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Abstract
Irregular immigration in the European Union is increasingly becoming a hot topic in political
debates all around the continent. Concerns over its impact on national security, however, tend
to be influenced mainly by cultural stereotypes and politically construed arguments, than by
empirical evidence. This article looks at contemporary developments in national security
studies, particularly at analyses on the securitizing of immigration and the emergence of new
concepts of soft security. Parallel to this trend, policy shifts and new approaches at tackling
irregular immigration are observed in the EUs common policy strategies. They acknowledge
the need for a comprehensive approach that must address the root causes of immigration and
tacitly distance themselves from the securitization logic. Country-specific data and
challenges, posed by irregular migration, presented on the case of Slovenia, also confirm
these findings.
Keywords: immigration, irregular migration, national security, securitization, European
Union, Slovenia
1. Introduction
1 Parts of this study were presented at the Central European Forum on Military
Education Students Scientific Conference Conflicts of the 21 st Century - Central
European Perspective at the National Defence University in Warsaw, Poland in
May 2015.
International migrations, particularly immigration to the European Union (EU), have been
extensively thematised, both through an enemy at the gates and a lifeline for development
paradigms. It is no news that many a European country has long been jealously protecting its
borders and attentively controlling whom to concede its welfare means. Almost at the same
time, economists and sociologists alike, admittedly emphasised the need for young and fresh
forces to be allowed into national economies in order to provide the much-needed workforce
and to counter the worrying ageing rate of old European populations. The confrontation
between the two views has been obviously reproduced through national and common policies
on immigration, with the latter gaining momentum as human rights activist groups and
general social awareness increasingly raised their voices in view of recent refugee crises on
the doorsteps of Europe.
This article aims at showing just how this shift came about and what are the forces operating
behind the paradigm, which links irregular immigration with national security concerns. It
first starts with presenting the available data on irregular immigration to the EU. Next, it
summarizes the mechanisms and impacts of irregular immigration from the point of view of
receiving countries. Those are then analysed in national security terms with regard to pertinent
security theories and, towards the end, recent developments of EUs policies on the subject
are presented. Finally, attention is given to the impact of irregular immigration, looked at from
a security perspective, on the case of Slovenia.
2. Telling numbers?
As a staple accompanying element of demographic change, international migrations are
substantially contributing to the (re)production and evolution of national politico-economic
environments. Besides providing for a constant influx of much-needed and inexpensive labour
force and countering the preoccupying trends in population ageing, unsolicited immigration
fosters various clusters of undesired phenomena as well.
A substantive portion of the migrating populace is in fact comprised of irregular
migrants. These are subjects who migrate to, and then stay and/or work in a country, without
the necessary permits or authorization. The scale or proportion of such irregular migrations is
particularly hard to comprehend for self-evident reasons. The data collected, therefore, rests
primarily on various security agencies reports and on the work of dedicated scientific and
humanitarian groups. The values produced this way can ultimately be only more or less rough
estimates, depending heavily on the efficacy and will power of border control and other
security institutions.2
In trying to summarize the reports and empirical data on the subject of immigration to the EU,
no univocal conclusion can be drawn. Data on legal immigrants residing in the EU show
hardly any change, while values concerning populations of asylum seekers, as well as
estimates on irregular immigrants diverge greatly (cf. Table 1 and Figures 1 and 2). At a more
in-depth look, however, the picture becomes even more complex.
Table 1: Numbers of non-EU nationals migrating to and residing in the EU3
[Insert Table 1 here]
Firstly, one of the biggest and already mentioned problems pertains to the sole act of data
collection, especially concerning the numbers of irregular immigrants. Although there are
various institutions dealing with and analysing the matter, they still rely largely on figures, fed
by individual national security bodies which carry out the work in situ. To illustrate thisestimate numbers of irregular immigrants residing inside the EU spanned between 1,9 and
3,8 million and all the way up to 4,5 - 8 million, according to different sources. 5 There have
been steps taken toward a uniform and regulated data collection system, however, which
would make data analysis and comparison easier and more transparent, chiefly through the
adoption of the Regulation (EC) 862/2007.6
[Insert Figure 2 here]
Figure 2: Aggregate estimates of irregular resident populations7
Secondly, figures on asylum seeking immigrants and refugees have shown considerable
fluctuations in numbers in the past decades. The last rise in asylum applications lodged was in
2014, when in Italy it reached an increment of 124% (!) compared to the year before. 8
Besides, recent events have shown that flows of asylum seekers and other irregular
immigrants, particularly those coming from North Africa, tend to be rather unstable and
adaptive to current shifts in the political-economic atmosphere. This means that in the case of
a worsening of the socio-economic situation in countries of transition and especially in the
immigrants home countries, the migration flow would increase. Conversely, immigration
fluxes tend to decrease when the situation in the country of destination deteriorates, be it in
economic terms or through the adoption of more strict border control policies. Examples of
such surges in immigration flows could be observed during the crises in Libya and Tunisia
and, more recently, from Kosovo, where economic instability and political speculation
boosted emigration to the West.9
affecting local and national economies in various ways are hence met with mixed feelings.
Examples of institutionalized standpoints on the matter are all but hard to find. A
communication of the European Commission regarding the fight against irregular
immigration for example reads: Illegal entry, transit and stay of third-country nationals who
are not in need of international protection undermine the credibility of the common
immigration policy. Without reinforced Community action, the crisis as already seen and
perceived today would increase both in qualitative and quantitative terms. 11 But even from a
more general standpoint: Irregular migration is perceived as a threat to the European Union,
and security concerns are almost automatically attributed to it. 12 But exactly which are the
direct and subsequent effects of irregular immigration on the receiving societies, that produce
such standpoints?
from the native and the regular migrant population; asylum seekers and
undocumented migrants are perceived as illegitimate users of the welfare
system, living in publicly financed shelters and using services such as
emergency health care while working in the shadow economy.14
What is important to stress at this point is, however obvious it may seem, that the above
mentioned broadly-shared views are essentially what they are said to be perceptions.
Commonly, irregular migrants or attempts of third country nationals to enter the territory of
the Union are presented to be undesired for no specified reason, but seemingly for the mere
fact of being identified as illegal.15 Empirical evidence in fact falls surprisingly short of
statistics that would support those claims, at least in a generalizing sort of manner in which
they are given. Again, acquiring tangible data on the scale and spread of black economy and
related figures is a challenging task in its own right. Applying and comparing the findings
with another elusive measure, like the extent and structure of the irregular immigrant
population, makes it then all the more daunting.
Nevertheless, analysing the specific points presented in the quotation above, some founded
objections do present themselves. Firstly, informal work arrangements are evidently the only
option for an immigrant without the proper permits to seek subsistence. The majority of
immigrants being young and with little or no proper education, the jobs available for them are
usually those that require low-skilled, often manual labour force (e.g. in construction,
agriculture, tourism and other low-paying and unpopular sectors). To some extent the
population of (il)legal immigrants provides the niche workforce for certain segments of the
economy that would otherwise hardly operate. 16 Secondly, while looking at empirical data
comparing crime rates and foreign minorities, the correlation between the two is hard to miss.
So far, statistical evidence shows that among immigrant populations, crime rates rise
considerably.17 Thirdly, in regard to the claim that irregular immigrants usurp the mechanism
of the welfare state while at the same time contributing to the shadow economy, a swift revisit
of the above mentioned entwinement between social dependency and informal economy
shows this to be a self-perpetuating problem. 18 Apart from the more straightforward fears and
preconceptions about public safety and rising unemployment which the presence of an
irregular immigrant population on a territory provokes in the native population, national
governments concerns and discourse target wider economic and political implications of an
informal populace and the workings of the shadow economy.
Mainly, the most frequent and debated concerns over national security which arise out of the
irregular immigration phenomenon deal with:
-
17 See Killias, M. EU-US Immigration Systems 2011/19 Immigration and Crime: The
European Experience. San Domenico di Fiesole, 2011. Accessed April 10, 2015.
http://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/18960/EU-US%20Immigration%20Systems
%202011_19.pdf?sequence=1 and Aebi M. et al. European Sourcebook of Crime and
Criminal Justice Statistics 2014. Helsinki, 2014. Accessed April 11, 2015.
http://www.heuni.fi/en/index/publications/heunireports.html.
18 For a detailed analisys on the subject see De la Rica, S., A. Glitz and F. Ortega.
Immigration in Europe: Trends, Policies and Empirical Evidence. IZA Discussion
Paper No. 7778. Accessed April 10, 2015. http://ftp.iza.org/dp7778.pdf.
19 Adapted from: Kraler, A. and M. Rogoz. Irregular Migration in the European
Union Since the Turn of the Millennium Development, Economic Background
and Discussion. Database on Irregular Migration, Working paper 11/2011, p. 22.
Accessed April 24, 2015. http://irregular-migration.net; Niemann and
Schmidthussler, op. cit. and Zbytniewska, K. and K. Kokoszczyski. Italian
ambassador: Illegal Immigration Poses Security Threat to Europe.
Euractiv.com, February 9, 2015. Accessed April 4, 2015.
http://www.euractiv.com/sections/eu-priorities-2020/italian-ambassador-illegalimmigration-poses-security-threat-europe and Cottey, A, Security in the New
Europe. Hampshire, 2007.
4.
address salient new phenomena; a critical approach is however needed in order to avoid
succumbing into analytical vagueness or inflation of the concepts.
Very close to the problem of defining security, as presented above, and naming the
related threats, lays the praxis of securitization. Namely, labelling certain groups or
phenomena as threats to national security, provoking hostile attitudes and consequently
pushing forward policies to counter the envisaged threat securitization comes as a powerful
instrument at the disposal of the ruling actors of state. More specifically however, as Wver
famously puts it, securitization can be seen as a speech act. This is to say that security per se
does not positively refer to any particular state or order of things out there, but is construed
through the act of speaking about it. In other terms: By uttering security, a staterepresentative moves a particular development into a specific area, and thereby claims a
special right to use whatever means are necessary to block it.
23
foresee the potential for manipulative practices in such politically constructed- securitized
realities.
Nonetheless, new and topical concepts on security are being developed, primarily
through the endeavour to exposing pressing issues in fields, other than national security. Not
only that, but with the reshaping of the security environment as a whole, radical new
conceptions of various securities (and their ends) were presented as well.24 The already
mentioned notion of societal security is one such example. Based on the same national
security logic, analysing the crucial points and workings of a community/state to survive, it
develops from the state-sovereignty dyad, a society-identity nexus. 25 Shifting the referent
object from sovereignty to identity, a whole new dimension of possible threats is consequently
developed. From observing the phenomenon of deterritorialization of states sovereignty as
resulting from different mechanics of globalization, key national identity issues are prone to
23 Ibid., p. 73.
24 The Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues: /
/security should be thought of in terms of economic and political, as well as
military objectives; that military security is a means, while the economic security
of individuals, or the social security of citizens to chart futures in a manner of
their own choosing, or the political security that follows when the international
system [is] capable of peaceful and orderly change were ends in themselves.
(brackets in original), cited in Rotcshild, op. cit., p. 3.
25 Ibid., p. 83.
4.2. Between policing and promoting development: EUs take on irregular immigration
The problems, or rather the various consequences of immigration to European countries, have
been constantly (re)surfacing in the political mainstream, particularly from the end of the
Cold War on. Traditional migration trends from East to West and from South to North were
accentuated during critical periods, especially by political transformations and regional crises
(e.g. the dissolution of the Eastern Bloc, several EU enlargements, the Balkan Wars etc.).
Being closely linked to the cardinal concept of territorial sovereignty, however, the
administering and management of border control and the related immigration policies, were
all held in the exclusive domain of national governments. Eventually, following the
implementation of the Schengen area, policies and mechanisms regulating populational
movements were gradually delegated to supranational-EU levels.
Primarily, security concerns were focused on internal threats, mainly: organised crime and
terrorism; which were addressed within the framework of cooperation on Justice and Home
Affairs (JHA), later incorporated into the concept of Area of Freedom, Security and Justice
(ASFJ). Following the enlargements and the progressive empowerment of institutions of the
Union, different agencies and programmes were founded to tackle rising issues. In this way,
Europol, Frontex, the Schengen Information System (SIS), the Common European Asylum
System and many others were formed. The two main institutions currently operating in these
fields are the Directorate General for Migration and Home Affairs (DG HOME) and the
European External Action Service (EEAS).26
26 See: http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/index_en.htm and
http://eeas.europa.eu/index_en.htm.
Irregular immigration per se has not been dealt with through a holistic approach. Instead,
great effort was put into combating its symptoms. That is, strengthening border control,
cracking down on smugglers and traffickers and facilitating the return of undocumented
immigrants to the countries of origin or transit. Some of the praxes invoked were met with
loud disapproval from both- non-governmental organisations and the wider public. The most
infamous being the plan to employ military units from within the Common Security and
Defence Policy (CSDP) to track down and destroy ships and vessels that could be potentially
used for trafficking immigrants.27 Less discussed, although not much less intrusive- the bilateral agreements on the returning of detected irregular migrants (including failed asylum
seekers) which, coupled with pressures to enforce control over the transit of migrants over
their territories, were often imposed on countries in the process of negotiating accession, and
others on the receiving side of different kinds of aid.28
Besides moral and humanitarian reservations, the reach and efficacy of several policies aimed
at curbing irregular immigration have been put into question by researchers and scholars
alike. The already mentioned boosting of police and surveillance operations focused on
screening and data gathering is producing a singular paradox. By tightening control over
borders and increasing security checks over the movement of people, it is by-producing
impressions of insecurity and at the same time encroaching on the same virtues of civil rights
and liberties it is purported to protect. Not to mention the fact, that the vast majority of
irregular immigrants does not reach the EU by crossing land or sea borders, it is in fact
27 Cf. European Commission. A European Agenda on Migration. Brussels,
13.5.2015. http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/what-we-do/policies/europeanagenda-migration/backgroundinformation/docs/communication_on_the_european_agenda_on_migration_en.pdf
and Glazebrook, D. EUs war on migrants will boost ISIS but perhaps that is the
point. RT News. Published time: May 18, 2015 17:15. http://rt.com/opedge/259685-eu-migrants-africa-military-action.
28 See: Marsh, S. and W. Rees, The European Union in the Security of Europe:
From Cold War to Terror War. Oxon, 2012, pp. 23-26; Bigo, D. Immigration
Controls and Free Movement in Europe. International Review of the Red Cross,
Volume 91, Number 875, September 2009.
https://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/other/irrc-875-bigo.pdf and Open Society
Initiative for Europe, Understanding Migration and Asylum in the European Union.
Last updated April 2015.
http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/explainers/understanding-migration-andasylum-european-union.
comprised of those who enter the territory legally and only later outstay their tourist visas, and
it accounts to almost 75% of so-called unlawful migration flows..29
There were, however, positive steps being taken towards approaching the immigration
problematic in a more comprehensive manner. Already since 2005 the Global Approach to
Migration and Mobility (GAMM) has acknowledged that a crucial part of remedying the
problem of immigration currents lies in the partnership relations with the countries of origin.
More recently, a new European Agenda on Migration has been presented. It stresses, among
other, that: To try to halt the human misery created by those who exploit migrants, we need
to use the EU's global role and wide range of tools to address the root causes of migration.
Some of these are deep-seated but must be addressed.. 30 Indeed, the medium to long term
priorities of the agenda include prospects of furthered cooperation and assistance to countries
facing social and humanitarian crises. Some of those are directly connected to the already
implemented instruments of European Neighbourhood (ENI) and the Directorate General for
International Cooperation and Developments (EuropeAid) policies. Many of those policies,
however, were firstly developed from notions of moral obligation, historical legacy and
economic imperative31, and are only recently being re-presented as vectors of irregularimmigration-relief.
Indian citizens from Dubai via Serbia, Pakistanis and many others.32 A telling sign of the
importance and scale of the Balkan route is the yearly net worth of trafficked drugs a past
estimate put it at USD 400 billion.33
Traditionally, Slovenias role in the smuggling of immigrants was primarily one of a transit
country. However, the largest numbers of irregular immigrants arriving on its territory were
recorded at the beginning of the 1990s, when they reached an estimated 70.000 and in 2000,
when the number grew to over 35.000.34 The reported figures correspond chronologically to
the beginning and ending of the Yugoslav wars, thus explaining the dramatic increase. After
the last surge in 2000, the numbers of detected illegal border crossings fluctuated slightly yet
still presenting a steady decline as shown in the figure below.
[Insert Figure 3 here]
Figure 4: Illegal border crossings detected35
Following the accession to the EU in 2004 the inclusion into the Schengen area in 2007
opened up Slovenias borders with Italy, Austria and Hungary, while at the same time
consolidating the border with Croatia, having it become EUs outer border. Border control
activities have since been considerably increased, partly also due to intensified cooperation of
state institutions within the international framework, i.e. with institutions like the
aforementioned Frontex, SIRENE (Supplementary Information Request at National Entry),
SELEC (Southeast European Law Enforcement Center) and others. Much of the irregular
immigration as well as smuggling on the Balkan route have thus diverted through Hungary. 36
The total numbers of illegal border crossings detected on the West Balkan route, however,
32 Prezelj, I. and M. Gaber. Smuggling as a Threat to National and International
Security: Slovenia and the Balkan Route. Garmisch-Partenkirchen, 2005.
33 Iduygu and Toktas in ibid., p. 24.
34 Ibid., p. 24 and Lebar, J. The Effect of Illegal Migrations on the National Security of the
Republic of Slovenia, Masters Thesis. Koper, 2011, p. 21.
35 Data source: Policija. Annual Report on the Work of the Police for the Year 2002,
2006, 2010, 2014 and Frontex, Annual risk analysis 2015. Accessed April 27, 2015.
http://frontex.europa.eu/assets/Publications/Risk_Analysis/Annual_Risk_Analysis_2015.pdf.
increased dramatically twofold since the previous year. Even more substantial is the
increase in the net number of Kosovo citizens detected. Values show a remarkable, tenfold
increase in only a few months span resulting in Kosovo citizens accounting for more than half
of all the detections.37
As mentioned earlier, the Balkan route encompasses channels for traffic of various illegal
goods. The illicit traffic of cannabis in the EU, for example, has shown a decrease in the
amounts imported from third countries, primarily because the increase in domestic production
made up for part of the demand. Exceptions to this trend are countries of southeast Europe,
including Slovenia, for which: //mainly Albanian cannabis supplies the customer
demand.38 It is noteworthy to stress that observations have already been made about the
steady strengthening of Albanian mafia and its potential security implications for the whole
region.39 Last but not least, one of the most infamous trades within transnational organised
crime is the trafficking of weapons. Closely linked to smuggling routes of other trafficker
groups, it played a prominent role throughout the battlefields of the recent Yugoslav wars. An
estimated 800.000 illegally civilian-owned weapons are deemed to be located in Bosnia and
Herzegovina alone.40 In view of the most recent terrorist attacks on European soil 41 and seeing
them being performed ever more frequently, such numbers indeed provoke well-founded
concerns over many a security aspect.
Even though at first glance statistics on legal and irregular immigration to Slovenia suggest a
positive trend in terms of security, they certainly do not expose the whole picture. There are in
fact present instances that could potentially occasion for further spread of violent and/or
36 Policija. Annual Report on the Work of the Police for the Year 2014. Accessed
April 29, 2015. http://www.policija.si/index.php/statistika/letna-poroila.
37 Frontex. Annual risk op. cit., p. 22.
38 Ibid., p. 34.
39 Prezelj and Gaber, op. cit., p. 16.
40 Frontex. Annual risk op. cit., p. 36.
41 Note this years shooting at the offices of satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo in
Paris and the more recent terrorist attack on the police station in Zvornik, Bosnia.
organised criminality, mainly the smuggling of drugs and weapons and the related
strengthening of organised criminal organisations, potentially leading even to occurrences of
terrorist attacks.42
The picture of the irregular migration problematic, framed in the security perspective, can be
viewed also in another way, if focused on the internal conditions. Both, long-term internal
stability and sustained management of human resources within the defence sector are affected
by the changing demographics, which are, in turn, directly and indirectly linked to
immigration. In instances like those, impacts and consequences, resulting from legal
immigration, can be anticipated for the irregular spectrum as well, albeit, to a varying extent.
In a publication on the findings of a 2009 research programme, titled Demographic, Ethnic
and Migration Dynamics in Slovenia and their Impact on the Slovenian Army43, the
researchers analysed the impacts of the changing demographic in relation to the effects it has
on the employability in the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF). The conclusions mainly pointed
to two central problems. One surrounds social stigma and the resulting troubles with socioeconomic inclusion that first- and second-generation immigrants face, while the other deals
with SAF recruitment issues in the view of a growing non-national, or immigrant, population.
Specifically, researchers advanced concrete policy proposals to tackle said issues. An oftmentioned proposition calls for the loosening of enrolment restrictions for residents
possessing two citizenships. Generally speaking, however, an institutionalised, wholesome
approach to cultural and ethnic diversity and the promoting and safeguarding of an
individuals cultural and ethnic identity, specifically within SAFs cadre, is deemed a crucial
starting point for further social and ethnic inclusion and for strengthening SAFs political and
symbolic representation in Slovenian society as a whole.
Summing it all up, it is possible to identify two potential irregular-migration-related security
issues for the Slovenian state. One is only pertinent if viewed in relation to activities of
organised crime groups and the trafficking of other goods and is already been dealt with in
terms of cross-national police cooperation and border security controls. The other may more
exactly be termed a soft security issue, insofar as it covers long-term social and political
42 Europol. European Union Terrorism Situation andTrend Report 2014, p. 13.
Accesed April 24, 2015. doi: 10.2813/15346.
43 itnik, J. S. (ed.) Demographic, Ethnic and Migration Dynamics in Slovenia and
their Impact on the Slovenian Army. Ljubljana, 2009.
stability and social inclusion issues. This latter, however, can only be addressed through large
scale civil support and political dialogue, thus making it a matter to be dealt with more within
a social dialogue framework, rather than within a national security discourse.
6. Conclusion
As already shown in the second and the following chapters, exact figures on the inpour of
irregular immigrant populations and its repercussions are hardly attainable. The causes and its
symptoms of human distress, on the other hand, are clear and in plain sight. Locking up the
gates and increased policing, on their own, are not going the limit the struggles of the
immigrant population to reaching for a better prospect of living on European soil, or diminish
its numbers.
Along with the pushes for the abolition of internal European borders and improved
international cooperation, a postmodern (inter)national security environment has been taking
shape. Together with the process of deterritorialization of national sovereignty came new
threats for national security. Following the delegation of powers and decision-making to a
supranational, EU, level and a re-orienting of nation states efforts in the domain of national
security, a new common consciousness emerged, albeit with a delay of several years. One
which acknowledges that, together with perks of the evolved common market and security
policy, also came new responsibilities. None of the currently employable mechanisms alone,
be it interventions in crisis areas, humanitarian relief aids or development programmes,
should be viewed as a panacea for the problems of immigration. Instead, they make up a
toolbox to be used within a framework of a comprehensive strategy. Evidently, European
forces do not lack the means, neither the resources, to operate within large scale operations
abroad. Instead, the main challenge lies in the proverbial reluctance of nation states to waiver
decision making on foreign policies, in order to comply with a consistent strategy. Therefore,
the only viable path appears to be a persistent struggle, particularly in domestic political
arenas, for the recognition of the need for a more cosmopolitan political view on the issue of
irregular immigration as a whole.
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