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The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No

quotation from it or information derived from it is to be
published without full acknowledgement of the source.
The thesis is to be used for private study or noncommercial research purposes only.

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Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms

of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author.

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(Dis)Articulations Between Land Reform and Rural

Development in South Africa

Monene Mogashoa MNNMOG003

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A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Master of Arts in
Human Geography

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Faculty of the Humanities

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Department of Environmental and Geographical Science

University of Cape Town
February 2011

This work has not been previously submitted in whole, or in part, for the award of any degree. It is
my own work. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in this thesis from the work, or
works, of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced.

Signature

Date ___________________________

Acknowledgements
This thesis was completed with the financial assistance from the National Research Foundation
(NRF) for which I am grateful. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the communities
of Marobala-O-Itsose and Maraba MahlambaNdlovu, for their generosity, co-operation,
assistance, and above all, for making this thesis possible.
I owe deep gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Maano Ramutsindela, for his humour, advice and

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for helping me throughout this study. He gave me the freedom to explore issues on my own
while at the same time providing me the guidance to recover when my steps faltered. His
patience and support helped me overcome many situations and to ultimately finish this thesis. I

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would like to thank Dr. Johannes Tsheola, who has been there to listen to me and to give advice

during my fieldwork in Limpopo.

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Above all, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my family whom this thesis is

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dedicated to, especially my parents, for their support, motivation and encouragement throughout

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my career. Special thanks to my sister, for her words of encouragement, which helped me to stay

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focused during hard times in my academic journey; to my brother, for his support throughout my

studies. Lastly, I would like to express my heart-felt gratitude to my grandmother, for giving me
the support and strength throughout my studies.

Abstract
Despite the vast amount of literature on land reform in South Africa and the political rhetoric
about rural development, it still remains unclear how the two (i.e. land reform and rural
development) are interrelated in policy and practice. Analyses of land reform programmes have
largely focused on the quantitative nature of land transfers and shifts in policy directions in
isolation from rural development frameworks. This study seeks to integrate land reform
experiences and analyses into the discussion on rural development. It specifically analyses how

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beneficiaries of two different land reform programmes (land restitution and land redistribution)
view land reform in relation to rural development. The study concludes that the implementation

of South Africas land reform programme in its current form constrains the beneficiaries land

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use options. It is these constraints that prevent a meaningful articulation between land reform and

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rural development on the ground.

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Table of contents
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................................................... i
Abstract .........................................................................................................................................................................................ii
List of Acronyms .......................................................................................................................................................................vi
List of Figures .......................................................................................................................................................................... viii
List of Tables ..............................................................................................................................................................................ix

Chapter 1: Land reform in South Africa: undoing past injustices or meeting rural development objectives? .. 1
1.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................ 1

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1.2 Structure of the thesis ......................................................................................................................................... 6

Chapter 2: Rural development and land reform in context ..................................................................................... 9
2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................ 9
2.2 Conceptions and attributes of the rural .............................................................................................................. 9

2.3 Rural development: conceptions and approaches ............................................................................................ 14

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2.4 Select experiences with rural development ...................................................................................................... 17

2.5 Apartheids rural development plans ............................................................................................................... 20

2.6 The countryside in democracy ......................................................................................................................... 29

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2.7 Land reform for rural development .................................................................................................................. 37

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2.8 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................................................... 38

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Chapter 3: Research design and methodology ........................................................................................................ 40

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3.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................... 40

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3.2 Notes on research methods .............................................................................................................................. 40

3.3 Choice and use of methodologies ................................................................................................................... 42

3.4 Case study ........................................................................................................................................................ 43

3.5 Interviews ........................................................................................................................................................ 50
3.6 Observations .................................................................................................................................................... 53
3.7 Documentation search ...................................................................................................................................... 55
3.8 Data capturing and analysis ............................................................................................................................. 56
3.9 Limitations of the study ................................................................................................................................... 58
3.10 Ethics ............................................................................................................................................................. 60
3.11 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................... 60

Chapter 4: Apartheid, forced removals and dispossession in Limpopo................................................................ 62

4.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................... 62
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4.2 Traces of unjust acts in Limpopo Province ...................................................................................................... 62

4.3 Wounds of colonization: forced removals and dispossession in Marobala-O-Itsose ....................................... 64
4.4 From dispossession to restoration .................................................................................................................... 68
4.5 Marobala-O-Itsose land claim ......................................................................................................................... 69
4.6 Becoming landowners: the MahlambaNdlovu community .............................................................................. 71
4.67 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................... 75
Chapter 5: Rural development in MahlambaNdlovu community ......................................................................... 76
5.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................... 76
5.2 Rural development in MahlambaNdlovu community ...................................................................................... 76
5.3 The significance of land in rural areas ............................................................................................................. 83

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5.4 Land redistribution programme and beneficiaries ........................................................................................... 85

5.5 Preferred tenure systems .................................................................................................................................. 87
5.6 Ownership without freedom: land use options ................................................................................................. 91
5.7 Operating, organising & managing land reform projects ................................................................................. 97

5.8 Things fall apart in MahlambaNdlovu CPA................................................................................................... 101

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5.9 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................... 106

Chapter 6: Land restitution: justice versus development in Morobala-O-Itsose ............................................... 107

6.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 107

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6.2 Conceptualizing rural development in land restitution .................................................................................. 107

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6.3 Only land can restore our dignity! ............................................................................................................... 120

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6.4 Who decide on land use? ............................................................................................................................... 123

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6.5 Preferred tenure systems in land restitution ................................................................................................... 127

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6.6 Division & conflicts ....................................................................................................................................... 130

6.7 Successes, failures & threats in Marobala-O-Itsose ....................................................................................... 133

6.8 Plan B: alternative means for survival ........................................................................................................... 139

6.9 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................... 141
Chapter 7: The links and gaps between land reform and rural development in South Africa ........................ 142
7.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 142
7.2 The missing links ........................................................................................................................................... 142
7.3 What options? Policy limitation in land reform ............................................................................................. 144
7.4 Rethinking the tenure system in South African land reform .......................................................................... 145
7.5 Views on rural development in the context of land reform ............................................................................ 146
7.6 Recommendations .......................................................................................................................................... 147
7.7 Future research directions .............................................................................................................................. 148

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References ................................................................................................................................................................ 150

Appendices ............................................................................................................................................................... 168
Appendix 3.1 The structure & categories of interview questions................................................................ 168
Appendix 3.2 Interview questions ............................................................................................................... 169
Appendix 3.3 Marobala-O-Itsose CPA: mass meeting agenda ................................................................... 170
Appendix 4.1 Registration certificate of Marobala-O-Itsose CPA .............................................................. 171
Appendix 4.2 Marobala-O-Itsose land claim: Statement of compliance .................................................... 172

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Appendix 4.3 List of farms of Marobala-O-Itsose CPA.............................................................................. 173

Appendix 5.1 Rough sketch for demonstration of proposed land use in MahlambaNdlovu CPA ............. 174

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Appendix A: Photographs ........................................................................................................................... 175

List of acronyms
: African National Congress

CLRA

: Communal Land Rights Act

COSATU

: Congress of South African Trade Unions

CPA

: Communal Property Association

CRDP

: Comprehensive Rural Development Programme

CRLR

: Commission on the Restitution of Land Rights

DBSA

: Development Bank of Southern Africa

DLA

: Department of Land Affairs

DoA

: Department of Agriculture

DRDLA

: Department of Rural Development and Land Reform

ENT

: Eastern Native Township

EU

: European Union

GEAR

: Growth, Employment and Redistribution

HSRC

: Human Sciences Research Council

HDR

: Human Development Report

IDP

: Integrated Development Plan

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ANC

IRDF

: Integrated Rural Development Forum

ISRDS

: Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy

LCC

: Land Claims Commission

LDF

: Land Development Facilitation

LRAD

: Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development

LRLCC

: Limpopo Regional Land Claims Commission

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: Land Use Management Bill

MALA

: Ministry of Agriculture and Land Affairs

MCPA

: MahlambaNdlovu Communal Property Association

MCPA

: Marobala-O-Itsose Communal Property Association

MDG

: Millennium Development Goals

MPCCs

: Multi-Purpose Community Centres

MTSF

: Medium Term Strategic Framework

NGOs

: Non-governmental Organisations

NLC

: National Land Committee

OECD

: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

PDLA

: Provincial Department of Land Affairs

PLAAS

: Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies

PLRO

: Provincial Land Reform Office

RDF

: Rural Development Framework

RDP

: Reconstruction and Development Programme

RLCC

: Regional Land Claims Commission

SARDF

: South African Rural Development Framework

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LUMB

SLAG

: Settlement/Land Acquisition Grant

SPP

: Surplus People Project

UN

: United Nations

WCED

: World Commission on Environment and Development

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List of Figures
Figure 2.1: Sources of household income by Province..................................................................29
Figure 2.2: Rural development goals in South Africa, 1994-1999 ................................................33
Figure 3.1: Research design ...........................................................................................................42
Figure 3.2: Location of study areas: Limpopo Province................................................................45
Figure 4.1: Farm Portions of Marobala-O-Itsose CPA ..................................................................71

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Figure 4.2: Property of Maraba MahlambaNdlovu CPA ...............................................................74

Figure 5.1: Ideas and needs for rural development in MahlambaNdlovu......................................77

Figure 5.2: Preferred tenure systems in MahlambaNdlavu CPA ...................................................87

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Figure 5.3: Infrastructure in MahlambaNdlovu CPA ..................................................................105

Figure 6.1: The needs and ideas for rural development ...............................................................108

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Figure 6.2: Current water provision and access in Marobala-O-Itsose .......................................114

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Figure 6.3: Level of education in Molemole Local Municipality, 2007 ......................................116

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Figure 6.4: Preferred tenure systems in Marobala-O-Itsose community .....................................127

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Figure 6.5: Successes in Marobala-O-Itsose CPA: butternut project ..........................................137

Figure 6.6: Beneficiaries alternative sources of livelihoods.......................................................140

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List of Tables
Table 3.1: Categories of research participants ...............................................................................48
Table 3.2: Key features of case study areas ...................................................................................49
Table 4.1: Experiences of forced removals in Marobala-O-Itsose community .............................67
Table 4.2: Land reform grants .......................................................................................................72
Table 5.1: Access to water in Aganang Municipality ....................................................................79

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Table 5.2: Land use activities in MahlambaNdlovu CPA .............................................................93

Table 5.3: Human resource in MahlambaNdlovu CPA .................................................................98

Table 5.4: Resources and services offered by the CPA ...............................................................100

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Table 6.1: Employment status in Marobala-O-Itsose CPA .........................................................109

Table 6.2: Monthly income distribution in Molemole .................................................................110

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Table 6.3: Access to water in Molemole Local Municipality......................................................112

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Table 6.4: Access to water in Mogwadi (ward 10) and Mohodi (ward 11) villages ...................112

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Table 6.5: Sources of energy in Molemole ..................................................................................118

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Table 6.6: Examples of other forms of compensation in restitution ............................................121

Table 6.7: Officials views on what constitutes a successful land claim ......................................134
Table 6.8: Leasing agreements in Marobala-O-Itsose CPA ........................................................135
Table 6.9: Production and financial reports of the CPA in partnership with Ald3 ......................138

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CHAPTER 1
Land reform in South Africa: undoing past injustices or meeting rural
development objectives?
1.1 Introduction
This thesis is concerned with the links and gaps between land reform and rural development in

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South Africa. It engages the view that land in rural areas is an essential ingredient for rural
development. International and local studies on the intersections between land reform and rural
development emphasize that poverty in rural areas is caused mainly by landlessness and lack of

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access to land (Chambers, 1983; Lipton, 1993; ANC, 1994; South Africa, 1997a; Sibanda, 2001;
Walker, 2008). Using agriculture as a point of departure, most scholars and development

practitioners and agencies support the view that land redistribution is a necessary step towards

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improving the standard of living in rural areas (Kepe & Cousins, 2002; Deininger, 2003;
Walker, 2004; Hall, 2007; Lahiff et al, 2008). Equally, rural development policy makers

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recognise land policy (with emphasis on agriculture) as a key instrument for eradicating

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inequalities in rural areas (see ANC, 1994; South Africa, 1996; South Africa, 1997a). This is a

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clear demonstration of the assumed two-way relationship between land reform and rural

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development, which also underpins most rural livelihoods studies.

Literature on rural livelihoods places emphasis on the rural development approach and its
connection to land policies (Rigg, 2006; Scoones, 2009). The literature considers improved
livelihoods as an indication of the fruits of land policy in rural areas (Chambers, 1983; Bernstein
et al, 1992; Hall, 2004a; Lahhif et al, 2008). In relation to land, livelihoods indicators include
increased household income or employment, improved food security, agricultural production on
transferred land and involvement in the labour market (Chambers & Conway, 1992; Rigg, 2006;
Scoones, 2009). The concept of livelihoods permeates rural development, agriculture and land
reform (see for instance Chambers 1983; Chambers & Conway, 1992; Bernstein et al, 1992;
Ellis, 1998; Carney, 1998; Bebbington & Batterbury, 2001). Livelihoods is defined as the

means to gaining a living (Chambers, 1995: vi; see also Scoones, 2009) or access to resources
(e.g. land, crops, seed, labour, knowledge, cattle) and how people manage these resources for
improving the quality of life (Ellis, 1998). In general terms, livelihoods refer to capabilities and
means of living, such as access to food, assets and income or employment (Chambers &
Conway, 1992). People living in rural areas gain their livelihoods in a variety of ways, ranging
from farming to non-farming activities (Bernstein et al, 1992). In the process of acquiring and
securing livelihoods, rural people usually have to deal with risks and uncertainties of the social,
economic, cultural, political and environmental nature such droughts, diminishing resources,
pressure on the land, kinship networks, epidemics (notably HIV/AIDS), chaotic markets,

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increasing food prices, inflation, and national and international competition (Bernstein et al,
1992).

Livelihoods are a useful conceptual tool for understanding poverty reduction and development

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approaches. It also facilitates understandings of the complex and diverse nature of social change

in rural areas (Ellis, 2000). Most policies for rural development focus solely on agriculture and
land. One possible reason for this ideological inclination could be that for centuries, rural areas

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were seen as primarily the production hub for agriculture (Mabogunje, 1980; Ellis, 1988). From

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the historical point of view, agriculture in rural areas has been a traditional practice for many

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generations, and was the only source of livelihoods (Mabogunje, 1980). Writing on Africa and

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other developing countries, indicates that the livelihoods in rural areas are rooted in peasant

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agriculture and that poverty within rural areas is associated with land holdings (Mabogunje,
1980; Chambers, 1983; Lipton, 1985; Ellis, 2000; Rigg, 2006). Although development

practitioners acknowledge the existence and growing role of non-farm activities in rural
economy and livelihoods, most still regard these activities as additions to the main business of
farming (Rigg, 2006: 181).
In light of views such as these, rural development is aimed at poverty reduction, ensuring food
security, and the sustainability of employment and incomes. Strategies for development therefore
focus largely on the redistribution, access and management of land, increasing agricultural
production and the involvement of rural dwellers in the labour market (Chambers & Conway,
1992; Ellis, 2000; Rigg, 2006; Scoones, 2009). One of the most illuminating questions and facts

in connection to land, agriculture and poverty (or underdevelopment) are those raised by Lipton
(1985: 5), who writes:
Are rural people significantly less likely to be poor if they have access to farmland? The question cannot
arise within any region where rights in land are allocated in more or less egalitarian fashion. Also,
landlessness is unlikely to be associated with poverty if land is not scarce. If land is both scarce and
allocated according to economic or political power, then rural poverty is likely to be associated with
landholding below a certain threshold (which falls as land quality rises). That association weakens the
extent that non-farm jobs or assets are readily available to, and offer comparable rewards to cultivation for,
persons with little or no access to farmland.

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Lipton (1985) is concerned that the focus on redistribution of arable land in rural areas with
intentions to eradicate poverty and other predicaments in rural areas overlooks other non-farm
rural development activities, which may have great impact on the livelihoods and development in

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rural areas.

In South Africa, historically, land and agriculture have been an important source for livelihoods

in rural areas. However, following the end of formal colonialism and apartheid, agriculture in

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rural areas took a new turn; one that involves landlessness, insufficient arable land and mostly

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one that redirected rural livelihoods to migrant labour (see Section 2.5). In addition, the apartheid

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system restructured rural areas through resettlements, forced removals, and demarcations of large

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tracts of commercial farms and overcrowded Bantustans (Section 2.5). Given this laborious and

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long history of land in South Africa, programmes on land reform and development have been
somewhat restricted to farming or agricultural land use. The livelihoods perspective assumes

that, by emphasizing commercial agriculture, large numbers of rural beneficiaries can obtain
employment and earn real income. In other words, land reform policies look to agriculture as the
only solution to development in rural areas. This study argues that the livelihoods approach to
land reform should include other aspects of development and interventions that are necessary for
rural development. More importantly, the approach ignores how people on the ground think
about development in their own terms in the circumstances in which they find themselves. As
Shackleton et al (2000) note livelihoods are more than just a job but involves complex ways of
sustaining life by people as individuals or groups. This study is concerned with the ambiguity of
land reform as it is conceptualized and implemented on the ground, and the disconnection
between land reform and rural development. The concern arose from the observation that since
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1994, the vociferous debate on land reform has been underlined by the assumption that land
distribution is a necessary step towards rural development.
Rural poverty in contemporary South Africa is correctly ascribed to unequal land distribution
and landlessness, a legacy of apartheid. Given these historical discrepancies, it was expected that
the post-apartheid state would prioritize land reform for both political and developmental
purposes. It was for this reason that the first democratic government of President Mandela
repealed apartheid laws and laid the foundation for a land reform policy that was anchored on a
negotiated political settlement and the new constitution. The governments intent was primarily

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to rectify historical injustices of political, social and economic distribution of resources by

restoring lost rights in land while simultaneously injecting development in destitute areas. These
sentiments are clearly expressed in the Restitution of Land Rights Act No 22 of 1994 and the

1997 White Paper on South African Land Policy.

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Others have argued that land reform must improve socio-economic conditions in rural areas as an

indication of a successful (land) policy in achieving rural development (Deininger, 2003; Hall,
2004a). For these scholars, rural development involves improved livelihoods. Although non-farm

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livelihoods are considered in rural development thinking, they are regarded as additional

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activities to the main farming or agricultural activities (Rigg, 2006). In this thesis I argue that the

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livelihoods perspective and its assessment tools have yet to make the connections between land

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reform and rural development in various socio-economic settings clearer. The study suggests that

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research on land reform largely focuses on the landless masses and households in isolation from

other rural development indicators such as the basic needs (education, infrastructure and/or
infrastructure development, sanitation, water, electricity, etc). Furthermore, literature on land
reform and rural development tends to concentrate on statistical reports as a source for evaluating
the progress made by land reform programmes. In other words, the focus is more on quantity
than the quality or impact of the programmes. Quantitative reports include the number of
hectares transferred, the number of beneficiaries and the amount of money spent on land
purchase, post-settlement grants; and so on (Walker, 2004). Qualitative measures would involve
rural development and redress of historical injustice in both material and non-material aspects.

The debate on the intersection between land reform and rural development can be engaged from
different angles. For example, the policies and the theories underpinning development and land
reform could be analysed. Land reform could be seen to have failed because it is based on wrong
or ill-informed policies (Lemon, 1995; McCusker, 2002; Hamilton, 2006; Lahiff, 2007; Scoones,
2009; Sikor & Mller, 2009). It is also possible to measure the pace of land reform in terms of
the time it took to transfer a certain amount of land to beneficiaries. For example, it has been
argued that since 1994, the results of land reform have been modest and the whole process is
considered too slow to yield the intended outcomes (Bradstock, 2005; Ntsebeza & Hall, 2007;

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Lahiff, 2008; Hall, 2009; Greenburg, 2010).

Another angle could be to observe and understand the lived experiences of land reform
beneficiaries and how they can be incorporated into modern-day social, political and socioeconomic activities in terms of development. This study draws on literature on land reform and

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rural development in order understand the ways in which land reform and rural development are
interrelated in theory and practice, or how they disconnect. It also teases out how ordinary people

in Limpopo understand land reform in the context of rural development. The specific questions

What are the links and gaps between land reform and rural development in both policy

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and practice?

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that the study seeks to answer are:

How is rural development viewed by officials and ordinary people on the ground?

To what extent is the current land reform policy flexible enough to accommodate

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aspirations for land and development by beneficiaries of land reform?

To address these questions, I paid attention to land restitution and land redistribution
programmes because both are directly linked with land acquisition and are expected to improve
the quality of life in rural areas. The choice for two case studies (Marobala-O-Itsose and Maraba
MahlambaNdlovu) emanates from the need to see how beneficiaries of two different
programmes might view the practice of land reform in relation to rural development. The two
cases can also help us understand whether the two programmes are experienced differently. The
assumption of the study is that although the study areas originate from different land reform

programmes, they share a number of similar features that are imperative to the objectives of the
study (see Chapter 3).
The study will conclude that the current land reform programmes and policy directions are at
odds with beneficiaries preferred land tenure systems, management and land use options. It is
these constraints that prevent a meaningful connection between land reform and rural
development on the ground; compounding the problem of underdevelopment in rural areas.

Land reform is increasingly gaining its popularity in different research areas of geography, with

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special interest on its connection to wealth distribution, rural development, economic growth,
poverty alleviation, political and historical redress, and spatial patterns (Gray & Moseley, 2005;
Fraser, 2008a, b). Agrarian political geographies offer the potential to expand the scope of
political geography by focusing our attention to the dynamics and struggles over land and

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resources in the countryside (Fraser, 2008a). These geographies help us to understand the spatial
dimensions of political questions (Fraser, 2008a). Land reform is part of the context of

geographic inquiry (Fraser, 2008b) and work on land reform can help us to understand the

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poverty-environment interactions. In South Africa land reform challenges the spatial patterns of

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land ownership that were supported by the Natives Land Act of 1913, the Group Areas Act of

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1950 and other relevant legislation. Land reform therefore seeks to create new geographies by

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redistributing the land to the previously marginalized black majority. The former homelands are

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particularly relevant for geographical studies because they were created through racist land and
development policies. A geographic question becomes how land reform can be used to change

apartheid geographies and what will the developmental results of such changes be in a
democratic state. By investigating the experiences of land reform on the ground and the
developmental implications of land reform in rural areas, this study hopes to contribute to the
growing literature on political questions involving land reform and rural development.
1.2 Structure of the thesis
Chapter 2 locates the study within the relevant literature and contextualises the central argument
and conclusions of this study. Specifically, the chapter focuses on themes and conceptions of
land reform and rural development that are relevant to this study. It analyses both international
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and local literature to capture various perspectives on rural development and land reform. I also
examine the trajectory of land reform in South Africa. To this end, I give an overview of land
issues in the past and the present, and highlight how these issues should be considered in
thinking about rural development. The chapter will indicate that agriculture alone, as the main
source of livelihoods is unlikely to resolve the problem of underdevelopment in rural areas.
Chapter 3 sketches out the research design, methods and instruments used to collect data and to
arrive at the conclusions of this thesis. It provides a theoretical map on how the study was
conducted, and on how data was collected and analysed through a precise research design.

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Research methods in this study focus on areas such as beneficiaries interests, especially with
regard to the need for land, land use and administrative processes. During fieldwork, emphasis
was placed on the expectations, experiences and views of individuals on the subject concerned.
This chapter highlights how methodologies were adapted to conditions on the ground during

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fieldwork.

In Chapter 4, I present the study areas with the intention to provide the background for
understanding the findings of the study. The chapter outlines the political and geographical

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nature of dispossessions under apartheid in and around the case study areas. It provides the

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beneficiaries of land reform.

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demography and social features of these study areas so as to understand the perspectives of the

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Chapters 5 and 6 analyse fieldwork data and tease out the beneficiaries views on key aspects of
this study, namely, the ways in which land reform beneficiaries think about rural development

and the land reform programme and how these might be (un)related. These chapters build on
existing definitions of rural development and the current economic, social, political and
environmental conditions in the rural areas of Limpopo. In these chapters, I seek to identify
expectations from rural development and land reform programmes; understand and compare the
need for land reform programmes in rural areas (in both policy and practical contexts); and to
determine the flexibility and accessibility of options in land reform programmes. Furthermore, I
will draw attention to individual understanding of rural development. These views from the
ground are then incorporated into the discussions and debates on land reform and the (possible)
connections between land reform and rural development.

Chapter 7 closes the arguments of the study by indicating that the current framework and
implementation of land reform is inflexible, constrain participation, access and effective use of
land, and land related activities. The chapter will also conclude by indicating that, despite the
lengthy and slow pace of land reform and lack of (or insufficient) resources, there are other deeprooted factors, which prevent a meaningful connection between land policies and rural

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development.

CHAPTER TWO
Rural development and land reform in context
2.1. Introduction
This thesis derives its perspective from the field of human geography, which generally covers a
wide range of human interaction with the natural environment and seeks to understand the
patterns and dynamics of human activities that includes political, cultural, economical and
developmental phenomena (Moseley et al, 2007). This chapter is divided into three main

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sections. The first section surveys national and international literature on conceptions of the
rural and development. The intention is to explore approaches to rural development in
different contexts and to highlight the ideologies that influence these approaches. The survey is

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also meant to foreground the South African experience. The second part discusses betterment
planning as a rural development strategy under apartheid. The last part captures rural

development approaches in post-1994 South Africa. These three sections provide the appropriate

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background for understanding land reform and rural development in the case studies that will be

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discussed in chapters 4, 5 and 6.

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2.2 Conceptions and attributes of the rural

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There is extensive literature, both descriptive and theoretical, on the formation and nature of
rural areas. A sociologist, Marc Mormont, suggested that the use of rural as an academic

concept evolved since the 1920s and 1930s when major social and economic transformations
impacted on the essential features of rural society (Mormont, cited in Woods, 2005). In spite of
discussions and debates on definitions of rural areas, there exists no precise definition for these
areas since they are increasingly becoming diversified in terms of geographical, political, socioeconomic and cultural aspects (Bank & Minkley, 2005).
Rural areas also vary historically over time and from place to place (Muilu & Rusanen, 2004),
and have great cultural significance, which needs to be embraced while describing these areas.
The common questions about the rural include what are rural areas, who are the rural and what
characterises the rural? At the outset, it is important to explore and revisit definitions and the
9

nature of rural areas when considering planning and initiating development policies so that they
can benefit those targeting the rural poor (Chambers, 1983). The concept of rural is used
differently as a social context to describe certain populations or communities, lifestyles and
culture. It also signifies a category of localities, which might share properties of some causal
importance (Hoggart & Buller, 1987), such as cultural values, traditional structures and
production systems (Mabogunje, 1980).
Scholars have developed various models that would enable them to define and explain the
concept of rural, such as drawing the rural-urban divide on geographical, economical, social or

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political bases (Sharma, 2004; Singh, 2009). Other models include referring to historical,
cultural, ecological, social, economic, environmental or demographical aspects of the areas, such
as population density, land use and management (mostly in Africa) or traditional values and
practices (see Mabogunje, 1980). 1 In this respect, rural areas are those areas whose social,

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political, economical, and geographical features are converse to those of urban areas. Rural
sociologists believe that some of these conditions such as landlessness and isolation in rural areas

are caused by massive industrial and agricultural production and the use of modern methods and

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techniques (Poostchi, 1986), which eventually increased unemployment, poverty and the influx

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of rural-urban migration (Sharma, 2004). 2 There are some rural geographers who support the

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notion that these areas are affected by urban influences in terms of development, such as small

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towns, new roads or type of housing (Bull et al, 1984).

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From an economic perspective, rural areas are defined in terms of access, accumulation and

distribution of wealth (Bull et al, 1984). Sharma (2004) for instance, describes rural areas as
those consisting of dispersed farmsteads, and as areas isolated from basic services and economic
opportunities, lacking in infrastructure, and dependent primarily on agriculture with low
productivity. Though agriculture is an important feature of rural areas, the most important
distinguishing features of these areas in developing countries are poverty and substandard living
conditions.

According to Mabogunje (1980: 20), population and settlement density is an important character to distinguish
rural areas in Africa because it provides a crude index of available land resources for future development.
2
Such circumstances were common in most Western countries.
10

In a geographical context, the concept of rural is used to describe certain population or groups
within their spatial and environmental features, patterns of human settlements and remoteness. In
this context, rural areas are those in scattered settlements, isolated from urban areas and major
cities and depend largely on agriculture. Clout (1984: 7) has expressed a similar view that rural
areas are those with low population density, lose networks of infrastructure and services, tight
networks of personal contacts and a strong identity with home localities, below average
manufacturing and office-based employment, and a landscape dominated by farmland and
forestry. In the European context, rural areas are traditionally defined on the basis of ecology,
occupational level and culture or history (Moseley, 2003). They have isolated economic, political

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and cultural activities and are also characterized by small and widely scattered settlements where
land use is extensive. Labrianidis (2008) is of the view that rural areas within the European
context are also defined on the basis of a series of distinctions such as land use, population

characteristics and social organizations. In countries like Finland, the rural is described as those

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areas whose landscapes comprise natural countryside, farmland, villages, small towns, regional

centres and industrialized areas (European Union (EU), 1988; Moseley, 2003; Labrianidis,
2008). These areas are the main sources of agricultural and industrial production for the entire

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country even though agriculture is no longer the main source of employment or income (Muilu

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& Rusanen, 2004).

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Finland is one of the most rural countries within Europe with predominantly 89% rural regions

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(Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 2008). The Finnish have
adopted a rural policy, which categorises rural areas on the basis of population density and land

use (see Moseley, 2003; Muilu & Rusanen, 2004). The three categories in the Finnish rural
typology are: the urban-adjacent rural areas, rural heartland areas and sparsely populated areas
(EU, 1988; Moseley, 2003). 3 This division is used to describe special features of the country and
these features are used to facilitate the study and comparison of disparities in development
between different regions (Muilu & Rusanen, 2004; EU, 2007). This rural typology is also useful
for demonstrating important changes in settlement patterns (OECD, 2008). On this basis, Finland
does not have a single definition of rural areas; instead, each typology is defined predominantly
3

The main criteria used in classifying these areas include the volume of commuter traffic from the rural areas of the
municipality towards major urban areas and population size (EU, 2007). This rural typology was developed during
the 1990s through the first national rural programme in the form of the so-called tripartite principle (EU, 2007).
11

on statistics, socio-economic qualities, population density, demographic trends or occupational

structures (Muilu & Rusanen, 2004).
The urban-adjacent rural areas are located in the southern and western Finland near the urban
cities and have the best potential for development, employment opportunities, social services
(schools, medical services, and transportation) and agriculture (Nivalainen & Haapanen, 2002).
The rural heartland constitutes the second category and shares basic services with the
neighbouring urban-adjacent rural areas; is mostly engaged in primary production; and has few
industrial sector cluster and specialised primary production clusters (e.g. poultry, fur farming)

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(EU, 2007). It is characterised by slow or poor development, ageing population, out-migration,

unemployment, stagnated economy and scarce public finance (EU, 2007). Several medium-sized
centres are located near the rural heartland. The third category, the very-deep rural areas, refers

to those areas located far away from basic services. These are sparsely populated, have low

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population density, and lack basic infrastructure and services, such as health, education or roads

(Varjo, 1978).

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The sparsely populated rural heartland is caught in a vicious circle: the young move away,
services are lost, agriculture decreases, new jobs are too few to offset the loss of traditional jobs,

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the number of the elderly increases and the economic capacity of municipalities cannot cope with

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the change (Moseley, 2003; EU, 2007; OECD, 2008). On the positive note, rural areas in Finland

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are known for their great potential for tourism, and are regarded as holiday places because of

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their remarkable natural environment (Muilu, 2009). They are seen as peaceful places, with

beautiful landscape and natural values, and as areas to go when one needs to get away from the
big cities for some peace and tranquillity (Moseley, 2003). For many, the countryside offers a
quiet lifestyle compared to urban cities. A full discussion of the countryside as tourist places is
beyond the scope of this thesis. The Finnish rural typology offers a unique and at the same time
holistic view of rural areas within the European context. It points to the complex and dynamic
nature of rural areas.
In contrast to Europe, Africas rural areas are characterized by low levels of health and
education, poor access to clean water and sanitation, inadequate physical security, lack of
political freedom, and insufficient capacity and opportunity to better ones life (Haughton &
12

Khandker, 2009). The majority of African populations continue to live in poverty (Mabogunje,
1980; Fosu et al, 2009). According to the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) report of
2010, at least 58% of Africans lived on less than $1.25 a day in 1996 and later the proportion
fell to 50% in the first quarter of 2009 (UN, 2010). The general view of rural areas in Africa is
that they have similar characteristics, such as spatially dispersed populations, with limited
opportunities to participate in the economic sector (Mabogunje, 1980; Titilola & Ogundela in
Behera, 2006). The work of Mabogunje (1980: 78) on the geographical nature of rural areas in
Africa show that:

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Residential location of the extended family takes the form of a compound comprising a number of
individual huts or a continuous building of many rooms. Such compounds may be isolated or grouped into
hamlets or villages. Usually the areas around the compounds are manured, intensively cultivated and
cropped every year. The main fields are divided up among the families. Within each piece of family land,

various individuals have rights of use of various plots, which tend to be small and scattered and intermixed

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with those of others as a result of the inheritance law of the society. Footpaths or tracts of various widths

link the farms to the villages and hamlets and these, in turn, to the market town.

Mabogunjes (1980) work goes on to describe the traditional values and systems of the society in

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rural communities such as land ownership, land use, traditional factors of production and labour

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within the community; which are considered essential features that characterise rural areas in

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next sections of this chapter.

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Africa. Systems of land ownerships, land use and production are discussed further in detail in the

Chambers (1983) and Moseley (2003) argue that there is no exact definition of rural areas, but

rather exists general characteristics and indicators that describe these areas. These are poverty,
physical weakness, vulnerability, isolation, and powerlessness (see also World Bank, 2000;
Haughton & Khandker, 2009). On this basis, rural areas can then be described as those areas that
cannot afford basic needs, 4 depend highly on migrant labour for income, are vulnerable to
disasters (e.g. droughts or financial crisis), and located in remote areas away from towns and
amenities (Fosu et al, 2009). Rural populations are often illiterate, travel long distances for
employment, and do not have political freedom (Chambers, 1983). Poverty remains the most
challenging factor in both rural and urban areas, with over a billion people of the worlds
4

According Fosu et al, (2009: 34) basic needs are considered to be a socially determined minimum for avoiding
poverty. Thus, according to the Basic needs perspective, poverty is seen as the lack of minimum material
requirements to meet human needs, such as food, basic education, health, sanitation and other essential services. .
13

population living in extreme poverty. 5 Although poverty is not confined to rural areas, this study
is concerned with rural poverty and how it could be eradicated through land reform. The World
Development Report showed that global poverty is largely concentrated in rural areas 6 of most
developing countries, which is home to 75% of the people living under the international poverty
line of $1.25 a day (World Bank, 2007). Haughton and Khandker (2009: 1), adds, poor people
are those who do not have enough income or consumption.
It can further be argued that definitions and explanations of rural areas tend to be too simplistic
and overlook the fact that such areas are not static but have changed over time. It is easy to forget

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that, due to modernisation, some cultural activities and practices in rural areas have changed. For
instance, as will be argued in this thesis, the sources and activities of rural livelihoods are still
undergoing processes of change; agriculture is no longer the only or primary source of

livelihoods and indigenous practices are also becoming trivial and disregarded by the rural

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people themselves and development practitioners. Poostchi (1986) and Moseley (2003) believe

that, rural areas differ in culture and history, from nation to another, and are influenced by
global economic and political fluctuations and changes in government (Muilu & Rusanen,

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2004: 15). These areas have different economic and social circumstances and their problems,

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needs and development potential also vary greatly (Moseley, 2003; Labrianidis, 2008). Without

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going into details, it is possible to explain this view by providing examples of rural areas of both

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developed and developing countries, with the spotlight on South Africa.

2.3 Rural development: conceptions and approaches

The meanings of development have been a contested terrain, especially in development studies
(Simon, 1998). The one-dimensional view of development entails a process of ongoing change
(Ball, 1947). As far as Seers (1989) is concerned, development has been confused with economic
development and modernisation for many decades. During the 1950s and 1960s, development
was generally seen as an economic phenomenon (Onokerhoraye & Okafor, 1994), wherein
development and economic development are synonymous (Mabogunje, 1980). During this period
the focus was on economic growth under the assumption that increases in per capita GNP (or
5

The proportion of people living on less than a $1.25 a day in the world was estimated at 1.4 billion in 2005 (World
Bank, 2007).
6
However, recent studies indicate that extreme poverty is shifting towards urban areas.
14

economy) would trickle down to improve the conditions of the poor majority in the form of jobs
and other economic opportunities (Onokerhoraye and Okafor, 1994). Development paths that
rely heavily on economic growth have been questioned on the basis that the quantity of natural
resources available in the world is not sufficient to meet the world demand for unlimited growth
and development, hence the emergence of the notion of sustainable development. According to
Repetto (in Pearce et al, 1990: 4), sustainable development is a development strategy that
manages all assets, natural resources, and human resources, as well as financial and physical
assets, for increasing long-term wealth and well-being. It rejects policies and practices that
support current living standards by depleting the productive base, including natural resources, as

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these leave future generations with poorer prospects and greater risks than our own (see also
Singh, 2009).

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)s concept of human development

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expresses a different approach and meaning towards development. It views development as

creating environments that would allow individuals of cultural, economic, political and social
differences in the world to have access to income, nutrition and health services, knowledge,

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secure livelihoods and better working conditions, security against crime, sense of participation in

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the economy of their communities (UN, 1990). Human development aims to ensure flexible

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environments for people to develop their full potential in order to lead a productive life. The

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founder of the Human Development Report, Mahbub ul Haq writes that:

The basic purpose of development is to enlarge people's choices. In principle, these choices can be infinite

and can change over time. People often value achievements that do not show up at all, or not immediately,
in income or growth figures: greater access to knowledge, better nutrition and health services, more secure
livelihoods, security against crime and physical violence, satisfying leisure hours, political and cultural
freedoms and sense of participation in community activities. The objective of development is to create an
enabling environment for people to enjoy long, healthy and creative lives (UN, 2010).

In the context of rural development, the above quotation implies that conditions should be
created to allow rural residents to participate in their own development. Sen (1999) reminds us
that development is freedom. Rural development is more specific in that it emphasises enlarging
rural peoples choices. On this point, Mabogunje (1980: 94) writes:

15

Rural development is concerned with the improvement of the living standards of the low-income
population living in rural areas on a self-sustaining basis, through transforming the socio-spatial structures
of their productive activities. It should be distinguished from agricultural development, which entails a
transcends, for that is concerned with only one aspect of their productive life. In essence, rural development
implies a broad-based reorganisation and mobilization of the rural masses so as to enhance their capacity to
cope effectively with the daily tasks of their lives and with changes consequent upon this.

From this view, it may be inferred that rural development is more specific than development, or
agricultural and economic development (Harris, 1982). Agricultural development mostly focuses
on efficiency of resources in production and marketing, than dealing directly with poverty and

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inequalities, and is concerned with economic growth than with development on the ground
(Harris, 1982). In the early years of colonization, policies and programmes of rural development
were based on economic development (Chambers, 2006). The challenge for rural development

(through increase in economic growth) is the expanding bureaucracy, inequality in resource

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allocation, which makes poor people poorer and the rich, richer (Harris, 1982). Ideally, rural

development is about empowering rural individuals in order for them to drive and direct their
own change. 7 Copp (1972) add that rural development must involve the overall improvement in

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the economies and social wellbeing of rural residents and the institutional and physical

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environments in which they live. The Word Bank (1975: 3) defines rural development as:

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A strategy designed to improve the economic and social life of a specific group of people, the rural poor. It

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involves extending the benefits of development to the poorest among those who seek a livelihood in the

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rural areas. The group includes small-scale farmers, tenants and the landlessEmphasis is placed on

increasing production, raising productivity, increasing employment and mobilising land, labour and capital.

Although ideologies of rural development entails the overall improvements in the social,
economic, political and geographical conditions in rural areas, from unsatisfactory to
satisfactory conditions (Singh, 1986); most views on rural development advocate improvement
of natural resources such as land and modes of production in rural areas. We have seen in the
above discussion that land, agriculture and farming form an integral part of livelihoods in rural
areas. However, we might therefore ask ourselves whether agriculture alone is efficient to
address complex predicaments in rural areas. Rural development varies greatly between and
7

Empowerment entails strengthening the knowledge and capacity, provision of resources and political freedom to
make own decisions by rural individuals.
16

within states. Different countries have adopted different rural development approaches. A sample
of these approaches is presented below.
2.4 Select experiences with rural development
In socialist countries, the approach to rural development placed special emphasis on greater
equality and access to social services and natural resources. 8 This socialist dogma assumed
efficient use of public infrastructure and agricultural capital by the state to strengthen rural
production and in turn eliminate poverty (Chambers, 2006). 9 For example, when the Chinese

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Communist Party entered office in 1949 it observed that poverty, underdevelopment and poor
agricultural production in rural areas were related to small land holdings, heavy rents, absentee
landlords and insufficient technology of production, poor seed selection, restricted and controlled
markets, and oppressive taxation by landlords (Mabogunje, 1980; Rigg, 2006). On these

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grounds, China introduced land reform programmes aimed at better land infrastructure and
irrigation; created sustainable conditions for the introduction of modern saving technologies; and

increased the amount of arable land (Mabogunje, 1980; Fei, 1989; Rigg, 2006; Fosu et al, 2009).

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This land reform required that land must belong to the peasants in order to strengthen the
agricultural sector of the peasants and to reduce rural poverty (Malik, 2004). Such tenure system

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would provide rural households with the basic means of survival, which would in turn serve as a

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substitute for welfare and insurance systems in rural areas (Manson, 2009).

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In the late 1970s, China introduced economic reforms that would expand agricultural production,

diversify the rural economy, improve the rural standard of living, and promote the innovation
and diffusion of new technologies (Fei, 1989). Agricultural reforms were introduced as the most
important sector of the economy and development, and were characterised by an equitable
distribution of cultivated land among households (Malik, 2004). In rural areas, the reform
processes started with the introduction of the household responsibility system. By declaring land
to belong to peasants, China aimed at strengthening the agricultural sector of the peasants in
order to reduce rural poverty (Mabogunje, 1980). The overall achievements gave rise to
8

A socialist society is an institutional pattern in which the control over means of production and other production
itself is vested with the central authority (Schumpeter, 1976: 167). Socialism advocates public rather than private
ownership of resources and the means of production (Forman, 1972). .
9
In Tanzania agriculture is the dominant sector that supports more than eighty percent of exports (Mgale, 1996).
17

increased economic growth of the country as a whole and of the peasants, in particular and rural
poverty was reduced (Malik, 2004). China is one of the few countries to implement a successful
land reform programme within the socialism paradigm (Fei, 1989).
Influenced by the impressive rural development outcomes of socialism in China, Tanzania, 10
launched a villagisation programme (Ujamaa) founded on the Arusha Declaration in 1967
(Nyerere, 1968).

11

It is estimated that 95% of the population in Tanzania lived in rural areas and

85% (about 11 million people) lived in scattered homesteads before Ujamaa (McHenry, 1981).
By 1977, about 90% of the rural population was consolidated into Ujamaa villages (McHenry,

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1981). These areas were described in the context of common settlement for a cluster of families
who may be related to one another (Poostchi, 1986: 9). Ujamaa was to develop people through
collectively educating and mobilizing peasants by showing them how co-operation and self-

planning could be relevant to their specific situation, and could improve their standard of living

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in areas that they considered relevant (Raikes, 1975). It entails communal ownership of land and

resources (Mabogunje, 1980). However, this backfired on the government since it was difficult
to achieve greater returns from agriculture on individual holdings and to provide essential

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productive and social services to the farming population (Mabogunje, 1980). Furthermore, the

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Tanzania government hoped that Ujamaa would help them deal with and manage large dispersed

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populations in the country (Mabogunje, 1980). Collectivisation in Tanzania did not work; most

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of the peasants and traditional agriculture were largely isolated and new social disparities

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developed. Tanzanias rural development plan was criticised as a top-down approach, which
prescribed collective land use that rural people rarely want, and thus disregarded rural peoples

priorities (see Clark, 1975; Weaver & Kronemer, 1981; Putterman, 1984; Chambers, 2006).
Apartheid used the same approach for reasons that will become clear below.
Nigeria presents another example of rural development approaches in Africa. In that country
rural areas are typical traditional patterns of settlements of scattered homesteads. They are
characterised by inadequate access to socio-economic infrastructure and lack basic amenities

10

Tanzania was the first African country to adopt a socialist rural development approach (Nursery-Bay, 1980).
Introduced under the leadership of President Julius Nyerere with intention induce the rural population to live and
work together. Ujamaa advocates self-reliance and discourages dependency. According to Clark (1975: 224),
Ujamaa stressed that the country should avoid excessive dependency on external assistance to finance the
development programme.
11

18

such as feeder roads, health and education centres, sanitation facilities, water supply, electricity
and markets (Titilola & Ogundela, in Behera, 2006). Although Nigeria is one of the biggest oil
producing countries in Africa, poverty persists mostly in rural areas (Freedman, 1981). People
living in rural areas are faced with difficulties of access to basic needs, limited employment and
income generating opportunities; inadequate access to agricultural resources especially land,
credit facilities, extension services and inputs; and environmental and natural resource
degradation (See for instance Freedman, 1981; Titilola & Ogundela in Behera, 2006). Like many
countries, Nigeria also faces the dilemma of rural-urban migration. According to Freedman
(1981), rural people flock to urban areas for better life, employment, education and available

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essential services and social amenities. Freedman (1981) further explains that rural-urban
migration is caused by the seasonal nature of agriculture, which drives people into urban areas
because during the dry seasons there is less employment in rural areas. However, during peak

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inequalities and low-income wages (Freedman, 1981).

farming seasons when there is employment in agriculture, rural people are still faced with

Given these predicaments, rural development in Nigeria aimed to improve the economic

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potential of rural areas, increase food production, and encourage non-farm rural activities

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(DSilva & Raza, 1980; Titilola & Ogundele in Behera, 2006; Uwakoye & Osho, 2007). More

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than 56.8% of the work force is engaged in farming (Uwakoye & Osho, 2007). Research by

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Freedman (1981) suggests that rural development in Nigeria and elsewhere can be achieved by

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paying more prices to farmers for their farm products; increasing the economic attractiveness of
farming; providing farming implements such as seeds, fertilisers, insecticides, farming tools or

machinery, transport, storage, marketing facilities, food processing and training farm managers
and farmers. Olatunbosun (1975: 157) adds that:
In order to improve the quality of life of the neglected rural majority in Nigeria, an integrated approach
comprising of various programs need to be introduced. These programs should concern agricultural
production: health care and delivery; investment in rural non-farm activities; education and training; cooperatives; water supply: rural credit and road construction. These projects should be planned and
implemented in an integrated manner so that an integrated approach to rural development may take place.

In the context of agriculture, national plans in Nigeria on rural development focus on rural
infrastructure development (water supply and rural roads); development of improved planting
materials; provision of agricultural research and extension services; and capacity enhancement of
19

the state administration in monitoring and evaluating the impact of agricultural operations
(Titilola & Ogundele in Behera, 2006; Uwakoye & Osho, 2007).
The main objective is to increase agricultural production, incomes and standard of living of
people in rural areas. Although results of the growth of the agricultural sector have been rather
disappointing (Titilola & Ogundele, in Behera, 2006), rural development in Nigeria is still
considered in the context of agriculture, as the majority of rural land is agricultural land. Since
then, Nigeria has also experimented with many approaches to rural development, ranging from
nation-wide programmes such as the River Basin Development Authority (RBDA), the

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Agricultural Development Programme (ADP), to several programmes. Having sketched this

background, the discussion turns to South Africa where the study is based.

2.5 Apartheids rural development plans

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2.5.1. Betterment planning and bantustans: rural development in apartheid era

Although rural South Africa shares common features with other developing countries (e.g.

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poverty, inequalities, unemployment, lack of or poor infrastructure, etc), it has extraordinary

inequalities that have been shaped by the countrys political and social history. Popular images

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of rural areas in South Africa are often those of environments of isolated human settlements,

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characterised by improper structures or traditional mud houses and where people rely on

Africa, 1997a).

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extensive use of indigenous agricultural methods for everyday survival (de Wit, 1989; South

Apartheid rule reconfigured these areas into overcrowded areas with reduced size and flexibility
of land patterns and use (see for example Letsoalo & Rogerson, 1982; Yawitch, 1982; Lemon,
1987; Lemon, 1987; de Wet, 1994; Levin & Weiner, 1997). Colonialism and apartheid shaped
the geographical and political scenery of rural areas and land policies in South Africa. Carter &
May (1999: 1) commented that apartheid was:
a process of active dispossession that stripped assets such as land and livestock from the black majority.
Apartheid simultaneously denied people the opportunity to develop new assets by restricting access to
markets, infrastructure and education. Apartheid thus both produced poverty, and compressed social and
economic class, especially in the rural locations where the majority of black South Africans continues to
reside.
20

Apartheid enforced divisions of settlements based on race and ethnicity advantaged the white
minority (see for instance Nel & Binns, 2000; Ramutsindela, 2007). During apartheid, freedom
of ownership, movement, residence, association, expression and many other civil and political
liberties were the privileges of whites only (Hamilton, 2006). Through white supremacy, the
social control, political and economic structures of many non-white communities were disrupted
and restructured (Lemon, 1987; Levin & Weiner, 1997). Episodes of apartheid include forced
removals and dispossession of land, political and economic exclusions and limited social
movements. Dispossession of land was one of the most exploitive and degrading acts for
Africans whose cultural meanings of land were lost in the process (Mabogunje, 1980). The

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notorious Natives Land Act of 1913 legalized land dispossession while the bantustans which
were solidified into political entities in the 1950s came to represent the image of African rural
areas in the country (Ramutsindela, 1998, 2007). The Natives Land Act and the Group Areas

(1950) were powerful pieces of legislation (Harley & Fotheringham, 1999) that saw Africans,

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Coloureds and Indians stripped off their de facto rights of land ownership through forced

removals, resettlements and eventually dispossession (see also Chapter 4). Maharaj (1999) shows
how the spirit and intent of this Act was extended to urban areas where communities in Warwick

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mounted a strong resistance.

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The 1913 Natives Land Act was an umbrella for several legislations of apartheid by the National

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Party Government that were implemented to set the stage for racial, tribal and political

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boundaries in the country (Ramutsindela, 1998). The 1913 Natives Land Act was used to
enhance cynical processes of the division of people in terms of race, turning South Africa into a

white mans land by taking as much land as possible (80%) away from blacks and allocating it
to whites, who made up less than 20% of the population (Baldwin, 1975; SPP, 1983; Lemon,
1987).
The question of rural development in areas occupied by Africans was addressed through the
Tomlinson Commission of 1955. The Commissions mandate was to devise programmes or
schemes to promote social and economic regeneration of the reserves (Butler et al, 1977). It
recommended that reserves should be set aside as a prerequisite for economic development and
as an alternative to the inevitable consequences of the separation of Africans from whites (Butler
et al, 1977). It also suggested that all land within the African areas including mission farms and
21

land in private possession of individual Africans, groups or tribes, should immediately be

declared betterment areas (Union of South Africa, 1955: 196). As a result, people were forcibly
relocated to areas known as black reserves or Bantustans, where they were allocated residential
and arable land. However, the land allocated in these resettlement areas was small and could
only ensure the most basic crop production (McCusker & Ramudzuli, 2007). 12
Betterment planning was seen as an important policy designed to regulate and restructure life in
the rural areas (Yaitch, 1981; Letsoalo & Rogerson, 1982; Letsoalo, 1987; Platzky, 1985;
Murray, 1992; Ramutsindela, 2006). It refers to agricultural schemes, such as irrigation

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schemes, introduced by the central government in African reserves since the 1930s and 1940s, in
an attempt to control land usage and thus improve and rationalise reserve agriculture (Platzky &
Walker, 1985: ix). Its development objectives were vague. Letsoalo and Rogerson (1982) have
shown that policies or schemes such as betterment planning attempted to improve conditions in

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Bantustans without compromising the apartheid plan. They indicate that in some areas like
Mamahlola, relocations were different from those in the rest of the country in the sense that after

this community was resettled, the state provided infrastructure such as schools, churches, and a

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residential area with dwelling sites planned in rows. In addition, the community was also

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provided with arable land for cultivation and a series of grazing camps as a result of the

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implementation of the betterment scheme (Letsoalo & Rogerson, 1982).

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In another study McCusker and Ramudzuli (2007) show that the implementation of Betterment

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planning schemes in the former Lebowa, resulted in the establishment of the town of Mankweng

and the University of Limpopo. The Surplus People Project (SPP) reports that large numbers of
people were removed from the white areas in Pietersburg to Mankweng (5000 people), Sebayeng
(9000 people) and uncounted thousands to nearby Mothiba, Mamabolo, Makotopong and
Molepo (SPP, 1983).
Other intentions of betterment planning included agricultural development, rehabilitation of the
Bantustans (de Wet, 1994), job creation (Lemon, 1987), cultural solidarity (Ramutsindela, 1998),
and rural development (Letsoalo & Rogerson, 1982; Yawitch, 1982; Lemon, 1987; de Wet,
1994). According to de Wet (1989, 1994) and Bundy (1979), betterment planning was also
12

The land allocated for settlement and cultivation ranged between 2-5 morgen (about 1.7- 4.2 ha) (McCusker &
Ramudzuli, 2007).
22

introduced as an attempt to rehabilitate land in Bantustans by combating soil erosion, conserving

the environment and improving agricultural production.
In terms of land use, betterment schemes rejected indigenous knowledge systems thereby
marginalizing the knowledge relevant for rural livelihoods. According to Lipton et al. (1996), the
marginalisation of indigenous knowledge system led to increasing poverty in rural areas. White
farmers claimed that the reserves reflected bad farming practices of African peasants. The
farmers believed that land in black reserves was in danger because of overgrazing, overstocking
and inefficient land uses (see de Wet, 1994; McCusker & Ramudzuli, 2007). Ironically, these

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problems were exacerbated by land dispossessions.

Betterment planning sought to create economically viable, agriculturally based communities and
employment in the agricultural sector. This involved expansion in agricultural extension schemes

and an emphasis upon the introduction of better crops, methods of production and livestock

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strains (de Wet, 1994). Bundy (1979) has argued convincingly that the states ulterior motives

were to rehabilitate the agricultural base of the reserves and simultaneously maintain these areas
as internal suppliers of migrant labour. In other words, the so-called rehabilitation of the reserves

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was a mere strategy by the state to create large pool of surplus labour and to regulate migration

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to cities. This was due to the competing demand for labour between the agricultural, mining and

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industrial sectors (Bundy, 1979). The apartheid state strategically forced black people to abandon

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their agriculture in order to earn a living by working in white farms and the mines as migrant

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labourers (Bundy, 1979). In the end, the state achieved their ulterior motive: the creation of a

large pool of migrant labourers flocking into the white farms for employment. This was possible
because of lack of employment in the bantustans.
In most areas, development plans under betterment planning were never implemented partly
because of insufficient funds. This was the case in Shixini in the Transkei where betterment
schemes aimed at soil conservation and the improvement of livestock were agreed to between
Chief Mandlenkosi Dumalisile and his younger brother and regent, Jongikwedizi and the
Department of Agriculture and Forestry, but was never implemented (McAllister, 1989). The
consequences of betterment planning in Shixini were that people were removed without
compensation. On betterment land, these people were allocated small (much smaller than the old

23

area) land for cultivation and grazing. 13 Shixini is without a doubt one of the communities in
South Africa that were victims of vague betterment planning schemes, which did not materialise.
Betterment planning received much attention with its focus on rural development in the
reserves, but later was criticised for its massive relocation that left the majority of the black
populations in extreme poverty (Letsoalo, 1987) and deprived of control over natural resources
(McAllister, 1989). Indeed, development within the framework of betterment planning, excluded
the masses, disregarded the socio-political and cultural conditions, and was the main source of
unemployment, landlessness, poverty and poor housing or living conditions in the rural areas

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(Christopher, 1984; McAllister, 1989; Ramutsindela, 1998; Nel and Binns, 2000; McCusker &
Ramudzuli, 2007).

Developing a sense of group identity and cultural solidarity was also one of the intentions of

betterment planning. Ramutsindela (2007) points out that relocation with intentions of cultural

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solidarity were not publicised by the state. Instead, such relocations were projected as

development plans. In this respect, relocations were based on similar cultural backgrounds and
language, whereby individuals of the same culture (such as Xhosa, Pedi, Zulu, Venda, etc.) were

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systematically grouped (Ramutsindela, 1998; McAllister, 1989). In 1951, this goal of separate

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development was realised through the Bantu Authorities Act and the Group Areas Act of 1950.

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According to McCusker and Ramudzuli (2007: 59), this act established national and regional

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administrative structures and began the process of spatially differentiating the black population

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into ethnic groups. The reorganization of space continued further in 1959 with the passage of

the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act (1959), which provided the legal framework for
separating black spaces from white spaces across South Africa. However, betterment planning
intentions of cultural solidarity also came to a sticky end. Rural areas became congested and
concentrated, destroying the traditional pattern of homesteads (Yawitch, 1982; Letsoalo, 1987;
McAllister, 1989).
Betterment planning schemes were resisted on a wide scale by black people, through protests,
refusing to provide labour in white farms, and opposing relocation (Letsoalo, 1982; Freund,
1984; de Wet,1989; McAllister, 1989). However, during apartheid, black people were in no
13

Each household was given 46 metres square (roughly 0.25 hectare) on which the holder must fit huts, livestock
enclosures, other constructions such as chicken coops and storage tanks, and a garden (McAllister, 1989: 362).
24

position to negotiate with the white government. Betterment planning was compulsory and the
government did not see it as a matter of debate (Yawitch, 1982). Thus, government did not
regard resistance to betterment planning as a rational reaction to its plan and such opposition
often resulted in a fine or imprisonment (Yawitch, 1982; McAllister, 1989).
The resultant inequalities are so pervasive and persistent because apartheid was not just a
political process of disenfranchising the black majority. It was also a social engineering project,
which systematically closed off or distorted all avenues for the majority of the population to
participate in the economy and to own land. Most anti-apartheid scholars believe that policies

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introduced during apartheid were never meant for development, but rather to further oppress
non-whites populations (Bundy, 1979; Mafeje, 1981). Proponents of betterment planning could
however argue that some of the elements of betterment schemes had a vision to improve the
Bantustans and improve the agricultural economy of the country, even though the outcomes were

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largely negative (e.g. Letsoalo, 1987; Letsoalo & Rogerson, 1982). In the view of Letsoalo &
Rogerson (1982), the rhetoric of development obscures the fact that betterment planning was an

important dimension of the political economy of apartheid. McAllister (1989: 367) adds that:

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Betterment means a change in the settlement pattern, an assault on the established political and territorial

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units, the disappearance of generations-old neighbourhood groups, economic hardship and an

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understanding of the ability to provide a proportion of subsistence needs, increased dependence on migrant

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labour earnings and further exposure to urban-industrial lifestyles and values.

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The social consequences of betterment planning were that it divided and scattered community
structures and neighbourhoods (Magubane, 1998; Oomen, 2000) 14, which in turn provoked

conflicts resulting from competition for limited resources and control over the allocations and
management of land or other resources (McAllister, 1985). It is estimated that about 3.5 million
people were forcibly removed and resettled between 1950 and 1979 (SPP, 1983). Other major
detrimental outcomes of betterment planning were high rates of unemployment and dependency
on migrant labour and remittance, reduced arable land leading to low levels of agricultural
production, overcrowding, insecure land tenure and extremely limited infrastructure (Yawitch,
1982; Letsoala & Rogerson, 1982; de Wet, 1994; Levin & Weiner, 1997). Betterment planning

14

Through the Black Administration Act, the apartheid government appointed traditional leaders and changed their
areas of jurisdiction within the bantustans in order to have social control over the Natives (Oomen, 2000).
25

reduced the size and flexibility of land patterns and land use, worsened rural poverty, severely
limited stock (through culling), and led to overcrowding in both urban and rural areas (Bundy,
1979; Yawitch, 1982; Letsoalo & Rogerson, 1982; de Wet, 1994; Deegan, 2001). It disorganized
the social and political life of black people in rural areas. How do these areas look like at the end
of apartheid? The next section reflects on the general characteristics of these areas in a
democratic South Africa.
2.5.2 The fate of rural areas in a democratic South Africa

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Following the repeal of repressive and racist legislation in South Africa in the 1990s, the
democratic government introduced policies and programmes to address apartheid legacies in all
spheres of life, including the former bantustans (see Lemon, 1995; Levin & Weiner, 1997; Kepe
& Cousins, 2002; Hall, 2003, 2004b, 2009). The intention was to restructure the Bantustans,

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eliminate spatial territories created by apartheid as part of development; redress historical

injustices of apartheid; and restore the dignity of the dispossessed black people (see for example

Ramutsindela, 2007).

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It is estimated that over 70% of the poor 15 segment of the countys overall population resided in

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rural areas in 2000 (ISRDS, 2000), and 85% lived in impoverished areas, mainly in the former

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bantustans (Hemson et al, 2004). Stats SA (2009) estimated that 43.1% of the countrys

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population lived in rural areas in 1996 and that the figure stood at 43.74% ten years later (i.e.

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2006). It is in these rural areas where the majority of individuals struggle to survive on income

below the poverty line (Ramutsindela, 2006). Usually, their cost of living is high and they spend
relatively more of their earnings on food and basic needs. Unequal distribution of resources such
as land and income are ordinary to these areas. High unemployment rate is a primary constraint
in South Africa, standing at 25.3% (Stats SA, 2010). 16 Contrary to these figures, COSATU
(IRIN, 2008) estimates that unemployment in South Africa is 40% (IRIN, 2008). Insufficient
distribution of basic services such as water, electricity, education, housing, and healthcare make
15

According to the World Bank (2001: 15) To be poor is to be hungry, lack shelter and clothing, to be sick and not
be cared for, to be illiterate and not be schooled. But, for poor people, poverty is more than this. Poor people are
particularly vulnerable to adverse events outside their control. They are often treated badly by the institutions of
state and society and excluded from voice and power in those institutions.
16
This is the overall statistics of the countrys unemployment rate, which does not specify the statistics in the rural
areas.
26

up the disparities in rural areas. Housing and poverty is also a major predicament, wherein some
of the households live in homesteads with rustic or temporary roofing, such as plastic sheeting
or cardboard and have high occupation densities (Carter & May, 1999: 3). Other households
live in homesteads of traditional mud houses without water, electricity or proper sanitation.
Education is another challenge in the country, where approximately 7.4% of the countrys
population do not have formal education, with Limpopo Province being the highest with 13.9%
(Stats SA 2007, 2008). 17 Over 35% of people in South Africa cannot afford basic education. In
rural areas, education is mostly available at primary and secondary levels (Grade 0-12) and is

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generally of poor quality compared to those in urban areas. Some of the challenges affecting
education in rural areas include lack of resources and infrastructure such as classrooms, reading
and teaching materials. Education has intrinsic value and can provide technical and social skills

that facilitate social intergration and intergenerational income gains (EU, 2009). Without

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education, rural individuals are limited to unsustainable and insecure jobs with low incomes.

Access to water remains a challenge in rural areas. Rural households are vulnerable to unsafe

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water supply, poor sanitation and lack of electricity. Statistics indicate that 88.6% of the
countrys population has access to piped water and free basic water, 80% has access to electricity

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and 60% has access to flush toilets (Stats SA, 2007). The South African government provides

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free water to poor households to meet their basic needs currently set at 6Kl per household (or 25

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litres per person per day) within 200 metres of dwelling (Stats SA, 2008). 18 The government also

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provides free basic electricity as part of providing basic needs. However, these aggregate figures

do not make a distinction between rural and urban areas. They omit the majority of households
who still do not have access to these basic resources, especially in rural areas (see Chapters 5 &
6). In brief, the development challenges in rural areas are much more severe than what is
presented in statistical reports. It is therefore clear that there is a need for immediate attention to
rural areas and their developmental needs.

17

Formal education or Grade 12 is the minimum requirement to be eligible for basic employment and in terms of
age, the maximum age for working in the public sector is set at ages between 60-65 years.
18
Water Services Act (Act No. 108 of 1997) provides for the rights of access to basic water supply and basic
sanitation by setting national standards and norms.
27

The livelihoods of people living in rural areas are based on multiple activities and sources such
formal employment, remittances, social grants, urban employment, and household subsistence
agricultural activities (Figure 2.2). Social grants are becoming an important source of livelihoods
in the country, especially in rural areas. In the 2009 State of the Nation address, President Jacob
Zuma also said:
Social grants remain the most effective form of poverty alleviation. As of 31 March 2009, more than 13
million people received social grants, more than 8 million of whom are children. We are mindful of the
need to link the social grants to jobs or economic activity in order to encourage self-reliance amongst the

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able-bodied (Zuma, 2009).

In addition to the above, about 45% of the countrys population receives social grants, with
Limpopo being the highest with 59.4%, and then followed by the Eastern Cape (56.8%). These
provinces have the strongest rural base in terms of population and economic activities and

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incorporate large areas of the former Bantustans (see Ramutsindela, 2007). Most households in
rural areas depend on social welfare, pensions and child support grants, for income (Carter &

May, 1999). It is often argued that rural individuals depend largely on agriculture as the primary

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source of livelihoods and income (see Section 2.3). However, some have argued that rural
livelihoods are not only limited to agriculture (Cousins, 2005; Lahiff, 2007). Studies show that

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although agriculture and other natural resources provide the basis for some livelihoods, most

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rural areas are no longer primarily depend on agriculture for livelihoods (Lahiff, 2007; Cousins,

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2005; May, 1999; Scoones, 2009). However, we cannot disregard the fact that agriculture
contributes to rural incomes and livelihoods. Evidently, statistics show that, less than a quarter of

South African households (20.7%) are involved in agriculture (Stats SA, 2009). However, these
statistics may omit or exclude individuals who are involved in backyard or small-scale farming.
Figure 2.1 shows disparity in the sources of livelihoods in South Africas provinces.

28

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Figure 2.1: Sources of household income by province

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Source: Stats SA, General Household Survey 2009

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From Figure 2.1 it is clear that residents in provinces such as Gauteng and the Western Cape

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depend on salaries as compared to those in provinces such as the Northern Cape where a large

number of people (i.e. 23.7%) rely on grants. Given these conditions, how should rural
development be approached in 21st century South Africa? What should the role of land reform
be in South Africas countryside? The next section that follows tries to answer these questions.
2.6 The countryside in a democracy
Rural development has since been one of South Africas main priorities and yet the policy to
achieve this objective has neither been clear nor well thought out. Instead, the country has been
through a series of programmes, strategies and schemes which attempt to accomplish rural
development.

29

2.6.1 Reconstruction of the past and development of the future: rural development (1994-2009)
The birth of democracy brought hope for social equality, political freedom, economic
opportunities and improved living conditions to many black South Africans. The ANC
government inherited a country of gross inequalities, poverty and unemployment (Lemon, 1995).
The transition to a non-racial democracy in 1994 posed difficult political, social and economic
challenges. The major task of the government is to ensure that South Africas rich natural and
human resources are employed for the benefit of all, promoting sustainable livelihoods,
improving social conditions, and alleviating poverty (Lewis, 2001). In order to eradicate these

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imbalances, the ANC vowed to provide a better life for all especially in the rural areas where
most of the population reside (see ANC, 1994). 19 During these early years of democracy, the
focus was placed on the reconstruction and development of a non-racial and non-sexist state

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(ANC, 1994).

Soon after taking office in 1994, the Mandela government announced ambitious plans for

addressing under-development in rural areas. These ambitions were first delineated in the famous

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Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), which provoked high expectations for
development (Ramutsindela, 2006). The RDP was one of the first master plans that was

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formulated by the ANC and other liberal movements. It provided the general framework for rural

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development and for mitigating the injustices and inequalities of apartheid. The RDP had five

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key programmes: meeting basic needs; developing the human resource; building the economy;

democratising the state and society, and implementation of programmes. It suggested that:
Rural development is a multi-dimensional and much broader than poverty alleviation through social
programmes and transfers; it places emphasis on changing environments to enable poor people to earn
more, invest in themselves and their communities and contribute toward the maintenance of key
infrastructure; a successful strategy will make people less poor, rather than more comfortable in their
poverty (ANC, 1994).

The RDP suggested programmes and strategies that were aimed at improving the provision of
services to enhance opportunities for income generation and local development, improve
physical infrastructure, social cohesion and security within rural communities (ANC, 1994). In
19

The ANC election manifesto slogan since 1994 has been that, A vote for the ANC is a vote for a better life for
all (ANC, 2009).
30

other words, rural development policy in the early years of democracy emphasized the
eradication of inequalities and poverty through the redistribution of resources. The RDP focused
on the provision of basic needs and services in rural areas as a way of achieving development
and eliminating poverty. The basic needs considered included housing, employment, electricity,
health, water, transport, sanitation, infrastructure, social welfare and security (ANC, 1994). The
RDP emphasised the right to proper housing, access to clean water and sanitation, health care,
basic education and infrastructure development (see Figure 2.2). 20 It identified land as the most
basic political, social and economic need (ANC, 1994).

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In 1995, the first document addressing rural development was released in the discussion
document Rural Development Strategy of the Government of National Unity (South Africa,
1995). The strategy envisages the development of an efficient rural development programme to
which rural people would make a significant contribution (South Africa, 1995). The Rural

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Development Strategy focused on strengthening local government and also identified rigid areas,
which may prevent successful plans for rural development. It suggested land reform and

agriculture as instruments for development in rural areas, placing emphasis on agricultural

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development, markets, labour, employments and finance, etc.

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In June 1996, the Department of Finance introduced the Growth Employment and Redistribution

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strategy (GEAR) to focus on economic development and the creation of employment and was

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widely viewed as a departure from the RDP (see RDF, 1997). The key goals of the policy

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include economic growth of 6% by the year 2000, inflation was of less than 10%, the increase in

economically active population. The deficit on the current account and the balance of payments
would be reduced to 2 and 3%, a ratio of gross domestic savings to GDP of 21.5 % in the year
2000, improvement in income distribution, relaxation of exchange controls and reduction of the
budget deficit to below 4 percent of GDP (South Africa, 1996). The GEAR policy placed
emphasis on improving and maximising local economic development, redistribution of
government expenditure to formerly deprived areas, infrastructure development, and access to
national productivity (South Africa, 1996). It maintained a fiscal and macro-economic
framework, which aimed at creating diversified jobs through local economic development;

20

The RDP recognizes that all these problems are connected and that rural development therefore requires an
integrated approach.
31

redistributing government expenditure to formerly deprived areas; providing access to resources

to improve household and national productivity; and contributing to eradicating poverty. GEAR
was largely criticized for failing to deliver the promised economic growth and job creation or a
significant redistribution of income and socio-economic opportunities in favor of the poor
(Knights, 2009). According to the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), GEAR
was biased towards economic growth and disregarded the development of the rural poor (cited in
Knights, 2009).
In 1997, the Rural Development Framework (RDF) was introduced to provide a framework for

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implementing a sustainable rural development plan. The South African Rural Development
Framework/SARDF presented rural development as:

A means of helping rural people set the priorities in their own communities through effective and

democratic bodies, by providing the local capacity; investment in basic infrastructure and social services.

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Justice, equity and security; dealing with the injustices of the past and ensuring safety and security of the

rural population, especially that of women (South Africa, 1997: 9).

The RDF sets out platforms on how to involve rural people in their own development; achieve a

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rapid and sustained reduction of absolute poverty; increase employment; provide basic

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infrastructure and services and the countrys economic growth (South Africa, 1997a). 21 The RDF

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provides a comprehensive outline of the governments motives for rural development. The RDP

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and RDF gave priority to ensuring the provision of basic needs and services, reducing poverty,

Bantustans. 22

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redressing historical inequalities and infrastructure development in rural areas and the former

21

The RDF claims that it does not prescribe a specific strategy but shows where inter-sectoral planning and
coordination are needed for resources to be used productively for rural development to become a reality in the next
two decades (South Africa, 1997a: 15).
22
Between 1994-1999, the implementation of rural development took place in the context of various legislations
such as the Abolition of Racially-based Land Measures Act, 108 of 1991; The Constitution of the Republic of South
Africa, Act 108 of 1996; Housing Act, 107 of 1997; Restitution of Land Rights Act, 22 of 1994; Development
Facilitation Act, 67 of 1995; Extension of Security of Tenure Act, 62 of 1997; Transformation of Certain Rural
Areas Act, 94 of 1998.
32

Figure 2.2: Rural development goals in 1994-1999, which are highlighted in the
Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and the Rural Development
Framework (RDF)

Housing: Provide well-located and affordable shelter for all by the year 2003. Build one million houses
in five years
Electricity: Supply 2.5 million more households and all schools and clinics with electricity by the year
2000.

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Water: Supply 20 to 30 liters of clean water each day to every person in two years and 50 to 60 liters
per day within five years from a point no more than 200 meters from their dwelling.

Health care: Give free medical care to children under 6 years and to homeless children; improve

maternity care for women; organize programs to prevent and treat major diseases like TB and AIDS.

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Education and training: Literacy for all, equal opportunity, 10 years of free and compulsory
education, class sizes of no more than 40 pupils, training workers to meet the challenges of the new

political and economic conditions.

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Land reform: Implement a national land reform that would redress the injustices of forced removals
and historical denial of access to land, ensure security of tenure, overcrowding, redistribute residential

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and productive land to the rural poor. Furthermore, raise incomes and productivity; and, through the

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provision of support services, to build the economy by generating large-scale employment and increase

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rural incomes (Government of South Africa, 1997). The goal is to redistribute 30% of white owned

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agricultural land to blacks within the period of five years.

Social security and social welfare: Ensuring the safety and security of the rural population, especially
that of woman. .A new system to provide for all people regardless of their race, gender or physical
disability. A pension system to meet the needs of works in the formal and informal sectors.
Job creation through public works: A national public works program to provide basic needs such as
water supply, sewerage and roads and at the same time create jobs, particularly in poor and rural areas.

Source: ANC, 1994; South Africa, 1997a,

33

2.6.2 A deferred dream for rural development

In 1999, the ANC elected former President Thabo Mbeki as the successor of former President
Nelson Mandela for the period 1999-2008. The ISRDS was launched by the Mbeki
administration in 2001 and was presented as a creative and ambitious attempt to address
institutional weakness and to deepen the impact of service delivery, especially rural
development. It is stated in the ISRDS that:
Rural development is understood to be multi-dimensional, encompassing improved provision of services,
enhanced opportunities for income generation and local economic development, improved physical

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infrastructure, social cohesion and physical security within rural communities, active representation in local
political processes, and effective provision for the vulnerable. Rural development in this context is thus
much broader than poverty alleviation through social programs and transfers. The concept places emphasis
on facilitating change in rural environments to enable poor people to earn more, invest in themselves and

their communities, contribute toward the maintenance of the infrastructure key to their livelihoods; in short,

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to identify opportunities and to act on them. A successful strategy will thus make people less poor, rather

than more comfortable in their poverty. This emphasis is complemented by specific measures to assist the
vulnerable and relieve the burdens of poverty (South Africa, 2001: 19

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The ISRDS aimed to achieve rural development by integrating and coordinating different state

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departments, programmes and the rural people to ensure that by the year 2010 the rural areas

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would attain the internal capacity for integrated and sustainable development (South Africa,

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2000: 1). 23 The purpose of the ISRDS was to provide the institutional framework for

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coordinating existing departmental initiatives and programmes in order to achieve integrated and

sustainable rural development. It aimed to ensure participation of all spheres of government and
the public. Although the RDP and RDF did not deliver on their promises, they paved the way to
initiate the framework for rural development and to identify the challenges to be addressed for
development in rural areas.
2.6.3 Will President Zuma shower rural areas with development?
The ANCs 52nd national conference in 2007 saw the election of Jacob Zuma as President of the
ANC and the country (in 2009). The Conference resolved that there is a need for a
23

The vision of the ISRDS is to attain socially cohesive and stable rural communities with viable institutions,
sustainable economies and universal access to social amenities, able to attract and retain skilled and knowledgeable
people, who are equipped to contribute to growth and development (South Africa, 2001: iv).
34

comprehensive and clear rural development strategy, which builds the potential for rural
sustainable livelihoods, particularly for African women, as part of an overarching vision for rural
development (ANC, 2007). The Zuma administration has taken up this challenge through its
five main priority areas: education, health, rural development and land reform, employment and
crime. President Zuma said in the state of nation address:
People in the rural areas also have a right to electricity and water, flush toilets, roads, entertainment and
sport centres; as well as better shopping centres like those in the cities. They too have a right to be helped
in farming so that they can grow vegetables and other things; and raise livestock so that they can feed

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themselves (Zuma, 2009).

It is clear that the new government is prepared to put extra efforts on providing and promoting
the countrys rural development. The government viewed rural development as:

about enabling rural people to take control of their destiny, thereby dealing effectively with rural poverty

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through the optimal use and management of natural resources. It is a participatory process through which
rural people learn over time, through own experiences and initiatives, how to adapt their indigenous

knowledge to their changing world (South Africa, 2008: 4).

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From this quotation, we can assume that rural development is a process of allowing rural

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individuals to conduct their own development as they themselves prefer and know how, and to

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manage and use resources in the most favourable manner. However, the pragmatism of such a

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definition may be perceived as ambiguous and incoherent, given previous experiences of

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governments attempts at rural development. Since 1994 the emphasis has been on rural people
defining their own development, driving and participating in their own development. In other

words, the ANC government believes that people in rural areas should be at the forefront of
development yet, the party and the government fail to explain what it means for rural people to
become involved in own development.
The Zuma government emphasises rural development, food security and land reform as its top
priorities, in addition to those listed in the ANC manifesto for the 2009 national elections (Mail
& Guardian, 31 July 2009). The new Ministry of Rural Development and Land Reform was
launched together with the Comprehensive Rural Development Programme (CRDP) in 2009.
The Comprehensive Rural Development Programme (CRDP) is part of the Medium Term
Strategic Framework (MTSF) for key priorities of the ruling party for the next five years (200935

2014). Several development policies, legislations and programmes shaped the CRDP. These
include the national RDF, the Constitution (Act 108 of 1996), RDP, GEAR, MTSF, land reform
programme, agricultural and economic development programmes, as well as other government
programmes and non-governmental interventions (South Africa, 2009). CRDP is designed to
improve the standards of living and welfare, reduce poverty and increase food security.
Furthermore, the CRDP must also rectify past injustices through rights-based interventions and
address skewed patterns of distribution and ownership of wealth and assets (South Africa, 2009).
The objective of the CRDP is to achieve vibrant, equitable, and sustainable rural communities

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and food security for all (South Africa, 2009: 8).

In order to achieve rural development, the CRDP (South Africa, 2009: 8) aims to embark on the
following actions:
Aggressive implementation of land reform policies

Stimulate agricultural production with a view to contributing to food security

Rural livelihoods and food security

Improve service delivery to ensure quality of life

Implement a development programme for rural transport

Skills development

Revitalisation of rural towns

Explore and support non-farm economic activities

Institutional capacity development

Cooperative development

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Soon after the CRDP was launched, the programme was put to the test through a pilot project in
the Greater Giyani Local Municipality, Muyexe village in Limpopo Province and Riemvasmaak
in the Northern Cape. During the pilot project, the main activities would be to understand the
community profile, which is the structure, history, institutions, resource base and quality and
quantity of infrastructure and services that shape the livelihoods of households in a given
community (South Africa, 2009). This would assist in the development of a community
engagement strategy and lead to more effective projects as they are moulded to the needs and
characteristics of the people involved (South Africa, 2009).

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2.7. Land reform for rural development

Land remains a valuable and fundamental productive asset globally for its potential to improve
livelihoods in rural areas (Mabogunje, 1980). In South Africa, rural production with regard to
land has been historically distorted by factors of colonialism and capitalist development (Mafeje,
1981). Along with other development policies, the land reform policy was launched as a
programme aimed at addressing apartheid legacies, especially the politically misguided rural
development path that had been followed in the past. Rural Development policies, programmes
and strategies make mention of land reform as the primary tool for rural development. In

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particular, the RDP was the first policy document to realise that:
A national land reform programme is the central and driving force of a programme of rural development,
such a programme aims to address effectively the injustices of forced removals and the historical denial of

access to land (ANC, 1994: 20).

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There is indeed some evidence that support the arguments in this thesis that the links between

land reform and development in South Africa are not clearly made in literature and policy

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(Anseeuw & Mathebula, 2008). Despite restoring the dignity of those who lost land during
apartheid, redistributing agricultural land to the landless and securing the rights of those whose

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daily lives were threatened by evictions at any moment; land reform is yet to show positive

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impacts on the socio-economic and living conditions of intended beneficiaries, specifically the

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rural masses. Since its implementation in 1994, land reform has received a great deal of criticism

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from scholars who question its contribution towards sustainable rural development. According to

Walker (2004), reports on progress on land reform place emphasis on quantitative than
qualitative achievements of the programme. This includes the number of claims settled and
hectares transferred, the number of people it has benefited, and the amounts of money spent to
settle the claims. Without doubt, land reform has accomplished modest successes in terms of
land transfers since 1994. To date, 4% of land has been transferred, with approximately 46% (i.e.
of transferred land) restored through land restitution and 54% through redistribution and tenure
programmes. In total, 5.6 million hectares of land were redistributed between 1995-2009,
benefiting over 1,551,249 beneficiaries (PLAAS, 2009). Hall (2007) reckons it is too early to be
celebrating the progress of land reform. With the target set at 30% by 2015, the land reform

37

programme has since redistributed only 4% of agricultural land to the black population. This
raises questions about whether land reform will ever meet its target.
On top to the slow pace of land transfers, constrained by the willing-buyer willing seller model
(Cliffe, 2000; Hamilton, 2006; Lahiff, 2007), little has been mentioned about the impacts on the
policy on the socio-economic circumstances of beneficiaries. Most analysts have argued that the
failures of structural inefficiencies and the model of land reform in use (Cousins, 2001; Walker,
2004; Lahiff, 2007; Hall, 2009). Critics point to the inability of the land reform programme to
provide support services to newly resettled beneficiaries of land reform and has of late, been

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identified as a major weakness in South Africas land reform (Sikor & Muller, 2009).
Specifically, the Department of Agriculture has been accused of failing to provide extension
services, monitoring and support to new landowners. Other flaws from the government are the

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inability to strengthen and monitor inter-departmental relationships.

2.8 Conclusion

In this chapter, I have reviewed and discussed literature on land reform and rural development in

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order to argue that the connection between the two is not made explicit in the literature and in

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policy formulations. The first section of this chapter reflected on international and local debates

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on rural areas in order to highlight different conceptions of rural areas and their complex nature

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in different parts of the world. The Finnish rural typology provides a clear indication of the

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diversity of rural areas and supports the conclusions drawn in this thesis, namely, approaches to

rural development should recognise the diversity of rural areas and the various needs of the
population (see Chapter 7). Rural development is a multi-dimensional process, which requires
integrated approaches that could address the different needs and inequalities in rural areas.
Various government laws and policy frameworks related to land reform were examined to
understand governments rural development strategies. The second section of the chapter focused
on rural development in its own rights and involves analyzing different views from selected
countries on how development in rural areas is brought about. To this end, different programmes
and strategies for rural development were reviewed. This chapter has paid attention to legislation
and policies that were implemented during and after apartheid. As we have seen throughout this
chapter, the South African government is convinced that it would achieve its developmental
38

goals in rural areas through land reform programmes. How this would happen, however, is the
subject of considerable debate hence this thesis attempts to tease out the gaps between land
reform and rural development. In the next chapter, I discuss the methods that were used to gather
information on the subject of the connection between land reform and rural development.
Attention is paid to research design, methods and instruments used to arrive at the conclusions of
this thesis. The chapter will also outline the questions that guided the study, and how data was

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collected and analysed.

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CHAPTER THREE
Research design and methodology
3.1. Introduction
This chapter discusses the research design, methods and instruments used to arrive at the
conclusions of this study. It pays attention to how the research was conducted, with particular
emphasis on research design, data collection, representation, and analysis. Research design

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specifies and explains in detail the methods to be used in collecting and analysing data (Flick,
2007). In other words, it provides a detailed map on how the researcher intends to carry out the
study and the basis for making decisions on the types and forms of data needed to answer
research questions; methods used to collect data and instruments and procedures followed in the

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process. It is on this basis that this chapter outlines the research process. Furthermore, this
chapter discusses and acknowledges the methods used in other research projects as these guided

the researcher on what methods to consider or to use in the study, and to identify and avoid

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errors and limitations (or challenges) experienced by other researchers while conducting similar
studies. Research methods in this study were informed by the need to understand views and

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practices on land reform and rural development in the study area. The study used three major

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qualitative techniques, namely, interviews, participant observations and content analysis, in

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addition to the review of literature discussed in Chapter 2.

3.2 Notes on research methods

Land reform and rural development is a political, social, economic, and historical concern across
the world. For these reasons, land reform in South Africa has been studied from various angles
and perspectives using different methods. Thus, it is useful to consider research methods used by
other scholars that had constructive influence on the methods used in this study and which also
assisted me to avoid errors made by others. For instance, Lahiff et al (2008) used qualitative
methods to evaluate the impact of land reform on poverty alleviation among smallholder farmers
in four case studies in rural Limpopo. The case studies were selected and divided into two main
land reform programmes, land restitution and redistribution, where beneficiaries were directly
involved in agricultural production. In the study, they used interviews and observations to
40

understand the social, economic and political context within which land reform projects are
being implemented and the impact of land reform on the rural livelihoods of smallholder
farmers. 24
In another study conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC, 2003), case
studies and interviews were used to observe Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development
(LRAD) in achieving its ultimate objectives and the constraints affecting its delivery. The HSRC
study was on three case studies (Limpopo, Eastern Cape & KwaZulu Natal), where most rural
households live in poverty. The purpose of the study was to evaluate institutional capacity and

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inter-institutional dynamics, programme targeting, beneficiary group size and dynamics, service
provision, post-transfer support and mentoring, access and contact, the role of consultants, the
land market and how it is accessed, and the sustainability of the projects. Documents such as
business plans were used to examine and understand possible deviation from initial project

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objectives (HSRC, 2003).

In the study that was aimed at evaluating land reforms contribution to South Africas pro-poor

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growth pattern, Anseeuw & Mathebula (2008) conducted qualitative interviews to capture
historical data of beneficiaries in order to compare situations before and after land reform. The

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study was conducted in Molemole Municipality in Limpopo. Participants included tribal chiefs

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and councillors, extension officers, government officers from DLA and DoA at provincial,

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municipal and local level (Anseeuw & Mathebula, 2008). However, the rest of the project

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members were excluded from the study, thus limiting the potential of the study to uncover

different views and opinions on land reform. The impact of land reform on rural development
was evaluated through field observation at project level and statistical and administrative data on
land reform projects in the municipality (Anseeuw & Mathebula, 2008).
Research methods employed in the study conducted by Lahiff et al (2008) influenced the
approach adopted in this study. The context of the study of Lahiff et al (2008) and the methods
employed are in line with some of the subject matters addressed in this study. That is, one that

24

Other methods applied Lahiff et al, (2008) include meetings with key government institutions dealing with land
reform, interviews with local traditional leaders and elected public representatives, representatives of nongovernmental organisations, which were used to acquire data such as feedback on the progress of the research
projects.
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focuses on two main land reform programmes (land restitution and redistribution) that are
directly involved in agriculture to evaluate the impact of land reform in transforming the lives of
rural beneficiaries. As argued in Chapter 2, rural development does not only imply change in
livelihoods, but rather the overall improvement of the social, economic, political and socioeconomic conditions in rural areas (see Chapter 2).
3.3 Choice and use of methodologies
A qualitative approach was adopted in this study as it was considered appropriate for seeking

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answers to the research questions in hand. This approach explains the qualities, characters or
properties of a phenomenon for better understanding (Blaikie, 2000). In Woods (1999) view,
qualitative research focuses on reality; it is concerned with life as it is lived, things as they
happen, and situations as they are constructed in the day-to-day course of events. Research using

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qualitative approach usually focus on a particular theme (e.g. political or cultural) that is studied
for better understanding and clarity. It uses diverse predefined methods and techniques to ensure

that the phenomenon under study has been carefully investigated by various sources of

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information and to uncover a variety of data (Henning at el, 2004). Qualitative approaches
allowed the researcher to apply different methods and techniques for better understanding of the

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subject under study. The methods range from case studies, observations, interviews,

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questionnaires and so forth. Research methods used in this study include case studies,

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observations, interviews, document analysis as shown in Figure 3.1. The rationales for the use of
the case study approach are discussed below.

Figure 3.1: Research design

Qualitative Research

Historical
Narratives

Case Study

Interviews

Observations

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Content Analysis

The initial stage of the research consisted of extensive review of literature, which was aimed at
developing a theoretical orientation for the study. The literature reviewed included international
and South African literature, as well as local (Limpopo) documents, and media reports
(newspapers and public speeches). This was done to understand the topic in a much broader and
detailed context. The second stage of the study consisted of fieldwork from which empirical data
was generated. Fieldwork was conducted between December 2008 and June 2009. The units of
analysis in case studies range from places, events, individuals and organisations, decisions (i.e.
the process, participants or consequences) and time periods.

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3.4 Case study

A case study is an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its
real-life context; when boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident and

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multiple source of evidence is used (Yin 1989, cited in Blaikie 2000: 217). A case study
approach is flexible and also emphasizes individualistic features that make one person or a group

different from another. In case studies, the researcher can also employ a variety of methods and

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techniques to gather vast amount of data within a limited period (Platt, 1988; Thomas &

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Brubaker, 2008).

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Given the intentions of this study to see how ordinary people and government officials

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understand rural development in connection to the land reform programme (see Chapter 1); case

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studies are appropriate methods in revealing individualistic behaviours and experiences and the

attributes of particular people and institutions. Preference for case studies in this study includes
the ability to illustrate how participants understand intentions and framework of the policy; to
unearth and understand the directions of land reform in question; and how conceptions of land
relate to rural development. Thus, participants views and debates on the land reform are
investigated and analysed to establish the link between land (reform) and rural development. In
the process, participants socio-economic backgrounds and current situations are carefully
investigated to understand why they view the land the way they do. Participants are studied and
analysed as both individuals and as a group or organisation, and are also identified as an
organisation represented by a legal entity (i.e. Communal Property Association, CPA) in the land
reform programme. In this instance, the purpose of case studies includes the attempt to reveal
43

the internal operations of a group or institution by identifying the relative influence of different
members, tracing routes of communication, suggesting the sources of proposal that determine the
groups activities, showing how people achieve and maintain their membership (Thomas &
Brubaker, 2008: 122). In identifying case studies and participants, the researcher used both
primary and secondary data, which involved extensive literature review and consultation with
people directly involved in the land reform programme at provincial and local levels.
3.4.1. Identification of case studies and participants

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The case studies used in this study were identified from a survey of literature and government
annual reports and publications on land reform in the province. These reports and publications
documented statistical information on the number of claims submitted and successful land
claims, the amount of hectares transferred and money spent, and numbers of beneficiaries. I

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noticed the overly romanticised statistical reports on the successes of land reform claims and
how the success of these claims will benefit the claimants. It is through these reports that the

author developed interest in how land reform programmes bring about rural development (see

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Chapter 1). Annual reports became the ultimate source of information to identify study areas.

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I also consulted with a wide range of government departments, NGOs and individuals who

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specialise in formulating and implementing the land policy: the provincial Department of Land

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Affairs (DLA), Department of Agriculture (DoA), the Limpopo Regional Land Claims

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Commission (LRLCC), and Nkuzi Development Association. 25 The DLA and RLCC supplied

lists of land reform projects in the province and made suggestions for potential research sites.
Ultimately, two land reform projects, land restitution (Marobala-O-Itsose) and redistribution
(MahlambaNdlovu) in Limpopo province were selected for the purpose of the study and are
discussed in detail in Chapters 4, 5 and 6. Marobala-O-Itsose and MahlambaNdlovu are located
in the rural areas of Limpopo within the boundaries of Capricorn District Municipality (Figure
3.2 & Table 3.1). The two case studies were chosen on the basis that they provide a rich history
of land dispossession, removals and land struggles that led to current inequalities in land
ownership and the impediments in rural areas. Moreover, the case studies represent one of the
25

Nkuzi Development Association is a non-profit organisation (NGO) that provides a range of support services to
historically disadvantaged communities in South Africa. Services include assisting marginalised rural, peri-urban
and the dispossessed communities to access rights in land.
44

earliest land reform projects in Limpopo which were aimed at improving the livelihoods and
redressing injustices of past discriminatory land policies in the country (see also Chapter 2). As
briefly indicated in Chapter 1, the choice of two case studies from different land reform
programmes is motivated by the need to see how beneficiaries of different programmes
understand practices of land reform in relation to rural development. They are considered useful
for understanding whether the two programmes are experienced differently on the ground.

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Figure 3.2: Location of study areas: Limpopo Province

Source: Google earth, additions by CSAG (2009), University of Cape Town.

The case studies were chosen on the following criteria: first, the projects must have been
finalised or settled and with project members having direct access to land. Second, there must be
at least a five-year period since land acquisition. This criterion is important for evaluating the
experience with land reform programmes on the ground. Third, the project members must be
residents of rural areas in order to link land reform and rural development. As the studys main
45

focus is on land reform and development in rural areas, urban land reform projects would have
been unsuitable.
3.4.2 Sampling
Sampling in qualitative research is a continuous process that involves different activities, to
select people, groups, sites and situations for data collection (Flick, 2007). This type of sampling
is different from prearranged sampling in quantitative studies where sampling methods are more
systematic and focused on specific numbers of participants from the population, with the aim to
produce a statistically representative sample (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003). It also involves selecting

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relevant cases and people into transcription and analysis. Qualitative sampling focuses on
particular features of a group or individuals, which are aligned with the objectives or purpose of

the study (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003).

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Initially, at project level, the sampling framework involved all beneficiaries of the CPAs who

were identified through a list of project members that the researcher obtained from the committee
of the CPA. 26 During the initial study period I observed (in both case studies) a large gap in the

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number of project members on the list and those involved in the day-to-day activities of the

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project (see Chapter 5 & 6). Thus, the lists of project members were misleading, mainly because

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they were compiled during the first stages of the project (i.e. during design of business plan) and

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as a result, some of the contact details of beneficiaries were out of service, making it difficult to

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trace members. In addition, the list of members is not regularly updated and still includes

members who are deceased.

Moreover, participants in the study were scattered in various areas and it was difficult to identify
them from the outdated lists. For the purpose of the study, snowball-sampling method was
utilised in the selection of participants. Snowball sampling is a non-probability sampling method
in which subjects identify others similar to themselves for further research or contribution to the
study (Pierce, 2008). Snowball is helpful when the researcher has difficulties in locating
participants or access to appropriate subjects for interviews (Gray et al, 2007). In the words of
Gray et al (2007: 117), snowball sampling is an invaluable tool for gaining access to informed
26

The list encompasses all registered project members, their identity number and telephone numbers. It also
indicates the number or size of the household, i.e. indicate the number of additional member of each main
beneficiary.
46

and experienced people who may provide in-depth information available nowhere else. It is also
helpful to earn the trust of participants who are not aware of the study.
I contacted well known CPA members to identify or give reference to other members who can
participate in the study. I consider these individuals popular because they are familiar with
homesteads of most of the beneficiaries and also well known by most of beneficiaries because
they live in the same area. Soon after I selected the case study, I visited the study areas in
December 2008 in order to establish rapport with the communities concerned and to explain the
motives of the study. It was then that this popular member volunteered to assist me to find the

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homesteads of other beneficiaries.

As fieldwork progressed, I requested participants (after interviews and observations) to identify
others who were on the list of project members and willing to provide relevant information.

Through these initial interactions, participants directed me to the households of potential

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members who were scattered all over the place. To avoid biasness and to cover different

conceptions or experiences, I requested participants to point me to even those beneficiaries who

are no longer interested or participating in project activities. 27 Participants working hand-in-hand

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with a project member (Mr Lebeko or Teffo) introduced me to project members who were

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unaware of the study, which created an environment of trust between new participants and me.

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Seeing a familiar face, project members became comfortable and willing to participate in the

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study.

Bearing in mind that the study aims to capture individual perceptions, the researcher believes

that people from various backgrounds are most likely to hold different views on land reform. For
instance, people who are employed will not have similar views on the need for and uses of land
as compared to those who are unemployed. Those who are employed may need land to enhance
current income, while those unemployed may need land to generate income or serve as the main
source of subsistence farming (see Chapters 5 & 6). Therefore, it was imperative that the
researcher categorise participants in order to understand different and sometimes conflicting
views on land reform. Participants were also grouped into categories that included government
officers (elites) responsible for policy making, implementing and monitoring various
27

In MahlambaNdlovu, Mr Andries Teffo assisted me to locate households of participants in different areas,

whereas in Marobala-O-Tsose Mr Escort Lebeko was of great help.
47

components of land reform in the DLA, CRLR and DoA; land reform beneficiaries; and
members of an NGO (Table 3.1). At the project level, beneficiaries were also divided according
to categories of positions that members occupied in the project (committee and non-committee
members) and demographics (profession, gender and age).
The case studies and participants were selected so as to minimize time and resource constraints,
which may have negative outcomes during the processes of data collection and analysis. These
case studies are also located in a province with which I am familiar with and in which I have the
command of the local language. It was important the researcher understand the cultural aspects

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of the participants, such as values and customs, to build a strong communicative relationship
(Henning, 2004), and to avoid unnecessary hostile interactions with participants. Participants
tend to be more willing to disclose information to individuals who share similar cultural

backgrounds, understand, and respect their culture. Considering the high level of illiteracy in

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rural areas (especially the elderly), some of the participants cannot read or write and as a result

were approached and communicated through a familiar native language, Northern Sotho (also
known as Sepedi). In this respect, it is critical to build mutual relationship with participants,

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bearing in mind that this relationship impact on the quality of fieldwork data (Bickman & Rog,

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1998).

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Table 3.1: Categories of research participants

Socio-economic status

1.

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Land reform beneficiaries

Government

officials

Others stakeholders

(DLA, DoA, RLCC)

1.

Municipalities

2.

Project officers

1.

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Association

(Employed or unemployed)
2.

Committee & non-committee

project members

3.

Gender

4.

Age

Nkuzi Development

2.
3.

Extension Officers

4.

Senior officers

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Ald3 Boerdery

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Land reform beneficiaries who are employed outside the CPA such as people employed by the state, schools and
private organisations, etc.
29
Al3 Broidery was one of the enterprises that owned farm potions on Marobala land before (restitution) transfer.
After the land transfer to Marobala-O-Otose CPA, A13 remained on the farm as a tenant of the CPA and is currently
involved in commercial production of potatoes and livestock. Al3 is also in informal partnership with the CPA (see
Chapter 4)
48

3.4.3 Brief background of and the choice of study areas

The two case study areas are located in Limpopo province in the Capricorn District Municipality.
Marobala-O-Itsose CPA (restitution case) is located approximately 60 km north of Polokwane
on the R521 road from N1 north within the boundaries of Molemole Local Municipality whereas
MahlambaNdlovu CPA (land redistribution case) is located northwest of Polokwane on the
Mashashane/Matlala road, approximately 20 kilometres from Polokwane within the boundaries
of Aganang Local Municipality (Figure 3.2). Table 3.2 summarises some of the key features of
the study areas while a comprehensive discussion of each study area is provided in subsequent

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chapters.
Table 3.2: Key features of case study areas
Marobala-O-Itsose CPA

MahlambaNdlovu CPA

Province

Limpopo

District municipality

Capricorn District Municipality

Local municipality

Molemole local Municipality

Property location

Approximately 60km north of Polokwane on

Approximately

the R521 road from N1 north.

Polokwane on Mashashane/Matlala road

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Name of Project/community

Restitution

Communal Property Association (CPA)

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Type of legal entity

Capricorn District Municipality

Aganang local Municipality
20km

northwest

Communal Property Association (CPA)

427 households & 1500 beneficiaries

396 households & 2096 beneficiaries

Date of land settlement

31 January 2004

10 February 1998 30

Hectares awarded

7381.77 ha

3274.1 ha

Total cost of property

R18, 4 million

R 5 727 400

Current land use

Minimum (8ha)cultivation of food crops,

Minimum

household grazing & leasing of property

household grazing & cash crops

Households

or

Number of claimants

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Redistribution

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Type of land reform project

Limpopo

cattle

farming

&

poultry,

SOURCE: Data was extracted from the business plans of the CPAs.
30

The negotiations and transfers of land ended in December 1997 and the community established itself as an
operational CPA in 10 February 1998.
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3.5 Interviews
During fieldwork, I relied on individual in-depth interviews as the main instrument for gathering
data to unearth and understand participants views, ideas and debates on the subject of land
reform and rural development. Qualitative interviews can uncover rich sources of data on
peoples experiences, opinions, aspirations and feelings (May, 1993) and pattern of reasoning
that is not possible with questionnaires (Thomas & Brubaker, 2008). Hence, interviews are
sometimes referred to as a conversation with a purpose (Kahn & Cannell, 1957: 149). For this
study, semi-structured interviews were conducted, which included a schedule of topic-related

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questions consisting of semi-structured content and context (Appendix 3.1 & 3.2). Semistructured interviews are an important tool that gives the freedom to seek both clarification and
elaboration on answers given by respondents, which will successively enable the researcher to
probe beyond the answers and on issues raised by participants (May, 1993; Thomas & Brubaker,

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2008). For the purpose of this study, semi-structured interviews were applicable to uncover
comprehensive perceptions on land reform and rural development and to focus the conversation

on the research questions.

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As mentioned previously, the first visit to the study areas was in December 2008 (for a period of

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one month) to establish relationship with the participants, explain, and make the intentions of the

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researcher and the study known to beneficiaries before commencing with in-depth interviews.

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Most significantly, the intention was to acquire permission from beneficiaries to participate in

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the study. During this period, interviews were conducted with a limited number of local

informants to observe the feasibility of the study. Some of the data collected from these
interviews were used later in the study as part of the findings and participants were also given
another chance to clarify their views/points in subsequent visits. The primary fieldwork for this
study was conducted between April 2009 and June 2009. In-depth semi-structured interviews
were conducted with all categories involved: committee members of the CPAs, the beneficiaries,
researchers from Nkuzi, and government officials. The purpose of the December 2008 visit was
for the researcher to familiarise with the area and participants.
The framework of the questions for interviews was of ordinary conversation (Appendix 3.2) and
conveyed in a Native language (Northern Sotho) of participants and in English. This is to allow
participants to express themselves without difficulties or discomfort, given that most participants
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(especially beneficiaries) had difficulties in understanding scientific terminology because of

illiteracy. The context of the interview varied from deep historical emotions and lived
experiences to narratives of individuals or a group, or just opinions and facts on land reform
programme and rural development (Appendix 3.1 & 3.2). These included a combination of
historical and current experiences, opinions and emotions of participants. The questions were
framed in an informal manner to ensure an accurate understanding of the context and to pull off
evasive talks for rich material. In other words, I avoided using scientific and complex words to
provide clearer interpretations of the questions to participants, especially among beneficiaries.
For instance, instead of asking participants what is the meaning of rural development; I framed

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the question as how can rural areas be improved (see Appendix 3.1).

In order to understand the current need for restitution by land restoration, whether it can remedy
past injustices or achieve rural development, I embarked on historical narratives regarding past

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experiences on forced removals in Marobala-O-Itsose community. Participants were asked

questions relating to their historical experiences during apartheid. In particular, beneficiaries

were requested to narrate their experiences during the time of the arrival of white settlers;

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explaining experiences before white settlers arrived; how settlers gradually pushed them off their

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land; the main activities that occurred during white rule in their community; and what happened

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after the community lost land. The use of narratives gave comprehensive understanding on the

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and dispossession.

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historical background of the community in relation to land and the impact of forced removals

The significance of acquiring historical data is to understand participants sentimental connection

and value attached to land and to clarify historical information of the community as derived from
literature. However, not all participants were interviewed about the historical background of
forced removals or dispossession. Given that beneficiaries in the restitution programme include
persons dispossessed (or claimants) and direct descendents (e.g. spouses or children) of person
dispossessed, beneficiaries who were not present during dispossession (mostly young
beneficiaries) were excluded from interviews about historical experiences. In order to interview
appropriate participants, I used demographic data (age) to identify these participants, which
guided me to relevant participants. For clarity, participants were also asked if they were part of
the group that was removed (not immediate family members) from the land before commencing
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with the interview. To understand the need for land redistribution, participants were requested to
explain how they initially got involved in the programme and why (see Chapter 5). This data
formed an important part of the analysis on the significance of land reform in rural areas. The
outcomes from these interviews are further discussed in detail in the next chapters. To isolate
rural development understanding from land reform, I posed questions on issues of rural
development. These questions are listed in Appendix 3.1.
Interviews lasted for 30 to 40 minutes depending on respondents understanding and the lucidity
of the answers. Interviews were conducted in various areas, depending on the availability of

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participants. Several interviews took place while respondents were at work; these include
interviews with elites (DLA & DoA) and employees of Nkuzi. Beneficiaries who were actively
involved in project activities were interviewed at the farm and those who were not involved were
interviewed in their homes. Other interviews were conducted on the farm during project

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gatherings such as annual mass meetings. Overall, 92 respondents participated in the interviews.
For land redistribution 34 of 396 beneficiaries were interviewed, for restitution, 44 of 427 people

were interviewed, 11 officials and 3 stakeholders were also interviewed. Due to limited time and

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inaccessibility of project members, the researcher was unable to cover all CPA project members.

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Interviews were a one-on-one communication set-up, whereby the researcher interviewed one

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participant at a time. After the interviews, I collected (with permission) contact details of each
31

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interviewee in anticipation of a follow-up interview, which was mostly done over the phone.

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I also conducted what Gillham (2000) and Pierce (2008) term lite interviews. These are

interviews with people in position of authority or a special expert, who are capable of giving
comprehensive insight on the research topic (Gillham, 2000). Elites are people who exercise
disproportionately high influence on the outcome of events or policies in your study area
(Pierce, 2008: 119). These interviews are of key importance in providing comprehensive data on
policy related topics. In this study, the lite includes government officials in relevant
departments (DLA, DoA, RLCC). Although officials represent different departments, the context
of the interview was structured in a similar way but taking into consideration the specialised field
of respondents. Data obtained from the officials informed the study on the scope of land reform
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These interviews were mostly conducted with committee members, government officials and beneficiaries who
were removed from the land (first generations of Marobala community) for comprehensive description of major
direct issues and background to the study areas.
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and rural development and how policy makers see these programmes as either distinct from, or
integral to each other. Officials were interviewed on the subject of administration,
implementation and monitoring, and on their understanding and interpretations of the objectives
of land reform in rural areas. In addition, elite interviews are informative about where documents
and records can be found, can give indications of other people relevant to the study and can also
confirm accuracy of documentary materials by clarifying grey areas in data collected, that is to
check if you got the story right (Pierce, 2008). However, by virtue of their authority and
experience, they might not submit to other questions in order to avoid critical follow up
questions that might raise sensitive issues (Gillham, 2000). In order to avoid this, I directed

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participants to the scope and context of interviews to avoid respondents being out of context (see
Appendix 3.1).

Other interviews include those that were conducted in Finland during my visit on an exchange

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programme. I conducted personal semi-structured interviews with individuals involved in

development policies and implementation. In the process, three state officials, one rural-urban
migrant and farmers were interviewed on their views about rural areas and rural development

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(see Chapter 2). The rationale was to capture different perceptive about rural development to add

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3.6 Observations

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value to the analysis of the research topic.

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Observation is a fundamental and critical research method in qualitative studies. It involves

systematic noting and recording of events, behaviours, and artefacts objects in the social setting
chosen for study (Marshall & Rossman, 1995: 79). Through observations, the researcher learns
about behaviours and meanings attached to those behaviours. Numerous scholars believe that in
order to get the best out of observations, the researcher must enter the setting without any
predetermined categories or strict observational checklist (Marshall & Rossman, 1995; Thomas
& Brubaker, 2008; Henning, 2004). Even so, a checklist and fieldwork notes are of importance
after observations and during data analysis.
Prior to initial fieldwork (in December 2008), I requested and was granted permission to partake
in activities of the project such as mass and stakeholder meetings. The approach of participatory
observation was adopted in the study to gather and discover first-hand information about
53

behaviours and relationships of participants within a specific setting. The settings included
organisational meetings, leadership (or Committee) meetings, meetings between the elites and
project members, and activities of beneficiaries on the farms. In both cases, observations
involved sitting in a room amongst participants during meetings and gatherings, observing and
taking detailed hand written notes of activities. Overall, seven meetings were observed, which
took place at the project site (i.e. farm). In both case studies, at least one annual organisational
(or mass) meeting was observed. The purpose of these meetings involved giving feedback on
activities, progress reports on the project and to address matters related to the project. Annual
project meetings are significant for the purpose of the study because they involve large numbers

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(or all) of beneficiaries who are also given the opportunity to express their ideas about the
project. Such meetings allowed me to observe the views and debates of beneficiaries, along with
the emotions and relationships attached to the projects. Succeeding paragraphs below describe in

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detail the framework in which observations were conducted in each study area.

In MahlambaNdlovu, four meetings of different agendas or purpose were observed. The first

meeting involved project officers from the Department of Agriculture and the committee

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members of the CPA (held on 16.04.2009, 10:00-12:30). The purpose of the meeting was to

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introduce a new extension officer who will be assisting the CPA and to discuss issues and

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problems of the project in terms of infrastructure needed and the possibilities for new agricultural

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projects. During the meeting, the researcher was seated among participants, observing and taking

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notes of the proceedings, but not taking part in those activities. The second meeting was a mass
meeting that required all project members to be present (held on 19.04.2009, 10:00-14:00). The

purpose of the meeting was to give an overview and report on the status of the operations of the
CPA and to also discuss future plans for the organisation. During this meeting, I sat among
beneficiaries and also took notes without disrupting the meeting. The third meeting was
organised by the committee, in which all project members who owned livestock on the farm
were required to attend to address issues about the livestock. The agenda of the meeting was on
counting and identifying livestock by the owners and issues of neglect and theft of livestock on
the farm (held on 10.05. 2009; 12:00-3:00pm). The fourth meeting was an informal meeting
between limited numbers of beneficiaries who were discussing conflicts within the project (Held
on 10.06.2009, 12:00-14:00). Observations from these meetings are discussed in the next
chapters.
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In Marobala-O-Itsose community, two other meetings were also observed. 32 The first meeting
was organised by the livestock committee of the project to address issues of security of livestock
and grazing on the farm (held on 03.06.2009, 10:00-12:00). The second was an annual mass
meeting that involved the committee and all members of the CPA, to discuss operations of the
projects (held on 31.05.2009, 12:00-14:00). The purpose of this meeting was to discuss financial
reports and conflicts involving the former chairperson of the CPA (Frans Mathopa), who did not
attend the meeting (see Chapter 6). The meeting was also meant to inform the beneficiaries about
reports from the Chief Land Claims Commissioner regarding the disputes experienced by the

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CPA (see Appendix 3.3.).

The purpose of participant observation in the study was to examine the relationship between
project members and the committee, to determine the number of project members involved, and
communication among project members. Significantly, observations were conducted to

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determine and understand the lines of communication between the participants involved in the
study. At the meeting, the committee drew the agenda and after reporting on each item,

beneficiaries were given the platform to make comments or suggestions. I observed that there is

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good communication between the committee and beneficiaries. It could be that beneficiaries who

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attended the meeting were in favour of the current committee chair (David Nkoana) and disliked

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3.7 Documentation search

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the previous chair, Frans Mathopa (see Section 6.7).

A documentation search was done on published and unpublished information in each case study.
The research is divided in two parts, historic information (during apartheid) and current
situations (post-apartheid) of the case studies. The historical background of the case studies,
specifically in Marobala-O-Itsose, stem from the need to trace events that occurred during land
dispossession in the 1930s so as to understand the current land restitution programme. In
addition to the review of literature, government and media reports, participatory fieldwork
(through transects walks on the farms) and interviews with project members also shed light on
the history of the research sites.

32

All meetings of the CPA are usually held in Boomzien farm, which is the place where the CPA keep the records
or documents, in a farmhouse used as an office.
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Documents on land dispossession in Marobala-O-Itsose community were obtained from Nkuzi.

Documents in possession of Nkuzi were useful in that this NGO assisted the DLA and people of
Marobala to trace other community members (or beneficiaries) who were scatted across the
country after land dispossession and to investigate the events that occurred during forced
removals between the 1930s and 1960s. These included police reports (or affidavits) made by
beneficiaries during the early stages of the land claim, and memorandums from the time when
the claim was lodged. These documents were used to trace phases and verify events associated
with land dispossession, and were validated by beneficiaries during interviews.

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In both cases, the project committee provided me with several documents such as maps, business
plans, title deeds, constitution, and letters. However, in MahlambaNdlovu, the researcher only
accessed two documents, the business plan and project constitution. Other documents were not
provided because the previous committee misplaced them due to negligence (see Chapter 4).

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These documents were helpful in verifying dates, evaluating progress, and to detecting and
understanding possible deviation from the objectives and initiatives in the business plan. In order

to evaluate progress on the farm and to capture current physical conditions of the farms, I used a

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digital camera and transect walks (Section 3.9.1). These images were used in the analysis of the

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study.

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Other relevant documents accessed include the Rural Development Programme for Mainland

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Finland 2007-2013, European Union Commission Report. 33 The Finnish rural development

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policy identifies the needs and predicaments in rural areas, proposes strategies, and programmes

to improve conditions in rural areas in Finland. The document helped me to understand diverse
perceptions on issues of rural areas and rural development of other countries (Chapter 2) and to
understand policy initiatives on rural development in other contexts.
3.8 Data capturing and analysis
Data capturing is the manner in which data is recorded and the instruments used to record that
data. Qualitative data analysis is an ongoing process of translating raw field material into the
body of textual work that communicates to the researcher, which involves identifying, coding
33

EU. 1988. European Union Commission Report The future of rural society in Rural Development Programme for
Finland 2007-2013
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and categorizing, and summarizing the patterns found in the raw data collected from the field
(Silverman, 1993; Flick, 2007). In other words, it uses standardised and systematic procedures
for observing, measuring and communicating information into understandable in-depth material
(Walcott, 1990). In the process of data collection and analysis, I was guided by the objectives of
the study and the relevant literature (see Marshall & Rossman, 1995). Huberman & Miles (1994)
identify three main processes involved in qualitative data analysis, data reduction, data display
and drawing conclusions and verification. It is the process of selecting, focusing, simplifying,
abstracting and transforming the data that appear as written field notes or transcriptions
(Huberman & Miles, 1994: 10). Data reduction involves the researcher organising data into a

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more manageable textual material that will be used for analysis. Qualitative data analysis
involves bulk amounts of data that can be difficult to manage..

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3.8.1 Data capturing: instruments and methods

Qualitative research use different methods and instruments such as video and audio recorders,

photographs and/or field notes to capture data (Marshall & Rossman, 1995). These multimedia

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instruments are considered reliable during data collection as they allow the researcher to
concentrate on the conversation during interviews or observations at the same time recording

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data exactly as it happens, which is not the case with taking field notes (May, 1993; Marshall &

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Rossman, 1995). In this study, an audio recorder, photographs and field notes were used to

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capture data. In determining what needed to be captured, I was guided by the research questions
(see Appendix 3.2) and the projects business plans, which focused on the descriptions of aspects

of reality captured in the photographs.

In the first interview, I requested the participant to use an audio recorder during the interview.
However, the participant indicated and reported signs of discomfort. In order to avoid awkward
environments and discomfort for participants, I withdrew from using audio recorder during
interviews for the entire study. 34 Instead, I recorded data from interviews and observations by
making hand written notes in order to allow participants to express themselves freely. Although
34

When participants realize they are being recorded, they are reluctant to disclose certain information and become
self-conscious.

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making hand written notes is time consuming and the researcher can easily fail to record certain
information disclosed by participants because of the difficult task of concentrating on writing
and at the same time listening to the interviewee; hand written notes allow the researcher to
capture data on unconscious thoughts and behaviours (Marshall & Rossman, 1995). Interviews
and observations were recorded in the form of field notes, some of which appeared in the form of
acronyms and shorthand phrases.
A digital camera was also used (in this study) to capture the physical conditions (e.g.
infrastructure) of the farm. The purpose of using a camera in the study is to record events and

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objects, to provide a more comprehensive and holistic presentation of the conditions of those
objects (Flick, 2009). In determining what needed to be captured, I looked for features that were
referred to in business plans and during interviews.

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3.8.2 Data analysis

Data analysis for this study consisted of two stages, early and main data analysis. Huberman &
Marshall (1994) recommend that after conducting a few interviews, the researcher must

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immediately engage in what they term early/pre-data analysis, to help the researcher to refine

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the context of interviews, generate new issues and methods for collecting improved data in the

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next interview. Early data analysis assists the researcher to identify new information or issues in

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the interviews that was not included in the initial study but may be significant. Data was

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organized in the form of written summaries, which allowed the researcher to reflect on fresh data

and to develop a story line. These summaries were useful in organizing data as it accumulates
and also allowed the researcher to identify gaps while still doing fieldwork. Data in the
summaries were categorised into different themes (or topics) relevant to the objectives and
research questions of the study. Appendix 3.2 provides a comprehensive summary of these
categories, which were used throughout data analysis.
3.9 Limitations of the study
Challenges and limitations are common in every study, whether qualitative or quantitative. As
fieldwork progressed, I encountered several constraints in various areas of the study, ranging
from time and resources to limited access to information.
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3.9.1 Access to information

After identifying the case studies, I had difficulties tracing and accessing literature on the
historical background of the cases. Although forced removals across South Africa are well
documented through the famous Surplus Peoples Project (SPP, 1983), forced removals and
dispossession in Marobala-O-Itsose community were moderately represented. I had to rely on
area maps, limited published and unpublished documents and reports from Nkuzi to trace the
history of the community. In tracing members who experienced forced removals during
apartheid, the challenge was that some participants could not remember the exact dates due to

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illiteracy. However, beneficiaries did remember most of the historical activities such as how they
were removed from the land and activities that occurred during removals (see Chapter 4).
Subsequently, all sources of data available (documents, narratives, reports) were merged to

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create a logical background of the community, which is further discussed in Chapter 4.

Another common difficulty experienced by research students, is gaining access to the most

relevant government officials or useful information from the participants. I struggled to gain

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access to land reform officials and to secure interview appointments because of mistrust from the
side of officials. This is expected since the subject of land reform in South Africa is fragile and

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controversial; government officials are unsurprisingly suspicious about the identity of

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interviewers. Mistrust by officials arises from media reporters who often challenge officials

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views. Given these difficulties of gaining access to officials, I negotiated access by obtaining a

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letter from the university (through the supervisor) legitimising my status and intentions. By

producing the reference letter and the student card, officials were willing to provide information
and to refer to other individuals who may be of assistance. However, other officials were selfcensored on certain sensitive information and made it clear that they could not divulge further
details.
3.9.2 Time and resources
I had limited time and resources to investigate and analyse vast amount of data. The case study
approach was constrained by the use of data collection methods such as observations and
interviews that are time-consuming. Fieldwork was conducted on two case studies within a
period of three months. During fieldwork, I engaged in numerous activities such as observations
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at meetings that were scheduled at short notice. I had to accommodate these meetings within my
rigid schedule that involved careful planning and management of time and resources.
Since the case studies comprise of large numbers of project members and with the project
currently barely operational, I experienced difficulties identifying the participants (or
beneficiaries). Most of project members were not currently involved in the day-to-day activities
of the project (see Chapter 5 & 6) and were scatted in the surrounding areas in their homes.
Access to participants was financially and physically demanding and time consuming since it
involved travelling long distances to find households of those members who were not actively

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involved in the project so that they could also participate in the study. Furthermore, participants
who were employed outside the project were difficult to access because of their demanding jobs.
These participants were interviewed in their homes on the days when they were not working

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(mostly Saturdays & Sundays) and others were interviewed at their place of employment.

3.10. Ethics

As the subject of land reform is a sensitive issue, confidentiality was clearly communicated to

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participants to adhee to ethical norms, and create a congenial environment between me (as the

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researcher) and participants. I have treated participants and the data with respect and

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confidentiality. I did not make any promise to entice participants into providing information.

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Documents and materials (e.g. business plans, constitutions or records) provided by participants

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were also handled with sensitivity and in confidence. I also ensured confidentiality to

participants who wanted to remain anonymous in the reporting of the study. In subsequent
chapters, we will see that the case study areas are currently experiencing internal controversies,
which are believed to involve two groups (in both cases) within the CPA that are in conflict with
one another. Such disputes and divisions within participants could lead to biasness. In order to
handle this and to gain trust from both factions I avoided passing information from one group to
the other.
3.11. Conclusion
In this chapter, I discussed and outlined the research design and methods used in this study.
These methods were carefully considered to respond to the questions and objectives of the study.
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The study adopted a qualitative approach to unearth experiences, conceptions and suggestions
for land reform and rural development. The most important and interesting feature of qualitative
research is that the analysis of data focuses largely on text rather than numbers (Schutt, 2006) to
understand social phenomenon. Huberman and Miles (1994) believe that the display of data in
the form of text can be monotonous to both the reader and the researcher. They argue that textual
material can be sequential rather than simultaneous, poorly structured and extremely bulky. In
this thesis, data was displayed and organised using different methods in order to produce a more
organised, manageable and readily accessible analysis. Data display methods include text,
figures (graphs, charts, photographs) and tables. In this manner, the data becomes interesting and

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accessible to the reader. To verify information and make conclusions, I constantly referred to
field notes, summaries and literature reviewed in the study. The next chapter provides a
comprehensive historical and current background of the study areas. The purpose of the chapter

is to underline key elements of the study areas and how those elements fit into the purpose and

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objectives of this thesis.

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CHAPTER FOUR
Apartheid, forced removals and dispossession in Limpopo
4.1.Introduction
This chapter provides a historical background of the geographical and political nature of land
dispossession in and around the case study areas used in this thesis. In order to understand the
need for, and significance of, post-apartheid land reform in rural areas in connection with rural
development as discussed in Chapter 2 and further discussed in the next chapters it is first

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necessary to recapitulate historical experiences of forced removals and discrimination of black

communities. In other words, the chapter provides a background on two land reform projects,
Marobala-O-Itsose (restitution) and MahlambaNdlovu (redistribution) as an attempt to campare

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historical experiences of communities in the former Bantustans. A brief history of these

communities is discussed in order to analyse, understand and draw conclusions in subsequent

chapters on the significance of land to beneficiaries and how they want to own land.

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4.2 Traces of unjust acts in Limpopo Province

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This section briefly explains the historical experiences of colonisation and apartheid in Limpopo

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Province, and pays attention to the former Lebowa where the case studies are located. Limpopo

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Province has one of highest number of the former bantustans in post-1994 South Africa. The
emergence of these bantustans is ascribed to political and economic segregation by the apartheid

state and their roots can be traced as far back as the era of British imperialism in the country
(Letsoalo, 1987). Lebowa was the largest of the four bantustans in the then Northern Transvaal
(SPP, 1983). As in other bantustans, the creation of Lebowa was facilitated by massive
resettlement of communities from their ancestral land. In Chapter 2, I indicated that the apartheid
government restructured and transformed the social structure of the natives through various
apartheid policies, particularly land acts. Traditional leaders across the country lost their de facto
right to exercise political and social control over their land to the apartheid state (Magubane,
1998). As in other parts of the country, resettlements, relocations and dispossession in the then
Northern Transvaal occurred mainly because of the Group Areas Act, which separated races by
creating different settlements for different race groups (SPP, 1983). Other removals were
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associated with betterment planning and the labour tenancy system, which ordered separate
development of bantustans and the transformation of farming communities into labour tenants
(Chapter 2). Marobala-O-Itsose and MahlambaNdlovu communities mirror episodes of injustice
that occurred across the country because of these acts. Apartheid acts and policies led to
imbalances in land ownership patterns in the province and the country as a whole.
Limpopo is one of the most rural provinces in South Africa and has 10.9% of the countrys
overall population (Stats SA, 2010). About 86% of the people in the province live in rural areas
(Stats SA, 2007); unemployment remains a leading challenge. Basic needs such as education,

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water, electricity, housing and health remain the biggest challenge in the province. In terms of
education, Limpopo has one of the highest proportions of individuals not attending school or
without formal education. About 62.2% of people are unable to attend school because they have
no money for fees (Stats SA, 2009) (see Chapters 5 & 6). Official unemployment figures in

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Limpopo stands at 22.8% (Stats SA, 2010). As mentioned before, COSATU puts the

unemployment figure for the country at 40% (IRIN, 2008).

Livelihoods in rural areas of Limpopo include a mixture of household agriculture, social grants

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and urban employment (see Figure 2.2). Also known as Africas Eden, Limpopo is one of the

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countrys prime agricultural regions noted for the production of livestock, fruits and vegetables,

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cereals and tea. Agricultural production in the province is characterised by two main systems, the

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large-scale commercial and small-scale subsistence farming. There are approximately 5,000

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commercial farming units in Limpopo province, with white farmers occupying the majority of

the farms, approximately 70 percent of the total area (Stats SA, 2007). According to the Rural
Survey that was conducted in 1999, only 37% of people in rural areas in Limpopo had access to
farming land; while 59,8% had no access to land (Stats SA, 1999). The smallholder farms are
located mostly in former Bantustan areas (currently known as rural areas) and cover
approximately 30 percent of the provincial land surface area. Farming under the smallholder
systems is characterised by low level of production technology and small size of the farm
holding of approximately 1.5 hectares per farmer, with production primarily for subsistence and
little marketable surplus. As indicated above, imbalances in land holdings are a result of
apartheid unjust land laws (see also Chapter 2).

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4.3. Wounds of colonization: forced removals and dispossession in Marobala-O-Itsose

The community of Marobala-O-Itsose (hereafter Marobala) occupied land and enjoyed de facto
rights until the arrival of white farmers between the 1930s and 1960s (MCPA, 2005). In terms of
traditional boundaries, the community is within the jurisdiction of Moletjie, under the leadership
of Kgoshi Kwena Moloto III (the son of the late Kgosi Kwena Moloto). At the time of the
dispossession, the community was under the leadership of the late Induna (Headman) Piet
Kwena (Ramapanta) Moloto (Nkuzi, 1999; MCPA, 2005).
Dispossession in Marobala took place from the time of the arrival of white settlers during the

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1930s and continued until the late 1960s (Nkuzi, 1999). The community was gradually and
forcefully removed from their ancestral land through the implementation of the labour tenancy
system in terms of the 1932 Natives Service Contract Act. 35 The Act transformed a community

of self-sufficient cultivators into wage labourer, stripped off their land rights, which resulted in

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complete dispossession. The labour tenancy system required that farm owners register as labour

tenants or farm workers who are entitled to reside on the farm and the use of a portion of land for
grazing or cultivation (Simmons and Simmons, 1969; SPP, 1983; Davenport, 1987). This Act

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allowed white farmers to evict any person who opposed the obligations of the legislation.

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According to reports from Nkuzi Development Association (1999), the land of Marobala

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community was surveyed by government in the late 19th century and since then have exchanged

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hands from one white owner to the other. The newly surveyed farms were then immediately
granted to several white farmers without the knowledge of Marobala community. In practice, this

did not mean anything to the community since there was no immediate occupation by white
farmers and the community lived on the farm unaffected until the 1930s (Nkuzi, 1999). The
people of Marobala mentioned that the first white farmers to arrive confronted the community
and insisted they have purchased the land without evidence or authentic documentation to
confirm their ownership of land (Interview, April Maloba, 27.06.2009). The community opposed
this assertion, but they had no authority or control over the situation because the then (apartheid)
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Platzky (1985: xiii) defines labour tenancy as African families living on white-owned farms who supply their
labour to the land owner for the part of the year (3-9 months) as a form of rent, in return for the use of some of the
land for themselves. The system was aimed at turning sharecroppers into labourers and gave white farmers the
authority to evict labourers who refuse to work under obligations of 3 months system, even without written contract
(Davenport, 1987).
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government was in favour of white farmers. Consequently, white farmers took ownership
regardless of the communitys concern.
4.3.2 Mushrooming of white farmers and land demarcations in Marobala
The arrival of white settlers ultimately resulted in the demarcation of land. In the process, land
was divided into different farm portions, Appelfontein, Boomsien, Combro, Inderhiken, and
Potsdam, and allocated to different white owners (Figure 4.2). In 1941, a certain Thymen
Jongbloed bought the farm, Appelfontein, from Henri Kohler through title deed No. 2206 of
1941 (Nkuzi, 1999). Jongbloed introduced the four months labour tenancy system on the farm,

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forcing (by circumstances of legislation) the members of Marobala community to register as

farm workers on their ancestral land. The community was given the right of residence on the
farm and a portion of land for grazing or cultivation and obliquely became squatters on land they

had occupied before the arrival of whites.Subsequently, other white farmers on neighbouring

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farms also introduced the four months labour tenancy system. In a roundabout way, white

farmers gave the community an ultimatum, through labour tenancy system to either accept the
tenancy system and work for three months without remuneration or vacate the farm (Nkuzi,

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1999).

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4.3.2 Resisting the tenancy system in Marobala community

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The community objected to the labour system and even requested assistance from the Additional

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Native Commissioner of Bochum but all was in vein (Nkuzi, 1999). Instead, in 1957 the

Commissioner informed the communitys representatives that the law was compulsory and
required all natives resident on European (white)-owned farms to be registered as farm labour
tenants and to render at least four months service in return for the right to reside, plough and
graze their stock (Nkuzi, 1999). The system was aimed at turning sharecroppers into labourers
and gave white farmers the authority to evict labourers who refuse to work under the obligations
of a 3 months system, even without written contract (Simmons and Simmons, 1967; Davenport,
1987). It is because of this lack of support from the Native Commissioner and the extreme
conditions of the tenancy system that prompted resistance by the residents. At first, some
members of the community resisted the labour system by relocating on their own accord because
they could not bear the conditions of the system. This group voluntarily relocated to nearby
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communities and urban areas in search of better conditions of employment. However, others
remained on the farm irrespective of the conditions of the tenancy system.
Resistance continued as the community began to feel the negative impact of the new landowners
and anticipated more changes to conditions on the farms. During this period, individuals who
remained on the farm refused to work three months without remuneration. In response to these
acts of resistance, white farmers issued Trekpasses (eviction notices) to members who opposed
the system and refused to vacate the farm. 36 The apartheid government and white farmers used
Trekpasses as the technique to control and remove natives from white areas instantly. Kohler

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(white farmer) issued Trekpasses to people who resisted the labour tenancy system (in Combro
farm).

Protests against Trekpasses included refusal to report to work and to leave the farm even after

being issued with a Trekpass. In order to control the labourers, white farmers reported the matter

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to Bochum police and laid charges of trespassing or illegal squatting (Nkuzi, 1999). According to

beneficiaries, police used force during evictions, in which houses were demolished and peoples
belongings were thrown outside the farms. There are claims that the police and farmers

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physically assaulted other people during removals (Jackson Mabula 2009, pers. comm., 3 June).

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In the early 1960s, the murder of a member of the Mokwele family by a certain Thymen

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Jongbloed on the farm Appelfontein prompted a massive exodus of members of the Marobala

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community (Sonjica, 2004). It is unclear what prompted the murder but the community believed
it was related to apartheid and racism. Following this incidence, most of the people relocated in

fear and left behind their belongings, fields and houses on the farm. The people of Marobala
relocated to surrounding areas such as Bochum, Mohodi, Dendron, Moletsi, and others as far as
Denilton in Mpumalanga. By the end of the 1960s, the community of Marobala had lost all its
land. Table 4.1 summarises various experiences encountered by the community during
dispossession.

36

A Trekpass is a letter, which stated that the person, his or her family, and all their livestock and cattle must vacate
the farm by a certain date (Murray & ORegan, 1990). It gave notice of no more than two weeks or a month to
vacate the farm (Letsoalo, 1987). Consequently, the majority of people would not have enough time to assemble
their livestock, stored grain and crops.
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Table 4.1: Experiences of forced removals in Marobala-O-Itsose community.

White settlers came to our land from nowhere, declared our land their own without proof, and forced us
to work for them without income. For those who did not want to work, they were evicted from the farm
without alternative places to go. We worked until we ran away. When the white farmer decided that he
did not need our services anymore, he would chase you off the farm like dog. We worked without
income in exchange for a small portion of land to farm and reside. The small land was given to the whole
community to share (Maloba, interview, 27.06.2009).

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White farmers forced us to sign (labour tenancy) contracts so that we can work for them for three
months without income. The majority of the people refused to work without income and they were issued
with Trekpass and told to vacate the farm within three days and without alternative land. We relocated to
near-by communities in Mohodi and Moletsi (Morifi, interview, 27.06.2009).

White farmers chased me and my family off the farm after I could not work because I was sick because

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they (farmers) thought I was lying or did not want to work. They forced me to work even when I was sick

but I refused. They chased us from the farm, took our belongings and threatened to demolish our house

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(Rapakgadi, interview, 27.06.2009).

The police evicted us from the farm. We left our fields just before harvesting and we were never

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compensated for them (Tolo, interview, 27.06.2009).

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Although we wanted to build proper houses on the farm, we could not because we never knew when we

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were going to be issued with Trekpasses and ordered to leave. I worked on the farm for a short period

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and after working three months without income I realised I could not support my family. I told the white
farmer that I cannot work on the farm without income & he ordered me to vacate the farm (Mokwele,

interview, 27.06.2009).

SOURCE: Data was extracted from interviews with Marobala beneficiaries conducted in April-June 2009.

These painful experiences of land dispossession informed the land reform programme that was
launched at the dawn of democracy in South Africa. What happened to people of Marobala-OItsose described above should be understood in the context of the constitutional provisions and
the land reform programmes that are briefly discussed in the next section.

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4.4. From dispossession to restoration

South Africas land reform consists of three pillars: restitution, redistribution and tenure and
aimed to redistribute 30% of agricultural land between 1994 and 1999 (ANC, 1994), but this
target was later deferred to 2015. The Restitution of Land Rights Act No. 22 of 1994 and the
White Paper on South African Land Policy of 1997 seek to redress past injustices, especially
land dispossession. The restitution programme provides redress to individuals or communities
who were dispossessed of property because of racially discriminatory laws or practices after 19
June 1913 (South Africa, 1994). The Act provides a legal framework for restoring land rights.

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Restitution takes different forms, namely, land restoration, alternative land; monetary
compensation, a combination of land and financial compensation; special budgetary assistance
such as services and infrastructure development and priority access to state resources and

housing (South Africa, 1997).

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The land redistribution programme aims to rectify the racial patterns of land ownership by

allocating land to the landless poor, labour tenants, farm workers and emerging farmers for
residential and productive uses (South Africa, 1997). It also aims to improve livelihoods and

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food security; address problems of landlessness; improve human settlements; enhance household

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income; and create employment and contribute to economic growth. Land is acquired through

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government grants to assist beneficiaries to purchase land and to make productive use of

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transferred land such as the Settlement Land Acquisition Grant (SLAG) and the current Land

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Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD). Land purchase is negotiated through a

market-orientated approach undertaken through the willing-buyer willing-seller principle

(Moseley, 2007). 37 The goal of land redistribution was to contribute towards promoting a class of
small black commercial farmers. In February 2000, the redistribution programme was revised to
accelerate the transfer of land with the goal of contributing more significantly to agricultural
development (MALA, 2001).
The land tenure programme provides security for houses and land where farm workers and
labour tenants face evictions (South Africa, 1997). The land tenure programme also ensures
rights to receiving basic services such as water, electricity, health and education, etc, through two
37

This principle is part of the Word Banks model of a negotiated land reform, which relies on the voluntary sale of
commercial farms at fair market value.
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main legal frameworks, Land Reform Act of 1996 and the Extension of Security of Tenure Act
of 1997 (South Africa, 1997). At the time of writing (i.e. January 2011) these acts were being
strengthened by the Draft Land Tenure Security Bill (South Africa, 2011). Land tenure reform
also includes providing for legal recognition and to formalize communal land rights through the
Communal Land Act of 2004. This Act has been challenged in the Constitutional Court and has
since been suspended (see Claassens and Cousins, 2008). A full discussion of the land tenure
programme is beyond the scope of this thesis (as outlined in Chapter 1). The focus is therefore
placed on programmes that transfer land from whites to black people.

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4.5. Marobala-O-Itsose land claim

Following the emancipation from apartheid by the liberation movement, communities who had
been dispossessed of their land due to apartheids racist land acts were entitled to reclaim their

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ancestral land through the Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 (DLA, 1994). The Act
provides for the restitution of rights in land to persons or communities dispossessed of such

rights after 19 June 1913 as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or practices (DLA,

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1994). It was on the basis of this Act that Marobala community could claim their land. A
resident, Molatelo Frans Mathopa, 38 took the initiative to lodge the land claim for the Marobala

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community and to find community members in order to form a legal entity. Together with the

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Regional Land Claims Commission (RLCC), Mr Mathopa and some community members

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worked hand-in-hand with Nkuzi Development Association to investigate the claim and to locate
other members who were scattered everywhere after dispossession. On 2 July 1996, the CPA

lodged the claim and was registered, and the claim appeared in government Gazette No. 23225,
Notice No. 344 of 22 March 2002 (Appendix 4.2). The community formed a Communal
Property Association (CPA), 39 consisting of 1 400 beneficiaries, under the leadership of Mr
Mathopa. Marobala-O-Itsose Communal Property Association (MCPA) was registered in 2004
in terms of section 8(3) of the Communal Property Associations Act, 1996 (Act No.28 of 1996)
(Appendix 4.1).
38

Mr Mathopa is one of the community members whose parents were removed from the land of Marobala-O-Itsose.
He lodged the land claim on behalf of the community. After the formation of a CPA, he was elected the first
chairperson of the CPA in 2004.
39
The formation of a legal entity (CPA) is a precondition for land ownership and administration by the community.
Marobala CPA is further discussed in Chapter 6 in which the focus is on current operations, land use and
management of the farms.
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The community lodged several claims which were later merged into one (DLA, 2004). These
claims were on the farms Appelfontein 189 LS, Boomzien164 LS, Combro 163 LS, Inderhiken
165 LS and Potsdam 128 LS (Appendix 4.3). On the record, the CPA lodged claims for twelve
farms. However, after long and arduous processes of investigations and negotiations with white
farmers, only eight landowners agreed to put the farms on this market estimated at an estimated
amount of R18, 4 million through the willing-buyer willing-seller process. Four farmers are still
refusing to sell the farms to the government for the settlement of the claim.
The former Minister of Land Affairs (Thoko Didiza) signed the land claim settlement certificate

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in 2004. The five main farms (divided into eight portions), which were officially handed over to
the CPA (Figure 4.1 & Appendix 4.3), were Appelfontein 189 LS, Boomzien164 LS, Combro
163 LS, Inderhiken 165 LS and Potsdam 128 LS. During the handover celebration ceremony of 7
381.77 ha held in Dendron (Limpopo) on 31 January 2004, Minister Thoko Didiza promised the

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community that the Commission will continue to negotiate with the four white farmers that were

still resisting to sell their farms (Didiza, 2004). The Minister added that:
We cannot negotiate endlessly. There is a point where we should agree with the farmers. All people want to

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return to their homes and I hope those concerned will sign before the end of March 2004 (Didiza, 2004: 8).

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However, by 2010, these farms were still in the hands of the white farmers. Despite the vast

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amount of land received by the CPA, beneficiaries are optimistic that the remaining farms will be

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settled. Members of the CPA emphasised that all the farms should be redistributed to the rightful

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owners of the land (Interviews with Gilford Semenya, 31.05.2009; David Nkoana, 05.06.2009).

Figure 4.1 shows the main farm portions owned by the CPA. The smaller portions are shown in
Appendix 4.3.

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Figure 4.1: Farm portions of Marobala-O-Itsose CPA

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Source: Map Reference: 1:50 000 South Africa: Topographical Map 2329 AC and 2329 AD. Editions by the
University of Cape Town, CSAG, 2009.

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4.6. Becoming landowners: the Mahlamba-Ndlovu community

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As we have noted above, land reform operates through programmes that are meant to address

specific conditions and circumstances under which land was lost. The community of MahlambaNdlovu gained access to land through the land redistribution programme, which involves the
government assisting communities with grants as shown in Table 4.2 (see also South Africa,
1997b). These grants are implemented in terms of the Provision of Certain Land for Settlement
Act (Act 126 of 1993) for land purchase, land development, investment in infrastructure or home
improvement (South Africa, 1997b). The DLA offers grants and services to new landowners for
land development and capacity building to enable beneficiaries to maximise the benefits gained
from securing access to land for productive use (South Africa, 1997b). The Settlement/Land
Acquisition Grant (SLAG) and Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD) are
the main grants for land redistribution. These services and grants are not easily accessible by
71

beneficiaries, especially the poor. The conditions for qualifying for these grants create barriers
for the rural poor to access these grants and services. Furthermore, these grants also contain
barriers in terms of land use and ownership, as it will be explained in subsequent chapters.

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Table 4.2: Land reform grants

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Source: Jacobs et al, (2003: 3)

4.6.1 Land acquisition

SLAG was the first and only grant used by the government to assist poor rural people to
purchase land, and was set at R15 000 but later increased to R16 000. Access to SLAG was
flexible in many ways for the rural poor in terms of acquisition and ownership. First, the grant
was strictly meant for the rural poor, who were individuals earning household incomes not
exceeding R1 500. Second, the grant allowed participants to apply as groups or individuals.
Beneficiaries were allowed to pool together their grants in order to purchase land. However,
SLAG was later pushed aside and discouraged because the grant amount was insufficient. The
large number of beneficiaries involved as a legal entity (i.e. CPA) included people who had little
or no intention to live on or use the land. McCusker (2004: 18), has suggested that the members
72

and leaders of the CPA were not chosen specifically for their expertise in farming and mainly
lacked the necessary skills to run a farm as a business.
In February 2000, the new Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs, MsThoko Didiza
announced plans to increase the pace of land redistribution (MALA, 2000). The Minister
proposed a revised redistribution programme that would include grants for aspiring commercial
farmers, food safety net grants for the rural poor, settlement grants for both the urban and rural
poor to access land for settlement, and a revised commonage grant that would be available to
both municipalities and tribal authorities (Jacobs et al, 2003: 4). Subsequently, the LRAD was

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launched to replace the SLAG in order to provide grants to any black South African
(disadvantaged or not) to access land specifically for agricultural purposes. Access to land and
financial services within LRAD depends on the ability to make an individual contribution for

land acquisition. The main condition within the policy framework stipulates a minimum

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contribution of R5000 (by cash, labour or equipment) to qualify for at least a minimum of R20

000 (South Africa, 2001b). Unlike the SLAG, entitlement is not only restricted to the rural poor.
Any individual with interest in agriculture can qualify for the maximum amount of the subsidy,

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depending on their own contribution and as per sliding scale. LRAD was later criticised for

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benefiting those who are better off rather than the rural poor. The fact that the rural poor are

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unable to provide own contribution in accessing the grant. Besides labour and livestock, rural

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people cannot afford to contribute the amount required (Zimmerman, 2000). If it is difficult for

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poor people to provide, hence R5000 was beyond their means The MahlambaNdlovu community

acquired land under these circumstances.

The MahlambaNdlovu CPA was formed in 1997 in order to participate in the land redistribution
programme and established itself as an operational CPA in 1998 (McCusker, 2008).
MahlambaNdlovu is the largest CPA in the area in terms of membership, consisting of 396
members, but the s.ecretary of the CPA reported less than 100 active members, while I observed
less than 20 members during an annual (Mass) project meeting (Community Visit, 19.04.2009). 40
Project members reside in areas of Mashashane and Maraba (Sengatane, Tshebeng and
Makweya) in the Aganang Local Municipality. These individuals pooled together their
40

During Annual Mass Meetings, all project members are compelled to attend the meetings so that the committee
can update and discuss current and future operations of the organization.
73

household grants (SLAG) to purchase a parcel of eight commercial farms estimated at 3,274.1
hectares from a (white) large-scale commercial farmer (Figure 4.2).

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Figure 4.2: Property of Maraba MahlambaNdlovu CPA

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Source: Editions by CSAG, University of Cape Town, 2009

The MahlambaNdlovu CPA is located just some 20 km outside Polokwane. It operates within the

boundaries of Aganang Local Municipality which forms part of the larger Capricorn District
Municipality in Limpopo. Aganang Local Municipality comprises of 107 villages and is divided
into 18 Wards (Aganang Local Municipality, 2009). It covers an area of about 1 852 22 km. It is
entirely a rural Municipality, has no township, and consists of the four Traditional Authorities of
Moleti, Matlala, Maraba and Mashashane. The municipality provides a range of services to a
population of 147 300 and total of 34 246 households (Stats SA, 2007). Potential opportunities
for economic development include agriculture and tourism. The municipality faces challenges of
providing basic infrastructure and services to its community, and generating local development
and economic revenue. The number of individuals who do not have income is estimated to be
53.35% (Stats SA, 2007).
74

4.7 Conclusion
In this chapter, I have discussed the background of case study areas for this thesis. These cases
are different enough to cover a range of experiences or attitudes concerning land reform and
rural development. In the case of Marobala, beneficiaries share a similar background of land
dispossession and land restitution, whereas in MahlambaNdlovu community members grouped
themselves believing that they share a similar vision for land acquisition under the current
programme of land reform.
The case study areas also highlight injustices of apartheid through land laws, which were

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deliberately aimed at depriving and dispossessing black people in order to benefit the minority
(whites). Forced removals and dispossession of land in Marobala community reflects injustices
of colonization in the country, which left the majority of black people landless and impoverishe.

Through post-apartheid land policies, these communities were able to regain their rights in land

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and to participate in agricultural enterprises (Chapter 2).

The next chapters (i.e. chapters 5 & 6) present the findings from fieldwork in the study areas.

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These chapters shed light on how beneficiaries experience and think about land reform and rural

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development. Moreover, the analysis from the study areas provides the basis for the conclusions

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of this study and also contribute to the earlier discussions and debates which I highlighted in

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Chapter 2.

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CHAPTER FIVE
Rural development in MahlambaNdlovu community
5.1. Introduction
This chapter examines the needs and interests of rural communities and individuals in the land
reform programme in MahlambaNdlovu CPA. It considers these needs and interests in light of
the governments resolve to redress historical, economical and social predicaments in rural areas

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(Chapter 2). The experiences, perceptions and expectations of land reform beneficiaries are
presented and discussed in the context of the land redistribution programme and the contribution
this programme could make towards rural development. The views of individuals involved in the
planning and implementation of land reform such as state officials and members of NGOs are

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collated, discussed and incorporated into the debates around land reform and rural development.
The chapter also analyses the significance of and need for land in rural areas; how communities

think about the processes of restoring land rights; tenure systems and the operations of land

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reform projects. The current condition of the land is presented and analysed as evidence of land

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reform practices in MahlambaNdlovu community.

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5.2. Rural development in MahlambaNdlovu community

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Distributing food parcels in rural areas in order to reduce poverty is not a proper solution to achieve rural
development beacuse it is not sustainable and people will always remain poor and underdeveloped

(Mamashela, interview, 10.05 2009).

The quote above demonstrates one of many views, ideas and perspectives on rural development
in South Africa. In this chapter, these views are incorporated into debates around the pragmatic
of linking policy and practice. The people of MahlamabaNdlovu expressed various ideas and
views on how best to improve rural areas. Figure 5.1 illustrates the priority needs and ideas for
rural development in the community.

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Figure 5.1: Ideas and needs for rural development in MahlambaNdlovu

Rural development needs

120
100
80

Rural development needs

60
40

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20

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5.2.1 Employment

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Unemployment in Aganang Municipality has remained a challange. The 2010-2011 Intergrated

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Development Plan (IDP) of Aganang Municipality indicates that over 57.35% of people are

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without income (Limpopo Provincial Government, 2010). For this reason, the majority of

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beneficairies (99%) suggest that employment can help improve rural areas. Beneficiaries stress
that government must create job opportunities for individuals in rural areas across all ages,

young and old, and believe that there are many ways in which this can be realised. First,
government should initiate and implement various community projects that will trigger a range
of employment opportunites, such as farming, bakery, poultry, and sewing projects. Most people
suggested gardening or subsistance farming for household consumption and for supplying local
markets for extra income. Their view is that the cultivation of cash crops such spinach, cabbage,
beetroot, carrots and so on can assist to improve household food security and generate income. In
a study on poverty, livelihoods and class in rural South Africa, Carter and May (1999) indicate
that a household can earn about R1000 income from agricultural activities. Others state that

77

commercial agriculture is the only way to create jobs, reduce poverty, increase food security
and improve rural households (Kgole, interview, 02.06.2009).
Second, male beneficiaries believe that jobs can be created when the government implement
projects such the construction of roads and RDP housing. They suggest that the government must
not bring people from outside their community when building roads or other types of
infrastructure, instead it must employ people within the community in which the constructions
are taking place. This is to ensure that the people within those areas also benefit from such
constructions through employment. Beneficiaires are well aware that these projects will create

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temporary jobs. However, they indicate that they will gain skills and the experince needed for
future reference when applying for employment. People living in rural areas without
employment usually depend on temporary jobs due to lack of educational qualifications or
certain skills for specific tasks. For this reason, people in rural areas flock to urban areas to seek

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any kind of employment (see Chapter 2). Female beneficiaries suggested projects such as
training for baking and sewing as alternative means for creating employment. There is no clarity

on how projects such as these will be initiated or administered. However, beneficiaires expect

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and hope the government will create employment opportunities.

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Other beneficiaires were not specific on the type of jobs needed in rural areas and suggested that

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any form of employment that generates income is important. These individuals indicate that their

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lack of formal education and age are the main factors contributing largely to high unemployment

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rate (Teffo, interview, 25.05.2009). Approximately all the members of the CPA are pensioners

and individuals who are in their late 50s and beyond, and claim they are too old and illiterate to
qualify for descent/formal employment. Undeniably, reports in Aganang municipality show that
over 40% of the population do not have a grade 12 (matric) certificate, (see Section 5.2.3) which
is a minimum entry for most formal sector jobs in South Africa (Stats SA, 2007).
5.2.2. Water
The majority of households in South Africa receive free basic water as part of governments
initiative to meet basic needs. However, the issue of water remains a much bigger challange in
most parts of the rural areas. This challange has led to protests about the lack of service delivery
accross the country. South Africans have adopted a practice of making their voices heard on the
78

need for service delivery. This practice mostly involve violent protests, which reults in damaging
property and infrastructure.
Water is a scare resouce in the community where beneficaires reside, yet the provision of water
is critical for resolving the problem of underdevelopment in rural areas (Teffo, interview,
25.05.2009). Although there is infrastructure in place (Table 5.1), beneficiaries still complain
that there is limited access to water. Table 5.1 indicates that the majority of households in
Aganang municipality have access to piped water inside their yard and within access points
outside their yard. Yet, most of beneficiaries complain that there is a serious shortage of water in

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the area. Currently, beneficiaries access water from one main tap shared by at least six
households. Beneficairies complain that the provision of water in the area is inconsistent, i.e.
water is only available on certain days (at least twice a week) and as a result, they have to fill
drums with water to last them a week (Tlabela, interview, 02.06.2009). Beneficaires report that

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at times they have to go a week without water, in this case beneficiaries are compelled to buy
water from vendors. Given the level of poverty and unemployment in the area, these expences

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are high for rural households.

Table 5.1 Access to water in Aganang Municipality

2007 (%)
4.3
38.6
34.8
12.2
2
2.3
0
4
0.4
1.5
100

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Type of Water Source

Piped water inside dwelling
Piped water inside the yard
Piped water from access point outside yard
Borehole
Spring
Dam/pool
River/stream
Water vendor
Rainwater tank
Other

Source: Stats SA, Community Survey,2007

Analysis of the business plan indicates that the farms under MahlambaNdlovu CPA have strong
underground water resources (MCPA, 1997: 2). The Blood River and Strydomsloop River run
through the project area and while these are not perennial rivers, seasonal flow in the Blood river
is accumulated by three concrete weirs. There is water supply in all camps from five reservoirs
and a water tank (MCPA, 1997). However, beneficaires report that the infrastructure in place is
79

currently not functioning due to poor maintance and neglect, which leads to insufficient water
supply on the farms. The current supply is not enough to sustain the operations of the CPA.
Individuals who reside on the farm 41 stated that at times they were forced to buy water from
water vendors (Boshomane, interview, 25.05.2009). These individuals accuse the committee of
neglecting the infrastructure on the farms and for poor management. The commitee admitted to
the mulfunctioning of the water infrastructure, but reject the allegations of neglect. It attributed
the current poor state of infrastructure as a consequence of lack of financial resources instead of

5.2.3 Education

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poor management (Rikhotso, interview, 01.05.2009).

Education is widely recognised to be a vehicle for empowerment, to fight poverty, economic growth and
general improvements in welfare. The South African Bill of Rights protects the right to basic education for

everyone, including adult basic education (Stats SA, 2009: 7).

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Beneficiairies echoed the need for basic education in rural areas so that they can participate in

the economic, social and political affairs of the country and the community. These individuals
mention that they cannot speak, read and understand English, and consequently they cannot

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participate in, or understand the issues being discussed in the media (Tlabela, interview,

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02.06.2009). By this, beneficiaries imply that they cannot listern to the news or read newspapers

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or any document written in English language. 42 On this basis, beneficiaries consider lack of

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limits job options.

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education as the main architect of poverty and unemployment in rural areas, as this severely

Most of the older beneficiaries believe it is important that government introduce Adult Basic
Education Training (ABET) so that they also can understand and participate in current issues
involving the country (Tlabela, interview, 02.06.2009). They state that:
government at least teach old people how to read and write English and Afrikans so that we can also
understand what they are talking about when we listen to the radio and be able to read and understand
policies that involve us (Tlabela, interview, 02.06.2009).

41

Individuals who look after the projects livestock and other members of the project reside on the farm for visible
security purposes. This group of people live in some of the projects property (see appendix A, page 166).
42
Although there are programmes broadcast in seven different South African languages, most informative or
educational television and radio programmes are broadcast in English.
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On this basis, it may be inferred that beneficaires believe that through the provision of education,
they will be empowered to take initiatives and particpate in programmes that are meant to
improve their own lives.
Other beneficiaires suggest free education in rural areas (Mamashela, interview, 10.05.2009).
One of the beneficiaires who is employed as a teacher suggested that government should
provide free education in rural areas because there are many children who have the potential to
succeed to university level, but due to lack of finances they are unable to further their studies. As
a result, most students are stuck at home, uneducated and unemployed (Mamashela, interview,

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10.05.2009). This beneficiary stresses that the current funding opportunities available is highly
concentrated in urban schools and not in the rural areas. Thus, government must take the
initiative to make rural people aware of these opportunities through regular visits and workshops

in rural schools (Mamashela, interview, 10.05.2009).

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5.2.4 Infrastructure development

Another solution to improve rural areas is the provision of basic infrastructure such as roads,

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sanitation, hospitals, shopping malls and recreational facilities. Beneficiaries said that people

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cannot access rural areas or amenities because the roads and transport services are poor. People

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have to travel long distances to access hospitals and shops (Ledwaba, interview, 25.05.2009).

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Others stressed the need for a shopping complex, indicating that they can create jobs and people

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can have easy access to amenities instead of travelling to the cities for the same (Mashakane,
interview, 02.06.2009). Recreational facilities such as youth centres are needed to reduce crime

in rural areas, to educate the youth and keep them away from engaging in criminal activities. It is
alleged that young people are vulnerable to commit criminal activities due to lack of employment
and/or education. Thus, recreational facilities such as proper sports fields, libraries, etc, can
occupy the youth and prevent them from committing crimes (Maraba, interview, 02.06.2009).
Proper sanitation must also be provided to ensure a healthy environment in rural areas. There are
people who are still using pit toilets, which are unhygienic and unsafe for young children and old
people (Mootane, interview, 10.06.2009).

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5.2.5 Land
The need for land was less of a priority among beneficiaries, possibly due to the fact that
participants already have access (or ownership) to land. Beneficiaries suggested that government
must distribute more land and resources such as funding and infrastructure to individuals who do
not have access to land. They stressed the importance of financial and technical support to new
landowners so that they can use the land efficiently. Beneficiaries feel that government give
large tracts of land to rural communities without technical support and do not guide them on how
to manage the land productively (Ledwaba, interview, 10.06.2009). The subject of land and its

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significance and use is further discussed in Sections 5.3 and 5.6.

5.2.6 Food parcels

One beneficiary suggested that government must distribute food parcels to rural households in

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order to reduce poverty (Mawila, interview, 02.06.2009). This individual stressed that people in

rural areas usually qualify for low-wage employment because of illiteracy. Furthermore, rural
households expenses can be heavy in terms of affordability, indicating the high costs of

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electricity, water, and high food prices. Therefore, government must provide food parcels to

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reduce rural household expenses and poverty (Mawila, interview, 02.06.2009). Other

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beneficiaries oppose this suggestion, indicating that it is not sustainable and will promote

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dependency instead of development (Mamashela, interview, 10.05.2009).

A minority group of people showed less interest on the issue of rural development. For these

individuals, rural areas are already developed and these do not see the need for further assistance.
They indicate that people already have access to water, electricity and other basic services; as a
result, there is no need for further development (Tsheola, interview, 10.06.2009). Instead, this
group suggests that rural individuals must just find solutions on how to feed themselves
(Tsheola, interview, 10.06.2009) and government must also provide guidance on how best they
can improve their lives (Sehlapelo, interview, 10.05.2009). There was lack of clarity on what
rural development implies since these participants did not have interest in rural development.

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5.3. The significance of land in rural areas

This section focuses on expressions and sentiments held by individuals on land and land reform
programme. An analysis of the project business plan (MCPA, 1997: 1) indicates that the
significance of land and land reform is to promote the development of individuals and to
generate income from a variety of enterprises, by improving production, conserving the natural
resources, which will inevitably increase the wealth of each member. Moreover, land reform is
meant to improve the quality of life of individuals by providing the necessary skills that will
enable beneficiaries to use land productively and efficiently for their own benefit (MCPA, 1997).

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In addition to the intentions outlined in the CPA business plan, beneficiaries also express their
own views and reasons for the need for land.

First, land can enhance income. Beneficiaries who are employed outside the CPA expressed the

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view that they needed land to supplement current livelihoods and income, which was not
sufficient to sustain households. These individuals complain that food prices are continuously

increasing, electricity is expensive and therefore the cost of living is high and expensive, hence,

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their interest in land and farming to reduce the cost of living. They can reduce household
expenses and increase income by producing own food through farming (Mamashela, interview,

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10.05.2009).

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Second, beneficiaries needed land because they are interested in agriculture and aspire to become

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black commercial farmers. Two other beneficiaries indicated that they have experience in
farming because they used to work in white farms and as a result they have acquired the skills

and developed interest in commercial farming (Boshomane & Ledwaba, interview 25.05.2009).
For instance, one participant (Sehlapelo, interview, 10.05.2009) indicated that he needed land as
an asset that will provide livelihoods after he retires. For him, farming could be a leisure activity
when he becomes a pensioner. This participant further said that he has been farming for a long
time from his own backyard, producing vegetables for selling to nearby schools and for
household consumption. Therefore, he became involved in the land reform programme in order
to become a commercial farmer. Thirdly, and most importantly, beneficiaries needed land as a
primary source of employment. This view was mostly held by beneficiaries who are unemployed

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or have family members who are unemployed. For these beneficiaries, jobs can be created
through commercial farming, as the following quotations show:
We wanted to run (manage) the farm like the white farmers did during apartheid, whereby we would have
people in the committee managing the farm and the remaining beneficiaries working as labourers on the
farm. However, with beneficiaries being the owners and having equal rights of ownership and treated fairly
(Boshomane, interview, 25.05.2009).
We are not educated and did not have the opportunities to study like you [the researcher] because white
people were discriminating blacks to get educated. We are also too old to go back to school or get
employment from government. Farming is the only thing we know and have been practicing for years.

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Therefore, land is an alternative means for us to acquire livelihoods (Teffo, interview, 25.05.2009).

Fourthly, beneficiaries acquired land to maximise the current size of land and increase
production. Most of the beneficiaries indicated that they have been farming on small portions of

land in their backyard before benefiting from the land reform. The fifth reason for the need for

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land is to redress the historical injustices in which black people were discriminated against

ownership of land, purchase of agricultural and/or forming agricultural enterprises (Chapter 2).

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These beneficiaries point out that historically land was an important source of livelihoods in rural
areas whereby people used to produce their own food. For this reason, there is a significant need

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interview, 25.05.2009).

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for land in order to restore and continue the legacy of farming in rural communities (Tjale,

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Quite the opposite, one specific beneficiary said that it is unnecessary to give agricultural land to

people in rural areas because the majority of people there are old and physically incapable of
hard labour. The land will lie idle because beneficiaries are too old to work and do not have the
capacity to manage large amounts of land. The explanation goes that young people are not
interested in agriculture and usually relocate to urban areas for employment (Anonymous
interview, 02.06.2009). Although this individual already has ownership of land through the land
redistribution programme, she has lost interest in the project (CPA) and as a result, she is not
involved in the CPA activities. However, this individual remains a member in the CPA. On the
2ha portion given to each household for own use (see Section 5.6.2), this participant has leased
her portion for R600 to an extended family member who has been using the land since 2007

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(Anonymous interview, 02.06.2009). 43 The committee is aware of this situation and commented
that this type of arrangement (of leasing land to other family members on household portion) is
allowed. However, the committee holds that land cannot be sold and/or ownership cannot be
transferred. Government officials are not aware of such arrangements and said it was an internal
matter, which directly involves the CPA and not the department (Anonymous interview,
18.05.2009).
5.4. Land redistribution programme and beneficiaries

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5.4.1. Land acquisition

There was little understanding from beneficiaries on the processes of transferring the land to the
community. Most of beneficiaries said that they first heard of the redistribution programme

through community gatherings led by the traditional leader and through the radio (Thobela FM).

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It is alleged that, a message was spread in the community informing individuals that there is land

available from the government for people who wish to farm, improve households livelihoods,
and get employment (Rikhotso, interview, 01.05.2009). Community meetings were then

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conducted by the DLA, and interested individuals expressed interest to acquire land. According

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to beneficiaries, people were randomly grouped by the DLA from that long list of individuals.

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CPA chairperson, Mr Rikhotso (interview, 01.05.2009) said, we did not know each other when

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we first came to the farm, we were strangers. After beneficiaries were grouped into a legal

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entity, MahlambaNdlovu Communal Property Association (CPA) was formed (Section 4.5).

Soon after the CPA was registered and the committee elected, information was then
communicated by the DLA through the committee. However, beneficiaries report that feedback
from the committee to the community was ineffectual and information was concentrated between
officials and the committee, which explains the lack of clarity among many members on the way
the land was acquired.
Other beneficiaries said that fellow community members, neighbours and friends, informed them
of the land reform programme. These beneficiaries were told that government is giving land and
funds for free to individuals who wish to farm in order to improve food security in households
43

It is not clear if the land portion was sold or leased because the participant said the current user paid a once off
amount of R600 to use the land. This participant is aware that land cannot be sold with full ownership because it was
acquired through land reform programme and the constitution of the CPA does not allow transfer of ownership.
85

and to create job opportunities (Kale, interview, 10.05.2009). They were told to enlist their
names in order to qualify as the following quotations reveal:
My neighbour, who told me that there is free land from the government, informed me about the
programme. I enlisted my name because everyone in the community was involved and I also wanted to
benefit since it was for free (Kale, interview, 10.05.2009).
I was invited by other members because of my skills in farming. They invited me to assist them with
farming management and ideas and knowledge in cultivation of various crops such as vegetable, lettuce,
mushrooms, onions, etc. I have been farming for a long time and therefore I have the capacity in farming

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(Sehlapelo, interview, 10.05.2009).

Some of the female beneficiaries became involved when their spouses and family members
(main beneficiaries) passed way or they could no longer engage in physical labour. Among these
beneficiaries, others said that the CPA wrote letters after the passing of their husbands, informing

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them that they are required to take ownership or send someone to represent the household
(Sekele, interview, 10.05.2009). Another beneficiary said that he became involved when his

father, who was the main beneficiary, was terminally ill and could no longer come to the farm

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(Tjale, interview, 25.05.2009).

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5.4.2 Identification of land

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In the redistribution programme, individuals applying for land can either identify the land they

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wish to purchase or the DLA can find the land that suits the needs of the beneficiaries (Chapter
2). In the case of MahlambaNdlovu, there are contradicting views about who identified the land.

Some beneficiaries said they identified the land, while others said the DLA identified the land for
the CPA. According to the DLA project officer, Mr Molope, (interview, 08.05.2009) the
community identified the land they wished to purchase and informed the government. Molope
(interview, 08.05.2009) states that:
The community approached the DLA and told them there is land that they wish to purchase through the
land redistribution programme. Then the government and the community followed the redistribution
processes until the land was acquired.

On the other hand, Molope (Interview, 08.05.2009) claimed that he could not provide
comprehensive details about the transfer because he was not involved in the initial phase of the
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project. 44 He says that he only took over from the previous project officer after the land was
transferred to the community. Therefore, he could not provide a detailed history of the
community and the land acquisition procedures. This could possibly mean that there is no
monitoring or follow up on the progress of these projects. In addition, it could also explain the
views of officials who suggest that a land reform project is considered successful when
beneficiaries have access to land. This view contrasts with those who suggest that a successful
project is one in which beneficiaries livelihoods have improved (see Table 6.7).

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5.5. Preferred tenure systems

This discussion presents different perceptions of beneficiaries and their preference for forms of
land tenure and land management, regardless of policy implications and expectations. Analysis
of the interviews indicates that there are three preferred models of land ownership, large groups

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(current model), small groups and individual/household (Figure 5.2).

Figure 5.2: Preferred tenure systems in MahlambaNdlavu CPA

41%

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36%

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Preferred Tenure Systems

Individual/Household
Small groups

Large groups

23%

44

The official who worked with the community during the first phase could not be reached for an interview because
he/she is no longer working for the department.
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5.5.1 Individual land ownership

Figure 5.2 indicates that 41% of beneficiaries prefer to own and manage land individually, which
suggests the provision of land to a household. According to these beneficiaries, individual
ownership is less complex and effective in terms of management and productivity because
people can work at their own pace compared to large groups. People prefer this model of
ownership and management based on experiences of current disputes within the CPA caused by
different interest in land, levels of commitments and mistrust among beneficiaries (see Section
5.8). Beneficiaries point out that the current model of land ownership (large groups) is

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ineffective and government must review the policy of land ownership. They mentioned that
CPAs experience conflicts because beneficiaries come from different backgrounds and have
conflicting interests.

It seems people assumed that land was going to be granted to households and not to large groups,

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hence they participated in the programme (Mamashela, interview, 10.05.2009). Beneficiaries

stated that if they had known from the onset that land was going to be shared in large group; they

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would not have participated in the programme:

When they (government) told us that they are going to give us land, I thought I was going to have my own

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piece of land. However, after enlisting my name, we were told that we are going to own land as a large

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group. Although, I didnt want to own land with others, it was already too late for me to cancel my name

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because the claim was finalised (Mamashela, interview, 10.05.2009).

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I wanted to own land individually because I have experience in farming and I know that groups do not

work. Even so, I still took part in large groups because I was interested in farming. However, I discovered
after the land was transferred that we cannot own land as individual (Ledwaba 1, interview, 25.05.2009).
Government must give land to individuals because large groups dont work. People are lazy and do not
want to work on the farm, they depend on others to do the work for them but still want to benefit (Teffo,
interview, 25.05.2009).
Large groups are not effective because people have different interests and backgrounds. When land is
owned individually, there are fewer conflicts because people can work on their own pace and use it as they
wish (Ledwaba 2, interview, 10.06.2009).

Beneficiaries proposed to own land individually, but the policy will not allow them because the
land is registered as a CPA. Alternative suggestions are that beneficiaries must share the land
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amongst themselves by giving portions to people who are interested in farming (Ledwaba,
interview, 10.06.09). However, the committee objects to this idea, arguing that this type of
ownership may result in more conflicts and chaos, which may lead to repossession of land by the
DLA (Rikhotso, interview, 01.05.2009). As a result, beneficiaries must just find ways for
resolving current conflicts and work together as a community (Malefakgomo, interview,
04.05.2009).
5.5.2 Small groups
This model proposes that beneficiaries be grouped in small numbers of at least 10 people per

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group. Individuals who prefer this model suggest that government must provide land to small
groups of individuals who share similar interests and backgrounds. According to beneficiaries,
these small groups should be allocated small portions of land (at least 2-4 ha), which they

themselves (small groups) will manage in terms of land use activities and resources. In other

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words, the CPA will not be liable for those small groups. The arrangement with this tenure

system will be in the manner that the CPA allocates portions of land, while beneficiaries (within
those small groups) are responsible for the use of land, maintenance and own farming resources

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land will be managed effectively.

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(e.g. seeds and fertilizers). In this way, beneficiaries believe there will be fewer conflicts and

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Beneficiaries complain that they have been grouped together from a list of people who are

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strangers to one another, from different backgrounds, have different interests, and are expected to
work together towards common objectives (Mamashela, interview, 10.05.2009). As a result, this

matter has resulted in disputes whereby unemployed beneficiaries (who are able to work on the
farm daily) blame employed beneficiaries (who are only able to work on weekends or when they
are relieved from their daily work) for being lazy and less committed to matters of the CPA
(especially providing labour). According to the unemployed beneficiaries, other employed
beneficiaries are not committed to farming because they have stable jobs or sources of income
and the project is not a priority for them at the moment (Tlabela, interview, 25.05.2009). They
further complained that:
People who are employed delay progress on the farm because they do not work on the farm because they
have to commit to their employment during the week while we work everyday on the farm. They must be

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grouped together so that they can work on their own schedule (Boshomane & Mapankole, interview,
02.06.2009). 45
Other people enlisted their names for land even though they dont have interest in farming; hence they are
sitting at home and in-active in activities of the project (Sehlapelo, interview, 10.05.2009).

In order to address this matter, beneficiaries suggested that government must review the policy
on land ownership and consider small numbers in projects to avoid conflicts. Others suggested
reassessment of land reform projects and the elimination of individuals who are not actively
involved in the projects (Boshomane, interview, 25.05.2009). Furthermore, individuals must

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group themselves with people they know (e.g. neighbours or extended family) and have similar
interests. For instance, people who want to cultivate vegetables must be grouped together and
those who want livestock farming must also be grouped together, instead of blending all

individuals into one group.

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Even though statistics in Figure 5.2 indicate that this model is the least preferred tenure system

(23%), in practice beneficiaries want to own land in small groups. However, there are certain
limitations that avert beneficiaries preference for small groups. First, beneficiaries assume that it

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was policy to only give land to large groups and is opposed to land ownership by the individual

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or small-groups (Sekele, interview, 10.05.2009). Second, they have the impression that large

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groups receive larger post settlement grants than small groups (Maraba, interview, 02.06.2009).

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Third, other beneficiaries want to continue with commercial farming, which needs large numbers

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of people for labour. However, the disadvantage is that in large groups there are conflicts

(Galane, interview, 10.05.2010). These views further highlight that there was little understanding
of the land reform programme when beneficiaries had acquired the land.
5.5.3 Large groups (current model)
MahlambaNdlovu CPA consists of 396 household beneficiaries and manages land as a single
legal entity (see Chapter 4). Figure 5.2 shows that there are people who prefer the current model
of land ownership of large groups within a single legal entity. All six committee members and
other beneficiaries (36%) said that the current model of large groups in land reform projects is
satisfactory, indicating that it provides sufficient labour and post settlement grants. Beneficiaries
45

These interviews were conducted individually on the same day and not as group interviews.
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believe that the larger the group, the more money and land they get for post-settlement by
pooling together household grants into one, large amount. These beneficiaries are also aware of
predicaments of land ownership in large groups, which include lack of trust and respect for
fellow members, and lack of control and management of the project. Beneficiaries complain that,
since we are all rightful owners of the land, everyone wants to be a leader or in the committee
(Maraba, interview, 02.06.2008). Others criticise large groups for conflicting interests among
beneficiaries and for lack of commitment. It is widely held by beneficiaries that large groups are
chaotic and unproductive. Despite these weaknesses, there are individuals who believe that large

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groups can succeed if beneficiaries work together and the lines of communication are clarified.
Government officials also discourage this model of land ownership, indicating that past
experiences show that large numbers of beneficiaries contribute to the failure of land reform

projects. DLA project officers hold that land must be redistributed to small numbers, preferably

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families to avoid conflicts among beneficiaries (Molope, interview, 18.05.2009). Officials

recognize that individual rights in land reform projects are not clarified (Talane, interview,
17.06.2009). As a result, in most cases, people who are in the committee want to claim full

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ownership of the land and control other beneficiaries, instead of working as a team. This was

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also believed to the case in MahlambaNdlovu, whereby other beneficiaries accuse the committee

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for making major decisions without consulting and involving the rest of the community. Officials

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also recognize the lack of management and administrative skills in CPAs. Hence, beneficiaries

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change the committee regularly even before committee members complete their term. Officials
say that it is difficult and unproductive for the department to provide training on a regular basis

to an ever-changing committee.

5.6. Ownership without freedom: land use options

In the study of land cover change and land use in MahlambaNdlovu CPA, Zimmer and Bassett
(2003:210) show that, the farmland for the CPA is located in a lower potential zone for farming,
receiving lower rainfall (400-600 millimetres per year) and with generally less productive soils.
MahlambaNdlovu has less productive soils for cultivation and this limits land use options. The
business plan indicates that the previous white owner used the land mainly for cattle farming (see
Section 5.6.1). As we have seen already, MahlambaNdlovu CPA is a group-based project, which
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is supposedly involved in collective production on large farming units for commercial

production.
The discussion below focuses on land use activities in MahlambaNdlovu. It first captures land
use activities initially proposed in the business plan, then looks at the current land use activities
on the farm, and finally pay attention to individual land use activities or interest that may or may
not be part of the initial plans. With this, the objective is to see whether the proposed plans (in
business plan) are in line with beneficiaries interests.

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5.6.1 The business plan: for the sake of formality

Prior to the approval of land transfer, beneficiaries are requested to formulate a business plan
indicating their intentions for the need and use of land. The business plan is a prerequisite for

participation in land redistribution programme and for receiving government support. The

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business plan thus acts as a map indicating the blueprint for the implementation and operations

of the projects, and as a reference to monitor progress. It also represents diversified ideas and

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interest of individuals, collectively structured and focused towards achieving common goals.
The CPA business plan indicates commercial cattle farming with 350 large stock units as the

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main enterprise on the farm. The previous white owner cultivated lucern and was involved with

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small stock production (pigs and chickens). Following the transfer of land, the CPA initially

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insisted on continuing with the activities of the previous owner and additional agricultural
enterprises to increase production (Table 5.2). However, the business plan does not necessarily

support previous activities, in particular cattle farming because limited funds for development
will not allow for the purchase of enough cattle. The intention was to purchase cattle in the future
when funds allow. Instead, the CPA has identified other land uses dissimilar to those of the
previous owner (Table 5.2). Despite the poor quality of the soil and the entire natural
environment of the farm, beneficiaries proposed enterprises such as cultivation of citrus crops
(pecan nuts, almonds, peaches and grapes), and vegetables (Table 5.2). The business plan
categorised these activities into those that need immediate implementation and those that will be
considered in the near future when the CPA has generated enough funds.

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Immediate plans were, firstly, the irrigation of vegetables or cash crops, which will be sold to
local communities, hawkers and schools (through tenders or partnership). The CPA believes that
cash crops will generate immediate income. Secondly, dry production (e.g. maize, sorghum,
beans) for household consumption, which will not be part of the CPA (see Section 5.6.3).
Thirdly, pig rearing and pig products to be sold to commercial pig producers in the nearby city
(Polokwane). According to the business plan, piggery will be the core enterprise of the CPA
due to available infrastructure on the farm, and the simplicity in the methods and maintenance in
pig rearing. Fourthly, the improvement of recreational areas on the farm that consists of a large
lapa (veranda) area situated next to one of three dams on the farm and an additional braaing area.

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These enterprises will be leased to business and community organisations for social events.
Other activities or sources of income include leasing of residential dwellings on the farm and
grazing fields to nearby communities to generate income, while at the same time maintaining

infrastructure (MCPA, 1997). Appendix 5.1 shows a rough sketch of the geographical design of

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the proposed activities.

Table 5.2: Land use activities in MahlambaNdlovu CPA

Proposed Land use Activities

1.Extensive cattle farming

1.Livestock-Piggery & cattle

2.Lucern

2. Dry land crop production-Maize, sorghum, beans.

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5.Grazing

3.Irrigated orchards-citrus, pecan nuts, almonds, peaches &grapes

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3.Piggery
4.Poultry

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Previous Land use Activities

4.Irrigated Vegetables-tomatoes, spinach, green beans cabbage, carrots,

peppers, potatoes, lettuce, & chillies
5.Broiler chickens
6.Fishery
7.Recreational areas-Lapa for small functions
8. Leasing of houses & grazing fields.

NOTE: Data was extracted from the CPA business plan, 1997

The business plan also forecasts costs and returns for the CPA if the plan were to be
implemented accordingly. However, the committee reported that the business plan is too
complicated and confusing for their understanding. They admit that their basic education is too
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limited to understand even basic financial matters. This indicates that the CPA currently
disregards the business plan and projects either are disregarded or are not implemented in line
with the business plan.
Beneficiaries claim that they were consulted and involved during the planning of the business
plan. They agreed to have been working hand-in-hand with the government and the agency
assigned (WOMIWU Rural Development), 46 wherein several meetings were held between
beneficiaries and the departments of Land Affairs and Agriculture (Malefakgomo, interview,
04.05.2009). However, there are beneficiaries who reported that they were not involved or

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consulted during this processes. These beneficiaries argue that their suggestion and needs for
land use were disregarded and were seen as too ambitious (Sehlapelo, interview, 10.05.2009).

5.6.2 Current land use

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Since the transfer of land to the CPA, the land has been used for cattle farming (as the main

production), poultry, grazing for household livestock, and crop farming. The CPA owns at least
100 cattle and poultry. The CPA produces mixed breed cattle mainly Bonsmara and Afrikaner.

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The livestock of the CPA is sold at local markets to nearby communities. Like many land reform

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projects, the CPA is having difficulties accessing markets or information about sustainable

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are sold in the villages.

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markets. The CPA does not have any formal contracts with commercial retailers, hence products

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The other land use is dry land farming. As part of the business plan, the CPA has allocated at

least 2ha plots to each household for consumptive use. Households are responsible for farming
expenses and income generated is for the household (MCPA, 1997). On these plots, household
beneficiaries can cultivate dry land crops such as maize, beans and sorghum as there are
historical indigenous practices in rural areas (FAO, 2009). These crops are considered traditional
foods that are consumed on a daily basis.

46

WOMIWU Rural Development is an agency that assists landowners (mostly land reform beneficiaries),
communities and individuals with a variety of agricultural and commercial opportunities. Their services include
setting-up and facilitating capacity-building and support structures for land reform projects, land use planning and
business plan compilation for communities with successful land restitution claims, comprehensive participatory
planning, project proposals for resettlement projects under LRAD. WOMIWU assisted a number of land reform
projects in Limpopo province, including Marobala-O-Itsose CPA and MahlambaNdlovu CPA, in compiling and
implementing business plans.
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There are two conflicting reasons for allocating land to households. First, the business plan
suggests that beneficiaries are given land because there is a strong need by beneficiaries to
plough dry crops such as maize, sorghum and beans for household consumption
(MahlambaNdlovu CPA, 1997: 4). It is clear that this has been part of the CPA plans, which are
in line with the business plan. Second, beneficiaries allege that land was given to them after
realising that it will take time before the CPA can benefit from the farms. Beneficiaries say they
became aware of the challenges around commercial farming (Rikhotso, interview, 01.05.2009).
These challenges are further discussed in detail in Section 5.8.

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5.6.3 Individual ideas on land use

The CPA and a number of beneficiaries own cattle that is stocked and grazed on communal land.
Soon after the land was transferred, individuals who own stock graze it to communal land and

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those who do not have stock began to obtain it because of the availability of grazing fields.
Individual stock includes cattle, sheep and goats, which is sold in local communities and is also

used for household consumption. Beneficiaries say that they store and graze their livestock on

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the land because there are no palatable grazing fields or space to store stock and provide security
for the stock in the community (Kale, interview, 10.05.2009). The principles and management

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structures on how beneficiaries negotiate grazing on project land are discussed further below.

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Female beneficiaries said that they want to cultivate crops which they refer to as gardening

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(Kganyago, interview, 04.05.2009). They feel left out and uninvolved in the CPA because the

main activity is cattle farming, which culturally is considered a male responsibility (Sekele,
interview, 10.05.2009). Furthermore, they want to cultivate cash crops such as spinach,
beetroots, tomatoes, carrots, onions, and so forth for household consumption and for the local
market, in order to earn extra income. They complain that commercial farming is complicated
and risky business for uneducated beneficiaries like them (Kganyago, interview, 04.05.2009).
They point out that it requires complex management and marketing skills, and given the level of
education of the beneficiaries, they doubt that they can succeed in commercial farming (Sekele,
interview, 10.05.2009). Unemployed beneficiaries, stress that they need to plough cash crops that
could be sold to derive a cash- based income and contribute to household food security.

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Others suggested that they want to cultivate crops that are not popular such as mushrooms,
garlic, green peppers, because they are marketable to big retailer store such as Fruit and Veg City
(supermarket) (Interviews, Sehlapelo, 10.05.2009; Maraba, 02.06.2009). They said that:
Rural people must stop farming maize and focus on other crops that are marketable. Maize is not
marketable and does not have profit because it is mostly for household consumption. Therefore, the
department of agriculture must inform and train people about various kinds of crops (Maraba. Interview,
02.06.2009).
Rural beneficiaries are still stuck on the old fashioned farming methods (indigenous); they just want to
farm maize which does not generate profit. They do not want to learn about other types of land use such as

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fishing and cultivation of rare crops such as lettuce, mushrooms, leeks and so forth. This land is too big and
has the potential to create employment for each beneficiary. We can use it to build infrastructure for
tourism such as motels and other facilities to generate income (Sehlapelo, interview, 10.05.2009).

With the members of the CPA residing in settlements near the project, there is strict agreement

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between the members that no homesteads will be established on the farm. Therefore, land will

be utilised for agricultural enterprises to generate income (MCPA, 1997:3). On the contrary,
other beneficiaries suggested that one portion of the farm must be used for settlement of

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beneficiaries. They said that government must build RDP houses for beneficiaries on the farm

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(Interviews, 02.06.2009). They indicated that presently beneficiaries reside far away from the

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project and as a result, they cannot financially afford to travel to the farm daily, since they are

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unemployed (Mapankole, interview, 02.06.2009). Beneficiaries suggested that people, who live

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far from the farm and who already have established homes in their areas, could live and work on

the farm during the week and go to their homes on weekends (Tlabela, interview, 02.06.2009).
However, they complain that there is not enough water to sustain them while living on the farm.
Therefore, the government must also provide water and other basic services such as sanitation
and electricity (Tlabela, interview, 02.06.2009).
There is also a view that portions of land must be used to build rental housing in order to
generate extra income (Sehlapelo, interview, 10.05.2009). Beneficiaries say that there is a
growing market in real estate or property and their land is situated conveniently a few kilometres
away from the capital city and amenities. They further stress that this land is too big and cannot
be used for commercial farming only; insinuating that the committee must explore other
enterprises (other than planting maize) which have the potential to create employment for
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beneficiaries and generate maximum income (Interviews, Sehlapelo, 10.05.2009; Maraba,

02.06.2009). Other potential businesses include fishery and building a lodge (Sehlapelo,
interview, 10.05.2009). The lodge will be strategically built next to a large pond on one of the
farms (Biesjepol) that had different types of fish. Visitors will enjoy fishing during their stay at
the lodge (Sehlapelo, interview, 10.05.2009). However, other beneficiaries do not support this
suggestion; arguing that it is too ambitious and that they do not have knowledge about fishing or
operating a lodge (Malefakgomo, interview, 04.05.2009).

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5.7. Operating, organising and managing land reform projects

Every organization has its own rules and principles of operation. In land reform projects, the
project constitution and business plan are the main documents guiding the management of the
project. In this discussion, I draw attention to the procedures beneficiaries have to follow in order

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to have access to land.

5.7.1 Human resource management

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MahlambaNdlovu is a governed legal entity (CPA), which specifies that land is owned and
managed communally. The CPA has a constitution that details the membership, aims and

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objectives of the group. I could not get hold of the CPAs constitution because the current

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committee claim that it is still in the hands of the previous committee members. The secretary of

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the CPA, Malefakgomo (interview, 04.05.2009) said that when people are removed from the
committee, they withdraw without returning the documents of the CPA. She indicates that this

creates major challenges for the next committee to continue with the activities of the project.
Other documents that could not be found included the title deed of the land of the CPA and
financial records. It is said that the previous committee members were removed because
beneficiaries accused them of misusing project funds for their personal benefit and for being
ineffective (Malefakgomo, interview, 04.05.2009). Beneficiaries disregard the constitution and
remove people before finishing their term. As a result, people get angry and do not want to be
involved with the project. In other words, these conflicts cause people to detach themselves from
the project. The business plan is the only document that is available, even though the CPA is not
utilizing and has deviated from the original plan.

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The committee has a bookkeeping system that it uses to record financial transactions and other
operations of the project. The operations and management of the CPA includes, grazing, leasing
of infrastructure and resources, and provision of labour. Table 5.3 indicates the services and
expenditure of the CPA. The records show that beneficiaries are remunerated or receive income
from the CPA. According to the committee, the project is not generating enough revenue for all
the 396 households because there is less production. Reasons contributing to slow progress
include lack of funds and disputes in the CPA (see Section 5.8).
The CPA has six committee members that are remunerated R30 per day (each) for transport

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expenses for the days they go to the farm (Table 5.3). The CPA employs five people, only one is
a beneficiary and the other four are non-beneficiaries. A female employee (Mahundla) and a
member of the CPA, who is in charge of poultry (feeding and raising the chickens) is paid R1000
per month. Other employees include shepherds for individual and project livestock and labourers

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who are only employed during the cultivation season (see Table 5.3).

Table 5.3: Human resource in MahlambaNdlovu CPA

Income

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Committee (6)

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of

Individuals

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Shepherds (2)

Poultry (1)

Labourers (2)

R30 per day

R700 per month
R1000,00 per month
R 1200 (Seasonal)

The employment of non-CPA members such Mrs Mahundla has caused disputes within the CPA.
The beneficiaries felt that it was unfair that the committee employ people from outside while the
beneficiaries are unemployed, arguing that they must be given priority. On the other hand, the
committee responded that beneficiaries are lazy and do not want to work on the farm, hence they
employ people from outside (Mamashela, interview, 10.05.2009). They also point out that

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beneficiaries do not want to work without remuneration and do not understand that the CPA does
not generate sufficient income to be shared (Rikhotso, interview, 01.05.2009).
5.7.2 Services and resource management of the CPA
The project renders a number of services to the beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries in order to
generate extra income. Table 5.4 shows the services and administration of the CPA, which
include leasing or rental of infrastructure and equipment, grazing and labour. The CPA rent out
the equipment (tractors) of the project to household beneficiaries and provides labour during the

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cultivation season.
As already mentioned in previous sections, a number of beneficiaries and people in the
community own stock, which is grazed on project land. MahlambaNdlovu has 2067, 86 ha of

grazing land (MCPA, 1997), which is used for grazing of the livestock of the CPA, household

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beneficiaries and other outsiders (or nearby community members). In terms of administering the

CPA grazing land, household beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries who graze their livestock on
the farm are required to pay a minimum monthly fee (See Table 5.4). This monthly fee covers

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water expenses and salaries for people looking after the livestock belonging to the CPA.

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Beneficiaries pay low fees compared to non-beneficiaries (Table 5.4).

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The committee has a regular count of project livestock and all the individuals who own stock on

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project are also expected to be present so that they can count their stock. This is a regular
procedure to keep track of the number of stock on the farm and for security purposes

(Malefakgomo, interview, 04.05.2009). The committee also allows beneficiaries to collect wood
on the farm when they have special events such as weddings or funerals. In order to access these
services, individuals must write a letter to the committee with their request.

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Table 5.4: Resources and services offered by the CPA

CPA Resources & Services

Beneficiaries

Non-beneficiaries

Grazing

R7,50 per cow/month

R22,00 per cow/month

2.

Tractor + Soil turning

R350,00 per 2ha

N/A

3.

Planting

R250,00 per 2ha

N/A

4.

Weaving

R100,00 per 2ha

N/A

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1.

Some beneficiaries are not content with the administrations of the project. They feel that it is

unfair that they have to pay to use their own land and equipment as members of the CPA:

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I am the owner of the land but I have been told to pay money for my stock to be grazed on my land. We are

forced to pay a lot of money on our own land (Kale, interview, 10.05.2009).
It does not seem right for me to have land and not have access to the land. All beneficiaries of the CPA

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have equal rights to the land and equipment. No one is special, including the committee (Teffo, interview,

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25.05.2009).

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Other beneficiaries complain that they cannot afford to hire a tractor for cultivation. They said

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that although they have access to a 2ha plot, they could not use the land because they do not have

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money for equipment (Mawila, interview, 02.06.2009). Moreover, beneficiaries mention that

they regret being involved in the programme because they did not know that they were going to
spend a lot of money on the land instead of benefiting from it (Mawila, interview, 02.06.2009;
Mashiane, interview, 02.06.2009).
5.7.3 Membership and contribution of labour
The CPA constitution requires employed beneficiaries to provide labour during the days they are
not working (e.g. weekends) to send someone to work on their behalf, a household beneficiary or
an individual who is not a member (Malefakgomo, interview, 04.05.2009). However,
beneficiaries are compelled to attend project meetings.

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The committee reported that generally the main beneficiaries are the ones involved in the day-today activities of the project. Other household beneficiaries such as spouses and children of the
main beneficiary are not generally involved in the project. People assume that only one person
(main beneficiary) must represent the household in the project. They are unaware that anyone
who is a member can be involved. For instance, five individuals from one household can
participate in the project. The committee commented that members are aware that any person
who is a beneficiary can participate in the project; however, the main beneficiaries usually claim
ownership (Malefakgomo, interview, 04.05.2009). As already mentioned, household
beneficiaries become involved when the main beneficiary can no longer work on the farm or has

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died. The committee complained that there is lack of communication in the households between
the main beneficiaries and other members. This lack of understanding is one of the factors
contributing to the current lower number of CPA members compared to the number at the start of

the project. To resolve this problem the committee tried to inform other additional household

(Malefakgomo, interview, 04.05.2009).

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beneficiaries to get involved in the project on behalf of those deceased through formal letters

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5.8. Things fall apart in MahlambaNdlovu CPA

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The land reform policy has been criticised for failing to improve the livelihoods of its

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beneficiaries. This section discusses the successes, failures and threats facing land reform

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projects. It specifically evaluates progress made by the CPA in MahlambaNdlovuby analysing

the current condition of the land and the success achieved since the transfer of land in 1997. A

number of factors contribute to the weak performance by the CPA.

5.8.1 Breaking all the rules
One of the major causes of the disputes between the beneficiaries and the committee is that the
committee has neglected the CPA constitution. Beneficiaries complain that the current
committee does not use the constitution to resolve conflicts within the CPA and to ensure the
smooth operation of the project (Boshomane, interview, 25.05.2009). For instance, according to
the constitution, beneficiaries who are employed and cannot provide labour on the farm during
weekdays because they are at work, are required to send someone to work on the farm on their
behalf or come during weekends (Boshomane, interview, 25.05.2009). However, these people do
101

not send anyone to represent them and only come to meetings. Beneficiaries complained to the
committee and requested that the matter be dealt with, but were unsuccessful. Beneficiaries felt
that the committee is not addressing the matter accordingly and accused it of protecting
employed beneficiaries even though they are not committed. The committee admitted that it has
neglected the constitution (Malefakgomo, interview, 04.05.2009).
5.8.2 Communication, operational and management disputes
As mentioned in Section 5.7 some members of the CPA are unhappy with the running of the
running of the CPA and projects on the farms. The people of MahlambaNdlovu report that the

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lack of interactions between beneficiaries and the committee is the primary cause of disputes
within the CPA. The majority of people complain that the committee does not communicate with
other beneficiaries on important issues such administration and the financial status of the project.

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Beneficiaries, including the current committee, complain that said the first committee was made
up of people who were employed outside the CPA. These people were selected because they

were educated and beneficiaries assumed they were knowledgeable enough to manage the

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project on behalf of the uneducated majority (Boshomane, interview, 25.05.2009).

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Even so, beneficiaries complain that the current committee is incompetent and also feel that the

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committee does not communicate with beneficiaries about the operations of the project. There

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are, for instance, a number of enterprises on the farm, such as sale of stock (cattle & chickens)

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and rental of project resources (grazing & housing), but the committee does not update

beneficiaries about the status of these enterprises:

We know for sure that the sale of stock on the farm occur, but we dont know what the committee does
with the money. We do not benefit anything from the farm and when we tell the committee, they tell us that
the CPA does not have money (Ledwaba, interview, 10.06.2009).
We do not know how much we have in the CPA account because the committee does not tell us. I suspect
that they use the money for personal benefits (Pitseng, interview, 25.05.2009).

In response, the committee commented that the beneficiaries do not want to co-operate. For
example, the committee organises meetings that people fail to attend. Committee members think
that it is hard to make beneficiaries understand that the CPA does not have enough funds. The
committee reports that income generated from current enterprises can only cover project
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expenses such as electricity, water, maintenance of infrastructure and resources, salaries and
stipends of the committee (Section 5.7). The chairperson of the CPA, Mr Rikhotso (interview,
01.05.2009) and other committee members commented that:
Beneficiaries are impatient and do not want to understand that the project does not generate income
sufficient for surplus. They think that we (the committee) are stealing money from the CPA.
Beneficiaries are just lazy to work on the farm. They only want to benefit without working hard. We
(committee) come to the farm everyday to work; hence, we are paid (Sema, interview, 01.05.2009).

Other beneficiaries complain that the committee does not involve them in terms of decision-

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making. For example, beneficiaries claim that they were consulted when the committee initiated
leasing of grazing land and the rent that must be paid (Kale, interview, 10.05.2009). And, the
issue of the employment of non-CPA members instead of project members was also not openly

discussed. Beneficiaries claim that they suggested a number of projects in which they could be

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involved and benefit from, but the committee ignored them.

Committee members admitted that they lack of management and administrative capacity to

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manage commercial enterprises. They feel they need skills development training to improve and
educate them on how to manage a commercial farm. They feel neglected by the DLA and DoA.

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The committee and other beneficiaries say government project officers do not give them

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attention and support by monitoring progress on the farm. They point out that they do not know

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which department to go to for consultation or for assistance. In addition, they do not know the
name of the project officer responsible for monitoring MahlambaNdlovu CPA (Malefakgomo,

interview, 04.05.2009).

5.8.3 Who owns the land?

Government officials stress that the rights of ownership in land reform projects must be well
communicated and understood. In most instances, disputes emerge because the committee of the
CPAs claim ownership through dictatorship. According to officials, beneficiaries clash over land
and resources of the CPA (Talane, interview, 17.06.2009). Evidently, the committee of
MahlambaNdlovu indicates that it is difficult to manage beneficiaries because of equal rights of
ownership. People do not want to be told what to do and accuse the committee of controlling
their land and resources.
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5.8.4 Disappearing beneficiaries

The number of beneficiaries has reduced from 396 to less than 100. The reasons for this include
lack of interest, disputes within the CPA, and slow or lack of progress. Beneficiaries complain
that it has been fourteen years since land was transferred to the community but they are still
unemployed and the land is lying idle (see Figure 5.2 & Appendix 5.2). There are no benefits
from the farm because there is no production on the land. For this reason, the majority of people
have lost interest in the project. During participatory observation at the organisational meeting
(Held on 19.04.2009), only 20 people attended the meeting. The secretary of the CPA,

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mentioned that it is unclear how many beneficiaries are currently and actively involved in the
CPA (Malefakgomo, interview, 04.05.2009). The committee believed that people lost interest
because there is no progress and others are lazy to work on the farm.

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Beneficiaries are concerned that if the situation is unresolved and the land is not utilised, the
government will repossess it. Others fear that people will invade their land. One of the

beneficiaries said that:

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If we do not use this land, people will settle on our land illegally and it will be difficult to remove them
once they are settled. There is shortage of land and people who are desperate for land will settle on any land

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available. There are many informal settlements and it is only a matter of time that people will settle on our

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land illegally because we are not using it (Sehlapelo, interview, 10.05.2009).

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The condition of the CPAs property is deteriorating as a result of poor maintenance and neglect.
Appendix A shows the status of the CPAs infrastructure, which is unsatisfactory (Figure 5.3.).

By the look of things, the market value of the property of the CPA has reduced; meaning the
market value of the property is less than what was originally paid for it (Figure 5.3).

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Figure 5.3: Infrastructure in MahlambaNdlovu CPA

Above: Milking den that used to be operational before the CPA took ownership. This infrastructure has not been

used since.

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Below: One of the reservoirs and water tank, which is also in a poor condition due to lack of maintenance.

Source: Photo by author

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5.9 Conclusion
The interviews with MahlambaNdlovu community point out that there are a number of factors
that contribute to the success or failure of land reform projects. The chapter shows that individual
interest, social backgrounds and group dynamics must be taken into consideration when a large
number of people is expected to work together towards a common goal.
Generally, there is no progress in MahlambaNdlovu CPA. Beneficiaries remain unemployed, the
project is not financially sound, land lies idle, and the property is deteriorating. Considering the
period since land was transferred to the community, it is clear that MahlambaNdlovu CPA is one

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of the land reform projects that have failed to meet the needs of its beneficiaries. There is no
production on the farm and beneficiaries are not benefiting from the land. The community
acknowledged that the CPA is facing internal challenges, which can be resolved through

participation, commitment and mutual understanding among beneficiaries. Conflicts mainly

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result from land ownership, communication and operations of the farm, with the members of the

CPA pointing fingers at one another. In addition, there is an overall lack of capacity among
beneficiaries and the committee. Until beneficiaries resolve these disputes, it is difficult to see

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how the project could become profitable to the people of MahlambaNdlovu. Are these

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weaknesses peculiar to land redistribution project or are they found in other land reform

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programmes? The next chapter focuses on experiences in land restitution in Marobala-O-Itsose

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contexts.

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in order to understand how the picture of CPAs and beneficiaries might be different in other

106

CHAPTER SIX
Land restitution: justice versus development in Marobala-O-Itsose
6.1. Introduction
This chapter discusses how the significance of land, its ownership and use are thought about in
land restitution. As in Chapter 5, this chapter focuses on participants who are directly involved
in, or affected by, land reform projects: beneficiaries, government officials, and the NGO.

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Compared with experiences discussed in Chapter 5 on land redistribution, this chapter presents
experiences of the restitution programme, which is more intense and complex. The chapter
presents the views and ideas on land restitution as it relates to the rural development context.

Discussions in this chapter are based on experiences of beneficiaries of Marobala community.

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This community is united under a legal identity (CPA), formed in 2004 as part of the restitution

programme. The CPA should be seen as part of the process of redressing historical injustices by
restoring the land that the community had lost between the 1930s and 1960s under apartheid (see

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Chapter 4). This history and the experiences of dispossession and land reform provide a solid

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foundation for evaluating the current objectives of land reform as a strategy for rural

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development.

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6.2. Conceptualizing rural development in land restitution

This section explains views and ideas on rural development by highlighting the priority needs
and experiences of beneficiaries. It focuses on what rural residents, government officials and
other stakeholders regard as priorities for rural development. Figure 6.1 summarizes needs in
rural areas that should be addressed in order to achieve comprehensive rural development
outcomes.

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Figure 6.1: The needs and ideas for rural development

social grants

Service delivery

Housing

Safety & security

Sanitation

Rec. Facilities

Electricity
land

education

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Infrastructure

Water

20

30

40

10

Number of beneficiaries (%)

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50

Employment

Needs for rural development

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NOTE: Enteries are responses of interviews of participants in Marobala community. Percentages of

government officials are excluded because they (officials) are represented in both case studies of the thesis
(see also chapter 4). However, their views are generalised in both cases.

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6.2.1. Employment

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Figure 6.1 shows that employment is a greater concern for the people of Marobala, with 43% of

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beneficiaries ranking employment (both formal and informal) as the main priority in rural areas.
The unemployment rate in Marobala CPA and in the areas surrounding the CPA is very high

Table 6.1). 47 Beneficiaries of the CPA reside in areas surrounding the farms in Mogwadi and
Mohodi villages. These areas fall within the boundaries of Ward 10 and 11, where most of the
population is unemployed. Table 6.1 show that there is a large gap between employed and
unemployed beneficiaries within the CPA, with unemployed beneficiaries being the highest (64
%). 48 The high unemployment rate may be the result of large numbers of people who are
approaching retirement age 49 and those unqualified for jobs in the market.

47

Overall, 54.6 % of the total population (107 650) of Molemole is unemployed (Stats SA, 2007).
In total, 44 beneficiaries of Marobala-O-Itsose CPA were interviewed.
49
Early retirement age in South Africa is at 55 years and normal retirement age is at 60 for females and 65 for
males.
48

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Table 6.1: Employment status in Marobala-O-Itsose CPA

Age

Employed (%)

Unemployed (%)

Adults

29

55

Youth

11

Total

34

66

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NOTES: Data was extracted from responses of participants of Marobala-O-Itsose CPA. In the overall 44
people were interviewed. Adults refer to all individuals over the age of 35 years, including the pensioners,
whereas youth is any individual between the ages 20-35.

Young participants 50 complain that unemployment in Molemole is generally concentrated in the

youth category. The youth is unable to find employment because of lack of educational

qualifications. Due to circumstances of poverty in rural households, most of these young people

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are forced to discontinue schooling after obtaining grade 12 to look for employment to support

themselves and their families (Matsha, interview, 03.06.2009). The youngsters expect
government to provide employment through initiating agricultural projects and other youth

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programmes that would assist them to earn a living (i.e. projects that would lead to

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entrepreneurship). In other words, young people expect government to introduce projects and at

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the same time transfer skills for future employment prospects. Young people say, they feel

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neglected by the government (Matsha, interview, 03.06.2009) and blame the government for not

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making enough effort to assist, encourage and inform young people about educational and job
opportunities (e.g. bursaries), and to engage in developmental programmes such as land reform

and entrepreneurship (Sekwatlakwatla, interview, 03.06.2009).

Older beneficiaries think that they are unemployable because they have no formal qualifications;
most of them are in their retirement age; and are also considered too old to earn a living as
domestic or farm workers. About 15, 6% of the population in Molemole municipal area has no
formal education at all (Community survey, 2007, Stats SA). The majority of the population,
about 67, 8%, has a limited education of less than Grade 12. Elderly people contribute a large

50

The committee comprise of both adults and the youth. Elias Matsha is a young person and an additional member
of the committee (Vice-treasurer); whose responsibilities involve assisting the treasurer to manage financial matters
of the organization.
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percentage to the number of people with limited education. 51 Table 6.2 shows that the majority
of people in Molemole municipality (including Marobala beneficiaries) receive no income and, if
they do, the income is often less than R800 per month.

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Income category
2007
No income
26 691
R1- R400
4 690
R401- R800
8 958
R801- R1 600
8 599
R1 601- R3 200
1 129
R3 201- R6 400
1 739
R6 401- R12 800
1 443
R12 801- R25 600
60
R25 601 or above
Source: Statistic South Africa, Community Survey 2007

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Table 6.2: Monthly income distribution in Molemole

Government officials also see the need to create more jobs in rural areas as part of rural

development initiatives. In order to create bulk employment opportunities, officials emphasise

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large-scale (commercial) agriculture on restored land as a key mechanism to fight unemployment

in rural areas (Interview, officials, 21.07.2009). These officials argue that agriculture is the most

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appropriate mechanism to create employment in rural areas, given that most individuals are

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unqualified for formal employment. Other officials say agriculture is a trademark for rural
livelihoods and has been practiced for centuries and must be continued (Interview, officials,

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21.07.2009). Superficially, there is reason to think that officials are biased towards agriculture as

the main source of employment in rural areas, as they are directly involved in land policy (see
also Section 6.4.1). It may also be that unemployment is largely concentrated in rural areas,
which is a reason enough to consider agriculture as a way out of poverty. However, the question
remains how the government is planning to development sustainable programmes to create these
jobs. Beneficiaries insist that government must initiate development projects such as agriculture
(e.g. land reform), bakery and infrastructure projects (e.g. construction of roads and housing) to
create more jobs and increase income in rural households (Semenya, interview, 31.05.2009).
Young people who participated in the study insist that the government must support young and
51

High illiteracy amongst older people emanate from the gloomy historical education system of South Africa, which
prevented Black people from acquiring formal education.
110

upcoming farmers. These young beneficiaries are interested in farming. However, they did
indicate that there is a growing number of young people flocking to the city or stuck at home,
unemployed, because they are not interested in agriculture. Older beneficiaries are worried that
young people are not interested in agriculture and are also worried that if they were to die, there
will be no one to take over the land. Taking into consideration their qualification challenges and
lack of skills, beneficiaries will accept any form of employment, whether permanent or
temporary. The evidence above, seems to indicate that lack of skills, education and age are the
main barriers to acquiring decent and sustainable jobs. Such predicaments, expose rural people to
informal jobs, which generate low incomes (see also Section 6.2.4). It is reasonable to conclude

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that most beneficiaries participated in the land programme with the (high) expectation that they
will be employed.

6.2.2. Water

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Molemomole municipality is a water service provider on behalf of Capricorn District

Municipality (Molemole, 2010). The municipality relies on ground water for primary and
agricultural use. There appears to be large underground water resources in the general area.

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Thus, access to water should not be a serious challenge for commercial agriculture in Molemole

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municipality, including the farms of the CPA or within the area for that matter. 52 Water

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provision on agricultural land is sufficient, but insufficient in residential areas. Statistics show

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that the majority (76%) of the population have access to water and infrastructure for water

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provision within at least 200 meters from dwelling units, and piped water. A large number of

households (19 596) receive Free Basic Water (see Table 6.3). However, these figures omit the
large majority of individuals who currently do not have access to water.
It is reported that the municipality is unable to provide reliable water because of insufficient
funds and other environmental threats (Molemole, 2010). Environmental threats are supposedly
caused by the fact that most of the households use pit toilets, which potentially pollute ground
water; making it unsafe for domestic consumption. The solution to these environmental threats
and water scarcity is to introduce recovery measures and bulk water supply. However, given high
unemployment rate and poverty in the municipality, the sustainability of these measures may be

52

Farms of the CPA are well equipped with water resources such as bore holes inherited from the previous owners.
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unrealistic for beneficiaries. It is hypothesised that introducing reliable water sources in the
villages will be costly for already impoverished households. Even so, the municipality is
pressured by these predicaments to provide bulk water, especially because the present water use
exceeds the supply.
Table 6.3: Access to water in Molemole Local Municipality
Type of water by source

2007

Piped water

17 321

Borehole

4 401
99

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Dam/pool/stagnant water
Water vendor

5 301

River/stream

Rain-water tank

174

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27 296

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Total
Source: Stats SA, Community survey 2007

Other

Ward 10

Ward 11

57

328

510

275

768

185

1541

Borehole

Rain-water tank

Dam/pool/stagnant water

River/stream

28

25

821

2909

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Type of water by source

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Table 6.4: Access to water in Mogwadi (ward 10) and Mohodi (ward 11) villages.

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Piped water inside dwelling

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Piped water inside yard

Piped water on community stand: distance less than 200m.
from dwelling
Piped water on community stand: distance greater than 200m.
from dwelling

Other
Total
Source: Stats SA, community survey 2007
NOTE: Most of Marobala beneficiaries reside in boundaries of
Ward 10 & 11

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For beneficiaries with no access to tap water, rural areas can be improved by installing water taps
inside dwelling units to facilitate access to water. These households currently rely on the free
basic water provided by the municipality through a truck tank and vendors (see Figure 6.2). It is
reported by beneficiaries that, currently, the municipality provide water once or twice a week
(mostly on weekends). Beneficiaries complain that:
Every weekend they have to line-up drums and other types of containers on the street so that the
municipality truck can fill them up. There is only one truck to provide water and it is too small (40005000ltr) to service the entire community within a day (Figure 6.2 (C)). At times we wait the whole day for
the truck to finally reach our street and cannot attend to other household matters (Mosisi, interview,

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28.06.2009).

The community is becoming impatient and intolerant of the current municipalitys system of
water provision. Beneficiaries are also concerned about the current water provision by the

municipality which poses health risks. For example, storing water in drums for a number of days

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can cause the outbreak of diseases such as cholera. When beneficiaries run out of water before

the next fill-up by the municipality, they rely on water vendors. Water vendors sell water from

of

R25 for 5 litres, which can be costly for already impoverished households (Kwena, interview,
09.07.2009). Individuals who are well-off, have rainwater tanks and others drill boreholes in

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their backyards. However, these beneficiaries also complain that water become scarce during dry

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seasons (Maloba, interview, 28.06.2009). The community complained to the municipality about

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the issue of water, but nothing has been done so far. Officials of Molemole local municipality

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were not available for comments on the matter.

The images in Figure 6.2 do not correspond with the data in Table 6.4, which suggests that 17
321 households have access to piped water. This gap suggests that statistical reports do not
necessarily reflect what is happening on the ground.

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Figure 6.2: Current water provision and access in Marobala-O-Itsose

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(A) An old woman arrange water bottles and drums for the municipality truck to fill them up. This is the current
provision of water within the community of Marobala and other areas in Dendron,

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(B) Tank-trunk used by Molemole municipality to provide water to the community, &
(C) Local residents who have been waiting for water, impatiently negotiating to find out when their drums will be

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filled with water.

Source: Photo by author

NOTE: These images reflect weekly routines of the communitys access to water

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6.2.3. Infrastructure Development

Infrastructure development refers to structures such as clinics and hospitals, schools, housing,
roads and shopping centres. Reports of a community survey (Stats SA, 2007) indicates that over
90% of the road networks in Molemole are made up of gravel roads that are poorly maintained;
making it difficult to access certain settlements in the village, especially during rainy seasons.
Thus, tarred roads are needed for access and the viability of rural areas. Molemole municipality
has only one hospital and six clinics, of which two are mobile (Stats SA, 2007). According to
beneficiaries, people have to travel long distances to access the hospital and clinics, with the

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nearest hospital located over 20 km away from the villages of the beneficiaries (Lebeko,
interview, 03.06.2009). Other infrastructure development includes shopping centres and
economic enterprises in rural areas. Molemole is predominantly rural and has only two small
towns, namely Mogwadi and Morobeng (Chapter 4). These towns comprise small business

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enterprises, one large supermarket (Score Supermarket) and a few banks (Community visit,
27.06.2009). Most people prefer to travel to the nearest city, Polokwane, which is located 60km

away. Beneficiaries complain that transport is scarce and unreliable taxis. Thus, it is suggested

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that:

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Infrastructure development is necessary to create attractive environments for outside investors to invest in rural

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areas in order to increase the economy of rural areas. Luxury houses, guesthouses and shopping malls must be

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built in rural areas. This also prevents rural to urban migration caused by lack of economic opportunities and

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basic services (Nkoana, interview, 05.06.2009).

Beneficiaries believe that shopping centres will create employment and attract investors who will

bring with them amenities for rural residents (Nkoana, interview, 05.06.2009). Generally,
beneficiaries believe that infrastructure development is the key to creating economic
opportunities in rural areas.
6.2.4. Education
The majority (67, 8%) of people in Molemole local municipality has limited education of less
than Grade 12 (Stats SA, 2007). The study found that beneficiaries are generally illiterate or have
low level of education (Figure 6.3). Individuals with low levels or lack of education or formal
training are vulnerable and destined for low-income jobs (Table 6.6). Furthermore, these
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individuals face difficulties when looking for employment (also see Section 6.2.1). Most people
in rural area cannot acquire higher education or training required to access better employment
because of poverty. Statistics show that 34.6% in Limpopo cannot afford to go to school,
including tertiary education (Stats SA, 2009). Figure 6.3 shows that the majority (30.9%) of
people have some form of primary education and 30.2% have some secondary education.
Disappointingly, only 10.4% has completed Grade 12 and 1.4% has higher education
qualifications (Figure 6.3). These realities are found in the Marobala community.

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Figure 6.3: Level of education in Molemole Local Municipality, 2007

NOTE: Data in this graph was obtained from a Community Survey 2007, conducted by Statistics South Africa

Few project members of the CPA have higher educational qualifications. The older beneficiaries
also demonstrate a strong desire to increase and improve their education level. Other
beneficiaries mention that they cannot read or write (Mokwele, interview, 27.06.2009). Older
beneficiaries stress the need for basic literacy so that they can understand policies, programmes
and financial statements (of the CPA). The perception held among older beneficiaries is that if
they were literate, they would have been able to initiate ideas and understand development
programmes to improve their lives.
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6.2.5. Land
Generally, the area of Molemole municipality is made up of agricultural land, with
approximately 80% of agricultural land utilized for subsistence and commercial farming.
Agriculture contributes 31.5 % (the highest sector) to the economy of the Capricorn District
Municipality (Stats SA, 2003). Agriculture is also the main employer in the municipality
(Molemole) by 6.8% (Stats SA, 2003). Beneficiaries indicate that with land, people can create
employment by cultivating cash crops for household consumption and sell to local markets for
extra income. Other beneficiaries suggest that government must promote land reform

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programmes in rural areas so that people who do not have access to land can also become
commercial farmers and create employment. Significantly, beneficiaries stress that government
must also provide skills development and financial assistance for new landowners.

According to officials, livelihoods and the economy in rural areas are still reliant on agriculture

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because the majority of rural populations are not proficient enough to acquire formal

employment. 53 For this reasons, land remains an important source of livelihoods in rural areas

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(Molope, interview, 18.05.2009). One official suggested that:

More land must be distributed in order to unlock economic opportunities in rural areas. Agriculture in

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rural areas will ensure food security and create employment (Interview, RLCC official, 04.07.2009).

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Officials believe that it is necessary to restore and redistribute land in rural areas in order to

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improve the economy in these areas, which will in turn create other opportunities such as
employment. Officials said that there is a shortage of agricultural land in rural areas. Others

argue that there is land available in rural areas but people are not using it because of lack of
motivation and physical support (Moraswi, interview, 20.04.2009). The official view is that
skills development and capacity building must be a priority for land reform programmes and
projects if they are to succeed. These include training on farming methods, new technologies and
management skills.

53

Interviews: Victor Molope (LRAD) 18.05.2009; Mpho Maluleke (RLCC), 15.12.2008; Moraswi (DoA)
20.04.2009.
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6.2.6. Electricity
Statistics (Stats SA, 2007) show that out of 27 889 households in Molemole, 25 557 had access
to electricity in 2007, compared to 21 590 in 2001 (Table 6.5). Electricity is available on the
CPA property because the property has been exposed to developments by a range of owners. As
a result, all the farms have access to electricity (MCPA, 2004). Although there are improvements
among households with access to electricity, the people of Marobala mention that there are still
households without access to electricity. Both beneficiaries and officials recognize that
electricity is a priority in rural areas. Table 6.5 reveals that households still rely on other sources

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of energy such as paraffin. Households that have access to electricity, use alternative sources of
energy to save electricity bills. With increasing electricity costs and high levels of
unemployment, electricity is becoming unaffordable to rural households.

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Table 6.5: Sources of energy in Molemole

2001
21 590
30
715
6 404
60
125
28 924

2007
25 557
413
1 306
27 296

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Energy Type
Electricity
Gas
Paraffin
Candles
Solar
Other
Total

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Source: Census 2001 and community survey 2007(Stats SA)

6.2.7. Recreational facilities

Recreational facilities include libraries, community and educational centres. According to older
beneficiaries, these facilities are needed to keep the youth away from engaging in criminal
activities (Rapakgadi, interview, 27.06.2009). Taking into account that most of the young people
are unemployed and not in school, the older people fear that the youth is inclined to be involved
in criminal activities. Therefore, recreational facilities will keep young people away from crime
and at the same time provide skills that would place them at the advantage to qualify for descent
job opportunities. Facilities such as community learning centres can also benefit older people to
improve basic literacy (Moloto, interview, 27.06.2009). Some government officials also share

118

the opinion that recreational facilities are necessary to create vibrant environments in the rural
areas, specifically among the youth (Interview with RLCC officials, 16.07.2009).
6.2.8. Sanitation
In Molemole Local Municipality, only 20% of households have access to acceptable levels of
sanitation (Stats SA, 2007). Statistics (Community Survey, 2007) reveal that only 2 382
households have access to flush toilets connected to sewerage system, 2 163 households use
flush toilets with septic tank and 785 households use pit toilets with ventilation. The majority of
households (20 083) use pit toilets without ventilation that are unhygienic; posing serious

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environmental and health risks (Community Visit, 03.06.2009). As indicated in Section 6.2.2, pit
toilets may result in polluted ground water, which can cause health risks for the municipality.
The community is concerned that pit toilets are unsafe for children and elderly people. Given that

the municipality is already faced with the challenge of providing bulk water to the community,

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the issue of flush toilets may be a more complex matter and puts pressure on the municipality.

6.2.9. Safety and security

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One of the main concerns is the spread of crime, specifically in the farm areas, where

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beneficiaries report that there have been incidents of theft and vandalism. Beneficiaries say there

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are people who steal project water pipes, electric cables and agricultural equipment from the

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farm. Taking into account that the CPA is located along the R521 road, just a few kilometres

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away from the N1 road that links Polokwane and Molemole to Zimbabwe, beneficiaries claim

that people who steal from the farms are citizens from Zimbabwe (Semenya, interview,
31.05.2009). Seemingly, beneficiaries once apprehended criminals for stealing and they were
Zimbabwean citizens (Semenya, interview, 31.05.2009). Beneficiaries said that these crimes
continue to occur even though they reported the matter to the police and increased own security
on the farm. The municipality also realised that there is a need for another police station in the
farm areas (Molemole, 2010).
6.2.10. Improved service delivery
When government officials were asked about their understanding of the subject of rural
development, they gave a more general view compared to the detailed views of beneficiaries.
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They explained rural development as the provision of basic services and meeting needs such as
roads, housing, water, electricity and education. Others emphasised the need for effective
governance in providing quality services, which can be achieved through inter-departmental cooperation. Officials argue that although departments are already linked together, in practice there
is no co-operation and communication between the departments (Buys, interview, 21.07.2009).
Land reform officials blamed the department of agriculture for failing to provide extension
services after land transfer to new landowners. Land reform beneficiaries also complain that the
department of agriculture does not provide support services. According to beneficiaries, the DoA
sometimes delay extension services such as vaccination of livestock and monitoring (Mashika,

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interview, 31.05.2009). For their part, agricultural officers commented that they provide services
to beneficiaries effectively.

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6.2.11. Social grants

Literature indicates that social grants form an important source of livelihoods in rural areas (see

Chapter 2). Limpopo has the highest proportion of grant beneficiaries in the country, standing at

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59.4% (Stats SA, 2009). In Molemole municipality, 35% of people receive different types of
social grants, with a large number of people (23 885) receiving child support grant (Stats SA,

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2007). The other group of people receiving social grants involves 8 266 pensioners. In the

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overall population of Molemole, the elderly (65+ yrs) account for 6 % (Stats SA, 2007). It is

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reported that most people depend on social grants because of unemployment (Molemole, 2010).

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A small number of respondents believe that the provision of social grants can improve rural

household livelihoods, especially among the elderly. Beneficiaries are concerned that most of the
elderly people are heads of households who are exposed to poverty as the social grant usually
support big families (Lebeko, interview, 03.06.2009). Access to information on social grants
must be improved and communicated to people in rural areas. The community must also assist
the elderly to access social grants by informing and making sure that they have relevant
documents such as identity documents (Lebeko, interview, 03.06.2009).
6.3. Only land can restore our dignity!
Restitution occurs in different forms, ranging from restoring land to financial compensation (see
Chapter 2). In many instances, individuals prefer land restoration. Where it is not feasible to
120

restore land, the policy provides other forms of compensation such as alternative land, priority
access to housing, financial compensation and infrastructure development. Restoration of land
depends on geographical location and the availability of resources (financial) from the DLA. In
urban areas other forms of compensation are encouraged or provided to beneficiaries (SPP,
1999). This is because rural claims involve commercial farms that can be negotiated through the
willing-buyer willing-seller approach, whereas those in urban areas affect land that has
undergone major developments and become complex to settle. Table 6.6 provides examples of
compensation in urban land restitution.

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Table 6.6: Examples of other forms of compensation in restitution

Lady Selborne land claim

The community of Lady Selborne lodged a number of claims in Lady Selborne for 1029 beneficiaries. After consultation
and investigations, it became clear that part of the land owned by the City Council of Pretoria and could not be transferred

back to the community because major developments had taken place. The land restitution process offered the community

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options to claim compensation for their land by either monetary compensation or alternative land. After a thorough

consultation with the claimants, the majority (85%) of the claimants opted for monetary compensation and only 15%
opted for alternative vacant land. At the settlement stage of the claim, claimants were compensated with a serviced site to

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Eastern Native Township (ENT) land claim

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the value of R16 000 plus a cash amount of R24 000 per household, or cash amount of R40 000 as compensation.

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The residents of ENT were granted tenancy rights in 1925 by the Minister of Native Affairs under the approval of Native

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Urban Areas Act 21 of 1923, but were forcibly removed by the Department of Non-European Affairs under the

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Johannesburg City Council in 1973. The community was divided into three groups that were relocated to Dube, Molapo
and Pimville in Soweto. The ENT is currently known as George Goch. The community lodged claims in 1995 for 502

beneficiaries that were approved later that year. The state provided compensation of support programme for housing and
development of current settlement of the community estimated at R24 400 000) in September 1995.

Source: Tau, M. 2003

In the case of Marobala community, the original land was restored to the community with full
land rights. A certain level of nostalgia is associated with the settlement of the land claim as the
following excerpt shows:
I want to continue with the life we enjoyed before white people came to our land. We left our land with a
broken heart because white farmers chased us on our land like dogs. They did not even give us time to
collect our belongings; we left our homesteads and fields (Tolo, interview, 27.06.2009).

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These romanticised experiences of the land demonstrate the strong sentimental attachments of
beneficiaries. They also confirm that land is associated with dignity and the pride of owning
something. The loss of land under apartheid destroyed sentimental and pride attached to land and
drove people to poverty. People who were evicted from land (first generation) complain that
apartheid destroyed values and sentiments that even the restitution programme can never restore.
These include traditional power structures, families and community organisations, a sense of
freedom, ancestral ties, independence, source of livelihoods and economic opportunities. For this
reason, land restitution ignites memories of the past (Maloba, interview, 27.06.2009).

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Individuals who do not have direct historical ties with the land (second and third generations)
wanted land in order to inherit a legacy that once belonged to their parents. 54 This group of
individuals mention that their parents and grand-parents struggled for this land, and they want to
honour them while benefiting from the land. Beneficiaries also claim that land is a lasting

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legacy or wealth that can be passed on from one generation to another and is an asset (Nkoana,
interview, 05.06.2009). Beneficiaries maintain that they became involved in order to pursue their

interested in agriculture and aspire to become successful commercial farmers to improve

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livelihoods and create employment (Matsha, interview, 03.06.2009).

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Government officials also agree that land must be restored in rural areas in order to redress

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historical injustices and to unlock economic potentials. In other words, through commercial

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farming and land reform, jobs can be created and successes in commercial productions may

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attract different investors. According to officials, land ensures food security, creates employment

15.12.2008).

and unlocks other economic opportunities such as commercial enterprises (Maluleke, interview,

There are individuals who wanted monetary compensation because they are not interested in
agriculture (Setwaba, interview, 03.06.2009). Beneficiaries report that they settled for land
because they were not aware of other forms of compensation (Setwaba, interview, 03.06.2009;
Maloba, interview, 27.06.2009). Johannes (Interview, 27.06.2009) said that he wanted monetary
compensation because he is not interested in agriculture and he can use the money to start his
own business. Another beneficiary (Maloba, interview, 27.06.2009) said she could have chosen

54

Maroba-O-Itsose CPA comprises mostly beneficiaries who are the third generation.
122

housing and other infrastructure development instead of land because they are not benefiting
from commercial farming. Consequently, these beneficiaries were forced by the majority rule
circumstances to accept land restoration rather than any other form of compensation.
6.4. Who decide on land use?
One of the common debates on the subject of land reform in South Africa is the issue of land use.
The DLA and DoA have been criticised for being biased in favour of commercial farming and
unsupportive to other land uses such as smallholder farming and settlement (Hall, 2009). Land

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reform beneficiaries are forced to continue with activities of previous landowners, i.e.
commercial farming.
6.4.1 Beneficiaries idea of land use

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In the case of Marobala community, the CPA decided to continue with land use of the previous
owner, which includes different commercial enterprises from different landowners. 55 The overall

farms in Marobala-O-Itsose are made up of 6 465 hectares of grazing land, 385 hectares of

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irrigation lands and 531 hectares of dry lands. When land was transferred to Marobala
community in 2004, all enterprises were operational, with maximum production taking place

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(Chapter 4). The project members decided to continue with previous land use activities, that

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include irrigation of various vegetables and livestock production. In an attempt to conserve

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current activities on the farm, project members have identified other enterprises that would assist
the organization to increase profits. These activities include cattle/livestock production, poultry,

dairy, food plots, and leasing of property (MCPA, 2004). The CPA made it clear that there are no
intentions to establish homesteads on the farm.
Beneficiaries strongly indicate that it was their decision that they continue with these activities.
WOMIWU assisted the CPA with land use planning and the compilation of the business plan.
While these agencies and the government are criticised for planning or producing ready-made
business plans for beneficiaries without consultation and participation, the Marobala community
emphasized that they were consulted. The committee said the community worked closely with

55

Following dispossession, the land of Marobala was demarcated into farm portions, which were owned by different
farmers who used land for different enterprises (Chapter 4). Thus, each farm portion has unique history of land use.
123

WOMIWU agency, the DLA and DoA during the drafting of the business plan. The CPA
emphasise that their needs and interests in land use are included in the business plan.
Other beneficiaries said they were not directly involved during the drafting of the business plan.
They said that the committee handled all matters regarding the land claim and land use.
Nonetheless, they are content with the objectives of the business plan. The older and unemployed
beneficiaries supported the decision made by the committee to continue with commercial
farming because they trust that the committee and government officials know better than them
(Mpja, interview, 09.07.2009). Beneficiaries believe that people in the committee are educated

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and have management and organisational skills. This contrasts with the experiences in
MahlambaNdlovu (See Chapter 5).

A beneficiary from the first generation commented that if it were for him to decide on land use

he would establish homesteads and continue with indigenous farming practices and livelihoods

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(Tolo, interview, 27.06.2009). It is claimed that in the past money or income was not necessary

because people grew their own food (Mokwele, interview, 27.06.2009). Even today, most
households have small vegetable gardens for household consumption but the land is insufficient

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for this type of activity.

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Although it is difficult to determine the number of households that were evicted because of the

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lack of records, the number of community members is said to be 427 households or 1500

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beneficiaries. The first generation of Marobala confirms that the number of households has
increased and the previous number was smaller than the current one (Mokwele, interview,

27.06.2009). Initially, the CPA intended to establish settlements area in the farm for any
household wishing to live on the farm. However, due to the large number of beneficiaries,
homesteads cannot be established because there is not enough land. Considering the large
number of project members, it is prudent that the CPA focuses on creating employment for its
members and increase profit in order to accumulate substantial dividends for each member.
Therefore, commercial farming is appropriate to ensure some benefits for the CPA.
Given that, the previous owner used land for commercial agriculture, beneficiaries mention that
they want to take advantage of available infrastructure to improve livelihoods instead of
establishing settlements on the land because they already have homesteads outside the farm
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(Maloba, interview, 27.06.2009). Beneficiaries complain that they are not acquainted with
modern farming methods and implements that are complex and require certain levels of skills,
compared to their indigenous systems. Regardless, beneficiaries are determined to continue with
commercial farming, pointing out that:
We want to prove to the white farmers and the world that rural black people have what it takes to also
become successful commercial farmers (Mokwele, interview, 27.06.2009).

The statement above illustrates that the restored land signify more than redressing historical
injustices, but also have high expectations for economic development. Restitution beneficiaries

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have high expectation that commercial farming will create jobs, increase income and eliminate
poverty.

A group of beneficiaries would have preferred land for settlement. These beneficiaries complain

that they reside far from the farms, in areas where there are no basic resources such as water and

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electricity. Beneficiaries stress that they want to settle on the farm because there is water and

electricity and at the same time have access to agricultural land (Mabula, interview, 09.07.2009).

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However, the CPA has made it clear that land will not be used for settlement. Other beneficiaries
also want to settle on the farm temporarily. These individuals suggests they would establish

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small dwellings or live in some of the houses or rooms that were used by white farmers to

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accommodate labourers in order to be closer to the fields (see Appendix A). The arrangement

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would be that these individuals reside on the farm and return to their permanent homestead on

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days when they are relieved from their duties (e.g. on weekends). A minority of beneficiaries

wanted other forms of compensation but felt that their needs would be disregarded and that they
might risk losing their CPA membership (Setwaba, interview, 03.06.2009). These beneficiaries
remained in the CPA with the hope that commercial farming will flourish and improve their
lives.
6.4.2. Government officials expectation on land use
Government officials point out that it is not for beneficiaries to decide how they want to use
land; land use depends largely on available resources from the relevant department. Officials
claim that the departments budget is too tight to allow extra expenses for land use change

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(Molope, interview, 18.05.2009). 56 Prior to the approval of a land claim and post-settlement
grants, beneficiaries are required to provide a business plan indicating and specifying intentions
for land use. Officials indicate that a feasibility study on land use is conducted to determine
whether the proposed land use is viable. Beneficiaries who want to establish homesteads on land
that was previously used for commercial agriculture are discouraged from doing so. Officials
argue that land use change is expensive in terms of providing new and demolishing current
infrastructure (Interview, DLA officer, 15.12.2008). Officials say that beneficiaries must take
advantage of available infrastructure by continuing with commercial agriculture and increasing
income to improve livelihoods. Furthermore, commercial farming has the potential to create

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large pools of employment. The governments mandate is to maintain and increase the national
economic growth by ensuring and increasing agricultural production on redistributed farms.
Thus, other officials are willing to take the necessary steps to ensure productive land use in

redistributed farms, even if their suggestions for land use are different from those of

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beneficiaries. Officials openly comment that beneficiaries are convinced to continue commercial

agriculture in order to avoid land use expenses and create employment, pointing out that:

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First-time landowners do not know how they want to use land. Therefore, we encourage and convince them
to continue with current activities. We are not imposing commercial farming to beneficiaries, however, we

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are making sure that the states resources are utilised responsibly. If beneficiaries refuse to continue with

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the current land use, then the proceedings for the land claim will be put on hold and post-settlement funding

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will not be released until an agreement is reached. By doing so, we are ensuring that beneficiaries do not

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make a wrong decision and that post-settlement grant will be used productively (Interview with RLCC

officer, 15.12.2008).

The above statement demonstrates a top-down decision-making process. It strongly reflects that
there is no flexibility and freedom within the land restitution programme.
Contrary to the above, other officials suggest that beneficiaries must determine their own land
use. According to these officials, land reform beneficiaries are being channelled to continue with
commercial farming without the necessary skills and resources. Officials mention that:

56

Failure of restitution programme and land reform in general has been explained by the states lack of institutional
development support, technical support, training and access to infrastructure (Hall, 2003; Walker, 2008)
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We are just throwing people on large tracts of land and amounts of money without the necessary training.
Rural people are not educated and others cannot read or write. However, we (government) expect them to
make productive use of those resources (Mugwabana, interview, 16.07.2009).
Rural people are not commercial farmers, hence poor production on restored farms; they are not qualified
to manage large tracts of commercial land and funds. Therefore, the government must not impose
commercial agriculture on rural beneficiaries (Maja, interview, 19.06.09).

Nonetheless, officials realise the need to explore and consider other land uses based on
individual needs. If the policy does not consider other land uses there will always be unplanned

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land uses and the minimum utilization of land.

6.5. Preferred tenure systems in land restitution

This section presents debates and suggestions on how land must be owned in land reform. As

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argued in Chapter 2, the current model of land ownership contributes largely to the failure of

most land reform projects. Analyses of interviews reveal that there are beneficiaries who are not
content with the current model of land ownership in the land restitution programme. Figure 6.4,

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summarises the different preferred models of land ownership suggested by the beneficiaries of

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Marobala community.

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Figure 6.4: Preferred tenure systems in Marobala-O-Itsose community

NOTE: Data extracted from responses of interviews in Marobala-O-Itsose CPA

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6.5.1 Individual/household land ownership

The majority (43%) of the people of Marobala-O-Itsose prefer or suggest that land be owned and
managed individually or by households. Beneficiaries argue that when land is owned by a group,
conflicts emerge because of different interests, needs for land and socio-economic backgrounds.
For instance, other individuals who are not interested in farming, show less commitment to the
CPA and as a result, do not participate in the activities of the CPA. Beneficiaries complain that a
lack of interest in farming and the willingness to partake in activities of the project cause
conflicts within the CPA and delays progress. Based on these experiences, beneficiaries suggest

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that the CPA committee must allocate small plots to households (small gardens) so that they can
work at their own pace. Small gardening is a common practice in rural areas; most of the
households usually plant crops in their yards for consumption. However, beneficiaries said one

of the reasons they need plots on the farm is that there is access to water and the soil is fertile

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compared to that in their villages. As a result, beneficiaries need to own land individually in

order to produce own food for household and work at their own pace.

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6.5.2. Small groups within the CPA

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As in MahlambaNdlovu, beneficiaries suggest that allowing the formation of small groups within

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the CPA is the way to go. These groups will not be part of the CPA and will be responsible

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households. People must group themselves based on similar interests, socio-economic status and,

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if possible, come from the same area. Beneficiaries indicate that the land of Marobala
community (7381 ha) is sufficient for this suggestion without compromising the size and

operations of the main project.

Although this was not part of the plan, the committee has taken into consideration allocating
small plots for interested individuals. At present, the plan is still at its early stages and interested
beneficiaries are enlisting their names so that the committee can determine the demand for such
small groups (MCPA, meeting observation, 31.05.2009). These groups will be responsible for
own agricultural resources and implements such as seeds, fertilizers and equipments. However,
the CPA will provide water at a minimum cost (no specific amount yet). The groups will be
monitored to ensure the proper use of land and management (MCPA, meeting observation,
31.05.2009). The committee admitted that the CPA is experiencing organisational setbacks that
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are delaying progress (Section 6.6); hence it is initiating small groups within the CPA (Nkoana,
interview, 05.06.2009). Both beneficiaries and the committee believe that this idea will ensure
that all members benefit from the CPA.
Beneficiaries who prefer this model of land ownership argue that the current land ownership
(large groups) is ineffective. For them, large numbers of people result in disputes regarding
ownership, finances, commitment and management. According to these beneficiaries,
selfishness, individualism and conflicting interests are the main source of disputes in land
projects. Moreover, large groups are inconsistent, bureaucratic and uncontrollable in terms of

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management. For instance, during the initial phase beneficiaries disagreed and argued over
which type of projects should be embarked on and how they could be implemented and
managed. At the same time, the committee took too long to respond to whether the project was

feasible or not (Semenya, interview, 31.05.2009).

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6.5.3. Large groups (current model)

Although the majority of individuals discourage large groups for land ownership and

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management, there are those who prefer this model. Fewer beneficiaries (21%) prefer to own

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land in large groups for three main reasons. First, beneficiaries indicate that owning land as a

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large group means that post-settlement grants can be bigger and viable for commercial farming.

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Second, pooling together grants could help people secure large tracts of land (to be used for

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commercial farming). Third, a large group has the potential to ensure a large labour pool, which

can also reduce operational costs.

First generation beneficiaries are of the view that that the community of Marobala-O-Itsose lost
the land as a community and, for this reason, land must be returned to those large numbers of
individuals who formed part of the community and not individuals (Mokwele, interview,
27.06.2009). Beneficiaries say if it were their choice, they would settle on the land, re-unite the
community and continue to live the life they lived before the arrival of white settlers and the
consequent land dispossession. As mentioned in previous discussions, acts of apartheid have
disorganised and re-shaped the social structures of these communities, whereby new
communities emerged in addition to the one that was evicted (Walker, 2008; Kepe, 1999; Hall,
2003). The community currently consists of people who were evicted and those who do not have
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any historical link to the land (Pienaar, 2008) and as a result, new interests emerge, which often
trigger conflicts within the CPA.
Others suggest that land must be allocated to large groups to ensure productive use, i.e.
commercial agriculture (Mashika, interview, 31.05.2009). These beneficiaries argue that if land
is allocated to individuals, it will not be used productively (e.g. settlement). As a result,
beneficiaries are concerned that if land is allocated to individuals or households, people who are
not interested in agriculture will neglect land and utilize it for other non-agricultural purposes,

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and people will still remain in poverty (Mashika, interview, 31.05.2009).

6.6. Division and conflicts

Conflicts emerged when the first chair of the committee Frans Mathopa was accused for failing

to account for the membership of certain members; acting for personal benefit; mismanagement

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of funds and failure to keep financial records (Anonymous 1, interview, 28.06.2009). It is alleged

that Mathopa enlisted people who were not part of the Marobala community (ghost members) in
order to access substantial post-settlement grants. Mathopa was also accused of embezzling the

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CPAs funds, which were generated from leasing small agricultural enterprises on the farm.

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Beneficiaries suspected mismanagement of funds after the committee failed to produce financial

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reports during general meetings (Anonymous 2, interview, 05.06.2009). On these accounts, the

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community decided to remove him from the chair before completing his term. 57
Mathopa (Interview, 17.06.2009) commented that the allegations against him were not true.

Instead, he accused other members for claiming that they are part of the community even though
they are not because they were not on the original beneficiary list. The list could not be obtained
to authenticate the allegations. Mathopa also claimed that these people influenced the community
to remove him from the chair so that they can claim ownership of the CPA. He said these
individuals hold high positions in the government and influence other beneficiaries who are
illiterate and easily convinced so that they can take over ownership of the CPA. These
allegations eventually spilled over into a major conflict between the previous committee and the
current leadership of the CPA. Mathopas group (estimated at no more than 20 people) includes
57

The constitution of the CPA allows for the removal of a committee member if found to be guilty of improper
conduct (MCPA, 2004: 5). David Nkoana is the current chairperson of the CPA, who was elected by the majority
of beneficiaries in 2006.
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his former committee members and additional members who reside on one of the farm portions
of the CPA. The other group includes the majority of beneficiaries who are determined to make
the CPA a success. There are speculations that Mathopa wants to claim the ownership of the
CPA since he was the one who initiated the land claim. It is alleged that Mathopas group
poisoned the livestock of the CPA that was donated by the DoA (Anonymous 3, interview,
24.06.2009). Technically, Mathopa is recognised as the chair of the CPA and has refused to step
down. In order to make the CPA a success and generate income, a new committee has been
elected to ensure operations on the farm. During a community general meeting, it was observed
that the new committee had taken over the management of the CPA (MCPA, 31.05.2009). At the

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meeting, it was mentioned that the community is willing to reconcile with Mathopa. However,
Mathopa refused. Beneficiaries express emotions of anger and betrayal when discussing the issue
of Mathopa. They furiously mention that:

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Mathopa is a crook, he went out to look for people who are not part of Marobala community and claimed
they are beneficiaries to increase post-settlement grant from the DLA. He (Mathopa) is doing all this

because he wants to keep the money for himself (Anonymous 4, interview, 28.06.2009).

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Mathopa must go because he has cost the project many problems. We (beneficiaries) could have made
progress by now, but because Mathopa misused project funds and refuse to step down as chair of the CPA;

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people are not benefiting from the farm yet (Anonymous 5, interview, 31.05.2009).

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Mathopa thinks he owns this project since he was at the forefront during negotiations and claim of the land.
He (Mathopa) wants to control the community and refuse to step down as chair of the CPA. After he

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realised that the community does not support him, he and his people poisoned the cattle that were donated

to the CPA by DoA (Anonymous 3, interview, 22.06.2009).

Other government officials, who worked closely with the CPA, share similar views with the
beneficiaries about the behaviour of Mathopa. Officials said:
Mathopa is making it difficult for the project to progress. He (Mathopa) thinks he is the owner of the
project since he was leading the claim and located scattered beneficaires to form the CPA (Interview,
official, 19.06.2009).
Mathopa has created problems for the CPA by refusing to step down as chair of the CPA and refusing to
reconcile with the rest of the beneficiaries. The CPA cannot proceed with developments on the farm or
receive post-settlement funds until the conflicts have been resolved. (Interview, official, 04.07.2009).

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The quotes above demonstrate the frustrations of beneficiaries and officials about the current
conflicts within the CPA. The conflicts have led to a court action against the new committee, laid
by Mathopa. The CPA suggested that to resolve these conflicts, a new membership list must be
drafted and that the two groups reconcile. At the end of fieldwork in 2010, the conflicts in
Marobala community were still unresolved.
6.6.1 Government intervention
The RLCC has intervened by trying to mediate the situation between the two groups. This was

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done after the CPA tried but failed to resolve these conflicts through the constitution. However,
after the new committee realised that Mathopa was not willing to reconcile, the beneficiaries
contacted the RLCC to intervene. Beneficiaries suggested a number of solutions to resolve the
disputes. First, they suggest that Mathopa be removed as chair of the CPA. Elections within the

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CPA were held and Mathopa received a vote of no confidence (Moloko, interview, 24.06.2009).
However, Mathopa refused to step down, arguing that he has not finished his term. When all had

failed, beneficiaries considered the second option of re-verifying the list of project members.

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Given that both groups accuse each other of bringing in outsiders into the CPA, beneficiaries
suggest that there is a need to verify the current list of beneficiaries. As a result, the CPA

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requested the RLCC to assist them with this procedure so that they (RLCC) can also have a sense

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of the number of project members (Interview with committee member of MCPA, 24.06.2009).

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When the DLA realised that the community was experiencing internal conflicts, they suspended

the transfer of post-settlement grants until the conflicts are resolved. The RLCC said they
observed that the community is divided into two conflicting groups (interview with RLCC
official, 04.07.2009). RLCC officials said they have intervened by first bringing both groups
together to reach consensus. However, Mathopa walked out of the meeting and the matter was
not resolved (interview with RLCC official, 04.07.2009). Officials say it is difficult to reach
consensus because Mathopa does not want to reconcile by stepping down as a committee chair
(Maja, interview, 19.06.2009). As a result of the conflict, officials are reluctant to work with the
community. During fieldwork Marobala-O-Itsose CPA did not have an official handling the case.
The future of Marobala-O-Itsose CPA is uncertain. Some officials have even suggested that

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ownership of the land be placed in government hands for the time being (Interview with RLCC
official, 04.07.2009).
6.7. Successes, failures and threats in Marobala-O-Itsose
6.7.1. What is a successful restitution programme or project?
Views on whether land reform has succeeded or failed are often associated with certain phases of
the programme. The land reform programme is divided into different phases from the time the
community lodge a claim to the settlement of the claim. The main processes are between Phases

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1 and 4 when the community lodge and register a claim; then move on to the settlement of the
claim in phase 5 in terms of Section 42D (Ministerial Approval) or on a decision made by Land
Claims Court in the form of a court order. The final phase (phase 6) is the implementation of

settlement, which involves detailed land planning, transfer of land, development funds, grants,

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post-award support and handover. After land or other forms of redress have been implemented,

the project is then transferred to other sectors of government, such as tourism and agriculture
(DLA, 2010). In most cases, land reform projects are handed over to the DoA after settlement by

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the DLA, given that most of the restored land is mainly agricultural commercial farms. The DoA

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provides a variety of services to land reform beneficiaries such as extension services, land care,

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the project of beneficiaries.

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animal and crop production, vaccination, farm management and leadership skills, depending on

Officials express different views on what constitutes a successful land reform project. Table 6.7

lists the views of officials on their understanding of a successful land claim. However, other
DLA officials mention that it is difficult to realise a successful project due to the lack of cooperation between the DLA and DoA (Mugwabana, interview, 16.07.2009). According to Mr.
Mugwabana, there is poor or lack of monitoring of land reform projects after land transfer by the
DLA. He indicates that soon after land has been transferred, DLA officials then hand over the
project to the DoA and they (DLA) embark on another project. Where land has already been
transferred, DLA officials do not follow up on the project to check whether there is progress
made by the beneficiaries (Mugwabana, interview, 16.07.2009). When I inquired about the data
on such case study areas, one official responded by saying that these cases were regarded
closed projects and it is difficult to locate them (Anonymous 6, interview, 18.05.2009).
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Conversely, DoA officials also complain that the DLA delay the process such as post-settlement
funding, which prevent the DoA from carrying out its responsibilities. The DoA complains that
this reflects bad on the performance of the department of agriculture (Interview, DoA official
(Land reform advisor), 16.07.2009). Land reform beneficiaries also complain about service
delivery, monitoring and evaluation by the two departments.
Table 6.7: Officials views on what constitutes a successful land claim.

When land has been restored to the community without encountering conflicts and has

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full ownership of the land (Sambo, interview, 16.07.2009)

there is continuous production by beneficiaries after restoration or land transfers

(Mugwabana, interview, 16.07.2009),

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...beneficiaries are employed from the project and also creating more jobs for outside

community members. In other words, it is when the project is accumulating enough

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dividends to distribute to the rest of the beneficiaries (Buys, interview, 21.07.2009),

...the beneficiaries have effectively implemented the business plan, when there is stable

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productivity, employment and reliable markets. Significantly, it is also when the

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beneficiaries are financially independent (i.e. do not rely on post-settlement grants or

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loans) (Interview with DLA & DoA officials, 21.07.2009),

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beneficiaries livelihoods have been improved. This can be either by increased income

or employment, food security and other priority needs such as electricity (Molope,
interview, 18.05.2009).

6.7.2. Working towards successes in Marobala

The new committee resumed operations on the farms and started on a clean slate. 58 The
committee sets off by creating a new bank account for the CPA and transferred all leasing
operations from that of Mathopas committee to the new committee. The new committee and

58

However, the conflicts still remain unresolved and now the matter is in the hands of the RLCC.
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beneficiaries felt that for as long as operations are under the control of Mathopa, the CPA will
not make progress and beneficiaries will not benefit from their land (Margaret Maloba,
interview, 28.06.2009). The group took control over the rental of project property (Table 6.10).
Leasing of property is currently the primary source of income for the CPA, while beneficiaries
are still in the process of project planning and implementation.
Major leasing contracts are those of the previous white farmers and owners of Ald3 Boerdery
company, 59 who are leasing the portions Appelfontein and Combro. Other leasing agreements
invcludes residential dwellings, storerooms and warehouse, irrigation land for crop production

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and olve fields for livestock, to any individual, including project members (Table 6.8). Although
it is not indicated in table 6.8, project members with livestock on the farm are expected to pay R5
per cattle/household/month to graze livestock on the farm. The CPA put together at least over
R20 000, including money for grazing of household stock, which is used for maintenance of

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infrastructure on the farm (Table 6.8).

Table 6.8: Leasing agreements in Marobala-O-Itsose CPA

Property

Land Use

1800 ha

R8 000

1800 ha

R3 300

1800 ha

R4 000

1800 ha

R3 000

3bedrooms,Kitche
n,dining & lounge
rooms.

R1 700

Production of
spring onions,
butternuts and
potatoes
Production of
livestock -Bonsmara cattles
Production of
livestock-Bonsmara
cattles
Production of
livestock-Bonsmara
cattles
Residential
dwelling.

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Name of Tenant

Amount

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Size

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Grazing fields

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2.Mr. Dannie Van

Niekerk

Irrigation fields &

Office

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1. Ald 3 Boerdery

3.Mr. Tavie Marre

4.Mr. Van Vieran

5.Mr. Semenya &
Family

Grazing fields &

house

Grazing fields

House

NOTES: Data was extracted from the CPA records. The amount of rentals is paid monthly.

59

Ald3 Boerdery is a commercial enterprise that involved livestock farming and the cultivation of potatoes. It is
owned by Dannie Van Niekerk, who was the previous owner of Combro and Appelfontein farms before restitution.
Following restitution, Van Niekerk negotiated with beneficiaries to remain on the farm as a tenant. Ald3 currently
lease the farms for R8 600 per portion per month (see Table 6.8).
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The CPA has been, to this point, successful in property rentals. However, with regard to other
proposed enterprises, the CPA is currently struggling to make progress on the farm due to lack of
financial support (post-settlement support) and management capacity.
The CPA also generates income from small crop production through its partnership with Ald3
Boerdery. The CPA approached Ald3 Broerdery to assist with agricultural resources and skills to
plough cash crops and utilise land and infrastructure. The partnership stipulates that Ald3
cultivates and produces crops on an 8ha plot for the CPA, using own resources such as farming
implements, seeds, fertilizers and management skills. Precisely, Ald3 assists the CPA to plough,

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maintain crops, and with packaging, transportation and marketing of cash crops using own
resources, skills and infrastructure. The basis of the partnership is to assist beneficiaries to utilise
the land and provide skills development while beneficiaries wait for post-settlement grants and
the resolution of internal conflicts. The new committees view is that the partnership with Ald3

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will help the CPA to establish itself as a commercial enterprise, while skills are being transferred
to project members. The manager of Ald3 (Willie, personal conversation, 09.06.2009) also

commented that the partnership with the CPA will assist beneficiaries with management and

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farming skills. However, Ald3 is reluctant to enter into joint ventures with beneficiaries because

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they (CPAs) are not stable. His criticism is that land beneficiaries compete with one another over

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project resources and leadership, which often results in conflicts and neglect of operations

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(Willie, Personal Conversation, 09.06.2009).

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The project members provide labour. When the CPA has sold its products, it then reimburses all

expenses to Ald3 and the remainder goes to the CPA (see Table 6.9). Together with Ald3, the
CPA produced potatoes and butternuts. Table 6.9 provides financial records of the CPAs
expenditures and profits during the partnership with Ald3. In the first project with potatoes, the
CPA did not benefit much. The committee indicated that the profit was small compared to high
operational and transport costs (see Figure 6.5).

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Figure 6.5: Successes in Marobala-O-Itsose CPA: butternut project.

This images shows beneficiares harvesting butternuts which were sold to local markets instead of commercial

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markets because they were damaged by hail.

Source: Photos by author

137

According to the new chair of the CPA, large-scale agricultural markets expect products to meet
a certain standard in order to be distributed to wholesalers or exported to other countries. The
butternuts that were produced by the CPA did not meet these requirements because they were
damaged by hailstorms. Therefore, they were sold to local markets and to near-by communities
(Interview with new CPA chair, 05.06.2009).

Table 6.9: Production and financial reports of the CPA in partnership with Ald3
Total income

January 2009

Potatoes

R563,026.54

July 200

Butternut

R47 509.00

Expenditure

Net Profit of
CPA

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Product

R530,774.32

R32,282.22

R21 700.00

R25 809.00

Year of
production

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NOTE: Data was extracted from CPA financial records of 2009

Table 6.8 shows that the CPA has the potential to make progress if resources, skills, and access

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to markets are made available. The outcomes of these projects also encourage beneficiaries to be

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more committed and hands-on in the project. Thus, the current relationship with beneficiaries is

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favourable because there are fewer risks. To this point, the relationship between two

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is too high:

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organisations has been efficient. However, other beneficiaries complain and suspect that the cost

We do not know how Ald3 calculates the expenses; we only get an invoice after production. Things would
be easy if we were farming using own resources because we will try to save costs. The CPA suggested joint
ventures to Ald3, However, Ald3 refused without explanation (Interview with CPA committee member,
24.06.2009).

The committee points out that the land use activities in Table 6.9 are temporary strategies while
the CPA waits for post-settlement support grants and the resolution of conflicts within the
association (Nkoana, interview, 05.06.2009). The CPA is progressing slowly, however, people
are not benefiting from the project. According to the committee, profits generated from previous
and current enterprises is not sufficient dividends for all the members. Beneficiaries are
optimistic that the farms will create jobs and improve other household needs such as food
138

security. The CPA indicates that there is critical need for financial resources in order to make full
utilization of the land and increase productivity on the farms.
6.7.3. Failures and threats in Marobala
As indicated above, the CPA has not yet received post-settlement support. It has been operating
on revenue from leases and profit from small enterprises on the farm. Soon after land was
transferred, the CPA embarked on a small poultry project, whereby they produced chickens to
local markets and hawkers. Mr. Mathopa indicated that he could not provide records confirming
costs and benefits for these initial activities because of the sensitivity of the conflicts in the CPA.

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The second time around, the stock of poultry supplied to the CPA was affected by diseases and
most chickens died. Those that survived were not in a condition to be sold and were given to
beneficiaries. Since then, the poultry project has failed because of lack of financial resources to

continue and income was only generated through leasing of property (Mathopa, interview,

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17.06.2009). These projects marked the end of the CPA under the leadership of Mathopa after

beneficiaries suspected the mismanagement of funds by the committee (see also Section 6.6).

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The community complains that it has been more than ten years since it had ownership of land,

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and yet members of the CPA remain in poverty though they own vast tracts of land.

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Beneficiaries said they are determined and motivated to work on the farm, however, conflicts

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and lack of financial support is holding them back. Overall, beneficiaries of Marobala are getting

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impatient because their expectations from restitution have not yet being realized. Compared to
MahlambaNdlovu CPA (Chapter 5), some of the farm portions in Marobala are currently

operational and leased out to maintain infrastructure (see Table 6.9). Even so, most of the
infrastructure and property of the CPA is underutilized, and large portions of land lie idle.
6.8. Plan B: alternative means for survival
Since the land reform has not been successful in improving livelihoods, beneficiaries are
compelled by circumstances of poverty and unemployment to find other means for survival.
Given that the CPA is experiencing organisational conflicts all operations are put to a halt. These
strategies include household stock production, selling petty products or vegetables grown from
their home backyard gardens (Figure 6.6). Most of the beneficiaries own livestock, which they

139

graze and keep on the farm. Those who do not own any livestock also intend to purchase some
and to graze them on the farm to generate extra income.

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Figure 6.6: Beneficiaries alternative sources of livelihoods

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Above: Mrs Margaret Maloba is one the many beneficiaries who produce vegetables from her backyard garden to sell to
local markets in a near-by small town and to the community (Maloba, interview, 28.06.2009). However, insufficient water
supply impedes production for these beneficiaries (see also section 6.2.2)

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Below: Mrs. Sekwatlakwatla rear chicks at home that she sells to local households. The picture indicates that the chicks
are kept in bad conditions and are at the risk of contracting diseases.

Source: Photos by author

140

6.9. Conclusion
This chapter has demonstrated that there are different ideas and views on rural development in
Moarobala. Generally, there are individuals who believe that rural areas have been, to a certain
extent, improved; indicating there are households with access to basic needs such as water,
electricity and proper housing. However, there is still a need for further improvement in order to
achieve meaningful (rural) development. The objectives of development should be creating jobs,
improving infrastructure and providing basic services. While government officials provide a
generalised view and understanding of rural development (i.e. provision of basic needs and

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services), beneficiaries provide nuanced descriptions of development, based on own experiences

and immediate needs. This confirms the claim that government policies and officials fail to
recognize the diversified needs and priorities of individuals living in rural areas. The overall
analysis confirms that there are different ideas and perceptions on how rural development should

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for future directions in land and agrarian studies.

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unfold. The next chapter draws conclusions and suggests recommendations for land reform and

141

CHAPTER SEVEN
The links and gaps between land reform and rural development in South
Africa
7.1. Introduction
This thesis has set out to integrate land reform experiences into the analysis of rural development
and to understand how the prescriptive nature of the current land reform programmes fits into the

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aspirations of residents in rural areas or vice versa. The main purpose of this study was to see if
there are connections and/or gaps between land reform and rural development in South Africa.
This chapter makes four conclusions concerning the (dis)articulations between land reform and

rural development. The conclusions in this study are supported by literature from previous

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studies and data from the field discussed in the previous chapters. The chapter closes by

highlighting areas that require further research and provides three recommendations that may
connect the objectives of land reform and rural development with policy as it is implemented on

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the ground.

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7.2. The missing links

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The findings of this study suggest that there has been little or no articulation between land reform

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and rural development. The reasons for this lack of articulation are that rural development

objectives were not critical to the conceptualisations of land reform. Most of the targets in land
reform are about the number of hectares transferred rather than the developmental impacts of
land reform. In other words, there are no rural development objectives that are directly related to
land reform besides poverty alleviation and political objectives. Political objectives of the land
reform programmes are those directed towards rectifying historical injustices of racial and
economic discrimination, forced removals and dispossession of land during the apartheid era.
Quantitative reports show that, so far, the land reform programme has not succeeded in achieving
its remedial objectives of restoring and redistributing land to victims of racial discriminations
and dispossession (see Hall, 2010). The developmental imperatives of the land reform
programme have been left behind. Although CPA members in the case studies (i.e.
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MahlambaNdlovu and Marobala) have access to land; unemployment, poverty, lack of basic
needs and services, still persist in these areas and among beneficiaries.
Recently, the Zuma administration created a new ministry of rural development and land reform,
headed by Minister Gugile Nkwinti. The new ministry tries to bring rural development and land
reform together and aims to provide comprehensive rural development linked to land and
agrarian reform and assuring food security (Zuma, 2009). It could also be that with the
combination of land reform and rural development, government has finally realised the
disconnections that exist between these processes. One of the major approaches of this ministry

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is to engage closely with communities and, identify approaches and strategies that could bring
about rural development. According to Minister Gugile Nkwinti (2009), the new ministry aims to
understand the best interventions and initiatives that will effectively deal with the prevailing

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poverty in rural areas.

Superficially, there is no reason to think that by combining the two concepts (rural development

and land reform) can be the next breakthrough for rural development in the country. Proponents

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of land reform and rural development believe that the establishment of this ministry indicates a
positive move and clear intentions by the government to deal with rural development and land

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reform programmes (Hall, 2010). However, it is still too early to claim that it will achieve its

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objectives for rural development. The implications of launching a new ministry that brings

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together rural development and land reform will become clearer with time.

Data from fieldwork show that basic needs and services are required for rural development.
Participants of land reform identify basic needs such as water, electricity, sanitation, and
infrastructure as priorities for rural development. Participants also identify land, improved social
infrastructure (e.g. recreational facilities), social grants and food parcels as the building blocs of
rural development. I should highlight that on the ground, beneficiaries are more explicit about
what the state should do in order to achieve the objectives of rural development (see Chapters 5
& 6). Government officials dealing directly with the land reform programme emphasize that the
provision of land and land reform programmes in rural areas are important for rural
development. However, officials fail to clarify the connection between land reform and rural
development apart from food security and agricultural operations. In both cases (land restitution
143

and land redistribution), the people on the ground (i.e. beneficiaries) do not necessarily consider
land reform as an ingredient for rural development. Instead, beneficiaries emphasise the need for
employment and basic needs as part of rural development. It could be that beneficiaries do not
see land as a necessary asset for rural development because they already have access to land and
are also struggling to improve their conditions on the land they have. This study concludes that,
whether in land restitution or redistribution, the relationship between land reform and rural
development is not clearly articulated.
The findings of this study indicate that the disarticulation between land reform and rural

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development is a consequence of the lack of options that could allow beneficiaries to own and
use land without the limitations imposed by business plans which are hardly followed (see
Section 7.3 below). In other words, the current land reform programme is not flexible enough to

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accommodate the aspirations of beneficiaries for agrarian transformation and development.

7.3 What options? policy limitation in land reform

People on the ground would prefer to have options for land ownership and use in land reform

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and yet the programme itself does not provide these options. The lack of options cut across the

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two land reform programmes discussed in this thesis, namely, land redistribution and restitution.

si

By not considering these options, land reform closes down other avenues for rural development

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that could be meaningful to people on the ground.

Lessons from the field reveal that beneficiaries of land reform have limited options regarding

how they can use their land. For instance, a business plan is a prerequisite for entry into land
reform programmes, either for land acquisition or for access to post-settlement support. In other
words, the approval of any grant within land reform depends on the provision of a business plan
required by the government (South Africa, 2001). These conditions require beneficiaries to
provide a detailed land use plan in order to motivate the need approval of land. As discussed in
the various chapters of this thesis, land use plans in land reform projects mostly prescribe that
land should be used for commercial agriculture. Beneficiaries are constrained by (agricultural)
commercial use of land and do not have the flexibility to choose own land use. Consequently,
unplanned land uses become widespread in land reform projects, both as a result of deviation
from business plans and also where non-members have settled on redistributed land (Hall, 2006).
144

The reason for deviation from initial business plans could mean that beneficiaries either do not
have interest in proposed activities, do not have the necessary skills and resources to implement
business plans, or were not involved during the planning of the business plans. The view put
forward in this thesis is that deviation from business plans is a consequence of diverse interests
in the need for land and motives for participating in land reform projects.
Since its introduction in 1994, land reform has undergone numerous changes, which further
complicate the relationship between land reform and rural development. For example, SLAG that
was accessible to the masses was replaced by LRAD that sought to create a class of commercial

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farmers instead of focusing on the poverty of the masses. One could say the move from SLAG to
LRAD also closed down the options for land use by beneficiaries. This study concludes that the
implementation of the current land policy is biased towards commercial production to the

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detriment of the rural poor and rural development.

7.4. Rethinking the tenure systems in South African land reform

Land reform policy identifies communal ownership of land, while people on the ground prefer

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different tenure systems. Due to delays in making land acquired by beneficiaries productive and

ty

beneficial, beneficiaries are beginning to think of other forms of tenure such as household

si

ownership and the sub-division of CPAs into manageable groups. This new tenure system will

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allow beneficiaries to benefit from land and produce food for household consumption while

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waiting for commercial productions within the larger group. In addition, this tenure system

would see to it that people do not lose interest in the main project and could minimize disputes
among beneficiaries. This form of tenure has emerged by default as beneficiaries realise the long
waiting period before they could enjoy the benefits of commercial farming, and is also
influenced by observation of conflicts taking place in large groups. In other words, two types of
land tenure, communal and household, could exist within a single land reform project.
This means that the CPA should have a large portion of land used for commercial production
where all members are compelled to participate. While the CPA waits to make profits from
commercial productions, interested beneficiaries could form small groups for household
consumption. Government officials do not encourage this form of tenurial arrangement and
argue that it could result in neglect of the main CPA project. The governments perspective on
145

tenure systems in land reform is still fixated on communal ownership irrespective of the
problems experienced on the ground. International literature shows that communal ownership
has common threads such as conflicts over ownership, management, complex and conflicting
interests or competing over limited resources (Ostrom, 1990). In the case of Marobala-O-Itsose,
when community members who had been scattered because of apartheid gained access to their
land through restitution, those members started showing conflicting interests and views on their
common land. As a result, productivity has been low and most members are inactive.
Evidence from the field further shows that even at project level, the current model of joint or

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communal ownership is not effective. Beneficiaries of land reform reveal that the current model
of land ownership restricts smooth implementation of project plans. The evidence seems to
indicate that the channels for land use and access to project resources and property are more
complicated within these legal entities. Perhaps the problem results from the fact that land rights

ap

within these groups are not clearly defined. The other explanation for this could be that given
that all beneficiaries land rights are at the same scale, they all regard themselves as owners and

thus have the rights and power to make (individual) decisions. Conflicts within land reform

of

projects are usually fuelled by competition for project resources and committee members are

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often blamed for taking over the ownership of the CPA and for failing to implement project

si

plans, maladministration and the mismanagement of resources (see also Hall, 2009). Although

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group projects are guided by CPA constitutions, in most cases, beneficiaries disregard these

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constitutions and as a result, conflicts emerge to the detriment of the CPA.

7.5 Views on rural development in the context of land reform

People on the ground think development can be achieved by using land in ways that are different
from policy prescriptions. For instance, the business plan expect people to use land in a specific
way, while beneficiaries think that they could use land to improve their conditions if they are
given the chance to do so. Zimmerman (2000) also adds that the rural poor are constrained by the
structure of the policy framework of land reform to participate in the programmas as a
mechanism for insurance and livelihoods security. Although access to land is a fundamental
basis for human shelter, food production and other economic activities, including business and
natural users of all kinds, the intentions for land distribution should be coherent in order to
146

achieve its intended goals. This study concludes that people on the ground do not see land as the
main ingredient for rural development. For these people, rural development should bring change
in the area in terms of infrastructure, basic needs and services. Nonetheless, beneficiaries
consider land as an instrument to redress historical injustices, and/or an asset for future capital
investments. Land is also seen as a natural resource that could open economic opportunities
given the necessary resources and skills.
Government officials highly recommend land as the main tool for rural development. However,
officials fail to highlight the connection between land reform and rural development. Officials

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views on the connection between rural development and land reform are based on phases of land
reform rather than the reduction of poverty. In terms of the livelihoods perspective, rural
development entails increased incomes and employment. However, in Chapter 1, I indicated that

livelihoods perspectives should also pay attention to developmental areas such as the provision

ap

of basic needs and services.

The lessons from study are that the prescriptive nature of the current land reform does not fit into

of

the aspirations of residents in rural areas. This is the case in both land redistribution projects and
land restitution cases. The objectives of these two programmes appear different on paper (see

si

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Chapter 4) but take the same format on the ground. Beneficiaries, too, do not experience these

er

programmes differently. In both cases reported in this thesis, beneficiaries preferred a change in

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the tenure system, the processes for implementation does not influence the outcomes of the
objectives of the programme. In conclusion, whether in land redistribution or land restitution,

there are disarticulations between land reform and rural development in South Africa.
7.6 Recommendations
This thesis makes three recommendations and areas that need further research.
1. Governments obsession with the use of land for commercial agriculture disregards other
important types of land uses that may also provide a meaningful rural development. In
order to ensure effectiveness and productivity on newly redistributed land reform
projects, the land reform programme must be flexible enough to allow beneficiaries to
own, manage and use land in various ways.
147

2. South Africa needs a crystal-clear rural development policy that would deal directly with
matters of rural areas. There is a need for consistency in implementing the land reform
programme as a development strategy.
3. South Africas land reform has been paralysed by ill-informed and incoherent
implementation policy frameworks. Government should consult with the people on the
ground on how best to improve rural areas using land reform policies that suit the needs

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and aspirations of the rural people.

These recommendations could assist policy makers and the state to make resolutions on
how land reform can move forward towards meeting the aspirations and needs of

beneficiaries without compromising national developmental goals.

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7.7. Future research directions

It is suggested here that land reform and agrarian studies should develop lines of inquiry that

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could expand our understanding of the impact of land reform on development, especially in

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rural areas. Such studies could aid policy makers to develop policies that are relevant to the

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inquiry as follows:

si

needs of land reform beneficiaries and the country as a whole. The study offers future lines of

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1. Future research should pay attention to the links between rural development and land and

agrarian studies. Work on land reform should not stand in isolation from discussions on
development if land reform is to contribute to development policies, as it should.
2. Critical studies on land reform should move away from focusing on one particular model of
land reform to suggest alternative models that favour the poor. Such models should be
informed by experiences from land reform projects and also incorporate the views and
aspirations of ordinary citizens.
3. A one-size-fit-all approach is unlikely to succeed in South Africas land reform and policy
research should pay attention to different circumstances under which certain approaches are
most likely to have the intended outcomes.

148

4. Research should focus on the best possible models for land ownership in order to achieve
the primary objectives of land reform: rural development, social equality, political and

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historical redress, and human wellbeing.

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Address.

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Appendences
Appendix 3.1: The structure and categories of interview questions
Participants: Land reform beneficiaries
Description

The meaning of rural development

Participants perceptions and understanding of rural development, i.e. how they define it and understand what is needed to
achieve rural development and if there is a link to land (or reform).

The need for land and the land reform

programme (or policy)

Understanding the meanings attached to land by the participants, whether is remedial for historic injustices or
developmental (i.e. understanding whether there is a connection between land reform and rural development through
participants reasoning for the need of land and understanding of land reform programme).

Administering land reform

Participants understanding of administration processes involved in land reform.

Accessibility and flexibility of the land

reform policy.

How beneficiaries access (or accessed) land and resources.

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Categories

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What is expected from land reform beneficiaries by the land policy in terms of land use and management of land?

The manner in which beneficiaries want to own and manage redistributed land, regardless of the policy regulations or
beneficiary views on how land should be managed or owned within the land reform programme.

Land use

How beneficiaries want to use land, compared to how the policy expect them to use the redistributed land.

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Preferred tenure system

Progress in land reform projects

Evaluation of progress within the case studies since the transfer of land.

The meaning of a successful land reform

project

Participants understandings on what constitutes a successful land reform project (i.e. in which phase or stage is a land
reform project considered successful).

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Appendix 3.2: Interview questions

Beneficiaries

Local municipalities, , DLA & DoA officers

Marobala-O-Itsose CPA (Restitution)

Maraba MahlambaNdlovu CPA

(Redistribution)

How can life in rural areas be improved?

How can life in rural areas be improved?

How can life in rural areas be

improved?

What is the role of the department in land

reform programme?

What is your relationship with this land?

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Officials

How did you get this land?

Why did you want this land back?

What do you want to use the land for?

What did you want to use the land

for?

Is it necessary to give land people in rural

areas?

What progress have you made since

transfer of land?

What progress have you made since

transfer of land?

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How do you decide on land use?

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What is the role of land reform in this

department?

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Which agricultural activities are involved in

land reform?
What should land reform do in rural areas?

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What is a successful land claim?

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Appendix 3.3. Marobala-O-Itsose CPA: mass meeting agenda

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MARDBALAOITSOSE COIMIUNAL PROPERTY ASSOCIATION.

ANNUAL COMMUNITY GENERAL MEETING

Kopano ksothaksothe ya maloko So ya ka moloatheo wa Marobala O-Itsose CPA yeo

e beakantsweso ka tsela yoe e latelaso:

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DATE: 31 MAY 2009.

NAKO: 10HOO

LEFELO: BOOM21E N FARM (GA-MAKGOLE): MOGWAOI TOWN.

1. Pulo Ie OItaelo .

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LENANEOTHERO.

2. Kamog,elo ya Lenaneothero.

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3. Pego ka ModulaSetulo (Ma t hopa &. Maloba)

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'I . Financial Report (Math opa Ii Maloba)

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5. PeSo So uwa BO Chief Land Claims Commh.loner Mr. Mphela.

6. Dltshwayotshwayo tsa peliO

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7. T.walelo ya kopano.

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Appendix 4.1: Registration certificate of Marobala-O-Itsose CPA

REGISTRATION CERTIFICATE
IN "iERMS OF THE COMMUNAL PROPERTY ASSOCIATIONS ACT, 1996

Rt:GISTRATION NO : CPA 1 041 06661 A

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I, hereby certify tliat:

TH E MAROBAL A -O-ITSOSE COMMUNAL PROPERTY ASSOC IA T ION

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has today been registered as a

COMMUNAL PROPERTY ASSOCIATION , in terms of section 8(3)

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cf th e Communal Property Associations Act, 1996 (Act No. 28 o f 1996)

SIG N ED A T PRETORIA ON THIS 16T>< DAY OF FEBRUARY 2004

~~k

REGISTRATION OFFICER

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Appendix 4.2: Marobala-O-Itsose land claim: Statement of compliance

STATEMENT OF COMPLIANCE W ITH SECnON 2 OF THE ACT

Section 2(1J(a J
Identity of the communi ty

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The Marobala-O-Itsose Community comprises of survivors and descendants of

people who occupied the land known to them as Appellontein 189lS, Boomzien
164 LS, Combro 163 l S, Inderhiken 165lS and Potsdam 128lS, located in the
Pietersburg Magisterial District of limpopo. The Community settled on the land
since time immemorial. AI the time of dispo$5ession between 1940 and 1965, the
claimants' rights in land were reduced to labour tenancy on land that they had
oceupied for more than ten (10) years.

Pro perty being claimed by the community

ap

The property being claimed consists of Iha farms Appelfontein 189 LS, Boomzien
164lS, Cembro 163 l S, Inderhiken 165 LS and Potsdam 128lS, located in the
Pietersburg Magisterial District of limpopo.
Date on whiCh the claim was lodged

-r of July 1996.

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The claim was lodged on the

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Land Claims Commission referenc e number

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Gazette Number

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The reference number for the claim is KRP 6006

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Government Gazelle No 23225, Notice No. 344 of 22"" of March 2002.

land Cl aims Court Cas e Number

Not applicable as the claim was sell led administratively in lenns of Section 420
of the Resbtulion of Land Rights Act 22 of 19904 as amended,

Dale o n whi c h Ministerial Approval was o btained

16 January 2004.

172

Appendix 4.3: List of farms of Marobala-O-Itsose CPA

Potsdam 128 LS

Combro 163 LS

Boomzien 164 LS

Inderhiken
165 LS

Appelfontein 189
LS

Portion 3

Remaining Extent

Remaining Extent

Remaining
Extent

Remaining Extent

Portion 4

Portion 1

Portion 1

Portion 2

Portion 2

Portion 3

Portion 3

Portion 4

Portion 4

Portion 5

Portion 5

Portion 6

Portion 6

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Portion 8

Portion 7

Portion 9

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Portion 10

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Portion 11

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Portion 12
Portion 13
Portion 14
Portion 15
Portion 16

Source: Marobala-O-Itsose CPA (2004), Businessplan

173

Appendix 5.1 Rough sketch for demonstration of proposed Land use in MahlambaNdlovu CPA

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174

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Appendix A: Photographs taken between April and July 2009 by author.

The Main dam in MahlambaNdlovu CPA that provides water to six main farm units. Since other infrastructure for water, such as boreholes are not
functioning due to poor maintenance, this dam is slowly drying up because the entire land of the CPA depends on this dam.

175

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Abandoned farming equipments in MahlambaNdlovu CPA. The building in the background was once a milking dan before transfer to beneficiaries and
currently some of the beneficiaries use it for residential purposes. There are 6 male beneficiaries sharing this building.

176

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Storage houses that were transformed into poultry housing due to insufficient funds to build suitable and proper poultry house. This poultry houses are
small, do have proper equipments such as lighting, and they do not provide the required temperature for raising chickens. Bottom right image show an
incomplete poultry house, which was discontinued due to insufficient funds.

177

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MahlambaNdlovu CPA: Incomplete and poorly built warehouse building, falling apart before completion due to poor planning, mismanagement of
resources and use of poor quality building material.

178

179

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Farming implements in Marobala-O-Itsose. Since poultry was the main enterprise by previous owners, the CPA
has as much as necessary equipments. However, this equipment is kept in storage while the CPA wait for postsettlement grant in order to implement business plans.

180

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Above: More farming equipments of the Marobala-O-Isose.

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Below: Electricity capable stored in a place to avoid being stolen. The CPA is experiencing vandalism and theft
on the farm.

181

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Above: Modern conference area in Marobala-O-Itsose. The CPA is leasing this area to corporates in order to
generate income. However, since the CPA took ownership, the areas was never utalised or leased.

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Below: Upmarket residential house, which is currently leased to one of the previous white owner, Mr. Tavie
Marre. Mr.Marre is also leasing a 1 800ha farm portion for grazing and cattle farming.

182

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Unutilised broiler units (or poultry house) in Marobala-O-Itsose CAP. This broiler units are still remarkably in
good working condition and hold approximately 1000-2000 chickens. The CPA own at least 10 poultry houses.

183

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Marobala-O-Itsose: Residential infrastucture with access to water and electricity. This rooms were use by farm
labourers of the previous white farmer. At the moment, this rooms are vacant.

184

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Above: Success stories in Marobala-O-Itsose CPA. Beneficaires harvest pumpkin on 8ha portion, which will be
sold at local markets (see section 6.6.2).

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Below: Male beneficaires loading pumpkin in a small tractor, which is the only tractor belonging to the CPA.
Due to delays in transfer of post-settlement funding, the CPA cannot afford to purchase farming equipments and
implement propsed activities of the business plan.

185

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Mr. Jakson Mabula (far right in above picture), one of the beneficiaries who were present during forced
removals. This pictures show man and women of Marobala working together during the harvest season.

186