Q.

Prisons,intheircontemporaryformandfunctioning,mayseemlikeanisolated
inventionthatappearedsuddenlyattheendoftheeighteenthcentury.Butyoushow
that,onthecontrary,theiroriginshouldbetracedtoamuchmoreprofoundsocial
change.
A.Whenwereadthegreathistoriansoftheclassicera,wecanseethattoagreat
degreetheadministrativemonarchyascentralizedandbureaucratizedasitcould
possiblebewas,inspiteofthat,anirregularanddiscontinuingpowerstructurethat
allowedindividualsandgroupsacertainlatitudetotwistthelaw,toestablish
customsthatsuitedthem,tofindawayofslippingaroundobligations,etc.
TheAncienRegimewasloadeddownwithhundredsofthousandsofordinances,that
wereneverenforced,rightsthatnooneexercised,andregulationsthatmassesof
peopleignored.Forexample,notonlytraditionalfiscalfraudbutalsothemost
blatantsmugglingwaspartandparceloftheeconomiclifeofthekingdom.Inshort,a
perpetualgiveandtakebetweenlegalityandlawbreakingwasoneoftheconditions
underwhichauthorityoperated.
Inthesecondhalfofthe18thcenturythissystemoftolerancechanged.New
economicconditionsandthepoliticalfearofpopularmovements,whichbecame
chronicinFranceaftertheRevolution,demandedadifferentsocial
arrangement.
Theexerciseofpowerhadtobecomemorerefined,moreclearcutandbetweenthe
centralizeddecisionmakingapparatusandtheindividualascontinuousaconnection
aspossiblehadtobeformed.Thisoccasionedtheappearanceofthepoliceforce,the
administrativehierarchy,thebureaucraticpyramidoftheNapoleonicstate.
Longbefore1789,juristsand"reformers"haddreamedofasocietyinwhich
punishmentswouldbeuniform,wherechastisementsforlawbreakingwouldbe
unavoidableandequal,withnoexceptionorevasionpossible.
Suddenly,corporalpunishment,thegrandritualofchastisementdesignedtoarouse
fearandactasadeterrentwhich,however,manycriminalsescapeddisappeared
beforethedemandforauniversalityofpunishmentconcretizedintheprisonsystem.
Q.Butwhyprisonsratherthansomeothersystems?Whatisthecentralroleof
enclosing,cloistering,the"guilty"party?

A.Youaskwhereprisonscomefrom.Myansweris"frompracticallyeverywhere."
Somethingwas"invented,"tobesure,butitwasanentiretechniqueofsurveillance:
thecontrolandidentificationofindividuals,theregulationoftheirmovements,
activity,andeffectiveness.
Thistookplaceinthe16thand17thcenturiesinthearmy,colleges,schools,hospitals
andworkplaces.Itboileddowntoatechnologythatmadepossibleexact,daybyday
poweroverbodies.Prisonistheultimateembodimentofthatageofdiscipline.
Thesocialroleofinternmentistobediscoveredintermsofapersonwhobeginsto
emergeinthe19thcentury:thedelinquent.Thisestablishmentofthecriminalworld
isabsolutelycorrelatedwiththeexistenceofprisons.Withinthemasses,asmallcore
ofpeoplebecame,sotospeak,theprivilegedandexclusivelicenseesofcriminal
activity.
Intheclassicage,onthecontrary,violence,pettythieveryandembezzlement( to steal
money that you have been trusted with) wereextremelycommonand,inthelongrun,were
toleratedbyeveryone.Themalefactor,itseems,wasabletomeltveryeasilyinto
society.Ifhehappenedtogetcaught,penalprocedureswereswiftanddefinitive:
death,lifeinthegalleys,banishment.
Thecriminalworldwasnotsoclosedinonitself,somethingthatdeveloped
essentiallyoutoftheexistenceofprisons,outofthe"marinade"ofprisonsocietythat
formsamicrosocietyinwhichmenfindrealsolidaritythatwillprovidethem,on
theirrelease,withmutualsupport.
Prisonisarecruitmentcenterforthearmyofcrime.Thatiswhatitachieves.For
200yearseverybodyhasbeensaying,"Prisonsarefailing;alltheydoisproduce
newcriminals."Iwouldsayontheotherhand,"Theyareasuccess,sincethatis
whathasbeenaskedofthem."
Q.Nevertheless,overandoverwehearthatprison,atleastideally,should"cure"or
"readapt"thecriminal.Itisorshouldbe,wesaymore"therapeutic"thanpunitive.
A.Criminalpsychiatryandpsychologyriskbecomingtheultimatealibibehindwhich
theprevailingsystemwillhideinordertoremainunchanged.Theycouldnot
possiblysuggestaseriousalternativetotheprisonsystemforthesimplereasonthat
theyowetheiroriginstoit.

Theprisonsestablishedimmediatelyafterthepenalcodepresentedthemselves
fromtheoutsetasaninstrumentofpsychologicalcorrection.Prisonwasa
medicojudicialremedy.Placingeverysingleprisonerunderthecareofa
psychotherapistwouldinnowaychangethepowersystembuiltongeneralized
surveillanceestablishedatthebeginningogthe19thcentury.
Q.Thereremainsthequestionofwhat"benefit"therulingclassderivesfromthe
establishmentofthisarmyofcrimeofwhichyouspeak.
A.Well,tobeginwith,itmakesitpossibletobreakupthecontinuityofaccepted
lawbreaking.Ineffect,itisolatesasmallgroupwhocanbecontrolled,kept
undersurveillance,andthoroughlyknown.Theybecometheobjectofhostility
anddistrustoftheveryclassesfromwhichtheycome.Forthepoorarethemost
frequentvictimsofmosteverydaycrimes.
Theresultinthefinalanalysisisgiganticeconomicandpoliticalprofit:
Economicprofitfromthefabuloussumsderivedfromprostitution,drugtraffic,
etc.Politicalprofitinthatthemorecriminalstherearethemorereadilythe
populationwillacceptpolicecontrols.
Nottomentionthatthissystemprovidesaworkforceforthelowliestpolitical
jobs:puttingupposters,pollwatching,strikebreaking.UndertheSecondEmpire,
theworkerswerequiteawarethatthe"scabs,"aswellasLouisNapoleon'santiriot
forces,wereallexprisoners.
Q.Then,allthetalkandactivityaboutprison"reform"and"humanization"isjust
subterfuge?
A.ItseemstomethatwhethertheprisonersgetanextrachocolatebaronChristmas
orareletouttomaketheirEasterDutyisnottherealpoliticalissue.Whatwehaveto
denounceisnotsomuchthe"human"sideoflifeinprisonbutrathertheirreal
socialfunctionthatis,toserveastheinstrumentthatcreatesacriminalmilieu
thattherulingclassescancontrol.
A.Itwouldbepureillusiontobelievethatlawsaremadetoberespected,orthatthe
policeandcourtsareintendedtomakethemrespected.Onlyindisembodiedtheory
couldwepretendthatwehaveonceandforallsubscribedtothelawsofthesociety
towhichwebelong.Itiscommonknowledgethatlawsaremadebycertainpeople
forotherpeopletokeep.

Butwecangofurther.Lawbreakingisnotanaccident,amoreorless
unavoidableimperfection.Rather,itisapositiveelementofthefunctioningof
society.Itsroleispartofageneralstrategy.Everylegislativearrangementsets
upprivilegedandprofitableareaswherethelawcanbeviolated,otherswhereit
canbeignored,andotherswhereinfractionsaresanctioned.