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Must-See TV: South Asian Characterizations in American

Popular Media
Bhoomi K. Thakore*
Northwestern University

Abstract

In the 21st century, representations of South Asians in American popular television have increased
signicantly. However, there has been very little critical analysis on the ways in which these characters
are created and produced. In this review, I use literature from the sociology of race/ethnicity,
immigration, and critical media studies to identify the concept of (ethnic) characterization. While
it may be assumed that these representations are created unconsciously, I suggest that media producers
intentionally use particular ethnic characteristics that are identied and discussed in contemporary
sociological literature. As a result, I argue that these types of media characterizations are relevant to
the discipline of sociology.

Introduction
Why are there so many Indians on TV all of a sudden?
-Nina Shen Rastogi (2010)

In June 2010, Rastogi pondered the above question in her article, Beyond Apu: Why are there
suddenly so many Indians on Television? for the online magazine, Slate. The increasing
number of Indians and South Asians1 in American popular television has been hard not to
notice.2 For example, among TV Guides top 15 television shows of 2010 (the year Rastogi
wrote this article); four had a South Asian character or actor Community, Glee, The Good Wife,
and Parks and Recreation. Since then, more characters have entered the fold including those in
such shows as The Big Bang Theory, Royal Pains, Outsourced, and The Mindy Project.
As Rastogi (2010) noted, the popularity of the 2008 lm Slumdog Millionaire helped propel
Indians to become a noteworthy ethnic group in popular media. These days, South Asian
characters tend to be presented as the minority alongside majority-white characters. South
Asians are also a good stand-in for Arab and Muslim characters in this post-9/11 reality of fear
(Alsultany 2012; Nacos and Torres-Reyna 2007).
Contemporary South Asian media characters tend to reect the characteristics of one of the
two South Asian demographic groups. In the 1960s and 1970s, highly educated South Asians
were allowed to immigrate to the United States after the passage of the 1965 Immigration and
Nationality Act (Prashad 2000; Takaki 1998; Wu 2002). Soon after that, less educated family
members of these immigrants arrived to the United States and worked in service positions,
including behind the counters of convenience stores, franchises, and motels (Dhingra 2012;
Prashad 2000; Rangaswamy 2007). To date, there has been relatively little scholarship addressing
the reasons behind this increasing trend of South Asian characters in the media and, more
specically, the ways in which these characters have been created, written, and produced. In this
review, I discuss these representations by bridging the gaps between discussions in the elds of
immigration studies, race/ethnicity studies, and critical media studies. In my discussion, I identify
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the concept of (ethnic) characterization and illustrate how studying the media representations
of this ethnic group are in line with the concerns of sociology. As I suggest, scholarship in the
disciplines of sociology and critical media studies are relevant to each other, particularly when
understanding these ethnic media characterizations.
South Asian immigration and assimilation
The immigration and assimilation experiences of South Asians are relevant when understanding
their inuence on the representation of South Asians in American media. Those ethnic
characteristics that media producers (and most Americans) know as South Asian characteristics will be used in the media characterization of these characters. This is evident in those media
examples of South Asian characters that rely on overt stereotypes of this group, such as
convenience store clerks or cab drivers. Thus, it is important to understand how South Asians,
as a new and growing demographic, have assimilated in their new society and negotiated their
own hyphenated-American identity.
Like all other immigrant and ethnic groups before them, Indians and South Asians have
experienced an uphill battle in conceptualizing their identity in the United States and
claiming their place in the American racial hierarchy. After President Johnson signed the
Immigration and Nationality Act in 1965 that allowed technical professionals from Asia to
immigrate to the United States, most South Asians immigrated in order to achieve nancial
and professional success. Many were able to experience upward social mobility as a result of
the educational capital they brought with them. Additionally, their success inuenced the
success of their children and proceeding generations.
Experiences of assimilation are particularly salient for the second-generation American
born children of rst-generation South Asian immigrants, many of whom are portrayed in
American media, and also happen to be the actors of these media characters. As Alba and
Nee (2003) argued, while immigrants of the late 20th century overall have equal chances
for social success as compared to their non-immigrant counterparts, the experiences of these
immigrants collectively are not always the same. Their experiences are inuenced by the
various forms of capital a particular rst or second-generation immigrant possesses, and the
extent to which that capital can be useful within economic and labor markets. These
experiences of segmented assimilation explain not only differences in the social mobility of
immigrant groups, but also the differences by individuals within an immigrant group.
Segmented assimilation, as it relates to the social mobility between rst-generation parents and
second-generation children is noteworthy for all post-1965 South Asian immigrant families in
the United States today (e.g. Alba and Nee 2003; Haller et al. 2011; Zhou and Xiong 2007).
Additionally, it is important to note that the characterizations of South Asians in American
media do not occur in a vacuum, but are informed in large part by the extent to which they
assimilate into American society. However, traditional theories of assimilation fail to take into
account the everyday experiences of racism that occur in the labor market and throughout
society. These experiences inform the level at which ethnic groups can integrate into their
new society, which in turn inform their acceptance by mainstream (white) Americans. Both
dynamics are inuenced by ideologies inherent in the pre-existing US racial hierarchy.
The racialization of South Asians
In the history of the United States, race relations have been uid in order to serve particular
political or social interests. The extent to which immigrants are able to assimilate into
mainstream American culture will inuence their place within the American racial
hierarchy. Their place within the American racial hierarchy will also determine their social
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success in American society. As I argue, racial perceptions play a signicant role in the
characterization of South Asians in the media.
Some contemporary race scholars have argued that the US racial hierarchy is developing
into a three-tiered system consisting of Whites at the top, Blacks at the bottom, and (South)
Asians as honorary Whites in the middle (Bonilla-Silva 2004; Feagin 2001; Kim 1999). As
Kim (1999) argued, Asian Americans are triangulated between Blacks and Whites in terms
of perceived superiority but outside of both groups for their perceived foreignness. Tuan
(1999) identied these physical differences as the forever foreigner syndrome that Asians
in the United States are subjected to regardless of their immigrant or citizenship status.
However, as Bonilla-Silva (2004) argued, light skin tone and high class can help whiten
the position and experiences of South Asians in the United States. These dynamics are
particularly inuential when considering the types of South Asian characters found in
American popular media.
Historically, immigrants and racial minorities (including South Asians) have been subjected
to a uid racial hierarchy in the United States. As Omi and Winant (1994) suggested, these
racial formations are the result of social, political, and economic forces that determine the
social status of racial and ethnic minorities. These statuses have formed over time and are
dependent on various social and historical circumstances. Examples of such racial formations
include everything from Jim Crow slavery to changes in immigration policy.
Racial formations are further inuenced by the level of racialization that immigrants and
minorities experience. Racialization is process by which individuals are categorized into racial
groups based on their physical appearance. Additionally, these racial categorizations are then
used as units of analysis to explain social relations (Webster 1992). Bonilla-Silva (1997)
develops upon the idea of racialization in his racialized social systems theory, which supposes
that political, economic, and social structures are dependent on a racialized society and the
racialization of individuals into it.
As South Asian scholars have argued, the racialization of Indian and South Asian Americans
tends to be a negative process, specically through the perpetuation of those negative stereotypes and assumptions associated with this group (Desai 2004, 2005; Kibria 1998; Kim 1999;
Sharma 2010; Selod and Embrick 2013). While slavery and Jim Crow shaped the racialization
of African-Americans in the United States, immigration and legislative policy have shaped the
racialization of South Asians and determined the extent to which they compare to Whites in
America (Koshy 2002). Contemporary ideologies, including the post-9/11 rhetoric in America
and the global West, have contributed to a racialization of South Asians that portray them in
popular media as foreigners and others. These dynamics are further intersected by overt
racialized perceptions that use obvious differences in skin color, religion, and ethnicity as
markers of difference (Desai 2005).
According to Sharma (2010), Whites commit racialization of South Asians through the
negative, stereotypical, and secondary ways in which they perceive them. Not only are they
seen as others in American society, but they are also seen as less than in the American
racial hierarchy. As Purkayastha (2005) suggested, racialization exists separate from the
segmented assimilation based on skin color and class to which South Asians are subjected.
Racialization is a process imposed upon all Indians and South Asians as another way to
maintain the perceptions of this group as outside of American norms. As Kibria (1998)
suggested, the development of such hyphenated umbrella identities as South Asian
American is a result of racialization and these racialized experiences.
South Asian media characterizations are informed by the degree at which South Asians are
racialized in society. This is evident in the examples of South Asian characters that are
characterized solely around overt stereotypes. As I argue in the next section, these stereotypes
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not only serve the purpose of maintaining the perception of South Asians as foreigners in
society, but are used consciously by media producers in their characterizations and ultimately
reect how South Asians are already perceived in the United States.
South Asian characterizations in American popular media and society
Racial and ethnic minorities have historically been stereotyped in American popular media
(Gray 2004; Hall 1997; Ono and Pham 2009; Rodriguez 1997; Vera and Gordon 2003,
among others). While these representations have generally improved in recent years, insofar
as there are signicantly fewer examples of overt stereotypes, reections of covert and subtle
stereotypes remain. As I argue, the characterization of South Asians and other minorities in
the media is informed by an intentional characterization that is dependent in large part on
the racial ideologies that are reproduced in the representations. This is evident in the
historical trajectory of South Asian characterizations in American popular media.
South Asian media characters began appearing sporadically in lms throughout the 20th
century (Dav 2013; Jones 1955). These early examples generally consisted of savage Indians
in India who were defeated by the White star and savior (e.g. Vera and Gordon 2003). What
was unique about these early representations was the location of the story itself most were
represented as Indians in India. During the 1980s, Indian and South Asian characters began
appearing sporadically as tertiary or non-speaking characters cast in an American, usually
urban, environment. Examples of representations included the generic and stereotypical
cab driver, convenient store owner, and high-achieving student.
On the one hand, this stereotype of South Asians as a low-level service employee runs
counter to the historical realities of South Asian demographics in the United States.
Immigrants who arrived from South Asia in the 1960s and 1970s were highly educated. As
Prashad (2000) noted, 83% of Indian immigrants between 1966 and 1977 had backgrounds
in the STEM elds, including approximately 20,000 science PhDs, 40,000 engineers, and
25,000 physicians. However, after these early migrants and their immediate families were
settled, many chose to invest in franchises and small businesses, including fast food stores,
convenience store, and motels (Dhingra 2012; Rangaswamy 2007). Once these businesses
became established, Indian American owners took advantage of family reunication
immigration policies of the 1970s and 1980s to bring over relatives to work for them. As more
and more extended family members were able to settle in the United States, these individuals
with few skills took other blue collar jobs working in factories or driving taxi cabs.
Media producers in positions to create media characterizations do so based on their
personal experiences. While they may have been less likely to run into South Asians who
were scientists, professors, or even doctors, they were more likely to run into South Asians
who were behind the counter of a local convenience store or driving their cab in an urban
city. Additionally, such representations proved useful to them in the context of the stories
they were producing well-to-do White American characters encountering bumbling,
foreign, South Asian immigrants working in jobs most identiable to viewers, often with
ensuing hilarity. These stereotypes proved useful for the story and for the characterization
of South Asian characters. As critical media studies scholars argue, White media executives
have total control over the major media outlets and consciously reproduce upper class
ideologies, which in turn subjugate racial minorities (Bagdikian 2004; Bourdieu 1999; Hall
1997; McChesney 2004, 2008; Mistry 1999).
In the early 21st century, there were more noteworthy examples of Indian and South
Asian media characters that were cast in such roles as highly skilled scientists or medical
professionals. It is difcult to identify what led to this change, but it is likely due to the
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increased awareness of the high economic capital possessed by South Asian Americans, thus
identifying them as a group to be coveted by advertisers (the nanciers of network television). These new representations were more in line with the model minority stereotype,
which was originally used in the 1960s to characterize East Asians in the United States
(Kitano and Daniels 2001; Takaki 1998; Wu 2002, among others). While it is assumed that
the model minority stereotype is a positive one, many scholars have identied its problematic nature. The assumption that Asian Americans are the model minority presupposes that
they experience no discrimination in the United States. In fact, South Asians are subjected
to the same discriminatory experiences of not being White as are other ethnic minorities
in the United States.
One key example of such discrimination is through skin tone, particularly for women. All
women of color deal with hegemonic skin tone ideologies in their racial/ethnic communities, with lighter skin tone and Caucasian facial features considered more appealing and attractive (Collins 2004; Glenn 2008; Hunter 2005). As media scholars have argued, these
same beauty ideals are also reproduced in the media (e.g. Beltran 2005; Jefferson and Stake
2009; Chito Childs 2009; Rodriguez 1997; Wilson et al. 2003). This is evident in the examples of South Asian women in the media, particularly those created and cast by White,
American producers.3 As media producers favor casting women who are attractive, so too
do the same media producers favor casting women of color who are attractive in terms of
their proximity to White physical characteristics. Not only is this another reproduction of
hegemonic ideology that favors one particular type of physical appearance over others, but
it creates a social assumption around what an attractive South Asian can look like.
Conclusion
In popular media, particularly through online magazines, the increasing examples of South
Asian characters and actors in American lm and television have been of much interest. In
the article discussed at the beginning of this paper, Nina Shen Rastogi (2010) wrote,
Yes, there are lots and lots of doctors and the occasional cab driver. But theres also a low-level
government worker; a middle-American high-school principal; and a tough-talking, leatherboot-wearing, possibly bisexual Chicago investigator. If thats not progress, I dont know what is.

By referencing such examples as those characters in Parks and Recreation, Glee, and The Good
Wife, respectively, Rastogi is making a point about this variety in South Asian
representation. In the last few years, there have been many other articles published online,
particularly those covering the TV show Outsourced and Mindy Kalings latest TV show,
The Mindy Project (e.g. Jacobs 2012; Lizardi 2011; Stewart 2013). Thus, while academic
research on these contemporary South Asian characters is lacking, the interest in these
shows, characters, and phenomenon itself is enough to fuel coverage from many online
journalists and bloggers.
In order to incorporate these arguments into the eld of sociology, it is important to
acknowledge a few points. First, ethnic media characterizations are intentional decisions
made by media producers. These characterizations reect hegemonic ideologies and also
reproduce commonly understood stereotypes. These stereotypes are the by-products of the
US racial hierarchy. The racial hierarchy in turn is developed alongside immigration and
assimilation trends, which further determine the qualities that an individual needs to become
American. All of these dynamics inform and inuence 21st century representations in
American popular media.
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Short Biography
Bhoomi K. Thakore is a Research Associate at Northwestern University. Her research
interests include race/ethnicity; race, gender, and media; South Asians in America; racial
diversity in the biomedical sciences; racial attitudes; and intergroup relations. Thakores
dissertation focused on audience perceptions of South Asians in American popular media,
and examined the extent to which these representations reect pre-existing ideologies of
race, ethnicity, gender, and immigration. She defended her dissertation with distinction
and was the recipient of the Dissertation Award in Social Sciences. To date, Thakore has
published in the journals Future Internet, and Humanity and Society, in the books African-Americans
on Television: Race-ing for Ratings, and Social Exclusion, Power, and Video Game Play: New
Research in Digital Media and Technology, and in the Encyclopedia of Race and Racism, and
the Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society. She holds a BA in Journalism from Columbia
College Chicago, an MA in Sociology from DePaul University, and a PhD in Sociology
from Loyola University Chicago.
Notes
* Correspondence address: Bhoomi K. Thakore, Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine, 420 E.
Superior St., Rubloff 650, Chicago, IL 60611, USA. E-mail: Bhoomi.thakore@northwestern.edu
1

I use the umbrella term South Asian to fall in line with other scholars who discuss this larger group and identify the
experiences of one as the experiences of all (e.g. Desai 2004; Dav 2013; Kibria 1998; Purkayastha 2005; Shankar 2008;
Sharma 2010). Further, while Indians are only one part of the larger South Asian population, I argue that the media
characterizations of Indians are similar to the media characterization of other South Asians in popular media. However, I
use the terms somewhat interchangeably in this paper and discuss particular concepts as related to Indians where
relevant.
2
While the original article by Rastogi addressed the increasing number of Indian characters on television, I contend that
a similar case can be made for Indian characters in contemporary American lms. Thus, I use the phrase popular media
when discussing these images.
3
The exception to this is Mindy Kaling, formerly of The Ofce, and creator and star of the television show, The Mindy
Project. While she is darker, curvier, and shorter than other South Asian actresses in popular media, she was never chosen
or cast by producers. As a writer on The Ofce, she created her role herself, and similarly cast herself in her own show. As
a result, Kaling was able to break out of the White, heterosexual, male gaze (Mulvey 1975) reproduced by media
producers.

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