1992), pp. 15-16.
8 From 1820 to 1920, the United States attracted 33.6 million immigrants.
See Philip Taylor, The Distant Magnet: European Emigration to the U.S.A.
(New York: Harper & Row, 1971). Between 1851 and 1920,3.3 million Irish
Notes
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
201
immigrants, the vast majority of them Roman Catholic, settled in the United
States, bringing the total Irish migration to the United States during the century of immigration, 1820-1920, to 4.3 million people. See Patrick J. Blessing, "Irish," in Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, ed. Stephan
Thernstrom (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), pp. 524-45. Jay P.
Dolan notes that the typical Irish emigrant was young, unmarried, and poor.
See Dolan, The American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times to
the Present (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), p. 129.
Carl N. Degler, In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991),
pp. 25-40. For a popular and influential presentation of the mentality behind these social policies, see the writings of A.P.A. activist Madison Grant,
The Passing of the Great Race (New York: Scribner, 1916).
The New York Evening Telegram, December 10, 1886; reported also in The
Catholic News, December 15,1886.
The classic study of anti-Catholicism is Ray Allen Billington, The Protestant
Crusade: A Study of the Origins of American Nativism (New York: Macmillan,
1938); see also Jenny Franchot, Roads to Rome: The Antebellum Protestant Encounter with Catholicism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). Both
studies focus on the antebellum period.
Jeanne Petit, "The Watering of the Nation's Life-Blood': Manliness, Race,
Citizenship and the Immigration Restriction League," unpublished paper,
p.l.
Henry Pratt Fairchild, Immigration: A World Movement and Its American Significance (New York: Macmillan Company, 1913), p. 397. On the racist cast
of immigration restriction movements, see John Higham, Strangers in the
Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (New Brunswick: Rutgers
University Press, [1955] 1994).
Charles Darwin, The Descent of Man, is quoted to this effect in Degler, In
Search of Human Nature, p. 15.
Joseph LeConte, "The Factors of Evolution," The Monist, 1 (1890-91):334.
Francis Clement Kelley, The Bishop Jots It Down (New York and London:
Harper & Brothers, 1939), pp. 79-80; also see W. R. Thompson, "Evolution,"
Catholic World, 34 (1882):683-92.
John Rickard Betts, "Darwinism, Evolution, and American Catholic
Thought," Catholic Historical Review, 45 (1959):174.
Pope Pius XII, "The Encyclical Letter Humani Generis," in The Teaching of the
Catholic Church, eds. Joseph Neuner and Heinrich Roos (New York: Alba,
1978). This papal teaching "settled the matter" of evolution by claiming
that it is acceptable within the framework of Christian doctrine as long as
Catholics confess the individual creation of each human soul, the authority
of revelation in speaking to us of the source of our being, and the unity of
the human race.
On Thomism and neoscholasticism, see Gerald McCool, Catholic Theology in
the Nineteenth Century: The Questfor a Unitary Method (New York: Crossroad,
1977); and Gabriel Daly, Transcendence and Immanence (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1980).
202
20 F. P. Garesche, Science and Religion: The Modem Controversy (St. Louis: n.p.,
1876), pp. 8-9; "Draper's Conflict between Religion and Science," Catholic
World, 21 (1875):179.
21 Camillo Mazella, De Deo Creante: Praelectiones scholastica dogmaticae (Woodstock, Md.: n.p., 1877), p. 344. For a similar comment, see "The Descent of
Man," Catholic World, 26 Qanuary 1878)508,511.
22 Mazella, De Deo Creante, p. 307.
23 Michael Gannon, "Before and after Modernism: The Intellectual Isolation
of the American Priest," in The Catholic Priest in the United States: Historical
Investigations, ed. John Tracy Ellis (Collegeville, Minn.: St. John's University
Press, 1971), p. 314.
24 Henry F. Brownson, ed., The Works of Orestes A. Brownson, 20 vols. (Detroit:
Thomdike House, 1884), 9:520-25.
25 See Freeman's Journal, 28 May 1898, p. 4; "A Protestant View of Christianity," Catholic World, 55 (1892):770. See also H. H. Wyman, "Science and
Faith," Catholic World, 71 (1900):5, 8; George McDermot, "Spencer's Philosophy," American Catholic Quarterly Review, 26 (1901):658; and William
Poland, S.}., "Modern Materialism and Its Methods in Psychology," Ecclesiastical Review, 17 (1897):150.
26 Morrison, "A History of American Catholic Opinion," pp. 181-82.
27 Arthur Preuss, "Darwin's Unprovable Theory," Fortnightly Review, 29 September, 1898, p. 3.
28 The best account of the Americanist episode remains Thomas T. McAvoy,
C.S.C., The Great Crisis in American Catholic History, 1895-1900 (Chicago:
Henry Regnery Co., 1957). See also Margaret Mary Reher, "Americanism
and Modernism - Continuity or Discontinuity?" U.S. Catholic Historian, 1
(1981):86-100.
29 David O'Brien, Isaac Hecker: An American Catholic (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist
Press, 1992), p. 336.
30 John Tracy Ellis, The Life of James Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore,
1834-1921,2 vols. (Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing Co., 1952), 2:101.
31 "The Church and the Age," in John Ireland, The Church and Modern Society
(Chicago: D. H. McBride and Co., 1896), pp. 97-98.
32 Ireland's introduction to Elliott's Life of Father Hecker was reprinted in Felix
Klein, Americanism: A Phantom Heresy (Crawford, N.Y.: Aquin Book Shop,
1951), pp. xiii-xxi.
33 John Lancaster Spalding, "Catholicism and A.P.A.ism," North American Review, 154 (1894):284.
34 Spalding, "University Education," quoted in David Francis Sweeney, The
Life of John Lancaster Spalding (New York, N.Y.: Herder and Herder, 1965),
p. 186.
35 Quoted in John Tracy Ellis, The Formative Years of the Catholic University of
America (Washington, DC: American Catholic Historical Association, 1946),
p. 113.
36 Selinger, quoted in Morrison, "A History of American Catholic Opinion,"
p. 183.
Notes
203
204
58 Quoted in John A. Zahm, Evolution and Dogma (reprinted, New York: Arno,
1978), "Introduction," by Thomas J. Schlereth.
59 Mivart to Zahm, postcard, 18 May, 1896, CSCA-ND.
60 Weber, Notre Dame's John Zahm, pp. 16-28.
61 Zahm received the most intensive press coverage of his career during the
Chautauqua lectures. See, for example, "Dr. Zahm Denies the Universality of Noah's Flood - An Interesting Lecture Delivered before the Catholic
Summer School at Plattsburgh," The Sun, July 1893, pp. 13-14, CSCA-ND.
62 John A. Zahm, Bible, Science and Faith (Baltimore: John Murphy and Co.,
1894), pp. 78,80.
63 Ibid., pp. 84-91,313-16.
64 Catholic World termed it "a veritable Godsend" and recommended it for
Catholics and Protestants alike "who wish accurate information concerning current controversies regarding Science and Faith." Ave Maria judged
it to be one of the most important Catholic books published in English
within the last decade. For the American Catholic Quarterly Review it was "the
most valuable contribution made by an American talent and industry to the
cause of Christian apologetics." "To timid and troubled souls," the Sacred
Heart Review assured, "Father Zahm's book will be a great comfort and support." These excerpts were reprinted in "Opinions of the Press," the Tablet,
December 1894, p. 28, copy in CSCA-ND. The Baltimore Sun praised it as a
"most important and learned contribution toward the adjustment of some
divergent views of the present day as to the relation of the Bible and modern
investigations in the field of the natural sciences." Newspapers in Boston,
Buffalo, and London applauded Zahm as "a man of the age, cognizant of
all the movements of modern thought and able to give a reason for the faith
that is in him." Reprinted in "Review of Bible, Science and Faith," The New
World, 12 January 1895, pp. 30-31, CSCA-ND. The Independent perceived
Zahm's defense of science as a crusade in which learned Catholics and
Protestants might make common cause. One of the most comprehensive
reviews, published in the Tablet, noted that Zahm's was the first complete
work on this theme to appear in English. When European evolutionists'
conclusions seemed to depart from the outlines of "true Catholic conservatism," Zahm demonstrated that the church left open to discussion the
particular point in question, or he defended the disputed conclusions by
citing respected Catholic authorities of the past. "Combining the indications
afforded by physical science, by historical archaeology, and by Holy Scripture, [Zahm] reaches the provisional conclusion that man has probably been
on the earth not less than 10,000 years; and that there is no evidence to prove
a higher antiquity than this," the Tablet reported. "The Bible and Science:
Review of Bible, Science and Faith," Tablet, December 1824, p. 27, CSCA-ND.
65 Zahm, Evolution and Dogma, pp. 435-38.
66 Quoted in James R. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1979), p. 194.
67 Zahm, Evolution and Dogma, p. vii.
Notes
68
69
70
71
72
205
Ibid., p. v.
Ibid., pp. xvii, 69-70,433.
Ibid., pp. 50-53.
Ibid., p. 75.
In the second edition of The Origin of Species, for example, he had revised
a previous estimate that all animal and plant life derived from four or five
progenitors, acknowledging that "all organic beings which have ever lived
on the earth have descended from some one primordial form, into which
life was first breathed by the Creator." Zahm found this adjustment to be in
keeping with scientific fact and thus in close conformity to revealed truth.
At the same time, Zahm lashed out at neo-Darwinists for regarding natural
selection as the sole and sufficient cause for all organic development even as
Darwin was reducing its role by allowing for environmental factors. Ibid.,
p. 83,370.
73 Ibid., pp. 200-01.
74 This was a strategy of theistic evolutionists in general. Their softening of
Darwinian theory reduced the level of intellectual tension or "cognitive
dissonance" between the rival ways of knowing the world presented by
modern science, on the one hand, and traditional theism, on the other. See
Neal C. Gillespie, Charles Darwin and the Problem of Creation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), pp. 1-18, 85-108. See especially John C.
Greene, Darwin and the Modern World View (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1961); and The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impact on
Western Thought (Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1959).
75 See John D. Root, "The Final Apostasy of St. George Jackson Mivart,"
Catholic Historical Review, 71 (1985):l-25, for a statement of Mivart's development, and especially for his reaction to Leo XIII's encyclical on biblical
interpretation, which, Root argues, "provided a sharp impetus" to Mivart's
final break from the church (pp. 7-8).
76 Zahm was in correspondence with Mivart, who thanked him for "carrying
on my work in the United States"; Mivart to Zahm, 18 May, 1896, CSCA-ND.
77 Zahm, Evolution and Dogma, p. 70.
78 Ibid., p. 122.
79 Zahm, Bible, Science and Faith, pp. 121-22; Zahm, Evolution and Dogma,
pp. 388-90.
80 Zahm, Evolution and Dogma, p. xiv.
81 On this point, see George M. Searle, "Dr. Mivart's Last Utterance," Catholic
World, 71 (1900):353-65; and Searle, "Evolution and Darwinism," Catholic
World, 66 (1897):227-38. Also compare Weber, Notre Dame's John Zahm,
pp. 109-12.
82 On responses to Providentissimus Deus, see Roger Aubert, ed., The Christian Centuries, vol. 5: The Church in a Secularized Society (New York, 1978),
pp. 164-203.
83 A periodical that otherwise supported Zahm, The Colorado Catholic, admitted as much: "when Fr. Zahm tells us that St. Augustine was an incipient
206
Notes
207
of California Press, 1986), pp. 369-90; Jon H. Roberts, Darwinism and the
Divine in America: Protestant Intellectuals and Organic Evolution, 1859-1900
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988); and Marc Swetlitz,
"American Jewish Responses to Darwin," in this volume.
106 The gradual and measured incorporation of the higher criticism of the Bible
into Catholic teaching began in the 1930s and 1940s, buoyed by Pius XII's
encyclical Divino Afflante Spiritu, a cautious endorsement of scientific criticism of the Bible.
107 James J. Walsh, A Catholic Looks at Life (Boston: Stratford, 1928), p. 29.
108 Karl Aloisneller, S. J., Christianity and the Leaders of Modern Science, trans.
T. M. Kettle (Freiburg: B. Herder, 1911), p. 366.
8
American Jewish responses to Darwin
and evolutionary theory, 1860-1890
MARC SWETLITZ
210
and his fellow radicals, claiming that evolutionary theory actually gave
more support to traditional Judaism!
Intracommunity rivalry was certainly not alone in shaping the responses of Jews to evolution. The American Jewish community faced
many challenges from without that threatened the integrity and survival of Judaism. Religious leaders pointed to assimilation as the community's most urgent problem, whether it resulted from conversions to
Christianity, the appeal of the Ethical Culture Society (founded in 1876
by Felix Adler, son of a prominent Reform rabbi), or the antagonism to
religion generated by the growth of agnostic and materialistic thought.2
Each of these factors had been linked to evolutionary theory - Christians
used evolutionary theory to argue for the superiority of Christianity over
Judaism; Adler had invoked modern science and evolution to support
Ethical Culture; and public scientists, such as Thomas Henry Huxley,
John Tyndall, and Ludwig Biichner, connected evolution with agnosticism or materialism.3 Therefore, when rabbis and lay leaders discussed
evolution, they were typically more concerned with the specter of materialism and its supposed effects on lowering synagogue attendance than
with the details of evolutionary theory. Jewish leaders, in the words of
historian Naomi Cohen, aimed "to refute the skeptic" both inside and
outside the Jewish community.4
The relationship of responses to evolution and debates about Judaism
within the Jewish community, however, deserves more attention. Previous scholars have examined only Reform responses, focusing on the
few rabbis who enthusiastically supported evolution.5 The opposition
to evolution among Reform Jews, in contrast, is virtually unexplored
territory.6 Moreover, Reform Jews were not the only Jews who had the
motivation, leisure, or intellectual resources to address evolutionary
theory. Almost every Jewish newspaper published between 1870 and
1890 that I examined contained editorials, sermons, or reprints from the
non-Jewish press on Darwin and evolution.7 In this chapter, I chart the
chronology of Jewish responses and pay special attention to the relationship of their quantity and substance to debates about the future of
Judaism in America. The first section examines the paucity of responses
to evolution in the 1860s and the widespread opposition that emerged
after the publication of Charles Darwin's Descent of Man. In the second
section, I explore the initial support for evolutionary theory by Kohler
and other Reform rabbis in the mid-1870s and the strong reaction of
Rabbi Isaac Mayer Wise. I then turn to a broader sketch of the spectrum
of American Jewish responses to evolution from the mid-1870s through
the mid-1880s. The fourth section examines two episodes in the 1880s
that illustrate the links between discussions about evolution and growing tensions between Reform Jews and traditionalists. In the penultimate
211
section, I briefly assess the fate of evolutionary ideas among Reform and
traditionalist Jews in the 1890s. Finally, I summarize the chronology and
pattern of Jewish responses and conclude with a brief comparison with
responses to evolution by American Protestants.
Before beginning, I must provide some introductory remarks about
the American Jewish community and Judaism in the last four decades
of the nineteenth century and indicate the scope and limits of my study.8
My research focuses on the rabbinic and lay leaders of two groups of
Jews, that is, Reform and traditionalist. The Jewish community was
largely an immigrant population, most of whom, although not all, came
from the German-speaking countries of central Europe. While the majority of Jews were not well educated, some Reform and traditionalist
rabbis had received a Ph.D. at a European university, typically involving research in languages, literature, or history. All had some interest
in a modern, critical study of texts and Jewish history, but, at the same
time, were wary of the way in which such scholarship had been used
to undermine religious belief. Nevertheless, Reform and traditionalist
Jews alike were accommodationists. They believed that new forms of
Jewish life and thought were necessary to mediate between their desire
for acculturation and their commitment to preserve a distinct Jewish
identity and community in America.9
Reform and traditionalist Jews differed regarding the precise form
that this accommodation should take. In both groups, a spectrum of
beliefs and practices existed, resulting in some overlap. Reform rabbis
considered belief in one God and the moral law as the essential spirit of
Judaism; however, they also had much to disagree about, e.g., the nature
of revelation, the validity of biblical criticism, and the need to preserve
traditional ceremonies even if they were not binding. Radicals tended
to be more innovative than moderates in theology and practice, with a
few even switching observance of the Sabbath to Sunday since many
Jews had to work on Saturday. Traditionalist Jews differed from Reform
Jews most essentially in their view that all commandments - ritual and
ceremonial as well as moral - were equally binding on the Jewish people. While this did not entail a rejection of change, preservation was as
much a concern as innovation. At the same time, a spectrum of belief
and practice existed among traditionalists, which became the historical antecedent for the institutional division between Conservative and
modern Orthodox in the twentieth century.10
In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, the institutional structure of Jewish religious life was quite different. While Reform
and traditionalist leaders had long engaged in polemics regarding the
proper direction of American Judaism, no effort to institutionalize such
differences occurred prior to the 1880s. Indeed, Rabbi Wise, the leading
212
213
214
the 1870s, taking courses with Thomas Henry Huxley. He then returned
to become professor of invertebrate paleontology at the Academy of
Natural Sciences of Philadelphia in 1880. Heilprin, however, wrote no
book or article on issues relating his studies to Judaism or even religion
generally.18
Therefore, as a community, American Jews approached the subject
of evolution very much as outsiders. Perhaps the most scientifically literate among them were physicians; indeed, a physician wrote the first
full-length article on evolution to appear in the Jewish press.19 This
general condition provided ammunition for those Jews who accused
their co-religionists of lacking the knowledge necessary for judging the
strengths and weaknesses of evolutionary theory. It also led to a reliance
on Christian authors for articles addressing the topic of evolution, articles that were sometimes written expressly for a Jewish newspaper
but more often were reprinted from non-Jewish sources.20 The lack of
knowledge made it difficult for Jews to participate in technical discussions that seemed to dominate the 1860s.21 In addition, this might have
reinforced the position that there was no need to rush and take a position on evolution when the outcome of the debate among scientists was
still quite uncertain.
A second characteristic of mid-nineteenth-century American Jewry
was the absence of a Paleyite tradition of natural theology that would
have been threatened by Darwin's theory of natural selection. When
writing about nature and nature's God, Jews more often developed arguments based on nature's beauty, order, and regularity, arguments that
could better withstand the challenge of Darwin's evolutionary theory.22
At the same time, Jewish writings did include reference to the argument from organic design. Interestingly, this type of argument began
to appear more frequently in the American Jewish press after 1860.
This resulted in large part through the efforts of the London-based
Jewish Association for the Diffusion of Religious Knowledge, which
printed two pamphlets, in 1861 and 1863, widely reprinted in the United
States. The first pamphlet included a selection by the medieval Jewish
philosopher Bachya ibn Pakuda, whom the editor compared favorably
to William Paley: "it is a singular fact, that in his Natural Theology,
Paley, who wrote about six centuries after our author, follows a precisely similar line of argument deduced from a like illustration."23 Ironically, the most immediate response to the publication of the Origin
of Species appears to have been increased attention to Paleyite design
arguments.
American Jewry in the 1860s was largely an immigrant community,
with ties to both Britain and German-speaking countries. While the
links with Britain worked to encourage a greater emphasis on nature,
the connections of American Jews to Germany and its intellectual
215
216
Protestant clerics about human evolution. The few references to evolution that appeared in the 1860s clearly indicate the American Jews were
aware of an ongoing debate about human evolution. Perhaps they hoped
that Darwin would not take sides on the matter, striking a blow against
those in favor of applying evolution to human beings. Jews viewed
Darwin as a cautious, empirical, and believing naturalist, in contrast to
the speculative, philosophical, and materialist scientists such as Huxley
and Haeckel. Indeed, Wise, American Jewry's harshest and most persistent critic of evolutionary theory, suspected that Darwin would not
have written the Descent if he had not been pressed by his German disciples and admirers, the materialists Vogt, Moleschott, and Haeckel.27
When Darwin finally entered the controversy in support of human evolution and applied his theory of natural selection to the human mind,
the moral sense, and human history, the challenge could no longer be
ignored.
Just a few weeks after the publication of Darwin's Descent of Man,
the radical Reform Jewish Times began a twelve-part series entitled "The
Origin and Antiquity of Man," written by Adolph Kessler, a New York
physician. In the first and second parts, Kessler offered an extended critique of theories of human evolution. He argued that human beings were
anatomically, spiritually, and culturally unique and concluded that the
gap between humans and animals could not be bridged. In addition, he
raised the specter of philosophical materialism, denouncing scientific assertions that humans differed from apes only in degree as an "exuberant
outgrowth of the hypermaterialistic tendencies of our age and scientific
research."28 Over the next couple of years, articles, editorials, and letters to the editor criticizing evolution appeared in The Jewish Times, The
American Israelite, and The Jewish Messenger. These publications included
reprints from British and German sources as well as contributions by
American rabbis and laymen.29
While a few writers offered criticisms of Darwin's reasoning and
methodology - e.g., he ignored Baconian inductivism and made unwarranted assumptions - most Jews focused on the problem of human evolution, and the bulk of their discussion centered on mind and morality.30
The human mind, with its rational capacities and its ability to improve
the human condition over time, was unique in creation; no animal possessed a mind that shared these qualities. Such critics regarded religious
feeling as a distinctively human character and ridiculed Darwin's attempt to link this human attribute with a dog's reverence for its master.31
References to morality usually focused on Darwin's theory of natural
selection, which was universally presented as leading to egoism and an
ethic of might makes right. One writer contrasted the Jewish ethic of
compassion and aid to the poor and needy with passages in the Descent
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218
219
220
221
creation of human beings. This did not mean that God performed periodic miracles. Wise's panentheistic God was "everywhere, in all space, in
all objects of nature, in every attribute of matter and in every thought of
the mind." This "Cosmic God" operated through "the continuous chain
of cause and effects," and cosmic development occurred by a teleological unfolding of what was originally in God's mind. More specifically,
Wise used the terms "evolution" and "differentiation" to refer to the
two processes occurring in this teleological unfolding. Evolution signified the progress from lower to higher organic forms; differentiation,
the diversity of species, each adapted to its proper time and place.43
Wise offered empirical, logical, moral, and metaphysical arguments
against the truth of scientific theories of evolution, including Darwin's.
However, he did not advance these arguments in a vacuum. Wise was
clearly concerned to stem the tide of assimilation, which he and other
Jewish leaders thought was due at least in part to promotion of atheism and materialism in the name of science. At the same time, Wise
objected to evolution and created his own cosmological theory as a way
to provide support for his own version of Reform Judaism.
While not referring to Judaism in The Cosmic God, Wise did not hesitate
in other articles and sermons to link his theory of the history of life to his
understanding of Judaism and the Bible. He maintained that the Jewish
religion, like nature, was bound by a law of evolution, meaning progression from lower to higher forms. Wise's Reform Judaism, like that
of Kohler, understood Jewish law and modes of worship as continually
and progressively changing. But when he talked about principles, Wise
shifted from the language of continuous progress to the language of discontinuity and stability. He never adopted the theology of progressive
revelation, and he rejected critical biblical study. God had directly revealed fundamental moral principles and ideas about himself to Moses
at Sinai, and Moses had composed almost all of the Pentateuch. For
Wise, discontinuity and stability marked the history of life and of Judaism. Just as God created each species in a unique act and required that
it remained fixed as long as it lived, so, too, did God reveal to Moses a
unique message that did not change throughout Jewish history.44 Wise's
opposition to the gradual, continuous transmutation of species, therefore, was more than just a defense of human dignity, freedom, and moral
duty. With his own version of the evolution of the cosmos and life, Wise
had formulated a defense of his particular version of Reform Judaism.
222
no one took the time to refute it. From the mid-1870s through the early
1880s, Wise continued to denounced evolution theory in editorials and
sermons.45 However, he was not alone in the Reform community in
his opposition to the transmutation of species. Rabbi Adolph Huebsch
had strongly opposed evolution in 1873. While his later sermons later
emphasized that Judaism would not suffer if scientists proved evolutionary theory to be true, Huebsch never explicitly advanced the truth
of evolution.46
In 1881, Rabbi Aaron Harm joined the ranks of Reform opponents of
evolution. Hahn, like Huebsch, argued that if scientists proved evolution true, then "Jewish theology will bow its head before the majesty of
truth and adopt it without further delay." In addition, in History of the
Arguments for the Existence of God, he discussed the argument from design at length, advocating the position advanced by Asa Gray and Noah
Porter, namely, that natural theology could withstand the challenge of
Darwinian natural selection. Nevertheless, Hahn firmly believed that
the evolution of species was improbable, drawing his support from
Wise's Cosmic God. He quoted passages from The Cosmic God that argued for a distinction in kind between animal and human minds and
concluded that they "contain more common sense and more true philosophy than all the defenses of Darwinism together."47
While Reform Rabbis Wise, Huebsch, and Hahn continued to reject
evolution, opposition was stronger and more widespread among traditionalist Jews. Samuel M. Isaacs, the antievolution editor of The Jewish
Messenger, printed a few editorials of his own in the mid-1870s. He was
joined by the editor of The Hebrew Leader, who also wrote several editorials criticizing evolution. In the early 1880s, the new editor of The Hebrew
Leader, Abraham S. Cohen, continued the opposition of his newspaper to organic evolution. And in 1886, Rabbi Alexander Kohut, a recent
emigre from Hungary who quickly became a leading scholar among traditionalist Jews, delivered a talk on "Science and Judaism," in which he
maintained that human beings had originated only 5740 years earlier.48
Each of these men tended, like Wise, to emphasize empirical and logical arguments, invoking such scientific authorities as the aging Canadian geologist Dawson and the deceased American naturalist Louis
Agassiz, both of whom rejected evolution. They also found evolution
degrading to human dignity and threatening to the authority of the
Hebrew scripture. Arguments against evolution based on specific references to the Genesis text, e.g., God "created man in his image," occasionally appeared, but this was not typical.49 More common were theologically based objections to evolution, such as those offered by Rabbi
Sabato Morais, a leader among traditional Jews and a founder of the
Jewish Theological Seminary in 1886. In the mid-1870s and then again
223
224
science and philosophy. This made it difficult both for the rabbi to address the logical and empirical problems of evolutionary theory and
for listeners to follow such technical details. The preacher's duty to instruct, exhort, and warn would be hampered if the subject matter was
inaccessible to his audience. In the second place, Morais maintained, as
did some contemporary Protestant opponents of evolution, that evolutionary theory, like many past scientific theories, would be altered or
abandoned in the future. Thus, it was not worth the trouble to take it
seriously.53 Moreover, he argued that Jews did not require a temporary
reconciliation with evolutionary theory since Judaism possessed an inherent vitality that could sustain faith without the props afforded by the
fashionable science or philosophy. Finally, Morais insisted that the materialism and atheism commonly associated with evolutionary theory
made it best to ignore the topic for fear of inadvertently encouraging
infidelity. "Better would it be," he wrote, "for the peace of your mind,
for the advantage of Judaism, and for that of the human race at large,
that you remain in ignorance of abstruse studies, than you be godless."
Sermons should be designed to fortify belief and virtuous behavior, not
to engender unbelief.54
Not all traditionalist Jews, however, followed Morais' admonitions.
Indeed, not all rejected evolution. For example, the merchant Alfred
T. Jones, editor of The Jewish Record, who supported Morais in his efforts to establish a Jewish Theological Seminary, looked favorably upon
evolutionary theory.55 However, the bulk of support for evolution by
traditional Jews came from the editors of The American Hebrew. This
weekly, founded in 1879, was run by a younger generation of observant
Jews that included, among others, Frederick de Sola Mendes, Solomon
Solis-Cohen, and Henry Pereira Mendes. All were in their twenties and
all were trained (or were training) in science or medicine: Frederick de
Sola Mendes received a Ph.D. at the University of Jena, where he studied with Kuno Fischer and Ernest Haeckel; Solis-Cohen was currently
engaged in medical studies at Philadelphia's Jefferson Medical College;
and H. P. Mendes soon took up the study of medicine, receiving his
M.D. from New York University in 1884. The founders of The American
Hebrew reflected a desire for Jewish renewal and to reinvigorate traditional Judaism in America, and they had no hesitation about using
medicine and science, including evolution, to advance this goal.56
The first support for evolution in The American Hebrew appeared in
1880, in a laudatory review of Asa Gray's Natural Science and Religion
in which the reviewer heartily endorsed Gray's theistic version of evolution. That same year, H. P. Mendes delivered a sermon in which he
argued that the text of Genesis offered no barrier to the acceptance of
the evolution of species. For Mendes, the Bible was not a scientific work
225
226
227
228
229
science, going so far as to say that worship could take place better in nature and in the laboratory than in the synagogue.72 And he packaged all
of this as a support for Reform Judaism, an evolving religion that combined the best of modern science with the essence of religion, namely,
the moral law.73
For many, this "religion of science" was too much. Krauskopf himself reported in his penultimate lecture that the "Orthodox press" had
lambasted him for the series, recoiling in horror that such teachings
should be expounded by a Jewish clergyman. While I have been unable
to identify these specific criticisms, other responses reveal the continued
existence of opposition to evolution by a variety of American Jews. One
response appeared in a letter by "Justitia," a member of Krauskopf's
congregation in Kansas City, which was published in The Jewish Free
Press, a newspaper that tended to support the Reform agenda. Justitia
was appalled by Krauskopf's lectures and condemned him for preaching Darwinism and pantheism to young minds, introducing them to
ideas antithetical to Judaism. Like the "orthodox" opposition, Justitia
called for Krauskopf to remove himself from the "Jewish" pulpit.74
Another negative response came from Benjamin Peixotto, editor of
the Menorah Monthly, established in 1886 as the organ of the B'nai B'rith.
Founded in 1843 in the United States, the B'nai B'rith operated as a
secular, fraternal organization to provide a variety of cultural, social,
and financial supports for Jews. In the early 1880s, a serious tension
developed between B'nai B'rith and Reform leaders, especially Rabbis
Wise and Hirsch. The tension involved the unwillingness of the B'nai
B'rith leadership to provide money to support a struggling Hebrew
Union College. It also involved a dispute about whether a secular or a
religious Jewish organization should be the unofficial voice of American
Jewry. Reform rabbis denigrated the frivolous socializing they thought
went on at meetings as well as the ritual elements of the fraternal order.
B'nai B'rith leaders, in turn, condemned the Reform focus on morality
as narrow and a religious definition of Jewishness as parochial. It was
this growing tension that spurred B'nai B'rith leaders to press for a
publication of their own.75
While the Menorah Monthly aimed to provide equal space and opportunity to both sides of any controversy, Peixotto did not conceal his
"pleasure" in publishing letters and articles that attacked radical Reform
Judaism. In July, 1887, he introduced a letter by the Galveston lawyer
Leo Levi, a strong critic of Reform, by noting that "evolutionists have
had the field for some years" and it was time to hear the other side.76
While Levi's letter discussed Jewish life and practice, Peixotto's statement reflected the fact that Reform leaders were using the language of
"evolution" to describe and defend their version of Judaism.
230
Peixotto then turned to the topic of organic evolution. Krauskopf's lectures on evolution and Judaism, he proclaimed, were "as far away from
the principles of Judaism as they were wanting in scientific knowledge."
However, it was from the standpoint of science, in particular, that "their
superficiality deserved exposure." To accomplish this, Peixotto published a three-part article by a Methodist clergyman, Thomas Mitchell,
who had been drawn to Krauskopf's book through references made by
the preacher Henry Ward Beecher. Mitchell was no mild critic of organic
evolution. He argued that no compelling evidence existed for organic
evolution, for the antiquity of human beings, or even for the antiquity of
the earth. He adhered to an extremely literalist interpretation of Genesis,
arguing that God had created the world as we know it in six 24-hour
days. Mitchell's refutation of evolution received a favorable response
by at least one Jewish reader, whose letter Peixotto published. This person, "whose profound learning has not infrequently embellished these
pages," applauded Mitchell's criticism of Krauskopf. Krauskopf's views
on evolution were "unripe trash" and reflected an excessive amount of
"hutzpa." At the same time, the correspondent concluded that he was
"not prepared sufficiently to say whether Darwin or Agassiz has hit
upon the truth," preferring to remain undecided rather than judge the
matter prematurely.77
In addition to offering a scientific critique of evolution, Mitchell also
argued that the biblical text should be taken literally and as such controverted the fact of evolution. It was this point that especially concerned Rabbi Sonneschein, who wrote a rebuttal that quickly appeared
in the Menorah Monthly. Sonneschein believed the Genesis account of
creation to be wrong in its details and Darwin to be right. He pointed to
Jewish authorities who believed that Genesis was not an infallible text on
science or philosophy and that the "six days" need not be interpreted
literally.78 Mitchell responded to Sonneschein but, pressed for space,
Peixotto could not publish it in Menorah Monthly.
However, Mitchell's response soon appeared in the pages of The American Hebrew. While they had warmly welcomed Mitchell's original article, the editors of The American Hebrew still supported evolution. In
the same issue as Mitchell's critique of Sonneschein, they published a
laudatory review of a biography of Darwin. At the same time, they also
expressed their opposition to Krauskopf's views about evolution. The
editors noted that Mitchell was "in error" for thinking that American
rabbis were "generally evolutionists." "The Rabbis of America," they
continued, "are not as a general rule, Evolutionists; at least, not in the
sense of Rev. Joseph Krauskopf's definition of Evolution."79 The editors
did not explain Krauskopf's definition nor their specific objections to
it. But certainly they opposed Krauskopf's use of evolution to support
231
232
were joined by two immigrants who became leading voices in the Reform community in the 1890s: the rabbi J. Leonard Levy (London) and
Jacob Voorsanger (Amsterdam).84 These individuals accepted evolution
as a matter of course and applied it to their understanding of Reform
Judaism. Influenced by the critical study of biblical texts and the theology of progressive revelation, they shared a conviction that organic
evolution, understood to be a teleological, progressive development,
was consistent with and supportive of the core of Reform Judaism.85
Conclusions
By the 1890s, evolutionary theory was widely accepted among Reform
Jews, and rabbis commonly appealed to evolution as justification for
Reform Judaism. However, this was a new situation. During the 1860s
and early 1870s, Reform Jews overwhelmingly rejected organic evolution. Only with Kohler's 1874 sermon did vocal support for evolution
begin to grow in the Reform community. Others soon joined him, but
opposition to evolution continued. The key period appears to have been
the 1880s, when support for evolution swelled among Reform Jews. This
reflected the growing strength of radical Reform, which embraced the
theology of progressive revelation and the findings of biblical criticism.
By the early 1890s, the transition was complete. Acceptance of evolution
emerged to its prominence in the American Reform community as part
and parcel of the rise of radical Reform Judaism.
The pattern of response among traditionalist Jews was different, although the paucity of their responses, compared to Reform Jews, makes
it difficult to draw certain conclusions. Like their Reform contemporaries, traditionalist Jews opposed the evolution of species in the 1860s
and 1870s. One cautious voice of support appeared in the mid-1870s,
but unequivocal support for evolution emerged only in the 1880s in the
pages of The American Hebrew. These younger Jews, more educated in the
sciences than their older colleagues, accepted evolutionary theory and
used evolution to buttress traditional Judaism. However, their acceptance of evolution did not initiate a trend toward acceptance of evolution
among traditionalists; at least no such trend is evident in published materials. The traditionalist Jewish community, into the 1890s, continued
to have both strong supporters and strong opponents of evolution.
In terms of the specific arguments offered, American Jews differed
little from their Protestant contemporaries. Opponents of evolution typically emphasized the connections with materialism, whether they
thought them to be logical or historically contingent. But Jewish opponents, like their Protestant contemporaries, also offered other sorts
Conclusions
233
234
However, the spectrum itself - the range of theological options available to Jews in the 1870s and 1880s - had been established earlier in the
century.
Rather than transform theology, evolutionary ideas and language
were used by Reform and traditionalist Jews to reinforce already established positions. In some cases, the rejection of organic evolution
was intimately connected with opposition to liberal religious views that
had been linked to the new science. Indeed, disagreements about evolution among American Jews were often debates about the nature of
Judaism; these debates had a particular urgency in the 1870s and 1880s.
In the 1870s, support for organic evolution by Kohler, Ellinger, Mayer,
and Sonneschein involved support for the more radical Reform ideology, including acceptance of a theology of progressive revelation and
the findings of biblical criticism. In contrast, Wise's opposition to organic evolution was linked to a different theology of Reform Judaism.
In the 1880s, public controversy erupted between Reform and traditionalist Jews about what the acceptance of organic evolution meant for
the validity of their respective versions of Judaism. Hirsch argued that
the law of evolution, applied to Judaism, entailed significant change
in ceremonial and ritual practice, in order to adapt to the new era.
The traditionalist editors of The American Hebrew, in contrast, invoked
the gradualness of evolutionary change and the law of "survival of the
fittest" to argue that the continuation of long-established ceremony and
ritual was necessary for the survival of Judaism and the Jewish people.
The science of evolution was a cultural resource used by various Jews
in their struggle to determine the future of American Jewry.
This essay has offered an overview and analysis of American Jewish
responses to evolution from the 1860s through the 1880s. However, a
comprehensive understanding of the American scene must await further research on European Jewish responses to Darwin and evolutionary
theory. A comparative analysis will provide a means to further examine the relative importance of various factors shaping both the substance
and the chronology of Jewish responses. In addition, such investigations
will also help to illuminate American Jewish responses more directly,
since many American rabbis and lay leaders during the 1870s and 1880s
were either immigrants from Britain or German-speaking countries or
received their rabbinic training or higher education there. The responses
of Eastern European and Russian Jews will also be important as the story
of American Jewish responses to evolutionary theory continues into the
1890s and beyond. The massive immigration of Eastern European and
Russian Jews to the United States that began in the 1880s included a
large number of religiously orthodox as well as many varieties of secular Jews, some of whom were quite receptive to evolutionary theory.88
Notes
235
As the nineteenth century drew to a close, the American Jewish community dramatically increased both in numbers and in varieties of Jewish
identity. An examination of responses to evolution by American Jews
will have to occur in light of this new situation.
Notes
1 Kaufmann Kohler, "Science and Religion," Jewish Times, 20 February, 1874,
p. 821.
2 Jonathan Sarna, "New Light on the Pittsburgh Platform," American Jewish
History, 76 (1987):358-68, especially p. 363; Leon Jick, The Americanization of
the Synagogue, 1820-1870 (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England,
1976), pp. 191-92; and Michael Meyer, Response to Modernity: A History of the
Reform Movement in Judaism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 262.
3 On the Christian uses of evolutionary theory, see Naomi Cohen, "The Challenges of Darwinism and Biblical Criticism to American Judaism," Modern
Judaism, 4 (1984):121-57, especially pp. 139-40; and Egal Feldman, Dual Destinies: The Jewish Encounter with Protestant America (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1990), pp. 146-48. On Adler, see Benny Kraut, From Reform
Judaism to Ethical Culture: The Religious Evolution of Felix Adler (Cincinnati:
Hebrew Union College Press), 1978, pp. 52-57.
4 Cohen, "Challenges of Darwinism," p. 151; also see Marc Swetlitz, "Responses of American Reform Rabbis to Evolutionary Theory, 1864-1888,"
in The Interaction of Scientific and Judaic Cultures in Modern Times, eds. Yakov
Rabkin and Ira Robinson (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen, 1995), pp. 103-25.
5 Cohen, "Challenges of Darwinism," pp. 121-57; Meyer, Response to Modernity, pp. 273-74; Marc Lee Raphael, Profiles in American Judaism: The Reform,
Conservative, Orthodox, and Reconstructionist Traditions in Historical Perspective (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1984), pp. 21-24; and Joseph Blau, "An
American-Jewish View of the Evolution Controversy," Hebrew Union College
Annual, 20 (1947):617-34.
6 Swetlitz, "Responses of American Reform Rabbis." In this paper, I analyzed
the views of the most determined Reform opponent of evolution, Rabbi
Isaac Mayer Wise.
7 Of the thirty serials I systematically examined, the following twenty-three
contained references of one sort or another to Darwin and evolution:
American Hebrew (New York), American Israelite (Cincinnati), Asmonean (New
York), Deborah (Cincinnati), Hebrew (San Francisco), Hebrew Leader (New
York), Hebrew Review (Cincinnati), Hebrew Standard (New York), Jewish
Advance (Chicago), Jewish Chronicle (Baltimore), Jewish Exponent (Philadelphia), Jewish Free Press (St. Louis), Jewish Messenger (New York), Jewish Progress (San Francisco), Jewish Record (Philadelphia), Jewish Reformer (New
York), Jewish Tidings (Rochester), Jewish Times (New York), Maccabean
(Chicago), Menorah (New York), New Era (New York), Occident (Chicago),
and Zeitgeist (Milwaukee). The seven serials that did not contain any references to Darwin or evolution include the following: Boston Hebrew Observer,
236
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Notes
16
17
18
19
237
Although prior to 3 July, 1874, Wise's weekly was called The Israelite, all
references in this article will be cited as The American Israelite. Also see David
Einhorn, "Dogmatical Difference between Judaism and Christianity," Jewish
Times, 25 June, 1869, pp. 2-3. Einhorn edited a monthly periodical, Sinai,
between 1856 and 1863, but it did not carry any articles that addressed
evolution.
Jon H. Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine in America: Protestant Intellectuals
and Organic Evolution, 1859-1900 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,
1988), pp. 40-41.
For example, Sabato Morais, "On Avoiding Abstruse Topics in the Pulpit"
[n.d.], microfilm #206, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati, Ohio. This
sermon is not easy to date, but a comparison of Morais' handwriting with
dated sermons suggests that it was written during the 1880s.
"Philadelphia," American Israelite, 4 August, 1882, p. 38; and "Angelo Heilprin," American Hebrew, 11 August, 1893, pp. 468-69. Little has been written
on American Jewish scientists in the nineteenth century. See Louis Gershenfeld, The Jew in Science (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America,
1934), pp. 192-93,198-99; Yakov M. Rabkin, "Science," in Jewish-American
History and Culture: An Encyclopedia, eds. Jack Fischel and Sanford Pinsker
(New York: Garland, 1992), pp. 565-69; and Jacob Rader Marcus, United
States Jewry, 1776-1985,4 vols. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 198993), vol. 4, pp. 352-54.
See below for more on this physician. On American Jewish physicians, see
Abram Kanof, "Medicine," in Jewish-American History and Culture, pp. 381
238
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
Religion, 10 vols. (Philadelphia: Sherman and Co., 1867), vol. 5, pp. 338-58;
Adolph Loewy, "God in Nature," Jewish Times, 7 May, 1869, pp. 4-5,28 May,
1869, pp. 6-7, 11 June, 1869, pp. 6-7, 16 June, 1869, p. 5; Moritz Ellinger,
"Alexander von Humboldt," ibid., 17 September, 1869, pp. 8-9; and Conrad
Jacoby, "Gratitude," Hebrew, 15 October, 1869, p. 4.
Bachya ibn Pakuda, "Nature Proclaims A God," in Sabbath Readings
(London: Jewish Association for the Diffusion of Religious Knowledge,
1860-61), pp. 4-5; Bachya, "From Nature to Nature's God," in Sabbath Readings, pp. 41-46; Bachya, "Nature Proclaims a God," Occident, April, 1861,
pp. 21-22; Bachya, "From Nature to Nature's God," ibid., April, 1863, pp. 915; Bachya, "Nature Proclaims a God," Jewish Messenger, 12 April, 1861, p. 4;
Bachya, "From Nature to Nature's God," ibid., 17 April, 1863, p. 4; Bachya,
"From Nature to Nature's God," American Israelite, 20 March, 1863, p. 290,27
March, 1863, p. 301; Bachya, "Nature Proclaims a God," Hebrew, 19 March,
1869, p. 4; and Bachya, "From Nature to Nature's God," ibid., 10 February,
1871, p. 4,17 February, 1871, p. 4.
Frederick Gregory, "The Impact of Darwinian Evolution on Protestant Theology," in God and Nature: Historical Essays on the Encounter Between Christianity and Science, eds. David C. Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1986), pp. 385-87; and Gregory, Nature Lost?
Natural Science and the German Theological Traditions of the Nineteenth Century
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992).
Meyer, Response to Modernity, pp. 64-66, passim.
Bernhard Felsenthal, "Progress of Jewish Ideas," Jewish Times, 17 June, 1870,
pp. 244-46; reprinted as "Our Pulpit," Jewish Chronicle, 2 December, 1870,
pp. 6-7, and as "Jewish Ideas Conquer the World," in The American Jewish
Pulpit (Cincinnati: Bloch and Co., 1881), pp. 68-75. Also see "Ueber Das
judisch-religiose Leben: Bibel und Wissenschaft," Sinai, 3 (1858):1130-32;
and Victor Leifson Ludlow, "Bernhard Felsenthal: Quest for Zion," Ph.D.
diss., Brandeis University, 1979.
Wise, "Soph Dabar, Lecture XII: Darwin's Descent ofMan Reviewed Anatomically," American Israelite, 22 January, 1875, p. 4; and Wise, The Cosmic God
(Cincinnati: Office of American Israelite & Deborah, 1876), p. 55.
Adolph Kessler, "The Origin and Antiquity of Man," Jewish Times, 3 March,
1871, p. 9,10 March, 1871, pp. 21-22; quotation from 10 March, 1871, p. 22.
For Kessler's theology, see "Religion," ibid., 7 October, 1870, p. 505; "The
Personal God Philosophically Demonstrated," ibid., 30 June, 1871, pp. 27879.
Ellinger, "The Descent of Man," Jewish Times, 5 May, 1871, p. 153; "Darwin's
Book on the Descent of Man," ibid., 16 June, 1871, pp. 243-44 [written by
the London correspondent of the Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung]; Adolph
Huebsch, "Rev. Dr. Huebsch's Second Thursday Night Lecture," ibid., 5 December, 1873, pp. 644-45; Adolph Kohut, "Alexander Von Humboldt and
the Bible," American Israelite, 13 October, 1871, p. 6 [selections from Kohut,
Alexander von Humboldt und das Judentums (Leipzig: F. W. Pardubitz, 1871)];
M. R. Miller, "Contrast Between the Fruits of Infidelity and the Fruits of
Notes
239
the Bible," ibid., 12 January, 1872, pp. 5-6 [Miller was a Christian cleric
who often wrote for the American Israelite]; J. H. M. Chumaceiro, "Darwinism," ibid., 19 January, 1872, p. 6; Wise, "Varieties," ibid., 16 February, 1872,
p. 8; "Dr. Bree on the Darwinian Theory," ibid., 1 November, 1872, pp. 5-6;
Michael Henry, "A Jewish View of Darwinism," Jewish Messenger, 5 January,
1872, p. 2 [originally published as "Darwinism," Jewish Chronicle, 15 December, 1871, p. 8]; and Abraham Treuenfels, "Darwinism and Religion," ibid.,
4 April, 1873, pp. 4-5,11 April, 1873, pp. 5-6 [selections from Treuenfels, Die
Darwin 'sche Theorie in ihrem Verhaltniss zur Religion (Magdeburg: W. Simon's
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Buchhandlung, 1872)].
Ellinger, "Descent of Man"; "Darwin's Book on the Descent of Man"; and
Henry, "Jewish View of Darwinism."
Kohut, "Alexander Von Humboldt and the Bible"; Chumaceiro, "Darwinism"; Henry, "Jewish View of Darwinism"; and Huebsch, "Rev. Dr. Huebsch's Second Thursday Night Lecture."
Miller, "Contrast Between the Fruits of Infidelity"; and Treuenfels, "Darwinism and Religion."
Solomon H. Sonneschein, "Anti-Buchnerisches," Deborah, 4 April, 1873, p. 2;
and Sonneschein, "Aphorismen," ibid., 18 April, 1873, p. 2. See Kessler,
"Origin and Antiquity of Man," p. 9; Henry, "Jewish View of Darwinism";
and Treuenfels, "Darwinism and Religion."
Isidor Walz, "The Modern View of Nature," New Era, 1 (1870-71):22-27; and
Raphael D'C. Lewin, "Science, Arts, and Facts," ibid., 2 (1871-72):277-78,
434.
Kohler, "Das neue Wissen und der alte Glaube," Jewish Times, 6 February,
1874, pp. 797-99; Kohler, "Science and Religion," pp. 820-21; and Kohler, Das
neue Wissen und der alte Glaube! (Chicago: Rubovits, 1874). Kohler's sermon
was originally delivered on 18 January, 1874.
Ellinger, "Theology and Evolution," Jewish Times, 23 January, 1874, p. 760;
Sonneschein, "The Theory of Evolution Manifested 450 Years before
Darwin by a Jewish Philosopher," American Israelite, 13 March, 1874, p. 4;
Sonneschein, "Judaism and Darwinism," Jewish Messenger, 20 March, 1874,
pp. 4-5; and Jacob Mayer, "The Theory of Evolution and the Bible," American
Israelite, 31 July, 1874, p. 5.
Kraut, "Judaism Triumphant: Isaac Mayer Wise on Unitarianism and Liberal Christianity," American Jewish Studies Review, 7-8 (1982-83):179-230;
Swetlitz, "Responses of American Reform Rabbis."
Wise, "Lectures Introductory to the Philosophy of Mind," American Israelite,
6 March, 1874, pp. 4-5; Mayer and Wise, "The Theory of Evolution and the
Bible," ibid., 31 July, 1874, p. 5.
Wise, "Soph Dabar," American Israelite, 16 October, 1874, p. 4, 23 October,
1874, p. 4, 6 November, 1874, p. 4,13 November, 1874, pp. 4-5, 20 November, 1874, p. 4,27 November, 1874, p. 4,4 December, 1874, p. 4,11 December,
1874, p. 4,1 January, 1875, p. 4, 8 January, 1875, p. 4,15 January, 1875, p. 4,
22 January, 1875, p. 4,5 February, 1875, p. 4,12 February, 1875, p. 4,19 February, 1875, p. 4,5 March, 1875, p. 4,12 March, 1875, p. 4,19 March, 1875, p. 4,
240
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
Notes
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
241
242
59
60
61
62
63
logical Seminary, 1975), pp. 23-31; Meyer, Response to Modernity, pp. 84-89;
Petuchowski, "One Hundred Years of American Conservative Judaism,"
pp. 554-56.
64 Hirsch, "Ungluekliche Parallelen," Zeitgeist, 2 March, 1882, p. 73; Hirsch,
"Radicalism," American Hebrew, 27 January, 1882, p. 122; and Hirsch, "Evolution in Religion," ibid., 10 March, 1882. Hirsch did not immediately answer the American Hebrew editors, but in 1886, he argued that evolution from
lower to higher clearly involved the "dropping [of] this or that tool which
the earlier life needed." The human arm and the bird wing had historical
connections, but they were certainly not the same; so too with Judaism. Ceremonies served as tools in crafting Judaism's spirit, so when circumstances
changed, old ceremonies had to be dropped in favor of new ones. See Hirsch,
"Historical Judaism," Jewish Reformer, 5 March, 1886, pp. 8-9.
65 Cyrus L. Sulzberger, "The Evolution of Religions," Jewish Tribune, 8 February, 1883, p. 84; Sulzberger, "Chicago Philosophy," American Hebrew, 13
November, 1885, pp. 2-3; Solomon Solis-Cohen, "Jewish Separatism," ibid.,
19 February, 1886, pp. 20-21,26 February, 1886, pp. 34-35; and ibid., 16 April,
1886, p. 145.
Notes
243
244
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
Notes
245
248
249
250
251
252
eight people who survived the Flood. The story of the Tower of Babel
"furnishes reasonable proof" that not only did "all mankind" once share
the same language, but also "they were of one blood." In the New Testament, the words of the Apostle Paul ("an inspired writer") were equally
clear: God "hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on
the face of the earth ... ."20
Another black writer, attorney and political activist D. Augustus
Straker, redefined "survival of the fittest" in an even more startling way.
Writing in The Colored American Magazine in 1901, Straker argued that
"survival of the fittest" as applied to society did not mean "oppression
or power over weakness, but an equal opportunity in competition."
The problem was that blacks were prevented from participating in "human competition for the development of true manhood ripening into
the image of the Divine Creator," he wrote. "Survival of the fittest is
not allowed, for in competition only can such a result be achieved."21
Straker had a point, for the emerging system of segregation was clearly
designed to prevent certain forms of interracial competition. But his use
of the phrase "survival of the fittest" reveals little about his opinion of
Darwin or scientific theories about development.
Even black religious leaders seldom directly attacked Darwinism or
competing theories of evolution, preferring, instead, to make traditional,
biblically based appeals for the '^brotherhood of man." Francis Grimke,
the eminent Presbyterian divine, mentioned Darwin only once in all of
his published sermons, and that was in an 1897 sermon on marriage.
Grimke called Darwin a "distinguished naturalist who was careful never
to make a statement until he had first carefully verified it" and cited
him merely to show that marriage was an aid to longevity!21 In his
private reflections, however, written in retirement and in the midst of the
fundamentalist controversies of the 1920s, Grimke condemned Darwin
and evolution directly:
There is no evidence anywhere to show that man was ever anything but
what he is now, human, pure and simple. The Bible teaches in Genesis
that all forms of life on the globe were created; and that each form was to
propagate itself after its kind. There is not the scintilla of evidence,
despite the pretensions of Science, to show that this is not the case.22
Pointing to the absence of "missing links," he concluded that man was
"not the result of evolution" from "some inferior animal." If it were
otherwise, he added, we should see signs of continuing evolution in
man over the thousands of years of recorded history: "How is it that he
has not grown into something higher?"23
Without directly referring to Darwin, Bishop Lucius H. Holsey of
the Colored Methodist Episcopal denomination made a similar point
253
Steward's views do notfitthe mold of late-twentieth-century creationism. He affirmed the special creation of man ("real science tells us that
the first link of the line ending in man has not yet been found") and
the Mosaic authorship of Genesis, yet rejected as an anachronism the
idea that Noah's flood covered the whole earth. This does not mean
that his work was considered shockingly heterodox in 1885, for, as
Ronald L. Numbers has demonstrated, nineteenth-century creationism
was more diversified than its present-day descendant. Genesis Re-read
was advertised in the official publication of the A. M. E. denomination as
"Orthodox, but Sparkling and Progressive" and praised in a review by
one of Steward's most prominent clerical colleagues. For several years
254
Tanner approached science with equal confidence. Science was "eminently progressive," he reminded his readers, and likely to change the
conclusions now presented. A century ago, scientists were "altogether
as dogmatic" about the theories they then advanced "as they are today
upon the theory of evolution." In another century or so, scientists were
bound to discard evolution. "The all-necessary 'missing link' will never
come to light; and for the reason, like the stone of the alchemists, it has
no existence."30
This conservative bishop found false applications of scripture more
threatening to the status of black Americans than any theory of evolution. When three white Methodists suggested that "the Negro race"
might not be descendants of Noah, he issued a strong reply, denouncing
his colleagues' uncertainty as an "infidel remark." This issue, unlike the
age of the earth or the days of creation, was worth a fight. "The Negro
255
256
Color. But instead of responding to Darwin, Delany built much of his 95page tract around a question posed by George Douglas Campbell, the
Duke of Argyll, in Primeval Man (1869). The Duke, an ornithologist and
a theistic evolutionist, had written "the question is not the rise of Kingdoms, but the origin of Races
When and How did they begin?"37
Delany began by rejecting Darwinism out of hand. "The Mosaic or
Biblical Record" was the basis of his enquiry, "without an allusion to
the Development theory," he wrote. "In treating on the Unity of Races,
as descended from one parentage, we shall make no apology for a liberal
use of Creation as learned from Bible," Delany added. "Upon this subject
ethnologists and able historians frequently seem at sea, without chart or
compass, with disabled helm, floating on the bosom of chance, hoping to
touch some point of safety; but with trusty helm and well-set compass,
we have no fears with regard to a direct and speedy arrival, into the
haven."38
Delany assumed that the Duke of Argyll also completely rejected the
"Darwinian development theory," though in fact this was not the case.
The Duke insisted that man was the result of special creation, but accepted the idea that most of God's creative work was accomplished
through the nonmiraculous processes of evolution, with a significant
role for natural selection. Delany misunderstood, apparently, a statement he quoted from this aristocratic Calvinism "It [Darwin's theory] is
not in itself inconsistent with the Theistic argument, or with belief in the
ultimate agency and directing power of a Creative Mind."39
The origin of races and color, according to Delany, lay in the differing complexions of Noah's three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japheth. (The
Original Man - as well as Noah and his wife - had been red skinned,
"resembling the lightest of the pure-blooded North American Indians,"
argued Delany, citing linguistic speculation on the Hebrew word Adam.)
At the time of the Tower of Babel, when languages had been confused
257
and the people scattered, God used the differing complexions of these
men and their families to accentuate the new differences created by language. Working naturally, without recourse to miracles, "the all-wise
Creator" enabled "each individual of any one of the now three grand
divisions of the new tongues ... to identify the other without speaking." For the first time, people noticed skin color differences that until
then "would have no more been noticed as a mark of distinction, than
the variation in the color of the hair of those that are white, mark them
among themselves as distinct peoples."40
This point established to his satisfaction, Delany moved on to other
subjects. The rest of Principia of Ethnology is devoted to a discussion of
biological aspects of skin color, the historical achievements of "the black
race," and an extensive comment on ancient Egypt and Ethiopia, complete with hieroglyphics and black pyramid builders. There are few implications for evolution in this lengthy digression, except in his dogmatic
claim "that the races as such, especially white and black, are indestructible; that miscegenation as popularly understood - the running out of
two races, or several, into a new race - cannot take place." He explained
that "a general intermarriage of any two distinct races" would simply
result in the minority group being entirely absorbed by the majority not in the creation of a new race.41
The most extended black philosophical response to the issues of evolution appeared in an idiosyncratic, meandering tome entitled The African
Abroad, or His Evolution in Western Civilization (1913). It was written
by William H. Ferris, holder of a Yale bachelor's degree and a master's degree from Harvard, a man trained for the ministry and variously described as an "itinerant philosopher" and a "free-lance journalist and lecturer." The historian David Lewis has characterized The
African Abroad as "a disjointed display of nineteenth-century learning,
in which history fulfilled the Hegelian world spirit, the Anglo-Saxon
race was the 'advance guard of civilization,' and the 'Negrosaxon' was
endowed with uplifting 'spiritual and emotional qualities.'" Ferris was
the sort of black intellectual, observes recent scholar Wilson J. Moses,
who was "ridiculed by Tuskegee" and "jeered at in the popular literature
of the day," an undisciplined and untidy man motivated "by a sincere
love of knowledge" and "the life of the mind." He was a member of
the American Negro Academy, a supporter of the Niagara Movement,
and, later, an advocate of Marcus Garvey's authoritarian pan-African
movement.42
Though Ferris averred "The universe needs a God back of it to explain it," he was no fundamentalist. He recognized that life on earth
was much older than the six thousand years allowed by some biblical
literalists, dating the activities of "the cave men," for example, to "five
258
259
ican Negro, thoughtful blacks were appalled - and eager to rebut the
anti-Negro conclusions of the book. "The most influential discussion of
the race question to appear in the late nineteenth century," Race Traits
260
put the prestige of science behind the proposition that Negroes were
headed for extinction. The disproportionately high mortality rate among
blacks, Hoffman argued, was not caused by unfavorable environmental
conditions but was the result of "race characteristics," such as "inferior
organisms and constitutional weaknesses," as well as a group propensity toward sexual promiscuity and crime. White philanthropy since
Emancipation had done nothing to arrest black retrogression, according to Hoffman, who advocated a complete end to counterproductive
"modern attempts of superior races to lift inferior races to their own
elevated position."49
It would have been possible to criticize Race Traits by attacking the
book's scientific and philosophical assumptions. Modern scholars, after
all, have labelled Hoffman as a "philosopher of racial Darwinism," and
"the leading edge of neo-Darwinist extremism."50 But the most significant black critic of Hoffman chose, instead, the narrowest and most
practical basis for debate: Hoffman had his figures wrong.
The first "occasional paper" issued by the American Negro Academy
(a select group of black intellectuals that included W. E. B. Du Bois,
Alexander Crummell, and Francis Grimke) was a 36-page demolition
of Race Traits written by Kelly Miller.51 In a chapter-by-chapter commentary on Hoffman's work, Miller showed the German-born statistician repeatedly misrepresenting facts and taking unwarranted logical
leaps to reach his conclusions. For example, Hoffman's claim that black
population growth was faltering (as a result of diminished Negro vitality) was based on a simple oversight - the role of immigration, not
natural increase, in relative white population increases. Without immigration, the white American population was increasing more slowly
than the black population, Miller found. To blame the relative decline
of the black population on "race traits" was ridiculous. "It would be as
legitimate to attribute the decline of the Yankee element as a numerical factor in the large New England centers to the race degeneracy of
the Puritan, while ignoring the proper cause - the influx of the Celt,"
observed Miller. Hoffman claimed to be open-minded, but he insisted
that heredity rather than poor medical care or bad living conditions
caused a high Negro death rate in the cities. Miller noted that "this high
death rate of the American Negro" was equivalent to the white death
rate in many places. The death rate for Baltimore blacks was lower than
for whites in Munich, he discovered, and the death rate in Strasburg
was about the same as that of New Orleans Negroes. "If race traits are
playing such havoc with the Negroes in America, what direful agent
of death, may we ask the author, is at work in the cities of his own
fatherland?"52
261
Negro has virtually nothing to say about the social implications of evolution, the appropriateness of applying natural selection to human beings,
or the meaning of "the struggle for life." Instead the reader faces a relentless parade of denials: the Negro is not constitutionally prone to
tuberculosis; the mulatto is not "morally inferior" to the pure-blooded
black; "race traits" do not account for black criminality; "rape is not
peculiarly characteristic of the Negro"; the effectiveness of education for
blacks is not in doubt; Negroes are not hopelessly inefficient workers
who have "not yet learned the first element of Anglo-Saxon thrift."53
These denials were more urgent to Miller and his colleagues than a
purely academic discussion of Hoffman's scientific assumptions, for if
Hoffman could be shown to be illogical or ill informed, his prophecy of
black doom would be discredited immediately.
There was one other important reason for the apparently limited black
response to Darwinism. Contrary to the claims of some modern scholars,
Darwin's ideas were not the primary impetus behind racist thought. His
ideas may have been "pervasive," but neither his doctrine of natural
selection nor his personal philosophy was inherently racist.54 Indeed,
some aspects of Darwin's theory of evolution could be turned against
advocates of racism, as Du Bois demonstrated.
The very pervasiveness of evolutionary language and vaguely
Darwinian ideas in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries created confusion and contradiction. As the historian Gertrude Himmelfarb
has pointed out, "almost every variety of belief" either claimed Darwin
or was blamed on him. Karl Marx admired Darwin, and sent him an
inscribed copy of Das Kapital. The Origin of Species, Marx believed, provided "a basis in natural science for the class struggle in history." At the
same time, reformers attacked advocates of laissez faire and the limited
state as the true "social Darwinists." Darwinism "was condemned by
some as an aristocratic doctrine designed to glorify power and greatness, and by others, like Nietzsche, as a middle-class doctrine appealing
to the mediocre and submissive." Evolutionary thought was at the same
time the root of imperialism and a source of pacifist inspiration. No wonder, then, that some racists claimed Darwinian authority for their ideas,
while others, such as certain southern antievolutionists in the 1920s,
warned that "evolution made the Negro as good as a white man."55
When Darwinism is carefully defined, it cannot be construed to offer
anything but the most "dubious support for racist doctrine." As Cynthia
Russett has argued, a theory that discredits the idea of "separate and distinct origins of races" and does not assert the existence of "fixed and unchanging racial characteristics" is an insufficient foundation for racism.
262
Notes
263
Notes
1 I. A. Newby, Jim Crow's Defense: Anti-Negro Thought in America, 1900-1930
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1965), pp. 12-13.
2 See George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on
Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1972), pp. 228-55.
3 John W. Blassingame and John R. McKivigan, eds., The Frederick Douglass
Papers, 5 vols. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1979-92), 1st ser,
Speeches, Debates and Interviews, vol. 2, pp. 497,501-02; 503-05.
4 Waldo E. Martin, Jr., The Mind of Frederick Douglass (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1984), pp. 248-49.
5 Blassingame and McKivigan, eds., The Frederick Douglass Papers, 1st ser.,
vol. 2, pp. 520-21.
6 Martin, The Mind of Frederick Douglass, pp. 175-82.
7 Blassingame and McKivigan, eds., The Frederick Douglass Papers, 1st ser.,
vol. 5, pp. 124,129.
8 James R. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies: A Study of the Protestant
Struggle to Come to Terms with Darwin in Great Britain and America, 1870-1900
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 19-49. Also see David C.
Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers, "Beyond War and Peace: A Reappraisal of
the Encounter between Christianity and Science," Church History, 55 (1986):
338-54.
9 Blassingame and McKivigan, eds., The Frederick Douglass Papers, 1st ser.,
vol. 5, pp. 130-31,133.
10 See William Toll, The Resurgence ofRace: Black Social Theoryfrom Reconstruction
to the Pan-African Conferences (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979),
pp. 3-4,69.
11 Louis R. Harlan and Raymond W. Smock, eds., The Booker T. Washington
Papers, 13 vols. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972-1984), vol. 2, p. 61.
12 Letter, Booker T. Washington To Elmer Kneale, 29 November, 1911, in Harlan
and Smock, eds., The Booker T. Washington Papers, vol. 11, p. 378.
13 The Booker T. Washington Papers, vol. 7, p. 470.
14 W. E. B. Du Bois, "The Conservation of Races," in W. E. B. Du Bois Speaks:
Speeches and Addresses, 1890-1919, ed. Philip S. Foner (New York: Pathfinder,
1970), pp. 73-85.
15 Du Bois, "The Evolution of the Race Problem," in Foner, ed., W. E. B. Du Bois
Speaks, pp. 202-03.
16 Ibid., pp. 204-05.
17 Ibid., p. 205. In a 1908 editorial paragraph in the short-lived magazine The
Horizon: A Journal of the Color Line, Du Bois commented: "We have long since
learned ... that the 'fit' in survival is not necessarily the Best or the most
Decent - it may be simply the most Impudent, or the biggest Thief or Liar."
Herbert Aptheker, ed., Selections from The Horizon (White Plains, N.Y.: KrausThomson, 1985), p. 49.
18 Du Bois, "The Evolution of the Race Problem," p. 207.
19 George W. Williams, History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880,
2 vols. (New York: Putnam, 1883), vol. 2, pp. 416-17.
264
Notes
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
265
266
57
58
59
60
10
'The irrepressible woman question": women's
responses to evolutionary ideology
SALLY GREGORY KOHLSTEDT AND MARK R. JORGENSEN
tion in Relation to Sex (1871), where he most fully elaborated his ideas
about women's nature.2 Other scientists, social scientists, and popularizers - mostly men - appropriated the evolutionary model into their
discussions about women's nature in the last half of the nineteenth century and presumed that their personal observations represented biological determinations. The prescriptive sexual categories provided by
scientists and physicians working within the evolutionary framework
became dominant in a culture increasingly preoccupied with scientific
explanations. Educated women in the nineteenth century were on the
periphery of conversations about Darwinian theories for lack of institutional and professional forums, but they were hardly disinterested in
evolutionary arguments, particularly as such concepts related to individual women and to women's collective circumstances. A few women,
however, took up Darwinism directly, drawing on their own experience to extend or challenge theories and sometimes to position their
advocacy of women's rights. They took up these arguments because the
emphasis on evolutionary change and the mechanisms of sexual selection provided an opportunity to rethink "the woman question" in their
own terms.
The authors thank Barbara Brookes of the University of Otago and Rene Burmeister, then
at the University of Minnesota, as well as the editors of this volume and the anonymous
referees for their thoughtful reading of the essay in manuscript form.
268
269
familiarize their women readers with concepts about gender that were
common in scientific culture.
The Darwinians on women, 1859-1889
Darwin, certainly a man of his own time, carefully recorded his observations and thoughts about sex differences in his early notebooks and
put sexual difference at the very core of his evolutionary theory.7 Sexual
selection was an essential part of his theory of natural selection and was
described in On the Origin of Species (1859):
[Sexual selection] depends, not on a struggle for existence, but on a
struggle between the males for possession of the females; the result is
not death to the unsuccessful competitor, but few or no offspring. Sexual
selection is, therefore, less rigorous than natural selection. Generally, the
most vigorous males, those which are best fitted for their places in
nature, will leave most progeny. But in many cases, victory will depend
not on general vigour, but on having special weapons, confined to the
male sex.8
270
271
but what was surprising and difficult of explanation was the fact that
sex - women, that is to say - also attracts agreeable essayists,
light-fingered novelists, young men who have taken the M.A. degree;
men who have taken no degree; men who have no apparent
qualification save that they are not women
It was a most strange
phenomenon
Women do not write books about men - a fact that I
could not help welcoming with relief 1 8
This paper does not elaborate on the sources or motivations of Darwinian thinking about women, but rather concentrates on the enormous
influence it exerted and the reactions it sparked, particularly among
women themselves.
Public audiences glimpsed debates about evolution and the nature
of sexual differences in popular publications and lectures. Arguably
the work most available to educated American audiences was that of
Herbert Spencer, first promulgated broadly in his serialized "The Study
of Sociology" (later a book of the same name) that launched Popular Science Monthly, in 1872.19 Some scholars have argued that Spencer established evolutionary science as the "master discourse defining sexuality,
knowledge, and power in the second half of the nineteenth century."20
Spencer, like the biologist Thomas Huxley, wrote about sexual differences with even more vivid language and emotion than Darwin, but
both popularizers emphasized, in one way or another, the biological
destiny of women to be maternal, instinctive, and lacking in the mental
and physical equipment for public life.21 Interestingly, Spencer deviated from Darwin in suggesting that as civilization evolves away from
war-inclined militancy, there may be a "corresponding re-adjustment
between the natures of men and women, tending in sundry respects
to diminish their differences."22 Among the most strident supporters
of the sharp contrast between the natures of "man" and "woman" was
Edward Drinker Cope, the American zoologist, vertebrate paleontologist, and neo-Lamarckian, who argued, using skeletal differences, that
"nature denned woman's position to be mostly dependent." He was
an outspoken critic of women's expanding public aspirations, particularly suffrage.23 Popular Science Monthly, under editor Edward Youmans,
provided a public forum for often impassioned opinions arguing the social importance of sexual differences, and it also published somewhat
shorter responses from men and women contesting the arguments of
Cope and others.24 Darwin had suggested women's relative physical
inferiority, and his themes of women's physical frailty (except for childbearing) were promulgated by physicians. The most frequently quoted
were Edward H. Clarke, who offered a small number of cases as proof
that serious education for girls was dangerous to their health, and Henry
272
Maudsley, who argued that women's minds broke down when they
attempted to defy their nature by competing with men rather than serving them.25
The last forceful expression of the nineteenth-century literature on
the evolution of innate sexual differences between male and female was
produced by the Edinburgh biologist and later urban planner Patrick
Geddes and his student J. Arthur Thomson. Their Evolution of Sex (1889),
printed in Great Britain, the United States, and France, compiled
information from a wide range of sources on evolutionary theory to
underscore the supposed differences between the human sexes. Following others, they defined two types of physiological activity, using
the term "anabolism" for femaleness, which involved energy conservation, and the term "katabolism" for maleness, which involved more
active and aggressive use of energy. From these Geddes and Thomson
derived a long list of what we might view as stereotypical descriptors of
men and women that accorded women greater altruistic emotions, constancy, stability, common sense, and intuition; by contrast, men were
more independent and courageous, eager and passionate, and had a
wider range of experience that enlarged their brain and developed their
intelligence. Here, too, the correspondence with Darwin's own descriptions is almost exact. Geddes and Thomson were apparently motivated
to write in part by contemporary politics. They concluded a discussion
about the evolution of these tendencies by observing, "the differences
may be exaggerated or lessened, but to obliterate them it would be necessary to have all the evolution over again on a new basis. What was
decided among the prehistoric Protozoa cannot be annulled by Act of
Parliament."26
While Geddes and Thompson drew primarily on natural history, biology, and their own experience, the emerging disciplines of ethnology
and anthropology extended the emphasis on difference. For many of the
early anthropologists, sexual differences appeared closely connected to
more general patterns of social organization. Elizabeth Fee has noted
that those who engaged in social anthropology, influenced by biological evolutionists, concentrated on the wide range of variability in the
organization and individual self-identifications among the groups. The
data were duly recorded in ethnographic journals and coincided with,
rather than challenged, Victorian notions about appropriate sex roles.
In most cases anthropologists argued that the evolution from primitive
to civilized societies had paralleled the movement toward patriarchal
societies, monogamy, and clearly defined sex roles.27 Fee argues that the
predominately male anthropologists of the late nineteenth century used
circular logic to force their contemporary ideas about women and about
other peoples into what they claimed were scientific conclusions - there
273
274
275
who had been the first woman ordained into a mainline Protestant
ministry and later served the Unitarian church. While at Oberlin College she had studied natural philosophy, and in the 1860s she found
herself drawn to the works of Darwin and Spencer.38 Moreover, she
was a speaker and writer familiar with the tradition of women disseminating scientific ideas through popular textbooks such as those of Jane
Marcet and Almira Hart Lincoln Phelps or explications such as those of
Mary Sommerville.39 In a volume of essays entitled Studies in General
Science, published in 1869, Blackwell proved an enthusiastic advocate
and explicator of such scientific ideas as conservation of matter and evolution. Her commentary on "The Struggle for Existence" concluded that
a benevolent deity operated behind the apparent harshness of that concept of competition. Turning attention from the apparent ruthlessness of
individual struggles, Blackwell argued for a more universal conception:
"The Struggle for Existence, then, regarded in its whole scope, is but a
perfected system of cooperations in which all sentient and unsentient
forces mutually co-work in securing the highest ultimate good." Her
extended commentary argued that science provided a critical means of
understanding a complicated world and, optimistically, concluded that
science would demonstrate ways for human action to promote social
progress.40 She welcomed the specificity of science as a way to determine answers to difficult questions and did not shrink from the possibility that her own ideas might be disproven; she did, however, expect
that science would honor its own stated methods.
Over the next six years, Blackwell helped found the Association for
the Advancement of Women (1873) and began contributing regularly to
sister-in-law Lucy Stone's Woman's Journal.^ Blackwell decided to respond quite explicitly to the writings of Darwin, Spencer, and Edward
Clarke with regard to women and their evolution. A series of critical
essays, some published earlier in periodicals, became her best known
book, Sexes Throughout Nature (1875). At one level, the book is a critique
of masculine language, examples, and metaphors. Blackwell takes the
position that science has answers, but not necessarily do scientific men.
She asserts that women's own experiences are of direct relevance, and
that women need not accept casual observations of male authorities as
data. Like Mill and Taylor, Blackwell reacted against biological determinism, particularly the emphasis on reproductive functions of women
and causal links to women's supposedly limited intellectual capacity.
Darwin was her starting point, but hardly the ultimate authority for
Blackwell, in part because she realized that his theory had become the
basis for most debate on "the woman question." She particularly took
issue with him and others who held the "time honored assumption
that the male is the normal type of his species" and the female only a
276
Blackwell's extended response to the Darwinians evaluated their evidence, arguments, and conclusions. The now former minister, admittedly influenced by biblical higher criticism, had come to accept scientific authority as a fundamental tool for understanding the natural world
and its inhabitants. Her construction of evolutionary biology, however,
could be made to fit with a social agenda to promote cooperation and
balance within the human species.
Blackwell's own central thesis was presented clearly: "The sexes of
each species of beings compared upon the same plane, from lowest to
highest, are always true equivalents - equal but not identical in development and in relevant amounts of all normal force."44 Using plants
as an example, thus following Spencer and others in their easy analogies between human and other natural species, she suggested that early
growth concentrates on the entire organism, and when distinctive sexual characteristics arise they are intended to balance forces for mutual
production of a new, like organism.45 Blackwell's emphasis was on complementarity, even the necessary partnership of male and female in their
mutual goal of survival of the species. Sexual differences existed, but
they were intended to provide means of collaboration for reproduction for the advancement of the entire species. When Blackwell turned
to the human experience and the development of social communities,
she stressed the importance of mental functioning for both male and
female. She accepted the proposition that science provided answers to
empirical questions but insisted that nature must be explored by experiment and fair trials of scientific theories. She pointed out that women's
experiences had not been consistent with some male theorizing, particularly in terms of the education of girls. Using her own experiences
as examples, both her studies at Oberlin College and her teaching experiences in New York and Michigan, she documented the capacities
of women for academic accomplishment. Rather than accept the negative positions of Spencer and Clarke, she argued that there needed
to be more data gathered, more studies undertaken, and even more
chemical testing done in physiology before any conclusions could be
drawn about the relative physical and mental capacities of men and
women.46
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278
qualities like those attributed to men of genius.54 Phrenology and craniology had already focused attention on the biological determination
of racial and sexual differences, and evolutionary theory gave renewed
energy to such investigations. A few women possessed the resources
and interest to conduct precise measurements of the size and shape of
the skull in what Elizabeth Fee called "the Baroque period of phrenology," and they carefully read and critiqued the data being published by
men.55 Contributors to the Woman's Journal continued to raise questions
about efforts to predict behavior and mental capacity from narrowly
focused physiological measurements.56 Such authors challenged with
sarcasm and wit the measurements of skulls and weights of brains, and
asked what food consumption had to do with intelligence.57
Actions spoke even more eloquently, as the movements for education of girls and votes for women proceeded rapidly. With or without
scientific sanction, middle-class women were gaining access to informal physical exercise regimens during the 1880s and 1890s that many
believed would sponsor good health even as reformers increased access for girls and women at every educational level.58 Many, such as
physician Mary Putnam Jacobi, believed that the very success of women
graduates would be a refutation of the charges of innate inferiority.59
The women's rights movement in fact built on the position and empirical data of Blackwell and others, sometimes turning the relative status
of men and women upside down. Editor and suffragist Matilda Joslyn
Gage, for example, looked at the data on proportions of male and female births and patterns of subsequent longevity to conclude before a
women's rights convention in 1884, "from these hastily presented scientific facts it is manifest that woman possesses in a higher degree than
man that adaptation to the conditions surrounding her which is everywhere accepted as evidence of superior vitality and higher physical rank
in life."60
Darwinism in feminist advocacy
A number of political radicals and activist feminists accepted, on their
own terms, the evolutionists' theme of women's distinctiveness and
complementarity with men. After all, Darwin had avoided arguing for
the absolute superiority of men - although his language and emphasis
led prominent interpreters in that direction - and credited "woman"
with unique and exclusive capabilities and roles that were fundamental
to the reproduction of the species.61 Being able to claim special qualities
for women led certain women intellectuals not only to accept the idea
of sexual divergence but also to promote the idea of female choice in
279
(1898).64
Charlotte Perkins Gilman had a difficult childhood that included only
limited contact with her father, Frederick Beecher Perkins, whose family
connections were reform-minded and whose own accomplishments included heading the Boston and San Francisco public libraries. What the
self-educated young lecturer and writer found intriguing about evolution was its emphasis on process and on science as a way of comprehending human experience within natural order.65 Gilman's Women and Economics was optimistic, assuming that through attention to actual natural
capacities of men and women, the women's movement could help them
utilize their characteristics cooperatively within the social organism.66
Gilman accepted Geddes' and Thomson's The Evolution of Sex with their
description of the divergence of character between men and women,67
but for Gilman, traditional sex roles were a transitional phase and the
unfortunate position of women a tragedy to be corrected. Her feminist
280
281
282
ideas of Louisa MacDonald, the influential, outspoken, and Edinburgheducated principal of a women's college in Sydney, Australia.81 Undoubtedly additional examples might be found among the women reformers of the late nineteenth century whose efforts led to women's
suffrage and women's higher education, literally around the globe. The
segregated and precarious careers of such women suggest that being
committed to reform-oriented evolutionary ideas mitigated against their
credibility in many circles and their entree into professional participation in traditional disciplines.82
Yet another dimension of women's response yields something of the
fascination and the dilemma of literary figures influenced by Darwinian
evolutionary thinking. In recent years a number of scholars have examined cases of direct influence of the Darwinists on fictional writers, men
and women.83 George Eliot provides one of the best examples, since she
knew Spencer personally and her work has been explicitly analyzed in
terms of changing evolutionary theory.84 As Spencer came to emphasize
women's primary role as mothers and to comment on the limitations
of their intellect, Eliot responded by arguing that "diversification, not
truth to type, is the creative principle" in the evolutionary process.85
Eliot would not accept the idea that gender roles are predetermined by
biology, although she explored the moral and biological imperatives at
work on individuals and on the larger society.
In America, courtship plots in the short stories of author Kate Chopin
have recently been viewed as studies in natural history according to the
logic of sexual selection. Here, too, the author accepted the premise of
sexual selection and female choice, but conceded nothing in terms of
women's intelligence. Given Chopin's rejection of any idea of female
inferiority, the idea of self-conscious sexual selection by females is, for
her early short-story characters, very liberating. By the time Chopin
wrote her only novel, The Awakening, however, her protagonist realizes
that the idea of sexual selection flies in the face of the search for constant
love; in the end she, like Chopin herself, commits suicide by walking into
the sea.86 For Gilman, as for Chopin, the attraction of Darwin's theory
had been in the mechanism of sexual selection, wherein female choice in
the selection was of critical importance; but for that mechanism to work
well, Gilman had to create fictional circumstances in a novel, Herland,
where parthenogenesis replaced heterosexual mating.
Among those who found evolution persuasive at some level, there
was still considerable variation and ambiguity. Few, if any, of the discussants fully trusted the empirical techniques or the detailed results
of Darwinian science. It seemed evident that men used their personal
experiences, as the women did theirs, in order to frame arguments.
Conclusions
283
Moreover, the outcomes were not predictable because neither men nor
women universally conformed to "type," although historical evidence
confirms extended conversations internal to each gendered group, with
some notable exceptions. Male scientists such as Lester Frank Ward
and Otis T. Mason could advocate women's capacities and leadership,
while some women certainly accepted the special and perhaps less-welldeveloped (because of limited education) "nature" of women, even as
they promoted the idea that women had superior capacity for altruism
and community building. The development of social-science disciplines
and the increasingly evident limitations of cranial and other physiological measurements shifted the research direction of those concerned
about scientific explanations of sexual difference that were at the foundation of Darwinian theory and discussions of evolution. Beyond the
scope of this paper is the work of the first generation of women psychologists, including Mary Calkins, Helen Bradford Thompson Wooley, and
Leta Stetter Hollingworth. According to historian Rosalind Rosenberg,
their impact on their field was so significant that "by 1918 references
to sex differences in intelligence were beginning to go out of style in
psychology."87
Conclusions
There was never a simple or static Darwin; his ideas changed as did
those of his elaborators and critics. Darwin's ideas appeared too sacrosanct for direct dismissal by the women studied here, although they did
not hesitate to confront and even discard arguments by Spencer and
Huxley, Clarke and Maudsley, Cope, Galton, and other proponents of
Darwinism. Such biologists, paleontologists, physicians, and anthropologists seemed to the women to be intent on using anatomical measurements and somewhat casual physiological observations not to examine
the issue but to prove men's superiority. That scientists chose to put
this "woman question" near the forefront of their inquiries led Francis
Power Cobbe to ponder in 1888, "of all the theories current concerning
women, none is more curious than the theory that it is needful to make a
theory about them."88 The answer lies in the importance of both Darwin
and the women's rights movements in the last half of the nineteenth century, and the efforts of those with authority to exert it to preserve their
social order.
Women's responses, like those of men scientists, journalists, and social commentators, were multifaceted. Relatively few women had the
education, the publication forums, or the social support to express their
views in print - and, among those who did, all brought their experiences
284
Notes
285
word, writing rhetorically, "is it not quite time, then, for women to reconsider the ground work of these conclusions, if possibly the savants
have furnished and pointed the weapons which can be effectively used
for the overthrow of such grossly one-sided theories?"91
Notes
1 "The 'irrepressible woman question' is broader and more radical in every
direction than most of us have been accustomed to think," wrote Antoinette
Brown Blackwell in The Sexes Throughout Nature (New York: Putnam, 1875),
p. 183. The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989),
vol. 20, pp. 486-87, suggests that the term was used by George Eliot in a letter
in 1857 and then in a series of essays published as The Woman Question in
Europe, by Theodore Stanton, ed. (New York: Putnam) in 1884; the usage
varied, but typically referred to "women's nature" and, given such nature,
the particular social, political, and economic roles for which women might
(or might not) be suited. The question, closely linked to scientific inquiry,
was also highly germane to legal and political debates.
2 On the assessment of women by scientific and philosophical writers before
Darwin, see particularly Londa Schiebinger, The Mind Has No Sex? Women
in the Origins of Modern Science (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989)
and Nancy Tuana, The Less Noble Sex: Scientific, Religious, and Philosophical
286
6
7
9
10
11
12
13
Notes
287
14 Ruth Hubbard, "Have Only Men Evolved?" in Women Look At Biology Looking at Women, Hubbard, et al., eds. (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1979); Greta Jones,
"The Social History of Darwin's Descent of Man," Economy and Society, 7
(1978):l-23; Carl Degler, In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1991); and Gertrude Himmelfarb, Darwin and the Darwinian Revolution
(Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1967).
15 E. Richards, "Darwin and the Descent of Women," and for a similar general
theme, see R. Richards, Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories.
16 Gillian Beer, "The Face of Nature:' Anthropomorphic Elements in the Language of The Origin of Species," in The Language of Nature: Critical Essays on
Science and Literature, ed. L. J. Jordanova (New Brunswick: Rutgers University
Press, 1986), p. 221.
17 Among the earliest was Elizabeth Fee, "Science and the Woman Problem:
Historical Perspectives," in Sex Differences: Social and Biological Perspectives,
ed. Michael S. Teitelbaum (Garden City, N. Y: Anchor Press, 1976), pp. 177233; more recently was Russett, Sexual Science: The Victorian Construction of
Womanhood (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989). Others will be
discussed in the text and notes that follow.
18 Virginia Woolf, A Room of One's Own (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World,
1957 [1929]), p. 26.
19 See especially Herbert Spencer's "The Status of Women" in Principles of Sociology I (New York: Appleton, 1888 [1877]), pp. 713-32. For a discussion of
Spencer, Edward D. Cope, and George Romanes, see Susan Sleeth Mosedale,
"Science Corrupted: Victorian Biologists Consider 'The Woman Question,'"
Journal of the History of Biology, 11 (1978):l-55; on Spencer, see pp. 9-16.
20 See Nancy L. Paxton, George Eliot and Herbert Spencer: Feminism, Evolution,
and the Reconstruction of Gender (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991).
Paxton also traces ideas as Spencer moved from early liberal ideas about
women to staunch antifeminism.
21 E. Richards, "Huxley and Woman's Place in Science: The Woman Question
and Control of Victorian Anthropology," in History, Humanity, and Evolution: Essays for John C. Greene, ed. James R. Moore (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1989), pp. 253-84.
22 Quoted in Mosedale, "Science Corrupted," p. 12.
23 Edward Drinker Cope, "The Relation of the Sexes to Government," Popular
Science Monthly, 33 (1888):723,726-27; Joseph LeConte weighed in with a similar opinion in "The Genesis of Sex," Popular Science Monthly, 16 (1879):17879.
24 A particularly forceful statement on the superiority of men, based on arguments about nutritive capacities, was put forward by G. Delauney, "Equality
and Inequality in Sex," Popular Science Monthly, 20 (1881 ):184-92. One woman
apparently joined that side of the argument as well. An otherwise unidentified Miss M. A. Hardaker contributed a short essay on "Science and the
Woman Question" in Popular Science Monthly, 20 (1882)557-84. The author
argued that woman, with smaller organs, takes longer to eat a pound of
bread than a man, and by analogy woman with a smaller brain processes
288
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
ideas more slowly; ultimately she will learn less. A forceful refutation came
quickly in Nina Morais, "A Reply to Miss Hardaker on the Woman Question," Popular Science Monthly, 21 (1882):70-78. An earlier article by Hardaker
on "Ethics of Sex" in North American Review, 131 (1880):62-74. was also challenged Nina Morais in a carefully constructed critique entitled "The Limitations of Sex," North American Review, 132 (1881):79-95. For a more general
discussion, see Louise Mitchell Newman, Men's Ideas/Women's Realities: Popular Science, 1870-1915 (New York: Pergamon, 1985); and Mosedale, "Science
Corrupted," pp. 24-32.
Clarke was a formidable protagonist because he lectured widely and his
book Sex in Education; or, a Fair chance for the Girls (Boston: J. R. Osgood,
1873) went through seventeen editions in thirteen years. See Joan Burstyn,
Victorian Education and the Ideal of Womanhood (London: Croom and Helm,
1980); and Elaine Showalter, The Female Malady: Women, Madness, and Culture
in England, 1830-1980 (New York: Pantheon, 1985). Some scholars argue that
many of these authors were motivated to write on the question in reaction to
the movements to accord women more education and rights; see John Haller
and Robin Haller, The Physician and Sexuality in Victorian America (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1974).
Patrick Geddes and J. Arthur Thompson, The Evolution of Sex (New York:
Humboldt Press, 1889). The work of Geddes and Thompson is also discussed in Mosedale, "Science Corrupted," p. 37; Jill Conway, "Stereotypes of
Femininity in a Theory of Sexual Evolution," Victorian Studies, 14 (1970):4762; and Alaya, "Victorian Science," pp. 269-72. There were others, such as
Havelock Ellis and Ellen Key, who continued to write about sex differences
and sexuality and called themselves sexologists.
Fee, "The Sexual Politics of Victorian Social Anthropology," in Clio's Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on the History of Women, eds. Mary S.
Hartman and Lois Banner (New York: Harper and Row, 1974); and E. Richards,
"Huxley and Woman's Place in Science."
A tantalizing possibility for analysis may be folklore. See Katherine D.
Neustadt, "The Nature of Woman and the Development of American Folklore," Women's Studies International Forum, 9 (1986):227-34. Women were
nearly a third of the membership of the American Folklore Society within
a decade after its founding in 1888, and the group appears to have paid
considerable attention to women.
The way in which circumstances and personal identities affected research
in primatology is the center of Donna Haraway's Primate Visions: Gender,
Race, and Nature in the World of Modern Science (New York: Routledge, 1989).
Also see Sarah Blaffer Hardy, "Raising Darwin's Consciousness: Females and
Evolutionary Theory," Zygon, 25 (1990):129-37.
The classic source on the patterns of inclusion of women scientists is
Margaret Rossiter's Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to
1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982).
For reactions to the simple polarities being assumed, see John D'Emilio and
Estelle Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New
York: Harper and Row, 1988).
Notes
289
290
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
Within the Association for the Advancement of Women, she joined Maria
Mitchell in trying to encourage more women to study science; see Kohlstedt,
"Maria Mitchell and the Advancement of Women in Science," in Uneasy
Careers and Intimate Lives, pp. 129-46.
Blackwell, Sexes Throughout Nature, pp. 117-18.
Quoted in Marjorie Julia Spruill, "Sex, Science and the 'Woman Question':
The Woman's Journal on Woman's Nature and Potential," M.A.T. thesis,
Duke University, 1974, p. 22.
Blackwell was critical of both and found their reasoning going far beyond
science; for example, she observed in Sexes Throughout Nature, p. 231, "Mr.
Spencer, by modern scientific reasoning, has succeeded in grounding himself
anew upon the moss-grown foundations of ancient dogma."
Munson, "Thwarted Nature and Perverted Wisdom," p. 34. Blackwell joined
the AAAS in 1881 and presented papers in 1882 and 1884.
Morais, "Reply to Miss Hardaker," p. 70.
The Woman's Journal was founded by Lucy Stone and Henry Blackwell,
Antoinette Brown Blackwell's in-laws, and represented the views of the
broadly based branch of the suffrage movement, the American Woman Suffrage Association. See note 1 for quotation.
Spruill, "Sex, Science, and the 'Woman Question,'" pp. 15-18.
Phebe Ann Hanaford, Daughters of America, or Woman of the Century (Augusta, Maine: True and Co., 1882). In a chapter on women in science (p. 251),
Hanaford optimistically predicted, "The time is fast approaching, when the
question of sex will not be mentioned in relation to brain work."
At Karl Pearson's laboratories at University College, London in the 1890s,
Alice Lee and others raised the issue of correlating physical size and mental
capacity. She persuaded a number of prominent male anthropologists to be
part of her study. The results ranked these men in terms of their cranial size
and indeed seemed to insult some of them who had argued a correlation of
size with intelligence. Several contested her results and it took until 1901 for
her to receive her Ph.D. See Love, "Alice in Eugenics-Land: Feminism and
Eugenics in the Scientific Careers of Alice Lee and Ethel Elderton," Annals of
Science, 36 (1979): 145-58.
Stephen Jay Gould, Mismeasure of Man (New York: Norton, 1987). See, for
example, Blackwell, 'The Savants on the Woman Question," Woman's Journal, 7 (1876):233; Blackwell, "Woman's Poor Brains," Woman's Journal, 24
(1893):321; and Anne Murray, "Respective Brains," Woman's Journal, 25 (1894):
131.
Marie Tedesco, "Science and Feminism: Conceptions of Female Intelligence
and Their effect on American Feminism, 1859-1920" Ph.D. diss., Georgia
State University, 1978, especially Chap. 8.
Martha H. Verbrugge, Abie-Bodied Womanhood: Personal Health and Social
Change in Nineteenth Century Boston (New York: Oxford University Press,
1988). Verbrugge's book suggests that most of the women educators and activists paid little attention to the scientific theories and concentrated on the
practical results of their efforts.
Notes
291
59 Ruth Putnam, ed., Life and Letters of Mary Putnam Jacobi (New York: Putnam,
1925).
60 Susan B. Anthony and Ida Husted Harper, History of Woman Suffrage (published for Susan B. Anthony in Indianapolis: Hollenbeck Press, 1902), vol. 4,
p. 30. This information may well have been derived from Blackwell's 1884 address at the Montreal meeting of the AAAS; see Munson, "Thwarted Nature
and Perverted Wisdom," p. 249.
61 Tuana, The Less Noble Sex, pp. 36-39.
62 Ludmilla Jordanova, "Gender and the Historiography of Science," British
Journal for the History of Science, 26 (1993):469-83, argues that "some historians of science and medicine have misconstrued the dichotomies around
masculine and feminine as directly oppressive to women" (p. 277) and suggests that much more than labeling is involved.
63 The Socialist Woman, published from about 1907 to 1913 under editor
Josephine Conger-Kaneko, recommended texts and a study series outline for
self-education on evolutionary topics for their readers. These women drew
on the vision of a prehistoric matriarchy, a period when women's unique
traits had suffused altruism and egalitarianism into human relationships.
Women's subsequent displacement by men and a partiarchal system intent
on property ownership and competition had brought exploitation, warfare,
and degradation to the mass of society. Thus the women socialists could
imagine that as society evolved or was forced by revolution into socialism,
that transformation would also bring changes in the relationship between
the sexes. Although recent historians have elaborated on the often "unhappy
marriage" of women and socialism, the socialist feminists, by accepting an
evolutionary framework, could at least in theory put women into the center
of the evolving order where their maternal characteristics would reshape
the social order. For a general discussion, see Mark Pittenger, "Evolution,
'Women's Nature' and American Feminist Socialism, 1900-1915," Radical
History Review, 36 (1986):47-61; also Lydia Sargent, ed., Women and Revolution: A Discussion of the Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism (Boston:
South End Press, 1981).
64 Another important influence was Ward's Smithsonian Institution colleague,
Otis Tufton Mason, who posited similar arguments in his Woman's Share in
Primitive Culture (New York: Appleton, 1894).
65 Details of her extraordinary publication and lecture record are documented
in Gray Scharnhorst, Charlotte Perkins Gilman: A Bibliography (Methchen, N. J.:
Scarecrow Press, 1985). Lois N. Magner, "Women and the Scientific Idiom:
Textual Episodes from Wollstonecraft, Fuller, Gilman, and Firestone," Signs,
4 (1978):61-80.
66 For a discussion of Gilman's evolutionary ideas, see Love, "Darwinism and
Feminism," pp. 113-31 and Maureen L. Egan, "Evolutionary Theory in the
Social Philosophy of Charlotte Perkins Gilman," Hypatia, 4 (1989):102-19.
Gilman's own The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman: An Autobiography (New
York: Appleton-Century, 1935) provides a personal assessment of influences
that shaped her work.
292
67 She simply recorded the book as "very interesting" in her journal; see The
Diaries of Charlotte Perkins Gilman, ed. Denise D. Knight (Charlotte: University
of Virginia Press, 1994), pp. 452-53.
68 Mary A. Hill, Charlotte Perkins Gilman: The Making of a Radical Feminist, 186096 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980), p. 267.
69 Gilman, Woman and Economics, p. 81.
70 Carol Farley Kessler, Charlotte Perkins Gilman: Her Progress Toward Utopia with
Selected Writings (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1995), pp. 70-76, 96.
71 Initially published in Gilman's monthly magazine, The Forerunner, the novel
was subsequently edited and republished: Herland, ed. Ann Lane (New York:
Parthenon, 1979), quotation from p. 60.
72 Quoted in Hill, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, p. 269.
73 See Lane, To Herland and Beyond: The Life and Work of Charlotte Perkins Gilman
(New York: Pantheon, 1990), pp. 294-98.
74 Quoted in Degler, In Search ofHuman Nature, p. 109-10, from Eliza B. Gamble,
The Evolution of Woman: An Inquiry into the Dogma of Her Inferiority to Man
(New York: Putnam, 1894), p. 61; it was revised and published under the
title The Sexes in Science and History: An Inquiry into the Dogma of Woman's
Inferiority to Man (New York: Putnam, 1916). Also see "Eliza Burt Gamble,"
The National Cyclopaedia, 10 (1922):220-21.
75 Gamble, Evolution of Woman, p. 398.
76 See the discussion of Schreiner in Showalter, Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de Siecle (New York: Viking Press, 1990), pp. 48-58.
77 Catherine Mary Bedder, "New Woman, Old Science: Readings in late Victorian Fiction," Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1993, Chap. 4.
78 Ruth First and Ann Scott, Olive Schreiner (New York: Schocken, 1980);
Schreiner published two English editions of Women and Labour by 1914 and
it was translated into Dutch and German (see p. 373). Also see Judith R.
Walkowitz, "Science, Feminism, and Romance: The Men and Women's Club,
1885-1889," History Workshop, 21 (1986):37-59; and Love, "Darwinism and
Feminism," pp. 113-31.
79 Women's networks and close relationships in the nineteenth century have
been much discussed, and they extended into the scientific and intellectual
communities as well. See, for example, Toby A. Appel, "Physiology in American Women's Colleges: The Rise and Decline of a Female Subculture," Isis,
85 (1994):26-56.
80 A plea for more comparative and international work on precisely this period is in Judith Allen, "Contextualizing Late-Nineteenth-Century Feminism: Problems and Comparisons," Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 1 (1990):17-36.
81 Love, "Darwinism and Feminism," pp. 125-27.
82 E. Richards, "Huxley and Women's Place," pp. 271-76. Eliza Lynn Linton became an outspoken antifeminist and biological determinist but was nonetheless knowingly affected by Huxley's exclusionary practices.
83 Woolf read and critiqued evolutionary writers, using them in explicit and
indirect ways; see Elizabeth G. Lambert, "'Fish and Faith, She Reasoned':
Evolutionary Discussion in The Voyages Out, Mrs. Dalloway, and Between the
Notes
293
Index*
(Darwin), 26
Aquinas, Thomas. See Thomism
Archer, William, 41
Armstrong, George D., 129
Argyll, Duke of. See Campbell, George
Douglas
Astell, Mary, 277
Atkinson, Arthur Samuel, 83
Auckland Institute, 71
Australia: evolution in, 2,39-56
Australasian Association for the
Advancement of Science, 47,54,76
Bache, Alexander Dallas, 124
Bachman, John, 135
Bachya ibn Pakuda, 214
Bailey, Loring Woart, 111
Baillairge, Charles, 110
Bakewell, R. H., 78
Balfour,J.H.,101
Balance, John, 80
'Prepared by Richard Davidson.
296
Index
Index
Elliott, John B., 132
Ethical Culture Society, 210
eugenics, 194-196
evolution: challenges to, 3,18-19,21,24,
61, 65-69,126-129,134,154,160; and
ethics, 17; as a fact, 49,225; of humans,
28,41,43,44,50, 62,66,69-70, 77,
125-126,127-129,138,173,180,182,186,
189,190-191,215-217,220,252; and
race, 131; and religion, 29,46, 65-69,
230; social implications of, 279; support
for, 20-21,26-27,61, 72,187-188,190,
217,219,232; teaching of, 46,69, 77,
87n25,109-111,133-134,135,136,
137-138,185; mentioned, 19,20,47, 74,
173, See also Darwinism.
Fairchild, Henry Pratt, 177
Farrer, William, 55
Felsenthal, Bernhard, 215,218
Ferris, William H., 257-258
Fischer, Kuno, 224
Fitchett, Alfred Robertson, 66-69
Fitzgerald, Robert David, 40,52
Fleming, John, 21
Hint, Robert, 20
Fowler, James, 110
Francais, Gilbert, 192
Fraser, Charles, 65
Fraser, P. B., 71
Freud, Sigmund, 13
Freethought Federal Union
(New Zealand), 79-81
Fuller, Margaret, 277
fundamentalism: and antievolutionism,
3,136-137,162-163; and Genesis, 153,
257-258; mentioned, 71,151,168n29,
171n80
Fundamentals, The (1910-1915), 19-20,
168n29,171n80
Gage, Matilda Joslyn, 278
Galton, Francis, 250,270,277,283
Gamble, Eliza Burt, 281,284
Garesche, F. P., 180
Garvey, Marcus, 257
Geddes, Patrick, 272,279
Genesis I: and Watts, 24; and Warfield, 29;
in Australia, 43,46; in New Zealand, 65,
66-68, 70; and geology, 124,125; and
Woodrow, 126; and fundamentalism,
153,257-258; and Catholics, 182,184,
188,192; and Jews, 218,222,223,224,
230,233; and African Americans, 251,
253-254; day-age interpretation of,
43-45,230,253
Gibbes, Lewis R., 135-136
Gibbes, Robert W., 125
297
298
Index
Index
Moore, George Foot, 158
Moore, Joseph, 134
Moore, Lorenzo, 67-68
Moorhouse, James, 54
Morais, Nina, 277
Morais, Sabato, 212,222-224,231,244n87
Moran, John, 22
Moran, Patrick, 67
Mueller, Ferdinand von, 46-47,52,54,55
Murphy, A. C, 22
Murray, John Clark, 108
Nageli, Carl, 108
National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People, 249
naturalism, 15-16,21,28-29,42,43, 72-73,
75, 78, 79,85,153
natural selection, 26-27,41,42,84,106,
132,147,176,214,216,218,220,251,261,
269,274
neo-Lamarckism, 26,29,97, 111, 190,271
Nevill, Samuel, 73-75,79
New Zealand: evolution in, 1,2,61-89;
anti-Darwinism in, 77-79; Maori
attitudes in, 2,5,62,64,81-86
New Zealand Institute, 71,78
Newman, Alfred K., 85
Nicholson, H. Alleyne, 104,110
Norris, J. Frank, 138,151
Norton, Charles Eliot, 200
Nott, Josiah, 248,259
299
phrenology, 278
Pittard, Simon, 45
Pius IX (Pope), 94
Pius X (Pope), 175
Pius XII (Pope), 179
Poland, William, 194,198
polygenesis, 248,258-59,262
Porter, J. L., 9,14-15
Porter, Noah, 222
Poteat, William Louis, 134,136
pre-Adamism, 51,125,130-131
Presbyterians, 2, 8-9,11,16, 65,125-130,
133,137
Preuss, Arthur, 180
Princeton Theological Seminary (New
Jersey), 2,8,10,15-16,24-30,129
Pringle, Allen, 107
progressive creationism, 148,157,163,
164n5
Protestants, 3,23,62,65,145-172
protoplasm, 48-50
Provancher, Leon, 105-106
Quakers, 134
300
Index
Syme, David, 42
^S^T^l^
theosophy, 55
,,,,-,,.
Thomas, A. P. W, 72,76,78
Thomas Jesse B 160
Thomism, 174,182,184,188,191,193,
198-199
Thompson, Joseph P., 212
Thompson, W. C , 262
Thomson, J. Arthur, 272,279
Thomson, William, 13
Townsend, Luther Tracy, 151
Travers, William, 72-73, 78,84
Tregear, Edward, 80
^ o o ' ^ g ^ a , 270-271
Woolls, William, 52
bright, George Frederick 164n5,168n36
Wright, Robert Ramsey, 104,109,110, 111,
r,r,i
113