Martial Law and the New Society (1972-1981

Ferdinand Marcos with Secretary of State George Shultz, 1982.

It is easier perhaps and more comfortable to look back to the solace of a familiar and mediocre p

Ferdinand Marcos, January 1973

Marcos declared martial law on September 22, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation 1081 which he signed on
September 21, 1972, extending his rule beyond the constitutional two-term limit. He justified this by exposing
the threats of Communist and Muslim insurgencies.[ He would later tell historians that he signed Proclamation
No. 1081 as early as September 17. Ruling by decree, he curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties, closed
down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists,
including senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno. Marcos claimed that martial law was the
prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a "New Society" based on new social and political values.
A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935
Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new
constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential
toparliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973.
After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping powers and
with the Batasan, his supposed successor body to the Congress, under his control, President Marcos lifted
martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued
in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of
martial law as a mere "face lifting" as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II.
Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto's "New Order
administration". He used the years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos' book Notes on
the New Society, it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of
society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization.
During his martial law regime, Marcos confiscated and appropriated by force and duress many businesses and
institutions, both private and public, and redistributed them to his own family members and close personal
friends. These relatives and associates of Marcos then used these as fronts to launder proceeds from
institutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies as "crony capitalism" for
personal benefit. Graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement became more prevalent
during this era. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the only legal one.
Marcos and his close Rolex 12 associates like Juan Ponce Enrile used their powers to settle scores against old
rivals such as the Lopezes who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading opponents such as
Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years.
This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who
criticized the Marcos administration endlessly.[47]
Between 1972 and 1976, Marcos increased the size of the Philippine military from 65,000 to 270,000 personnel.
Military officers were placed on the boards of a variety of media corporations, public utilities, development
projects, and other private corporations. At the same time, Marcos made efforts to foster the growth of a
domestic weapons manufacturing industry and heavily increased military spending.
From the declaration of martial law in 1972 until 1983 the U.S. government provided $2.5 billion in bilateral
military and economic aid to the Marcos regime, and about $5.5 billion through multilateral institutions such as
the World Bank.
In a 1979 U.S. Senate report it was stated that U.S. officials were aware, as early as 1973, that Philippine
government agents were in the United States to harass Filipino dissidents. In June 1981, two anti-Marcos labor
activists were assassinated outside of a union hall in Seattle. On at least one occasion, CIA agents
blocked FBI investigations of Philippine agents.

The Marcos regime instituted a mandatory youth organization, known as the Kabataang Barangay, which was
led by Marcos' eldest daughter Imee. Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975, required that all youths
aged 15 to 18 be sent to remote rural camps and do volunteer work.
Along with Marcos, members of his Rolex 12 circle like Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the
Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were
the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos' closest
advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos' 'sinking ship' and seek
protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were
crucial to the success of the massive crusade.
THE PHILIPPINES UNDER FERDINAND MARCOS
For more than 20 years (Dec. 30, 1965 Feb. 25, 1986) Ferdinand Marcos ruled the Philippines. He promised to
make the nation great again in his inaugural speech of December 30, 1965.
His political venture began with his election to the House of Representatives in 1949 as a Congressman from
Ilocos. He became Senate President in 1963. He was married to Imelda Romualdez from Leyte.
He ran for President as Nacionalista in 1965 election and won over Macapagal. Elected with Marcos as VicePresident was his NP running mate Fernando Lopez.
THE FIRST MARCOS TERM (1965 1969)
In his first term Marcos tried to stabilize the financial position of the government through an intensified tax
collection. He also borrowed heavily from international financing institutions to support a large-scale
infrastructure works projects were built. He improved agricultural production to make the country self-sufficient
in food, especially in rice.
Marcos also tried to strengthen the foreign relations of the Philippines. He hosted a seven-nation summit
conference on the crisis in South Vietnam in October, 1966. In support for the U.S. military efforts in South
Vietnam, he agreed to send Filipino troops to that war zone.
THE SECOND TERM OF MARCOS (1969 1972) In November 1969 Ferdinand Marcos and Fernando Lopez were
re-elected. They defeated the Liberal Party ticket of Sergio Osmea, Jr. and Senator Genaro Magsaysay. In
winning the election, Marcos achieved the political distinction of being the first President of the Republic to be
re-elected.
The most important developments during the second term of Marcos were the following:
The 1971 Constitutional Convention The Congress of the Philippines called for a Constitutional Convention on
June 1, 1971 to review and rewrite the 1935 Constitution. Three-hundred twenty delegates were elected. The
convention was headed first by former President Carlos P. Garcia and later by former President Diosdado
Macapagal.
The Convention's image was tarnished by scandals which included the bribing of some delegates to make them
"vote" against a proposal to prohibit Marcos from continuing in power under a new constitution. This scandal was
exposed by Delegate Eduardo Quintero. For exposing the bribery attempt, Quintero found himself harassed by
the government.
The first Papal Visit to the Philippines On November 27, 1970, Pope Paul VI visited the Philippines. It was the first
time that the Pope had visited the only Catholic nation in Asia. Huge crowds met the Pope wherever he went in
Metro Manila. The Pope left on November 29.
The Rise of Student Activism
Students protests on the prevailing conditions of the country saddled the second term of Marcos in office. Large

throngs of students went out into the street of Manila and other urban centers to denounce the rampant graft
and corruption, human rights violation, high tuition fees, militarization and abuses of the military, the presence
of the U.S. Military bases and the subservience of the Marcos Administration to U.S. interests and policies.
The most violent student demonstration took place on January 1970 when thousands of student demonstrators
tried to storm the gates of Malacaang. Six students were killed and many were wounded. This event came to
be know as the "Battle of Mendiola".
The radical student groups during this period were the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) and the Samahang
Demokratikong Kabataan (SDK). The communists took advantage of the situation and used the demonstrations
in advancing its interests. The most prominent of the student leaders of this time were Nilo Tayag and Edgar
Joson.
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NEW PEOPLE'S ARMY (NPA)
Because of the perceived deplorable condition of the nation, the communist movement subdued by President
Magsaysay in 1950's, revived their activities and clamor for reform. A more radical group, the Maoists, who
believed in the principles of Mao-Tse-Tung (leader of China) took over the communist movement. They
reorganized the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and created a new communist guerilla army called the
New People's Army (NPA).
The communists took advantage of the growing discontent with the Marcos. Administration to increase the
number and strength. As a strategy, they actively supported a number of anti-Marcos groups. They infiltrated
several student organizations, farmers, laborers and even professionals. The NPA gradually increased its ranks
and spread to other parts of the country as far as Mindanao.
THE RISE IN ACTS OF VIOLENCE
In the early 1970's many of the acts of violence were inspired by the communists. Some, however, were
believed to have been planned by pro-Marcos and other terrorist incidents rocked Metro Manila. The bloodiest
was the Plaza Miranda Bombing on the night of August 1, 1971 where the Liberal Party had a political rally. Eight
persons were killed and over 100 others were injure. Among the senatorial candidates injured were Eva Estrada
Kalaw and several of its top officials.
Marcos blamed the communists for the tragic incident. He suspended the writ of habeas corpus to maintain
peace and other. The suspension was lifted on January 11, 1972. Hundred of suspected subversives among the
ranks of students, workers and professionals were picked up and detained by the government.
THE PROCLAMATION OF MARTIAL LAW
On September 21, 1972, Marcos declared Martial Law. This marked the beginning of the Marcos dictatorship.
Proclamation 1081 placed the entire country under the military. It was signed on September 21, 1972 and
announced to the nation in the evening of September 23, 1972. His main reason for declaring Martial Law as "to
save the Republic" and "to reform society". He explained that the growing violence in the nation, caused by the
leftists and the rightists elements had come to certain magnitude that required martial law.
It was believed that the true reason why Marcos declared martial was to perpetuate his rule over the Philippines.
The 1935 Constitution limited the term of the President to no more than eight consecutive years in office.
The constitution did not say how long martial law should last. The constitution left much about martial law to the
President's own judgment.
Marcos extended the period of Martial Law beyond the end of his term in 1973. He abolished the Congress of the
Philippines and over its legislative powers. Thus, Marcos became a one-man ruler, a dictator. Marcos described
his martial law government as a "constitutional authoritarianism".

Although the courts remained in the judiciary, the judges of all courts, from the Supreme Court down to the
lowest courts, became "casuals". Their stay in office depended on the wishes of the dictator.
Under the martial law Marcos disregarded the constitution. For instance, he violated the provision which
guaranteed the Bill of Rights (Article III). Upon his orders, the military picked up and detained thousands of
Filipinos suspected of subversion. Among them were his critics and political opponents namely Senator Benigno
S. Aquino, Jr., Francisco "Soc"Rodrigo, Jose W. Diokno and Jovita R. Salonga. Hundreds of detainees were tortured
by their captors. Some disappeared and were never found again. Many were held in military detention camps for
years without trial.
As a result of the foregoing measured, the crime rate in the country was reduced significantly. People became
law-abiding. But these good gains did not last long. After a year of martial law, crime rates started to soar. By
the time Marcos was removed from power, the peace and order situation in the country had become worse.
This communist insurgency problem did not stop when Marcos declared Martial law. A government report in
1986 showed that the NPAs already numbered over 16,000 heavily-armed guerillas. The NPAs waged a vigorous
war against government forces They staged ambuscades and engaged in terrorist activities such as
assassination of local officials who were known to be engaged in corrupt activities. The NPA killer squads were
called Sparrow Units. They were feared in the areas under their control. They also imposed taxed in their
territories.
To fight the growing NPA threat, Marcos increased the armed forces to over 200,000 men. He also organized
Civilian Home Defense Forces in the rural areas threatened by the NPAs . Several NPA leaders were captured like
Jose Ma. Sison, alleged founder of the communist Party in the Philippines; Bernabe Buscayno, the NPA chief, and
Victor Corpus, a renegade PC lieutenant.
The rampant violation of human rights of the people in the rural areas suspected of being NPA sympathizers, the
injustices committed by some government officials and powerful and influential persons, and the continuing
poverty of the people were used as propaganda of the NPA in attracting idealistic young people. Even priests
and nuns who were witnesses to the oppression of the Marcos dictatorship join the NPAs. One of the priests who
joined the NPA was Father Conrado Balweg of the Society of the Divine Word (SVD). He became a rebel folk hero
to the ethnic tribes in the Cordilleras in Northern Luzon. As of July 1993, Balweg claimed to reports: "I am still in
charge".
POLITICAL PARTIES DURING THE MARCOS REGIME
In the early years of martial law, political parties were suspended. Political parties resumed only with the
election for the Interim Batasang Pambansa on April 7, 1978. It was the first national election under Martial law.
The second electoral exercise was the election of local officials held on January 30, 1980. As expected, political
parties resurfaced. Those who supported President Marcos formed the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) which
became in fact anew political party. Its members were from the ranks of the Liberal and Nacionalist parties. The
KBL dominated all the elections held during the Marcos era.
New political parties emerged to fight the KBL. One such group was the Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN) founded in
1978 by the opposition group headed by former Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. LABAN had a 21-man ticket in
Metro Manila for the 1978 IBP elections. The KBL candidates headed by Imelda R. Marcos prevailed in the
elections.
Aside from LABAN, the other partied organized were the Mindanao Alliance, the Partido Demokratiko ng Pilipinas
(PDP), Bicol Saro, Pusyon Bisaya and Pinaghiusa in Cebu. Later on these small political parties united themselved
into one umbrella organization that came to be known as the United Nationalist Democratic Organization
(UNIDO) headed by former Senator Salvador H. Laurel. The UNIDO had its first electoral exercise in the 1984
Batasan elections. The great majority of the 60 or so opposition lawmakers who were elected in 1984 were
UNIDO candidates.

ECONOMIC CHANGES UNDER MARCOS

To hasten the economic development, President Marcos implemented a number of economic programs. These
programs helped the country to enjoy the period of economic growth I the mid-1970's up to the early 1980's.
The farmers were given technical and financial aid and other incentives such as "price support". With the
incentives given to the farmers, the country's agricultural sector grew. As a result, the Philippines became selfsufficient in rice in 1976 and even became a rice exporter.
To help finance a number of economic development projects such as soil exploration, the establishment of
geothermal power plants, the Bataan Nuclear Plant, hydro-electric dams, the construction of more roads,
bridges, irrigation systems and other expensive infrastructure projects, the government engaged in foreign
borrowings.
Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives including tax
exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most
important economic programs in the 1980's was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (KKK). This program was
started in September 1981. Its aim was to promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging
the barangay residents to engage in their own livelihood projects.
The government's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's economic growth rate to an average of six
percent to seven percent from 1970 to 1980. The rate was only less than 5 percent in the previous decade. The
Gross National Product of the country (GNP) rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980.
Another major contributor to the economic growth of the country was the tourism industry. The number of
tourists visiting the Philippine rose to one million by 1980 from less than 200,000 in previous years. The country
earned at $500 million a year from tourism. A big portion of the tourist group was composed of Filipino
balikbayans under the Ministry of Tourism's Balikbayan Program which was launched in 1973.
Another major source of economic growth of the country was the remittances of overseas Filipino workers.
Thousands of Filipino workers found employment in the Middle East and in Singapore and Hongkong. These
overseas Filipino workers not only helped ease the country's unemployment problem but also earned muchneeded foreign exchange for the Philippines.
FOREIGN-RELATIONS POLICY UNDER MARCOS REGIME
In 1976 President Marcos announced to the Filipino people his policy of establishing relations with communist
countries such as the People's Republic of Chine (june 9, 1975) and the Soviet Union (June 2, 1976).
Relations with the United States was modified. It was no longer based on the "sentemental ties" but on mutual
respect for each other's national interest. Thus, the military and economic agreements between U.S. and the
Philippines were amended to reflect this new relationship. In the amendments to the RP-U.S. Military Bases
Agreement of 1947, the U.S. acknowledged the sovereignty of the Philippines over the American military bases
in the country (Subic and Clark). These bases would have a Filipino commander and would fly the Philippine flag.
IN addition, the U.S agreed to pay rentals to the Philippines for the use of the bases.
Marcos established closer ties with the Asian countries. The Philippines became a leading member of the ThirdWorld the collective name for the developing countries at that time. The Philippines actively participated in
such world conferences as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) meeting held in
Nairobi, Kenya, in 1976 and in the International Meeting on "Cooperation and Development held by the heads of
21 nations in Cancun, Mexico, in 1981.
Marcos took his oath of office on June 30, 1981 at the Luneta Park for a six-year term ending in 1987. On that
occasion Marcos announced the establishment of a "New Republic of the Philippines".
The lifting of Martial Law

After implementing the program of development, Pres. Marcos issued Proclamation NO. 2045 on January 17,
1981, lifting Martial Law. Martial Law lasted for eight years, 3 months and 26 days. Mr. Marcos lifted Martial law
to show to the Filipinos and the world that the situation in the Philippines was already back to normal. The
government had already been functioning smoothly under the 1973 Constitution. Despited the lifting of Martial
law, however, Marcos remained powerful and practised authoritarian rule.
The Presidential Election of 1981
Marcos called for a presidential election to be held on June 16, 1981. In this election he had Alejo Santos of the
Nacionalista Party as opponent. Former Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr. was then living in exile abroad and could not
run for presidency. The Liberal Party did not take part in the election. It was a runaway victory for Marcos who
obtained 88% of the total votes cast. It was believed that Marcos won in the 1981 election because he was in full
control of the situation.
Marcos took his oath of office on June 30, 1981 at the luneta Park for a six-year term ending in 1987. On that
occasion Marcos announced the establishment of a "new" Republic of the Philippines.
THE RETURN AND ASSASINATION OF BENIGNO S. AQUINO, JR.
When martial law was proclaimed, the first politician to be arrested by the military on order of Ferdinand Marcos
was Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. Aquino, a popular political leader, spent nearly eight years in a military detention cell
at Fort Bonifacio.
In 1980, Marcos allowed Aquino to leave the country to enable him to undergo an emergency heart bypass
operation in the United States. When Aquino decided to come home in 1983, the government tried to stop him,
claiming that there were some people who wanted to kill him. He was asked to postpone his return. But Aquino
persisted, and by using fake travel documents, he was able to fly back to the Philippines.
When the China Air Lines jetliner carrying him landed at the Manila International Airport at about 10:00 p.m., on
August 21, 1983, soldiers boarded the plane and took him away. As Aquino and his military escorts were going
down a stairway, a shot was heard, followed later by more shots. After a while, Aquino laid dead on the airport
tarmac. Nearby laid the body of Rolando Galman. Galman was pointed as Aquino's "assassin."
The assassination of Aquino was reported to have awakened the Filipinos to the evils of Marcos as a dictator.
Millions of Filipinos who sympathized with Aquino bereaved family, joined the funeral march to mourn for the
death of an intelligent leader and to express their feelings against Marcos.
The assassination transformed Ninoy Aquino into an "idol". The battlecry "Ituloy ang laban ni Ninoy!" and "Ninoy,
hindi ka nag-iisa" were heard from anti-Marcos demonstrators that erupted in Metro Manila and other urban
center in the country.
The demonstrations were participated by different sectores, namely students, workers, farmers, businessmen,
professionals and religious (nuns, priests and seminarians).
Many militant and cause-oriented groups were the August Twenty-One Movement (ATOM), Justice for Aquino,
Justice for All (JAJA), Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN).
The Aquino assassination gave Marcos a bad image abroad, Public opinion in the United States went against
Marcos. President Reagan of the United States cancelled his state visit to the Philippines.
On October 14, 1983, President Marcos issued PD 1886 creating a five-man independent body to investigate the
Aquino assassination. Headed by Mrs. Corazon Juliano Agrava, a retired Court of Appeals Justice, the
investigation body came to be known as the Agrava-Fact-Finding Board (AFFB). The other members of the board
were businessman Dante Santos, labor leader Ernesto Herrera, lawyer Luciano Salazar, and educator Amado
Dizon.

The members of the AFFB, however, identified 25 military men and a civilian as participants in the plot. Those
identified include AFP Chief of Staff General Fabian C. Ver, Jam. General Prospero Olivas of the PC Metropolitan
Command (METROCOM) and Gen. Custodio.
President Marcos referred the two reports to the Sandiganbayan for trial. The trial began in Feb. 1985, and was
presided over by Sandiganbayan Presiding Justice Manuel Pamaran. This trial became known as "Trial of the
Century".
On December 2, 1985, the Sandiganbayan handed down its decision. The tribunal ruled that the 26 accused
were innocent and that it was Galman who was hired by the communist who killed Aquino.
THE DECLINE OF THE ECONOMY
As the investigation and trial of the Aquino Assassination was going on, the Philippine economy was having hard
times. There was a slow down of economic activities caused largely by high price of oil. The Philippine traditional
exports such as sugar and cocunut oil were experiencing a price decline in the world market. The government
was forced to borrow more money from the International Monetary Fund to help keep the economy going. The
foreign debt of the Philippines reached $26 billion. A big portion of the annual earning of the country was
allocated to the payment of annual interest on loans.
The tourism industry suffered a great decline after the Aquino Assassination. The wave of anti-Marcos
demonstrations in the country that followed drove the tourists away. In addition, the political troubles hindered
the entry of foreign investments. Foreign banks also stopped granting loans to the Philippine government.
Foreign creditors started demanding payment of the debts which were already past due.
Without an adequate supply of foreign exchange, the industry sector could no longer import raw materials
needed in production. Many factories had to close shop of cut their production because of the difficulty of
obtaining raw materials. Many workers were laid off.
Marcos tried to launch a national economic recovery program. He nogotiated with foreign creditors including the
International Bank for reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
for a restructing of the country's foreign debts to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos
launched the Sariling Sikap, a livelihood program, in 1984. He ordered the cut in government expenditure to be
able to save money for financing the livelihood program.
Despite the recrovery program, the economy continued to decline. A negative economic growth was
experienced in the country beginning in 1984. The failure of the recovery program was due to the lack of
credibility of Marcos and the rampant graft and corruption in the government. Many officials went on stealing
the people's money by millions through anomalous transactions. Marcos himself spent large sums of
government funds to help the candidates of the KBL to win.
THE SNAP ELECTION OF 1986 As the economy continued to decline, the IMF, World Bank, the United States and
the country's foreign creditors pressured Marcos to institute reforms as a condition for the grant of additional
economic and financial help. Rumors then spread about the possibility of a snap presidential election.
The rumors turned to be true because in November 1985, Marcos announced that there would be a snap
presidential election. Marcos said that he needed a new mandate from the people to carry out a national
economic recovery program successfully. The Batasang Pambansa enacted a law scheduling the election on
February 7, 1986.
The divided opposition had the problem of choosing a candidate to fight Marcos. There were several opposition
leaders who aspired to run for president, one of them being former Senator Salvador "Doy" H. Laurel who was
nominated in June 1985 by the UNIDO to be its presidential candidate in any future presidential election. But
none of them could unite the opposition.

A majority of the opposition and other anti-Marcos groups proposed instead that Mrs. Corazon C. Aquino be
made the common opposition candidate for president. Due to a growing nationwide clamor for her to lead the
opposition, Aquino agreed to run if Marcos would call for an election and at least one million people would sign a
petition urging her to run for president. After the announcement of snap election by Marcos, the Cory Aquino for
President Movement (CAPM), organized by Joaquin "Chino" Roces, was able to solicit more than one million
signatures nationwide asking Mrs. Aquino to run against Marcos.
Upon the advice of Jaime Cardinal Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, former Senator Salvador Laurel of the UNIDO
Party decided to sacrifice his presidential ambition for the sake of unity of the opposition by agreeing to run as
Corazon Aquino's vice-presidential candidate.
The campaign period was from Dec. 11, 1995 to Feb. 5, 1986. The two rival political camps had their slogans
and symbols. The LABAN Party of Cory Aquino had yellow as the symbolic color while the KBL of Marcos had red.
The Aquino'' campaign slogan was "Tama na, Sobra na, palitan na!" The Marcos slogan was "Marcos pa rin!"
Aquino had her "L" sign while Marcos had his "V" sign.
Corazon Aquino campaigned on the issue of ending the Marcos dictatorship and the restoration of freedom,
justice and democracy. She charged Marcos with impoverishing the nation by allowing his family and cronies to
rob the Filipinos of their wealth though illegal transactions. She also denounced the gross violations of human
rights of the Marcos regime. She promised to give justice to the victims of harassment and abuses by the
government officials.
President Marcos accused Mrs. Corazon Aquino of being a communist herself and said that her husband, Ninoy
Aquino, was one of the founders of the Communist Party of the Philippines. He warned that an Aquino victory
would pave the way for communist rule in the Philippines. Marcos also criticized Aquino for her lack of
experience in government.
IN the election campaign, Marcos said that he favored the retention of the U.S. Military Bases. On the other
hand, Mrs. Aquino said whe would let the U.S. Military stay until 1991 when the Military Bases Agreement (MBA)
expired.
Mrs. Aquino also accused Marcos of being responsible for her husband's assassination. She also disclosed that
Marcos was a fake World War II hero.
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1986
On February 7, 1986, election day, about 20 million registered voters cast their votes in som 86,000 election
precincts throughout the country. It was the most historic in the history of the 3rd republic. It was reported to be
the "most controversial and confusing election" ever held in the Philippines, the "most internationally publicized
election", and the "most fraudulent election" in the Philippine history.
Marcos resorted to massive vote buying to ensure his victory. KBL leaders in many areas used armed goons to
terrorize the voters. There were instances of ballot box snatching. Flying voters were used. Election returns were
falsified or altered.
So widespread was the cheating that the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) in a statement
issued a week after election, strongly condemned the conduct of the election. The CBCP described the election
as "unparalleled in its fraudulence".
The Batasang Pambansa convened itself to make an official canvass of the election returns and to proclaim the
winners. Based on the certificates of the canvass submitted to it by the Comelec registrars of 143 provinces,
cities, and election districts, the Batasan on Feb. 15, 1986 proclaimed Ferdinand Marcos and Arturo Tolentino as
the duly elected president and vice-president , respectively. The official Batasan tabulation showed that Marcos
obtained 10,807,197 votes as against Aquino's 9,291,715 votes.
The Batasang Pambansa, which was controlled by the KNL, went on with the canvassing amidst the objections of

the opposition members. The opposition MPs pointed out that there were irregularities in most of the certificates
of canvass.
The fraudulent election Feb. 7, 1986 destroyed the image of President Marcos and his government abroad.
Based on the reports of foreign newsmen and on what they saw on television, many people in the Philippines
and abroad felt that Marcos was not the legitimated President of the Philippines. They believed that it was
Corazon Aquino who won the presidency. As a result, except for the Soviet Union, not one foreign country
congratulated Marcos.
The fraudulent election weakened American support for the Marcos Regime. After receiving the report of Senator
Lugar who headed the U.S. election observer team in the Philippines, President Reagan said that "the fraudulent
election casts doubts on the legitimacy of Marcos' re-election.
Mrs. Corazon Aquino, believing that she won, refused to accept the election of Marcos. So did the Catholic
Church and many other groups which issued strong statements condemning the fraudulent election. On Feb. 16,
1986, Corazon Aquino launched a civil disobedience nationwide at Luneta.
The Philippines on the Eve of the EDSA Revolution
On the eve of the revolution, President Marcos was already a demoralized and beleaguered dictator. The
international community of nations was convinced that there was fraud in the February 7 snap election and that
he was a president who no longer had the mandate of the people. At that moment, influential members of the
U.S. Congress were already urging Marcos to step down and over the presidency to Mrs. Corazon Cojuanco
Aquino.
In the country, particularly in Metro Manila, political tension was rising to new heights. The Aquino civil
disobedience movement rapidly gained heights and strengths. Students and teachers in many colleges and
universities boycotted their classes to protest the fraudulent. February 7 election. Worker's groups planned for a
general labor strike throughout the nation.
In the face of these events which threatened his dictatorial regime, Marcos began to issue warnings. He
threatened to use his extra-ordinary powers to crush the strike movement. And he gave indications to impose
martial law again. In fact he had already prepared a plan code named "Everlasting". The plan called for sending
out soldiers loyal to his regime into the streets of Metro Manila to spread terror and violence. They would be in
civilian clothes and would pretend to be Aquino followers. This would be used by Marcos as an excuse to impose
martial law again in the country. Like what he did in 1972, Marcos would have the military arrest and detain the
leaders of the opposition, including those among the clergy and in the armed forces who opposed him. But
before he could carry out his plan, the EDSA Revolution of 1986 broke out.
Plans for a Military Coup De'etat
While the anti-Marcos sentiment in the country was growing, a group of young officers in the Armed Forces of
the Philippines were making their own plans to overthrow the Marcos dictatorship. These officers were the
leading organizers and members of a group known as the Reform the AFP Movement (RAM)
This movement was started in March 1985 by a group of officers who were graduated of the Philippine Military
Academy. Its main aim was to work for reform in the armed forces. Just like the other branches of the
government, the AFP was riddles with graft and corruption, favoritism and other anomalies that demoralized the
decent members of the military. RAM wanted the restoration of professionalism in the military so that the AFP
could regain its honor and pride. A reformed AFP, the movement's organizers believed, would be able to fight
more effectively the growing communist threat in the Philippines. Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile secretly
sympathized with RAM. The members of the RAM came to be know as reformists.
The RAM.s pleadings for reforms were ignored by Marcos and the AFP Chief of Staff, General Fabian Ver. They
were harassed by the dictator and the military. Because of this the Reformists decided to force a coup de'etat
was made by the organizers who were close to Juan Ponce Enrile. It was headed by Col. Gregorio Honasan, the
chief security officer of Enrile. But the Coup attempt did not take off because it was discovered by Ferdinand
Marcos. Several plotters were arrested. Marcos then announced that the military rebels planned to attack
Malacaang and to take over the government.

When the RAM realized that Marcos had discovered their plot they sought refuse at the Ministry of National
Defense building at Camp Aguinaldo in Quezon City. Enrile took command of the military rebellion. General Fidel
Valdez Ramos, the AFP vice-chief of staff and PC chief, sided with Enrile and the reformists and took over control
of the Philippine Constabulary Headquarters in Camp Crame which is located across Epifanio delos Santos
Avenue (EDSA) from Camp Aguinaldo.
OUTBREAK OF THE 1986 REVOLUTION
Enrile and Ramos announced to the nation in a press conference in Camp Aguinaldo that they were breaking
away from the fold of the Marcos Dictatorship and that they supported Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. This
announcement was made in the early evening of February 22, 1986.
They said that the Marcos did not win the February 7 snap Presidential election and therefore did not have the
mandate of the people.
When Marcos learned about the defection of Enrile and Ramos, he immediately went on nationwide radio and TV
to announce that he had discovered and failed the RAM's plot to overthrow the government. He demanded that
Ramos and Enrile surrendered. He then promised to look into the grievances of the Reformists. But Enrile and
Ramos defied Marcos' orders. The two rebel leaders said that the issue was no longer the reforms but the
legitimacy of Marcos' rule. They called on Marcos to resign and warned him not to order any attack on Camp
Crame and Aguinaldo for they were prepared to defend the camp. Marcos ordered General Fabian Ver to subdue
the rebellion and recapture the two camps.
September 11 isnt just a fateful day because it is the anniversary of the 9-11 attacks in the US. Here in the
Philippines, September 11 is the birthday of one of the most controversial and longest serving presidents in our
history, Ferdinand Marcos.
If President Marcos were alive today, he would be turning 94 on September 11. Regardless of your personal
feelings about President Marcos, it is uncontested that he is one of the most influential political figures in
modern Philippine history.
He was a war hero, becoming the most decorated Filipino soldier by the Americans. As a lawyer, he was able to
win a number of cases, even getting claims from the US government in behalf of other Filipino veterans.
Whether these were true or based on fraud is irrelevant as it showed his crafty mind and his ability to get things
done.
When he ran for office, he had a record for winning by a large margin. Marcos pa rin! became such a popular
slogan and even non Ilocanos loved him. He was charismatic. He became the first Filipino president to win a
reelection in 1969. Together with his wife Imelda, he made being in Malacanang a type of Camelot, and he single
handedly propelled the Marcoses forever into the political sphere and the annals of our history.
Today, his children are Representatives, sometimes Senators in Philippine government. His widow Imelda is also
a House Representative.
Perhaps Marcos will forever be synonymous with the words, Martial Law. While he has also been called a
dictator, corrupt, Man of the Year in 1965 and a number of other adjectives, it can also be said that he is brilliant,
charismatic and certainly a visionary.
His vision for his life, his family and the country may not have been what the rest of the nation wanted and his
ways may not have always been legal or humane, but no one can say that he didnt do whatever it took and that
he didnt have such a single-minded determination to get things done.
As a statesman, president and later dictator and ousted leader, it is incontrovertible that Marcos profoundly
affected many Filipino lives. Whether it is in a positive or negative way is up to an individual to decide, and up to
the writers of our history on how he will be remembered.

For example, while the Aquino family may forever have ill will when it comes to the memory of Pres. Marcos, it is
without a doubt (thanks to the influence of Marcos) that P-Noy is now our current president. After all, if Ninoy
Aquino wasnt outspoken against the Marcos dictatorship, he wouldnt have been assassinated, his widow would
not have been president and Ninoys son, Noynoy, wouldnt now be holding the highest position in the country.
It is thanks to Marcos that our country has become wary of corruption. Crony capitalism and monopolies became
the way people did business in the country under the Marcos regime.
We became so tired of human rights abuses, dictatorship and abuses against our democratic freedoms, and we
willingly elected an unqualified housewife to run the country, rather than leave it all up to more experienced
politicians. This is just one of the ways the Filipinos can be so extreme.
Because of this, it became acceptable for the people to revolt, albeit in a peaceful manner. People Power
became the buzzword. EDSA stopped just being a thoroughfare, but also the place where militants gather to
demand a change of presidency instead of waiting for another election.
A military coup d'tat backed by the people became the acceptable way to change leadership. No wonder Pres.
Cory Aquino had to deal with seven under her term. Its the same way we got rid of Pres. Estrada and eventually
put into place another one of Philippine historys most vilified leaders, Pres. Arroyo.
Thanks to the Marcos regime, one of the first things that his successor, Pres. Cory Aquino did was to change the
constitution. Today, our country has a 25,000 word constitution that bans the reelection of the president and has
placed several protectionist provisions that today continue to hurt our economy.
Under the Marcos administration, he was able to build the most number of roads and government structures.
His administration is responsible for thousands of roads, bridges, highways and a number of other public works
that we continue to enjoy today. The only other president who can boast of such achievements is Pres. Arroyo,
who also happens to now be one of the most unpopular presidents ever. Marcos also constructed the most
number of schools and irrigation systems in the country by any president.
His support of the arts, along with his wife Imelda, led to the construction of the CCP and the PICC.
He made the Armed Forces of the Philippines a force to be reckoned with in the country, channeling much of the
government funds to the AFP. From 60,000 men, Marcos increased their number to 160,000 between 1972 to
1980. Some of these men continued to have political careers even after his ouster. These include Senate
President Enrile and former President Ramos.
Economically, our country suffered greatly under his leadership. From being one of the leaders in Asia at the end
of the 1960s, we became a laggard in Asia by the time of his ouster in 1986. Our government became
encumbered by a number of foreign debts that to this day, we continue to pay for, long after Marcos has died.
Squatters became common in Metro Manila. It is also under his regime that our forests became depleted, since
lumber was a top export of the country during his time.
If theres one things positive about Marcos, its his being a man of vision. He envisioned a new society or
Bagong Lipunan. Under Martial Law, he enforced curfews and sought to discipline people. Of course, he was
also guilty of a number of human rights abuses and the suppression of freedom of speech, but he had a singleminded vision of what he wanted and went about doing everything to get it done.
He foresaw the need for an increased power supply in the country, and thus commissioned the construction of
the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant. For agriculture, he introduced the miracle rice. He saw the need for the
creation of a government media station.
Marcos may not go down in history as the most beloved president, but in terms of his personal achievements,
his reputation certainly preceded him. Many will think of him as the most corrupt or most ruthless president of
our nation, but for his birthday, we remember the man that shaped our country in both ways good and bad!