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1. The Rift: Explaining Europe's Divergent Iraq Policies in the Run-Up of the
American-Led War on Iraq by JRGEN SCHUSTER; HERBERT MAIER;
Foreign Policy Analysis, 07/01/2006, Vol 2 (3), p223[4DD9AA9E6ED6131ABBFD]
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11. Russian Strategic Realignment and the Post-Post-Cold War Era? by G.P.
Herd; E. Akerman; Security Dialogue, 09/01/2002, Vol 33 (3), p357[26W8MMAK4FNVPR8AKU93]
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14. Trading Butter for Guns: Domestic Imperatives for Foreign Policy
Substitution by D.H. Clark; Journal of Conflict Resolution, 10/01/2001,
Vol 45 (5), p636- [HRBV8K9XEXRLB14766JX]
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Title:
Author(s):
STEPHEN BENEDICT DYSON
Source:
Foreign Policy Analysis 07/01/2006, Vol
2 (3), p289ISSN:
17438586
Affiliation:
STEPHEN BENEDICT DYSON; Wabash
College
Abstract:
The British choice in Iraq has been
characterized as Tony Blair's War, with many believing that the
personality and leadership style of the prime minister played a crucial part in
determining British participation. Is this the case? To investigate, I employ
at-a-distance measures to recover Blair's personality from his responses to
foreign policy questions in the House of Commons. I find that he has a high
belief in his ability to control events, a low conceptual complexity, and a high
need for power. Using newly available evidence on British decision making, I
show how Blair's personality and leadership style did indeed shape both the
process and outcome of British foreign policy toward Iraq. The research
reemphasizes the importance of individual level factors in theories of foreign
policy, as well as offering a comprehensive explanation of a critical episode.
Entry Date:
20060530
Library of Congress Classification: 20221; 10009
Unique ID:
4199BFBAB3CDFA37BD3A
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vid=32&hid=115&sid=e200d5ae-875a-4d54-a2aef4a3d5da31c2%40SRCSM2
20050114
20093; 10009
46BEB2C22BADA41B1910
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Title:
Decision Making in Autocratic
Regimes: A Poliheuristic Perspective
Author(s):
Brandon J. Kinne
Source:
International Studies Perspectives
02/01/2005, Vol 6 (1), p114ISSN:
15283577
Affiliation:
Brandon J. Kinne; Yale University
Abstract:
This paper applies the poliheuristic
theory of foreign policy decision making to non-democratic states.
Poliheuristic theory asserts that state leaders assign primary
importance to their political survival; however, the meaning of
the political varies dramatically from country to country.
Furthermore, the types of actors who hold leaders politically
accountable also vary between countries. Consequently, leaders
often pursue vastly different means of ensuring their political
survival. The author uses the common distinction between singleparty, military, and personalist autocracies to show that
apparently arbitrary differences in autocratic leaders' political
concerns actually vary in systematic and potentially predictable
ways. Because this argument is generalized to non-democratic
states as a whole, it has important implications for the ways in
which democratic states craft their policies toward autocracies.
Entry Date:
20050114
Library of Congress Classification: 20093; 10009
Unique ID:
4AEA9637AD22B92A1693
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Title:
Give or Take: Foreign Aid and
Foreign Policy Substitutability
Author(s):
G. Palmer; S.B. Wohlander
Source:
Journal of Peace Research
01/01/2002, Vol 39 (1), p5ISSN:
00223433
Affiliation:
G. PalmerS.B. Wohlander;
Department of Political Science, Pennsylvania State
University,Department of Political Science, Rice University
Abstract:
The article attempts to explain
state donations of foreign aid with the application of a general
theory of foreign policy. This places foreign aid within the context
of a state's creation of a foreign-policy portfolio. The general
theory is based upon the assumption that states pursue two
goods: 'change', defined as the ability to alter the status quo in
desirable ways, and 'maintenance', the ability to prevent changes
in favored aspects of the status quo. By applying the 'two-good'
model of foreign policy toward an explanation of foreign aid, we
are able to derive hypotheses regarding the relationship between
state power and foreign aid donations, as well as further
implications regarding foreign policy substitutability. The twogood model posits a more complex but better specified conception
of foreign policy substitutability, and it implies that state
donations of foreign aid are substitutable for other foreign policy
choices, such as the initiation of interstate conflict and
participation in certain types of alliances, that are directed toward
the same goal, namely change. We test these hypotheses using
data on official development assistance obtained from the OECD,
and additional data from the Correlates of War (COW) Project for
21 states over the 1966-92 period. Our findings indicate that aid
allocation is affected by other aspects of a state's foreign policy
portfolio. The application of a general framework of foreign policy
to the study of foreign aid is fruitful.
Entry Date:
20040219
Library of Congress Classification: 20008; 10001
Unique ID:
T9228C8MQL479RF66NF0
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Title:
Neoclassical realism and theories
of foreign policy
Author(s):
Gideon. Rose
Source:
World Politics 10/01/1998, Vol 51
(1), p144ISSN:
00438871
Abstract:
Although international relations
theory has been dominated for two decades by debates over
theories of international politics, recently there has been a surge
of interest in theories of foreign policy. These seek to explain, not
the pattern of outcomes of state interactions, but rather the
behavior of individual states. The author surveys three prominent
theories of foreign policy and shows how the works under review
set out a compelling alternative, one that updates and
systematizes insights drawn from classical realist thought.
Neoclassical realism argues that the scope and ambition of a
country's foreign policy is driven first and foremost by the
country's relative material power. Yet it contends that the impact
of power capabilities on foreign policy is indirect and complex,
because systemic pressures must be translated through
intervening unit-level variables such as decision-makers'
perceptions and state structure. Understanding the links between
power and policy thus requires close examination of both the
international and the domestic contexts within which foreign
policy is formulated and implemented.
Entry Date:
20040219
Library of Congress Classification: 10007
Unique ID:
75U2CU6YK6D0FDJV146B
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Title:
Trading Butter for Guns: Domestic
Imperatives for Foreign Policy Substitution
Author(s):
D.H. Clark
Source:
Journal of Conflict Resolution
10/01/2001, Vol 45 (5), p636ISSN:
00220027
Affiliation:
D.H. Clark; Department of Political
Science, Binghamton University (SUNY)
Abstract:
The international relations
literature largely presumes that leaders engage in foreign policy
substitution but does not provide a compelling theoretical
explanation or convincing empirical evidence that substitution
occurs. This article offers a theory of foreign policy choice based
on the differences between private and public goods. It assumes
that private goods and public goods are useful under different
circumstances and conditions. Leaders select a policy based on
political needs, so private- and public-goods approaches are
employed alternatively depending on domestic situations: policies
are substituted one for another. The trade-off between aggressive
unilateral economic behavior and military conflict as the United
States conducted foreign policy during the cold war is examined.
Results show that leaders facing economic concerns and/or
domestic opposition prefer trade aggression, a patently privategood-like policy, and substitute such policies in response to
changing domestic stimuli.
Entry Date:
20040219
Library of Congress Classification: 20093; 10009
Unique ID:
HRBV8K9XEXRLB14766JX
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439-66
Bruce Russett, "Who Controls Whom?" in Controlling the Sword (1990),
87-118 (ch. 4)
B. Page and R. Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy,"
APSR 77 (1983): 175-90
R. Shapiro and B. Page, "Foreign Policy and the Rational Public,"
JCR 32/2 (June 1988): 211-47
Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure and Foreign
Policy in Liberal Democracies," WP 43/4 (July 1991): 479-512
8. The Domestic Setting: Political Culture, Ideology, and Nationalism
Assigned Readings:
Judith Goldstein and Robert Keohane, eds., Ideas and Foreign Policy
(1993), 3-30 (ch.1)
D. Elkins and R. Simeon, "A Cause in Search of Its Effect, or What Does
Political Culture Explain?" Comparative Politics 11/2 (Jan. 1979): 127-46
Paul Egon Rohrlich, "Economic Culture and Foreign Policy: The
Cognitive Analysis of Economic Policy Making," IO 41/1 (Winter 1987):61-92
Thomas Burger, "From Sword to Chrysanthemum: Japan's Culture of AntiMilitarism," IS 17/4 (Spring 1993): 119-50
Judith Goldstein, "Ideas, Institutions, and American Trade Policy,"
IO 42/1 (Winter 1988)
9. The Domestic Setting: Interest Groups in Pluralist Systems
Assigned Readings:
Andrew Moravcsik, "Liberalism and International Relations Theory" (1992)
Jeff Frieden, "Sectoral Conflict and Foreign Economic Policy, 1914-1940"
IO 42/1 (Winter 1988), pp. 59-90
Peter Gourevitch, "Breaking with Orthodoxy: The Politics of Economic
Policy Responses to the Depression of the 1930s," IO 38/1 (Winter 1984), pp. 95129
Helen Milner, "Resisting the Protectionist Temptation: Industry and the Making
of Trade Policy in France and the United States During the 1970s," IO 41/4
(Autumn 1987): 639-65
10. State-Centered Explanations
Assigned Readings:
Michael Mastanduno, David Lake, and John Ikenberry, "Toward a Realist
Theory of State Action," ISQ 33 (1989): 457-74
Andrew Moravcsik, "Introduction: Integrating International and Domestic
Theories of International Bargaining," in
Double-Edged Diplomacy (1993), 3-34 (skim 18-22)
Stephen Krasner, Defending the National Interest (1978), 5-34
12
(skim 21-30)
David Lake, "The State and American Trade Strategy in the Pre-Hegemonic
Era," IO 42/1 (Winter 1988): 33-58
11. The Decision-making Process: Bureaucratic Politics
Assigned Readings:
Graham Allison, Essence of Decision (1971), chs. 5 and 6, pp. 144-244
Morton Halperin, Bureaucratic Politics and Foreign Policy (1974), pp. 1-5 and
ch. 16
J. Krause and L. Wilker, "Bureaucracy and Foreign Policy in the FRG," in
Krippendorf and Rittberger, The Foreign Policy of West Germany (1980), 147-70
Stephen Krasner, "Are Bureaucracies Important? (Or Allison Wonderland,"
Foreign Policy 7 (Summer 1972)
12. The Decision-making Process: Organizational Behavior
Assigned Readings:
Graham Allison, Essence of Decision, ch. 3 and 4, pp. 67-143
Barry Posen, The Sources of Military Doctrine (1984), 41-59
Stuart Kaufman, "Organizational Politics and Change in Soviet Military
Policy," WP 46/3 (April 1994): 355-82
David Welch, "The Organizational and Bureaucratic Politics Paradigms:
Retrospect And Prospect," IS 17 (Fall 1992)
13. Individual Behavior: Psychological Models
Assigned Readings:
Yaacov Vertzberger, The World in Their Minds (1990), ch. 3. 111-91
Keith Shimko, Images and Arms Control (1992), 1-41
Alexander George, "The Operational Code," ISQ 13/4 (Dec. 1969): 190-222
Robert Jervis, "Hypotheses on Misperception," World Politics 20/3
(April 1968): 454-79
Richard Herrmann, "Empirical Challenge of the Cognitive Revolution," ISQ
32/2 (June 1988): 175-204
14. Learning and Foreign Policy Change
Assigned Readings:
G. Breslauer and P. Tetlock, Learning in U.S. and Soviet Foreign Policy
(1991), 3-61
Jack Levy, "Learning and Foreign Policy," IO 48/2 (Spring 1994): 279-312
Dan Reiter, "Learning, Realism, and Alliances," WP 46/4 (July 1994): 490-526
Sarah Mendelson, "Internal Battles and External Wars," WP 45/3 (April 1993):
327-60
13
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Bitte zitieren sie dieses Dokument als / Please cite this document using
URN: urn:nbn:de:bsz:21-opus-16178
URL: http://w210.ub.uni-tuebingen.de/dbt/volltexte/2005/1617/
Dieses Dokument wird bereit gestellt von
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Rittberger, Volker
Kurzfassung in englisch
An investigation of theories of foreign policy derived from three competing "schools of
thought" or "paradigms" in current International Relations, viz. neorealism, utilitarian
liberalism, and constructivism. Both neorealist and utilitarian liberal theories of foreign policy
work from the assumption of rational actors making decisions based on the self-interested
calculation of benefits and costs of available behavioral options. They differ sharply, however,
with respect to the question of who are to be regarded as the fundamental actors of
international relations and, by implication, of foreign policy making: for neorealism, foreign
policy is the exclusive domain of black-boxed, unitarily acting states; utilitarian liberalism, by
contrast, envisions states not as actors in the first place but as institutions which domestic
societal actors (including both organized private actors and politicians and bureaucrats) use
to further their interests at home and abroad. Constructivism breaks with the rationalist
consensus shared by the other two theories, replacing homo oeconomicus with homo
sociologicus and hence advocating, and building upon, an image of actors as norm-guided
"role players" rather than "utility maximizers". In another respect, constructivist foreign policy
occupies a middle ground between neorealist and utilitarian liberal theories, i.e. the level at
which the most important sources of foreign policy behavior are located. By taking into
account norms at both the domestic and international levels, constructivism comes down
neither on the side of "top-down" theories (as neorealism) nor on the side of "bottom-up"
theories (as utilitarian liberalism).
Kurzfassung in englisch
Diese Untersuchung von Theorien der Auenpolitik nimmt auf drei konkurrierende "Schulen"
oder "Paradigmen" der gegenwrtigen Internationalen Beziehungen Bezug, nmlich auf den
Neorealismus, Utilitarismus und Konstruktivismus. Sowohl neorealistische als auch
utilitaristische Theorien der Auenpolitik gehen von der Annahme eines rationalen Akteurs
aus, dessen Entscheidungen auf der egoistischen Berechnung von Vorteilen und Kosten der
vorhandenen Verhaltensoptionen beruhen. Sie unterscheiden sich jedoch stark in Bezug auf
die Frage dessen, wer als grundstzlicher Akteur im Bereich der internationalen Beziehungen
und - daraus folgend - des auenpolitischen Entscheidungsprozesses betrachtet werden soll:
Fr den Neorealismus ist Auenpolitik das exklusive Gebiet einheitlich handelnder Staaten,
die nach dem black-box-Prinzip betrachtet werden mssen; Utilitaristen stellen nicht die
Staaten als Akteure an erste Stelle, sondern sehen sie als Institutionen, in denen innere
gesellschaftliche Akteure (darunter organisierte private Akteure als auch Politiker und
Brokraten) nach ihren inneren und ueren Interessen handeln. Der Konstruktivismus bricht
mit der rationalistischen Konsens, welchen die beiden anderen Theorierichtungen teilen,
ersetzt den "homo oeconomicus" durch den "homo sociologicus" und baut ein Bild der
Akteure als normgeleitete "Rollenspieler" auf, im Gegensatz zu "Nutzenmaximierern". In einer
anderen Beziehung nimmt die konstruktivistische Sicht von Auenpolitik einen mittleren Platz
zwischen Neorealisten und Utilitaristen ein, in Bezug auf das Level, auf dem die wichtigsten
Beweggrnde des auenpolitischen Verhaltens vermutet werden. Weder nimmt der
Konstruktivismus die Sicht einer "top-down"-Theorie (wie der Neorealismus) noch jene einer
"bottom-up"-Theorie (wie der Utilitarismus) ein.
19
SWD-Schlagwrter:
Internationale Politik , Theorie , Auenpolitik
Freie Schlagwrter (englisch):
foreign policy , international relations , theory
Institut:
Bereich 08 Fakultt fr Sozial- und Verhaltenswissenschaften
DDC-Sachgruppe:
Politik
Dokumentart:
ResearchPaper
Quelle:
Tbinger Arbeitspapiere zur internationalen Politik und Friedensforschung ; 46
Sprache:
deutsch
Erstellungsjahr:
2004
Publikationsdatum:
04.03.2005
Lizenz:
Verffentlichungsvertrag (Version 1998)
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The U.S. government has endured several painful rounds of scrutiny as it tries to figure out what
went wrong on Sept. 11, 2001. The intelligence community faces radical restructuring; the
military has made a sharp pivot to face a new enemy; and a vast new federal agency has
blossomed to coordinate homeland security. But did September 11 signal a failure of theory on
par with the failures of intelligence and policy? Familiar theories about how the world works still
dominate academic debate. Instead of radical change, academia has adjusted existing theories
23
to meet new realities. Has this approach succeeded? Does international relations theory still
have something to tell policymakers?
Six years ago, political scientist Stephen M. Walt published a much-cited survey of the field in
these pages (One World, Many Theories, Spring 1998). He sketched out three dominant
approaches: realism, liberalism, and an updated form of idealism called constructivism. Walt
argued that these theories shape both public discourse and policy analysis. Realism focuses on
the shifting distribution of power among states. Liberalism highlights the rising number of
democracies and the turbulence of democratic transitions. Idealism illuminates the changing
norms of sovereignty, human rights, and international justice, as .../continued/
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