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THE
YEAR":
"RIOT
GREAT
JACKSONIAN
DEMOCRACYAND
OF
PATTERNS
VIOLENCE
IN
1834
Carl E. Prince
New Yorkers characterized the tumultuous months of 1834 as
the great "riot year."' Philip Hone, the New York City
patrician and diarist, had reason to apply his barbed pen to
the events of that year as disturbances swept the city. New
York was not unique. Rioting that reached an intense climax
in 1835 and 1836, broke out across America after a generation
of relative civil peace. Race riots in 1834 marred the landscape
from New Orleans to Philadelphia. Irish labor violence erupted
on the construction sites of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal in
rural Maryland, the Chenango Canal in New York State, and
the Baltimore and Washington Railroad outside the nation's
capital. While severe rioting continued through the next two
years, it was the 1834 uprisings that first broke the peace and
alarmed a nation.
Anti-Catholic, anti-Irish tensions were manifest both at the
Charlestown Convent Riot in Boston and the "anti-foreign"
crowd actions in New York City. Small upheavals of an individually minor character, but in fact part of a larger pattern,
occurred across America, alongside great economic confrontaMr. Prince is a member of the Department of History at New York
University. This paper was delivered on July 20, 1984, as the presidential
address of the Society for Historians of the Early American Republic during
its sixth annual conference at Indiana University-Purdue University, Indianapolis.
I
Allan Nevins, ed., The Diary of Philip Hone, 1828-1851 (2 vols., New
York 1927), I, 134.
JOURNAL OF THE EARLY REPUBLIC, 5 (Spring 1985) @ Society for Historians of the Early American Republic
tions like the riot that broke out in Baltimore in the wake of
the failure of the Bank of Maryland. Election riots in New
York and Philadelphia marked America's return to an older
tradition of "politics-out-of-doors."
Finally, newly organized
abolitionist militancy was met by anti-black, anti-reform mobs
in Newark, New Jersey, Norwich, Connecticut, Cincinnati,
Ohio, and elsewhere across America.
These were only some examples of renewed community
violence that washed over the nation after a generation of
comparative internal peace in a superficially placid republic.
The year 1834 marked the end of that surface tranquility. Hints
of what was to come may, in retrospect, be evident in the
sporadic civil disorders of the years 1829-1833. But 1834 marked
the year when a pattern akin to social chain reaction came to
light. At the same time, the events of 1835 must be taken into
account. While the violence of 1834 must be taken as of a piece
with those events both before and after, it is useful to concentrate on immediate origins as the full pattern emerges; 1834
marked the opening salvos, in this sense, of a new period of
civil disorder in Jacksonian America.
For these reasons I propose to turn to those twelve months
to see what can be found about why and how it happened.
Waves of violence have always characterized the history of this
open society. The year 1834 opened only one such epoch, this
one associated with what historians still call the era of "Jacksonian Democracy." Other violent epochs included the American revolutionary years from 1763 to 1787; the generations of
upheaval following the Civil War; industrial strife that characterized the period from 1894 to 1914; the years after World
War I, touched by the "Red Scare"; post-depression violence
in the early 1930s; and the black and youth revolutions of the
1960s.
On the face of it, the violence and destruction inflicted by
ugly mobs may not be appetizing fare to a nation that prides
itself on its tolerance, opportunity, openness to change, and
civility. The events of 1834, however, demonstrate not only a
society in stress, but underscore as well the workings of a
dynamic political and social process reasserting itself after a
relatively calm period of perhaps a generation's duration.
I noted at the outset that Philip Hone commented on 1834
riots. Like many contemporaries, he saw causation in simple
VIOLENCE
IN 1834
VIOLENCE
IN 1834
This theme has been dealt with in great depth by urban historians
writing about the Age of Jackson in the last twenty years. The best historiographical explication of this monumental transformation is Edward Pessen's
"We Are All Jeffersonians, We Are All Jacksonians: or A Pox on Stultifying
Periodizations," Journal of the Early Republic, 1 (Spring 1981), 1-26. Three
pioneering studies of the 1960s of this process of social change are Sam Bass
Warner, Jr., The Private City: Philadelphia in Three Periods of Its Growth (Philadelphia 1968); Seymour J. Mandlebaum, Boss Tweed's New York(New York
1965); and Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a
Nineteenth Century City [Newburyport] (Cambridge 1964). A seminal collection
of essays summarizing the early important work in the area of community
and social change is Stephan Thernstrom and Richard Sennett, eds., Nineteenth-CenturyCities: Essays in the New Urban History (New Haven 1969). The
best recent book, one on which I depended heavily for my insights into the
communities of 1834, is Thomas Bender, Community and Social Change in
America (New Brunswick, N.J. 1978; paperback ed. Baltimore 1982).
" With regard to immigrants, two standard works that make this point
well are Oscar Handlin, Boston's Immigrants, 1790-1865.: A Study in Acculturation
(Cambridge 1941), and Robert Ernst, Immigrant Life in New York City, 18251853 (New York 1949). The best study of antebellum free blacks in the
North is Leon Litwack, North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860
(Chicago 1961). A good recent interpretive summary of the impact of both
free blacks and immigrants on antebellum American life can be found in
Leonard Dinnerstein, Roger L. Nichols, and David M. Reimers, Natives and
Strangers (New York 1979).
VIOLENCE
IN 1834
"13
American His-
even reenforced each other during the first half of the nineteenth
century."''6 It is a paradox I find intriguing.
That paradox descended upon the world of 1834. It may
be seen as starting with an inevitable localization of life in an
increasingly confusing society: the complex views of the native
laboring middle class family witnessing the loss of control over
the tools of its production; the rural eastern farmer facing an
exurban transportation revolution and geographic shifts in the
agricultural balance of power; the immigrant, alienated from
American society by differences of language, culture, religion,
and values; the free black, aroused to hope by the newly
organized abolitionists; and women growing restive in the wake
of a revolution of rising expectations in part borne of a mouthed
egalitarianism common to the Jacksonian era.
This displaced view of the world of the majority in 1834
must be balanced against a political doctrine that bespoke
equality, when there was none; opportunity, while the old
system disintegrated and the chance to succeed, such as it was,
passed gradually into the hands of a new entrepreneurial class;
and democracy, not much of a reality in light of developing
urban anonymity and changing small town perceptions of once
stable social and political relationships, both of which rendered
the word hollow in the ears of the economically and socially
marginal. The year 1834, then, saw a significant number of
Americans placed under imminent stress as they were caught
up in the impact of disorder and violence, almost as if in the
backwash of other, deeper changes in their lives over which
they exercised no control.
There were at least twenty-four events of a scope extensive
enough and of a character so significant as to give them national
importance. At least the same number would follow in 1835.17
Time and space constraints require that I sketch here only four
major examples. The important thing is what these episodes,
VIOLENCE
IN 1834
public activity visible enough to draw public intervention and press reports.
See the Appendix for a list of 1834 and 1835 upheavals that meet this
definition.
10
"8Rioting erupted sporadically on the site into the summer. Niles' Weekly
Register, Jan. 25, Feb. 1, 8, 1834, 366, 382, 399; Hagerstown Torchlight,Jan.
23, 1834; Richard B. Morris, "Andrew Jackson, Strikebreaker," American
Historical Review, 55 (Oct. 1949), 54-56.
19 Niles'
Weekly Register, June 21, 28, 1834, 291, 300.
20
Several historians have touched on the Baltimore bank riots of 1834
and 1835. The best description can be found in Grimsted, "Rioting in Its
Jacksonian Setting," 379-383. A full primary account can be tracked through
Niles' Weekly Register from March 29, 1834 through the remainder of that
year and into 1835.
21 Leonard L. Richards,
"Gentlemenof Propertyand Standing": Anti-Abolition
Mobs in Jacksonian America (New York 1970), 113; Dixon Ryan Fox, The
Decline of Aristocracy in the Politics of New York, 1801-1840 (New York 1965;
original ed. pub. 1919), 373-374; Litwack, North of Slavery, 100, 102, and
VIOLENCE
IN 1834
11
and the street conflict of two politically hostile New York City
volunteer fire companies in February 1834 were more immediate precursors of this turn to "politics-out-of-doors" that was
so characteristic of the age of the American Revolution.22
The April election riot occurred, improbably, in a New
York City mayoral campaign, not a great national or state
contest. Yet on reflection, it was not so improbable; if these
riots were symptomatic of a deeply troubled community, what
better vehicle for expression than a local contest? National
issues made manifest in ways peculiarly local in character has
always been a hallmark of American political behavior.
The two parties opposed each other visually and colorfully
in the streets. Andrew Jackson's populist, anti-Bank of the
United States stance was twisted by the Whigs to read "Perish
Credit, Perish Commerce." A banner carrying the message was
"paraded everywhere" in the narrow lanes of New York City,
on April 8, the first of three election days. Merchant seamen,
usually Whig sympathizers, and volatile political actors in the
port cities since before the revolution, built a replica of the
ship U.S.S. Constitution. They mounted it on wheels and "paraded it through the streets and past the polls" as another
Whig party symbol.23 Sailors, carters, and other skilled and
unskilled native American laborers who lived off port-related
commerce, were Whig to the core.24
passim; Linda K. Kerber, "Abolitionists and Amalgamators: The New York
City Race Riots of 1834," New YorkHistory, 48 (Jan. 1967), 28-29. Richards
specifically links the April election riots in New York City to both antiabolitionist actions that summer and the August Stonecutters' Riot. For the
latter see Daniel J. Walkowitz, "The Artisans and Builders of Nineteenth
Century New York: The Case of the 1834 Stonecutters' Riot," in Around the
Square, 1830-1890 [Greenwich Village] (New York 1982), 84-94.
York American, Feb. 10, Mar. 3, Apr. 29, 1834; Richards,
2 New
"Gentlemen of Propertyand Standing," 113.
21
Joel Tyler Headley, The Great Riots of New York: 1712-1873 (Indianapolis 1970; first pub. 1873), 69.
24 See, for example, Jesse Lemisch, "The Radicalism of the Inarticulate:
Merchant Seamen in the Politics of Revolutionary America," in Alfred F.
Young, ed., Dissent: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism (DeKalb,
Ill. 1968), 37-82; Graham Hodges, "The Cartmen of New York City, 16671801" (Ph.D. diss., New York University 1982); Lee Benson, The Concept of
Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case (Princeton 1961), esp. chapter
14.
12
JOURNAL
25
26
VIOLENCE
IN 1834
13
14
JOURNAL
The Philadelphia Race Riot of 1834, known among contemporaries as the Moyamensing "Flying Horses" Riot, began
on August 12. The "Flying Horses" was a carousel, frequented
by both races, in the Moyamensing district of Philadelphia.
Whites attacked black patrons on the night of the 12th, after a
week-long heat wave and attendant social tensions on the merrygo-round.30 The carousel was destroyed, the blacks scattered,
and three nights of uncontrolled white rioting followed. Directed
primarily at black property, at least thirty-seven houses were
looted and destroyed and several hundred people made homeless. The houses destroyed were owned by middle class blacks,
and not located in a ghetto, but on streets where blacks and
whites both lived. Whites extended lamps from their windows
to distinguish their homes from those of the blacks.31 Black
homes, on the other hand, were often quietly abandoned to the
mob.
In assessing the cause of the "Flying Horses" Riot, an
1834 citizens committee "cited the frequent hiring of Negroes
during periods of depression and white unemployment and the
tendency of Negroes to protect, and even forcibly rescue, their
brethren when the latter were arrested as fugitive slaves.""32
Another meeting shortly after the riot "insisted that no blacks
shall be employed in certain departments of labor."33 The
rioting ended coincident with the rumor, probably true, that a
vigilante group of some sixty armed blacks had organized by
the fourth night to defend black homes.34
The citizens committee, meanwhile, enjoined influential
Negroes to impress upon their people "the necessity as well as
the propriety, of behaving themselves inoffensively and with
civility at all times and upon all occasions; taking care, as they
pass along the streets, or assemble together, not to be obtru-
30
VIOLENCE
IN 1834
15
16
JOURNAL
disrupted Philadelphia
in
October.40
4I Feldberg,
The Turbulent Era, 58; Niles' Weekly Register, Oct. 18, 1834,
104-105.
Baltimore American, Nov. 21, 1834; Baltimore Chronicle, Dec. 10, 1834;
4'
Niles' Weekly Register, Dec. 6, 20, 1834, 218, 272.
VIOLENCE
IN 1834
17
hellish plots without being in danger of discovery." The postriot native local committee, also in evidence after the Philadelphia Race Riot in August, was a new and menacing addition
to the chemistry of community violence from the summer on.
In this instance, it reflected increasingly institutionalized antiIrish hostility, not dissimilar to charges made by a citizens
committee in Boston after the Ursuline Convent Riot. Native
American perceptions were clearly influenced both by the flood
of anti-Catholic pornography sweeping America and, in the
case of free blacks, the rising tide of anti-abolitionist newspaper
commentary abroad in the land.
"The Irish laborers," the Anne Arundel County meeting
concluded, were "a gang of ruffians and murderers," and it
called on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the parent company, to fire all Irish. A letter authorized by the meeting and
sent to the president of the B & O, threatened that the small
towns and villages of Anne Arundel "will muster a sufficient
force and drive every Irishman off the road from the Patapsco
to the big Patuxent" rivers. The point is that, in the ensuing
months, county residents did just that, temporarily driving the
Irish out.42
In retrospect, when one takes account of the rolling turbulence endured all over America in 1834, it becomes clear
that local response grew increasingly ugly as the year wore on.
Anti-abolitionist mobs, rising anti-Catholic crowd actions, and
election day working class riots should not be viewed separately,
as historians have thus far tended to do. They are all of a piece
when placed in a confined time frame. By the summer of 1834,
Protestant native reactions grew in intensity, placing the burden
of mob violence as much on the "peaceable" folk of established
America as on "wild Irishmen," abolitionist "fanatics," "aggressive blacks," and disenchanted artisan voters.
The year started with its facade in place: a nation welded
by political symmetry, democratic, progressive, and forward
looking, its republican principles inviolate. The year ended with
42
Niles' Weekly Register, Nov. 29, Dec. 6, 20, 1834, 197, 218, 272. See
also for comparative purposes: Billington, "The Burning of the Charlestown
Convent," 4-24; and Hammett, "Two Mobs of Jacksonian Boston," 845868.
18
JOURNAL
the first major cracks since the revolution in the wall of American community, as a pre-industrial society accelerated toward
major change. Maybe there was no wall of American community, only facade. Tensions long building rose to the surface
and almost literally exploded as eighteenth century social and
political values were battered in this working republic. The
republic functioned at its core at the local level, where Americans lived and worked. So cities, towns, villages, countrysideall were subject to the release of tensions by means of violence,
mob action, and riot.
That violence may well have been subtly encouraged by an
ideology that espoused political democracy without paying much
attention to its social and economic substance. The impact of
the Age of Jackson on that peculiarly American sense of community that makes this republic work, in conclusion, may well
have been negative and not positive. Probably like most political
history, antebellum nineteenth century community needs extended re-examination within the context of new perceptions of
deep and rapid social change.
APPENDIX
Riots of 1834 and 1835
Date
1834
1/17-27
c.3/10
3/24-26
4/5
4/8-10
c.4/15
4/22
4/28
6/7
6/15-24
c.6/15
7/7-20
c.June/July
Type
Irish Labor Riot, Chesapeake and Ohio Canal
Location
Williamsport,
Md.
VIOLENCE IN 1834
c.7/7
7/9
8/11-14
8/12-14
c.8/15
c.8/20
c.8/20
c.9/28
c.10/4
c. 10/4-14
11/20-22
Anti-Abolitionist Riots
Anti-Abolitionist Riot
Anti-Catholic Convent Riot
Anti-Black Race Riot
Religious Rioting
Stonecutters Labor Riot
Mob Assault on Balloonists
Anti-Irish Riot
Race Riot
Election Riots
Irish Labor Riots, Baltimore and Washington
Railroad
19
Newark, N.J.
Norwich, Conn.
Charlestown, Mass.
Philadelphia, Pa.
New York, N.Y.
New York, N.Y.
Philadelphia, Pa.
New York, N.Y.
Columbia, Pa.
Philadelphia, Pa.
Sites between Baltimore and
Washington
1835
2/13
2/13
3/7
Apr.-Aug.
c.6/21-23
c.7/6
c.7/12-15
c.7/13-15
c.7/20
c.7/25
c.8/7
8/6-15
8/9
8/9
c.8/10
8/21
8/22
8/31
8/29
9/13
c.10/7
10/21
c.3/7
c.3/15
Baltimore,
Md.
Hagerstown, Md.
Between
Baltimore
and Washington
Irville, N.Y.
New York, N.Y.
Ohio and Mich.
New York, N.Y.
Vicksburg, Miss.
Indiana
Philadelphia, Pa.
Detroit, Mich.
Albany, N.Y.
Boston, Mass.
Baltimore, Md.
Buffalo, N.Y.
Hamilton, N.Y.
Lynn, Mass.
Charleston, S.C.
Boston, Mass.
Canaan, N.H.
St. Louis, Mo.
Washington, D.C.
Forsyth, Ga.
Utica, N.Y.