Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1. Introduction
Metropolitan regionalism may once again be
on the American political agenda, after a
hiatus of a quarter of a century. Since the
mid 1990s, a burgeoning ow of popular and
academic books and articles, as well as reports from leading liberal US think-tanks, 1
have focused public attention on the problems of big cities and their surrounding regions (Rusk, 1993, 1999; Pierce, 1993;
Downs, 1994; Wallis, 1994a, 1994b, 1994c;
Cisneros, 1995; Walker, 1995; Foster, 1997;
Or eld, 1997; Barnes and Ledebur, 1998;
Lindstrom, 1998). Notably, at the turn of the
new millennium, the Brookings Institution in
Washington, DCfounded during Franklin
Roosevelts New Dealthe Ford Foundation and the Democratic Clinton administration have sounded a clarion call to alert
civic leaders to the growing crisis of the
metropolis (Brookings Institution, 1998;
Ford Foundation, 1999; US HUD, 1999).
The immediate causes of such high-level
concern are threefold. First, socioeconomic
and scal disparities between metropolitan
centres and their outlying settlement clusters
have reached a critical level in the US, and
current domestic demographic trends portend
an ever-worsening gulf in terms of economic
resources. Secondly, sharp competition
within the global economy increasingly
Clyde Mitchell-Weaver and David Miller are in the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh,
3N28 Forbes Quadrangle, Pittsburgh, PA, USA. Fax: 001 412 648 2605. E-mail: mithweav 1 @pitt.edu (Clyde Mitchell-Weaver);
redsox 1 @pitt.edu (David Miller). Ronald Deal Jr is with the law rm of Kirksey and McNamee, PLC, Brentwood, TN, USA. E-mail:
RDeal@Kirkmac.com.
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0042-0980 Print/1360-063X On-line/00/0560851-26
2000 The Editors of Urban Studies
852
are essential to promote metropolitan revenue-sharing, smart growth, the new urbanism and the targeting of skills training,
housing and transport opportunities to match
the changing intraurban location of employment expansion and job needs (Katz, 1994;
Or eld, 1998; Brennan and Hill, 1999; Immergluck, 1999; Katz and Allen, 1999;
American Planning Association, 2000).
In the sections which follow, we present
an overview of the Regional Coalitions
analysis of US metropolitan problems and
their agenda for public action. It is important,
in order to set the context, to begin with an
historical sketch of the role played by metropolitan regionalism in the evolution of US
urban policy.
2. A Note on the History of US Metropolitan Regionalism
Metropolitan regionalism was the rst approach to urban problems in the US, beginning in the early 19th century. Even before
the growth of second industrial revolution
cities, consolidation of city and county governments was undertaken in commercial centres such as New Orleans (1805), Boston
(1821), Nantucket, MA (1821), Baltimore
(1851), Philadelphia (1854), San Francisco
(1856) and St Louis (1876). By the turn of
the 20th century, the modern City of New
York had been created by the merger of New
York, Brooklyn, Queens and Richmond
counties in 1898, and Denver (1904) and
Honolulu (1907) had been added to the list.
Other 19th-century cities became the sole
unit of government and the general metropolitan service provider through annexation
(for example, Boston, Chicago, Detroit and
Pittsburgh) (Stephens and Wikstrom, 2000,
pp. 2934; Herson and Bolland, 1998,
p. 250; Ross and Levine, 1996, p. 324). 2
Private civic organisationswhat today
would be called publicprivate partnershipslike the Chicago Commercial Club
and the National Municipal League, supported metropolitanisation through their regional leadership activities and publication of
the National Municipal Review (later the
853
emphasis on newly legitimised land-use controls. (The US Supreme Court upheld the
constitutionality of zoning in the case of
Village of Euclid, Ohio, v. Ambler Realty Co.
(1926).) The principal objective of the plan
remained much the same: to promote the
continued expansion of the metropolis by
developing an ever-greater land area, laced
together by a network of highways.
Government reform was the fourth and
last theme of metropolitan planning. It had
two main goals: professionalising local
government and, as we have already seen,
expanding the geographical boundaries of the
city in order to re ect the new realities of
metropolitan growth. It is here, with the subject of metropolitan budgeting and the territorial expansion of municipal jurisdiction,
that the work of Charles E. Merriam and his
Chicago colleagues discussed above comes
into the picture. Their views on metropolitan
government reform were summarised in
Merriams preface to The Government of the
Metropolitan Region of Chicago, cited earlier:
[This book focuses on]: (1) consideration
of the governmental possibilities of the
Region as a whole; (2) emphasis on the
actual functioning of public agencies
within the Area (3) emphasis on the
principle of interlocking directorates as a
means of obtaining consolidation; (4) attention to the importance of interstate
agreements as a basis of regional organisation; (5) discussion of the possibilities of
independent statehood as a means of
metropolitan development; [and] (6) development of a system of central scal
control over local governments without establishment of a new unit of government
(Merriam et al., 1933, preface).
These themes were to be rediscovered during the 1950s1970s surge of urbanindustrial growth in the US, and again recently in the second half of the 1990s. During this 50-year period, the emphasis of
metropolitan planning changed from guiding
new growth to limiting the geographical expansion of the metropolis.
854
855
Counties
Municipalities
Towns and
townships
School
districts
Special
districts
Totals
3 062
3 053
3 050
3 049
3 050
3 050
3 043
3 049
3 044
3 042
3 041
3 042
3 043
3 043
16 442
16 332
16 220
16 360
16 778
17 215
17 997
18 048
18 517
18 862
19 076
19 200
19 279
19 372
19 978
19 183
18 919
18 051
17 202
17 198
17 144
17 105
16 991
19 822
16 734
16 691
16 656
16 629
128 548
113 571
108 579
95 521
56 346
50 454
34 678
21 742
15 781
15 174
14 851
14 721
14 422
13 726
14 572
9 867
8 299
9 302
12 319
14 424
18 823
21 264
23 885
25 962
28 078
29 532
31 555
34 683
182 602
162 006
115 067
142 283
105 684
102 341
91 685
81 248
78 218
79 862
81 780
83 186
84 955
87 453
Notes: Various census reports for later years sometimes differ slightly from the date reported in
earlier census reports as to the exact number of local governments for a given Census of Governments
year. The years shown in parentheses (1937 and 1947) are estimates.
Source: Stephens and Wikstrom (2000, p. 8).
Data Sources: 1957 through 1992 Census of Governments, Vol.1 and 1997 fax from Governments
Division of the Census Bureau, May 1998; Graves, (1964, p. 699).
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856
Median
Mean
25th
percentile
75th
percentile
By MSA size
Large (over 2 million)
Medium-large (12 millions)
Medium (500 000 to 1 million)
Medium-small (250 000 to 500 000)
Small (under 250 000)
24
32
41
73
141
5.65
5.03
4.09
3.46
2.79
6.64
4.99
4.23
3.69
3.04
4.63
3.43
3.36
2.92
2.17
8.23
6.54
4.89
4.45
3.62
Total
311
3.40
3.83
2.58
4.63
By region
Northeast
Midwest
South
West
46
87
122
56
5.38
4.14
2.83
3.10
5.85
4.25
2.98
3.37
4.22
2.89
2.13
2.66
7.29
4.89
3.55
4.17
Total
311
3.40
3.83
2.58
4.63
Population size
F 5 87.52
sig. 000
F 5 43.61
sig. 000
Source: Calculated by the authors from data in US Bureau of the Census (1972).
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857
Table 3. Metropolitan fragmentation index (MFI), 1972 (by both MSA size and region)
Population size
Northeast
Midwest
South
West
Total
8.12
6.68
6.40
4.96
4.59
8.66
6.30
4.48
4.30
3.53
4.87
3.36
3.69
3.14
2.38
5.00
5.19
3.01
3.10
2.74
6.67
5.38
4.40
3.88
3.31
Total
5.85
4.25
2.98
3.37
3.83
Source: Calculated by the authors from data in US Bureau of the Census (1972).
lation increases, so should the MFI. However, the correlation between population
change and changes in the fragmentation index is statistically insigni cant. Two other
factors contributed more to a higher score
than did population. The rst was an increase
in the absolute number of governments per
MSA, and the second was the fact that suburban governmentswhich experienced the
bulk of population growth in metropolitan
areasplayed a greater nancial role in the
delivery of public services than they had 20
years earlier.
Philadelphia continued to have the highest
score on the metropolitan fragmentation index at 15.4. St Louis and Boston retained the
second and third positions, respectively.
Chicago jumped from seventh to fourth with
a 46.1 per cent increase in the index, from
8.3 to 12.1. Pittsburgh, ScrantonWilkes
Barre, PA, and MinneapolisSt Paul completed the top seven most-fragmented MSAs
in 1992. The greatest absolute change in the
MFI occurred in Chicago, 3.8 points. Houston and St Louis were next with a 2.1 increase in their scores. They were followed by
Lake County, IL (1.9) and Joliet, IL (1.9).
Chicagos 46 per cent increase in the MFI
made it the most fragmenting MSA during
the 197292 period. Five other metropolitan
areas also had an increase in their scores
greater than 40 per cent: Houston (44 per
cent); Galveston, TX (44 per cent);
Tuscaloosa, AL (42 per cent); Greeley, CO
(42 per cent); and Midland, TX (41 per cent).
This all suggests that MSAs in the Midwest,
South and West might have been decentralis-
858
Median
Mean
25th
percentile
75th
percentile
By MSA size
Large (over 2 million)
Medium-large (12 millions)
Medium (500 000 to 1 million)
Medium-small (250 000 to 500 000)
Small (under 250 000)
24
32
41
73
141
6.73
5.41
4.34
3.68
3.04
7.59
5.39
4.55
3.97
3.29
4.87
3.56
3.37
3.03
2.30
9.30
7.49
5.14
4.52
4.01
Total
311
3.67
4.16
2.75
4.97
By region
Northeast
Midwest
South
West
46
87
122
56
5.78
4.32
3.04
3.36
6.39
4.62
3.22
3.69
4.63
2.95
2.30
2.76
7.84
5.13
3.90
4.13
Total
311
3.67
4.16
2.75
4.97
Population size
F 5 87.52
sig. 000
F 5 43.61
sig. 000
Source: Calculated by the authors from data in US Bureau of the Census (1992)
Table 5. Metropolitan fragmentation index (MFI), 1992 (by both MSA size and region)
Population size
Northeast
Midwest
South
West
Total
8.93
7.04
7.22
5.40
4.99
10.36
6.96
4.77
4.67
3.75
5.61
3.56
3.92
3.31
2.61
5.71
5.85
3.11
3.35
2.99
7.65
5.85
4.76
4.19
3.59
Total
6.39
4.62
3.22
3.69
4.16
Source: Calculated by the authors from data in US Bureau of the Census (1992).
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859
Count
Mean
25th percentile
75th percentile
By MSA size
Large (over 2 million)
Medium-large (12 millions)
Medium (500 000 to 1 million)
Medium-small (250 000 to 500 000)
Small (under 250 000)
24
32
41
73
141
14.2
8.2
7.6
8.1
8.6
5.2
3.8
0.3
3.8
6.0
13.0
14.5
5.1
1.6
10.8
Total
311
8.7
6.6
7.3
By region
Northeast
Midwest
South
West
46
87
122
56
9.0
7.4
8.9
10.3
9.7
2.1
8.0
7.8
7.5
4.9
9.9
2 1.0
Total
311
8.7
6.6
7.3
F 5 0.15
sig. ns
F 5 1.299
sig. ns
Source: Calculated by the authors from the data available in Tables 25.
Table 7. Metropolitan fragmentation index, 197292 (percentage change)
Population size
Large (over 2 million)
Medium-large (12 millions)
Medium (500 000 to 1 million)
Medium-small (250 000 to 500 000)
Small (under 250 000)
Total
Northeast
Midwest
South
West
Total
10.4
5.5
11.1
9.1
9.2
19.6
10.4
7.0
8.3
5.6
14.8
7.4
6.8
6.9
10.2
13.8
11.6
6.8
9.8
10.5
14.2
8.2
7.6
8.1
8.6
9.0
7.4
8.9
10.3
8.7
F 5 0.549
sig. ns
Source: Calculated by the authors from the data available in Tables 25.
860
Score
Northeast
Midwest
South
West
Total
1.002.00
2.003.00
3.004.00
4.005.00
5.007.50
7.50 1
2
8
10
15
11
1
21
19
26
16
4
26
42
33
17
4
10
15
17
5
9
37
80
77
58
44
15
46
87
122
56
311
Total
Source: Calculated by the authors.
Percentage change
Northeast
Midwest
South
West
Total
Centralising
Slow centralising
Slow decentralising
Rapid decentralising
Hyper decentralising
2 5 or more
05
010
1020
20 or more
3
24
15
4
5
18
34
20
10
16
13
41
33
19
7
1
16
22
10
28
35
115
90
43
46
87
122
56
311
Total
Source: Calculated by the authors.
861
Score
Northeast
Midwest
South
West
Total
1.002.00
2.003.00
3.004.00
4.005.00
5.007.50
7.50 1
1
5
10
16
14
22
13
24
19
9
17
42
34
22
6
1
3
14
24
5
9
1
20
79
76
61
50
25
46
87
122
56
311
Total
Source: Calculated by the authors.
862
863
864
865
rather obvious scale economies, without local citizens losing control of their neighborhoods. There are distinct advantages and
limitations, in terms of metropolitan
ef ciency and equity. But it is frequently
advocated as the best possible compromise
(Stephens and Wikstrom, 2000, pp. 167
174).
There are merely two examples of threetier reform in the US today: MinneapolisSt
Paul and Portland, OR. Both are celebrated
by the new Regional Coalition (see Leo,
1998, and Rusk, 1999). They represent a
halfway house between federated structures
and consolidated metropolitan government.
Each has unique characteristics. The older of
the two, MinneapolisSt Paul, was established in 1967. It was done by the state
legislature of Minnesota, and has a 16-member regional council, appointed by the governor, which exercises policy-review powers
and provides regionwide services. The region
also bene ts from revenue sharing, evening
out the scal resources of local governmental
units.
Portland Metropolitan Service District
came into existence in 1979. It was based on
a long history of regional co-operation, involving special service districts and the local
COG, the Columbia Regional Association of
Governments. Metro was part of a package
proposed by Oregon governor Tom McCall
as a radical no growth policy, to protect
northern Cascadia from the fate of sprawlinfested California. It was passed by the state
legislature and approved by the voters. Metro
has a seven-member elected council with
policy-review and service-delivery functions.
As part of its land-use planning mandate, it
operates a regional greenbelt, called the
metropolitan urban growth boundary, UGB.
The UGB was approved by the statewide
Oregon Land Conservation and Development
Commission, and speci cally operates to
stop urban sprawl beyond the boundary and
promote more intensive, new urbanismtype development in the City of Portland and
its inner-ring suburbs (see Weitz, 1999).
Portland and MinneapolisSt Paul, without
creating another level of general government,
866
ment of housing for low-income households, either by regional vouchers or regional new subsidies or by requiring
developers to build a share of affordable
housing in each new project.
A fth tactic is regional operation of public transit systems and highways, including
new facility construction.
A nal tactic is vigorous regional enforcement of laws against racial discrimination. 8
Effectively adopting any of these tactics,
or certainly most of them together, would
likely require a strong regionwide implementing body.
Myron Or eld, head of the Metropolitan
Area Research Corporation in Minneapolis,
gives an in-depth statement of the Regional
Coalitions analysis in Metropolitics: A Regional Agenda for Community and Stability
(1997), and provides a summary for action in
hyper-fragmented Chicago by the US Congress (1998): 9
In order to stabilize the central cities and
older suburbs and prevent metropolitan
polarisation, there are six substantive reforms that must be accomplished on a
metropolitan scale. The reforms are interrelated and reinforce each other substantively and politically. They are: (1)
property tax-base equity; (2) reinvestment;
and (3) fair housing. Together these reforms provide resource equity, support the
physical rebuilding necessary to bring
back the middle class and private economy, and gradually relieve the concentrated
social
need
that
exists
disproportionately in older suburban communities. The second three(4) land planning/growth management coordinated with
infrastructure; (5) welfare reform/public
works; and (6) transport/transit reform
reinforce the rst three and allow them to
operate ef ciently and sustainably. In addition, these reforms provide for growth
that is balanced socioeconomically, accessible by transit, economical with
governmental resources, and environmentally conscious (Or eld, 1998, p. 35).
867
868
869
870
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
871
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Table A1 were added together for each government unit to generate the total spending by that
government. Obviously, some governments, like
special purpose districts, might spend in only one
of the categories, while others, like many city
governments, might spend in almost all categories. Each governments percentage of the total
spending was computed and the square root was
taken and added together to generate the fragmentation index for each MSA.
For a more detailed but still preliminary analysis, MSAs were grouped into two categories
based on our current understanding of what factors seem to affect the structure of metropolitan
organisational designs: population and geography.