8888 Uprising - Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia

8888 Uprising - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
9/28/15, 11:31 AM
8888 Uprising
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"8888" redirects here. It is not to be confused with CSX 8888 incident.

The 8888 Nationwide Popular Pro-Democracy
Protests ; MLCTS: hrac le: lum: also known as the
8888 Uprising
People Power Uprising[6]) was a series of marches,

demonstrations, protests,[7] and riots[8] in Burma
(Myanmar). Key events occurred on 8 August 1988, and
therefore it is known as the 8888 Uprising.[9]
Since 1962, the country had been ruled by the Burma
Socialist Programme Party regime as a one-party state,
headed by General Ne Win. The catastrophic Burmese
Way to Socialism had turned Burma into one of the
world's most impoverished countries.[10][11][12] Many
firms in the formal sector of the economy were
nationalized and the government combined Soviet-style
central planning, although the process was rather
ineffective, with Buddhist and superstitious beliefs.[12]
The 8888 uprising was started by students in Yangon
(Rangoon) on 8 August 1988. Student protests spread
throughout the country.[3][10] Hundreds of thousands of
ochre-robed monks, children, youngsters, university
students, housewives, doctors and people from all walks
1st row: Protesters gathering at Sule Pagoda,

central Rangoon.
2nd row: Protesters rallying in Mandalay;
Aung San Suu Kyi addresses half a million of
of life demonstrated against the regime.[13][14] The

uprising ended on 18 September, after a bloody military
coup by the State Law and Order Restoration Council
(SLORC). Thousands of deaths have been attributed to
protesters at central Yangon.

3rd row: Soldiers about to open fire on
protesters; Two doctors carry a critically
wounded school girl.
the military during this uprising,[3][4][5] while authorities

in Myanmar put the figure at around 350 people
killed.[15][16]
During the crisis, Aung San Suu Kyi emerged as a
national icon. When the military junta arranged an
election in 1990, her party, the National League for
Democracy, won 80% of the seats in the government
(392 out of 492).[17] But the military junta suppressed
everything that could have developed from these
democratic achievements. Part of the strategy was to
place Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest. The State
Law and Order Restoration Council would be a cosmetic
change from the Burma Socialist Programme Party.[13]
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/8888_Uprising
Date
Location
Causes
12 March 1988 21 September 1988

Burma (Nationwide)
Withdrawal of currency notes
without compensation
Economic mismanagement
Failure of the Burmese Way to
Socialism
Police brutality
Corruption
Page 1 of 12
Suu Kyi's house arrest would be lifted no earlier than in

2010 when worldwide attention for her peaked again
during the making of the biographical film The Lady.
9/28/15, 11:31 AM
Military dictatorship
Goals
Democracy
Methods
Civil disobedience
Civil resistance
Demonstrations
Riots
Strike actions
Contents
1 Background
1.1 Economic problems
1.2 Early democracy protests
1.3 Ne Win resigns
2 Main protests
2.1 17 August
2.2 812 August
2.3 1331 August
2.4 September
3 SLORC "coup" and crackdown
4 Aftermath
5 Significance
6 See also
7 References
7.1 Bibliography
8 Further reading
9 External links
Status
Violently suppressed
Concessions
given
Pledged elections (results were

not honored)
Resignation of General Ne Win
Number
1 million protesters in Yangon

500,000 at Shwedagon Pagoda[1]
500,000 at Downtown Yangon
100,000 in Mandalay[2]
50,000 in Sittwe[2]
Unknown number countrywide
Background
Casualties
Economic problems
Death(s)
3,000-10,000 [3][4][5]
Tens of thousands of protesters
fled to Thailand and joined
insurgent groups, who were
later crushed by the army.
Before the crisis, Burma had been ruled by the repressive

and isolated regime of General Ne Win since 1962. The
country had a national debt of $3.5 billion and currency
reserves of between $20 million and $35 million, with
debt service ratios standing at half of the national
budget.[18] In November 1985, students gathered and
boycotted the government's decision to withdraw
Burmese local currency notes. Economic problems
coupled with counter-insurgency required continuous
Injuries
Unknown
Arrested
Unknown
involvement in the international market.[19]

On 5 September 1987, Ne Win announced the withdrawal of the newly replaced currency notes, 100, 75, 35
and 25 kyats, leaving only 45 and 90 kyat notes, apparently because only the latter two are numbers divisible
by 9, considered lucky by Ne Win.[20] Students were particularly angry at the government's decision as
savings for tuition fees were wiped out instantly.[21] Students from the Rangoon Institute of Technology
(RIT) ran riot through Rangoon, smashing windows and traffic lights down Insein Road.[22] Universities in
Page 2 of 12
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Rangoon closed and sent students home. Meanwhile, larger protests in Mandalay involved monks and
workers, with some burning government buildings and state businesses.[23] Burmese state media reported
little on the protests, but information quickly spread through the students.[23]
With the re-opening of schools in late October 1987, underground groups in Rangoon and Mandalay
produced dissident leaflets which culminated in bombs exploding in November.[23] Police later received
threatening letters from underground groups, who organised small protests around the university campus.[24]
After securing Least Developed Country status from the United Nations Economic and Social Council in
December 1987, government policy requiring farmers to sell produce below market rates to create greater
revenue for the government sparked several, violent rural protests.[25] The protests were fanned by public
letters to Ne Win by former second in command General Brigadier Aung Gyi from July 1987, reminding
him of the 1967 rice riots and condemning lack of economic reform, describing Burma as "almost a joke"
compared to other Southeast Asian nations. He was later arrested.[19][26]
Early democracy protests

On 12 March 1988, students from the RIT were arguing with out-of-school youths inside the Sanda Win tea
shop about music playing on a sound system.[6][23] A drunken youth would not return a tape that the RIT
students favored.[27] A brawl followed in which one youth, who was the son of a BSPP official, was arrested
and later released for injuring a student.[23] Students protested at a local police department where 500 riot
police were mobilized and in the ensuing clash, one student, Phone Maw, was shot and killed.[23] The
incident angered pro-democracy groups and the next day more students rallied at the RIT and spread to other
campuses.[28] The students, who had never protested before, increasingly saw themselves as activists.[23]
There was growing resentment towards military rule and there were no channels to address grievances,
further exacerbated by police brutality, economic mismanagement and corruption within the government.[6]
By mid-March, several protests had occurred and there was open dissent in the army. Various
demonstrations were broken up by using tear gas canisters to disperse crowds.[20] On 16 March, students
demanding an end to one party rule marched towards soldiers at Inya Lake when riot police stormed from
the rear, clubbing several students to death and raping others.[29] Several students recalled the police
shouting, "Don't let them escape" and "Kill them!".[30] Stories, some of which were later found out to have
been fabricated,[31] were circulating of the events of that day and quickly spread gaining popular support for
the movement. Unrest over economic mismanagement and political oppression by the government led to
widespread pro-democracy demonstrations throughout the country.
Ne Win resigns
Following the latest protests, authorities announced the closure of universities for several months.[32] By
June 1988, large demonstrations of students and sympathisers were a daily sight.[32] Many students,
sympathisers and riot police died throughout the month as the protests spread throughout Burma from
Rangoon. Large scale civil unrest was reported in Pegu, Mandalay, Tavoy, Toungoo, Sittwe, Pakokku,
Mergui, Minbu and Myitkyina.[33] Demonstrators in larger numbers demanded multi-party democracy,
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which marked Ne Win's resignation on 23 July 1988.[32] In a valedictory address, on 23 July 1988 Win
affirmed that "When the army shoots, it shoots to kill."[20] He also promised a multi-party system, but he
had appointed the largely disliked Sein Lwin, known as the "Butcher of Rangoon"[34] to head a new
government.[26]
Main protests
17 August
Protests reached their peak in August 1988. Students planned for a
nationwide demonstration on 8 August 1988, an auspicious date based
on numerological significance.[2] News of the protest reached rural
areas and four days prior to the national protest, students across the
country were denouncing Sein Lwin's regime and Tatmadaw troops
were being mobilized.[2] Pamphlets and posters appeared on the streets
of Rangoon bearing the fighting peacock insignia of the All-Burma
Flag of the Burma Socialist
Programme Party, the sole legal
political party that ruled the
country from 1962 to 1988.
Students Union.[35] Neighbourhood and strike committees were openly

formed on the advice of underground activists, many of which were
influenced by similar underground movements by workers and monks in
the 1980s.[35] Between 2 and 10 August, co-ordinated protests were
occurring in most Burmese towns.[36]
During this period, dissident newspapers were freely publishing, fighting-peacock banners were unfurled,
synchronised marches were held and rally speakers were protected.[35] In Rangoon, the first signs of the
movement began around the Buddhist full moon of Waso at the Shwedagon Pagoda when student
demonstrators emerged demanding support for the demonstrations.[37] Neighbourhood and strike
committees barricaded and defended neighbourhoods and mobilised further demonstrations.[35] In some
areas, committees built makeshift stages where speakers addressed the crowds and brought donations to
support rallies.[38]
In the first few days of the Rangoon protests, activists contacted lawyers
and monks[39] in Mandalay to encourage them to take part in the
protests.[38] The students were quickly joined by Burmese citizens from
all walks of life, including government workers, Buddhist monks, air
force and navy personnel, customs officers, teachers and hospital staff.
The demonstrations in the streets of Rangoon became a focal point for
other demonstrations, which spread to other states' capitals.[40] 10,000
protesters alone demonstrated outside the Sule Pagoda in Rangoon,
where demonstrators burned and buried effigies of Ne Win and Sein
The NLD Flag depicting a fighting

peacock became a symbol of the
protests on the streets of Burma.
Lwin in coffins decorated with demonetized bank notes.[20] Further
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protests took place around the country at stadiums and hospitals.[41] Monks at the Sule Pagoda reported that
the Buddha's image had changed shape, with an image in the sky standing on its head.[20] On 3 August, the
authorities imposed martial law from 8 pm to 4 am and a ban on gatherings of more than five people.[41]
812 August
A general strike, as planned, began on 8 August 1988. Mass
demonstrations were held across Burma as ethnic minorities,
Buddhists, Muslims, students, workers and the young and old all
demonstrated.[20]
The first procession circled Rangoon, stopping for
people to speak. A stage was also erected.[38] Demonstrators from

the Rangoon neighborhoods converged in downtown Rangoon. Only
one casualty was reported at this point as a frightened traffic
policeman fired into the crowd and fled.[38] (Such marches would
occur daily until 19 September.)[38] Protesters kissed the shoes of
soldiers, in an attempt to persuade them to join the civilian protest,
whilst some encircled military officers to protect them from the
crowd and earlier violence[42][43] Over the next four days these
demonstrations continued; the government was surprised by the
scale of the protests and stated that it promised to heed the demands
of the protesters "insofar as possible".[41] Lwin had brought in more
soldiers from insurgent areas to deal with the protesters.[44]
In Mandalay Division, a more organized strike committee was
headed by lawyers and discussion focused on multi-party democracy
and human rights. Many participants in the protests arrived from
nearby towns and villages.[45] Farmers who were particularly angry
with the government's economic policies joined the protests in
Across Burma, people

poured out in
thousands to join the
protests not just
students but also
teachers, monks,
children,
professionals, and
trade unionists of
every shade. It was on
this day, too, that the
junta made its first
determined attempt at
repression. Soldiers
opened fire on the
demonstrators and
hundreds of unarmed
marchers were killed.
The killings continued
for a week, but still the
demonstrators
continued to flood the
streets.
Amitav Ghosh (2001)[40]
Rangoon. In one village, 2,000 of the 5,000 people also went on strike.[45]
A short while later, the authorities opened fire on the protesters.[3][20] Ne Win ordered that "guns were not to
shoot upwards," meaning that he was ordering the military to shoot directly at the demonstrators.[40]
Protesters responded by throwing Molotov cocktails, swords, knives, rocks, poisoned darts and bicycle
spokes.[20] In one incident, protesters burned a police station and tore apart four fleeing officers.[43] On 10
August, soldiers fired into Rangoon General Hospital, killing nurses and doctors tending to the wounded.[46]
State-run Radio Rangoon reported that 1,451 "looters and disturbance makers" had been arrested.[26]
Estimates of the number of casualties surrounding the 8-8-88 demonstrations range from hundreds to
10,000;[3][4][5] military authorities put the figures at about 95 people killed and 240 wounded.[47]
1331 August
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Lwin's sudden and unexplained resignation on 12 August left many protestors confused and jubilant.
Security forces exercised greater caution with demonstrators, particularly in neighbourhoods that were
entirely controlled by demonstrators and committees.[43] On 19 August, under pressure to form a civilian
government, Ne Win's biographer, Dr. Maung Maung was appointed as head of government.[48] Maung was
a legal scholar and the only non-military individual to serve in the Burma Socialist Programme Party.[2] The
appointment of Maung briefly resulted in a subsidence of the shooting and protests.
Nationwide demonstrations resumed on 22 August 1988. In
Mandalay, 100,000 people protested, including Buddhist
monks and 50,000 demonstrated in Sittwe.[2] Large marches
took places from Taunggyi and Moulmein to distant ethnic
states (particularly where military campaigns had previously
taken place),[49] where red, the symbolic colour for democracy
was displayed on banners.[2] Two days later, doctors, monks,
musicians, actors, lawyers, army veterans and government
office workers joined the protests.[50] It became difficult for
committees to control the protests. During this time,
demonstrators became increasingly wary of "suspicious
looking" people and police and army officers. On one occasion, a local committee mistakenly beheaded a
The Burmese Navy demonstrating
couple thought to have been carrying a bomb.[51] Incidents like these were not as common in Mandalay,
where protests were more peaceful as they were organised by monks and lawyers.[51]
On 26 August, Aung San Suu Kyi, who had watched the demonstrations from her mother's bedside,[52]
entered the political arena by addressing half a million people at Shwedagon Pagoda.[50] It was at this point
that she became a symbol for the struggle in Burma, particularly in the eyes of the Western world.[53] Kyi, as
the daughter of Aung San, who led the independence movement, appeared ready to lead the movement for
democracy.[54] Kyi urged the crowd not to turn on the army but find peace through non-violent means.[55] At
this point in time for many in Burma, the uprising was seen as similar to that of the People Power
Revolution in the Philippines in 1986.[26]
Around this time, former Prime Minister U Nu and retired Brigadier General Aung Gyi also re-emerged onto
the political scene in what was described as a "democracy summer" when many former democracy leaders
returned.[33] Despite the gains made by the democracy movement, Ne Win remained in the background.
September
During the September congress of 1988, 90% of party delegates (968 out of 1080) voted for a multi-party
system of government.[50] The BSPP announced they would be organising an election, but the opposition
parties called for their immediate resignation from government, allowing an interim government to organise
elections. After the BSPP rejected both demands, protesters again took to the streets on 12 September
1988.[50] Nu promised elections within a month, proclaiming a provisional government. Meanwhile, the
police and army began fraternizing with the protesters.[56] The movement had reached an impasse relying on
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three hopes: daily demonstrations in order to force the regime to respond to their demands, encouraging
soldiers to defect and appealing to an international audience in the hope that United Nations or United States
troops would arrive.[57] Some Tatmadaw did defect, but only in limited numbers, mostly from the Navy.[58]
Stephen Solarz who had experienced the recent democracy protests in the Philippines and South Korea
arrived in Burma in September encouraging the regime to reform, which echoed the policy of the United
States government towards Burma.[59]
By mid-September, the protests grew more violent and lawless, with soldiers deliberately leading protesters
into skirmishes that the army easily won.[60] Protesters demanded more immediate change, and distrusted
steps for incremental reform.[61]
SLORC "coup" and crackdown
If the army shoots, it has no tradition of shooting into the air. It shoots straight to kill.
Ne Win[62][63]
On 18 September 1988, the military retook power in the country. General Saw Maung repealed the 1974
constitution and established the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), "imposing more
Draconian measures than Ne Win had imposed."[64] After Maung had imposed martial law, the protests were
violently broken up. The government announced on the state-run radio that the military had assumed power
in the peoples interest, "in order to bring a timely halt to the deteriorating conditions on all sides all over the
country."[65] Tatmadaw troops went through cities throughout Burma, indiscriminately firing on
protestors.[66] Within the first week of securing power, 1,000 students, monks and schoolchildren were
killed, and another 500 were killed whilst protesting outside the United States embassy[46] footage caught
by a cameraman nearby who distributed the footage to the world's media.[67] Maung described the dead as
"looters".[67] Protestors were pursued into the jungle and some students took up training on the country's
borders with Thailand.[60]
By the end of September, there were around 3,000 estimated deaths
and unknown number of injured,[60] with 1,000 deaths in Rangoon
help.[56] On 21 September, the government had regained control of the
"I would like every country in the

world to recognize the fact that the
people of Burma are being shot
down for no reason at all."
country,[66] with the movement effectively collapsing in October.[56]

By the end of 1988, it was estimated that 10,000 people including
Aung San Suu Kyi, 22 September

1988.[56]
alone.[66]
At this point in time, Aung San Suu Kyi appealed for
protesters and soldiers, had been killed. Many others were missing.[5]
Aftermath
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Many in Burma believed that the regime would have collapsed had the United Nations and neighbouring
countries refused recognition to the coup.[68] Western
governments and Japan cut aid to the country.[67] Among
Burma's neighbours, India was most critical; condemning the
suppression, closing borders and setting up refugee camps along
its border with Burma.[69] By 1989, 6,000 NLD supporters were
detained in custody and those who fled to the ethnic border
areas, such as Kawthoolei, formed groups with those who
wished for greater self-determination.[70] It was estimated
10,000 had fled to mountains controlled by ethnic insurgents
such as the Karen National Liberation Army, and many later
trained to become soldiers.[71][72]
Continuous anniversary observances of the

1988 uprising take place around the world.
After the uprising, the SLORC embarked on "clumsy

propaganda" towards those who organised the protests.[73] Intelligence Chief Khin Nyunt, gave Englishlanguage press conferences aimed at providing an account favourable to the SLORC towards foreign
diplomats and media.[73][74] The Burmese media underwent further restriction during this period, after
reporting relatively freely at the peak of the protests. In the conferences, he detailed a conspiracy of the right
acting with "subversive foreigners" of plotting to overthrow the regime and a conspiracy of the left acting to
overthrow the State.[73] Despite the conferences, few believed the government's theory.[73] While these
conferences were ongoing, the SLORC was secretly negotiating with mutineers.[74]
Between 1988 and 2000, the Burmese government established 20 museums detailing the military's central
role throughout Burma's history and increased its numbers from 180,000 to 400,000.[56] Schools and
universities remained closed to prevent any further uprisings.[56] Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo and Aung
Gyi initially publicly rejected the SLORC's offer to hold elections the following year, claiming that they
could not be held freely under military rule.[75]
Significance
Today, the uprising is remembered and honoured by many Burmese expatriates and citizens alike. There is
also support for the movement amongst students in Thailand, which is commemorated every 8 August
since.[76] On the 20th anniversary of the uprising, 48 activists in Burma were arrested for commemorating
the event.[77] The event garnened much support for the Burmese people internationally. Poems
(http://www3.soros.org/burma/Voices88/poems88.html) were written by students who participated in the
protests. The 1995 film Beyond Rangoon is based on a true story that took place during the uprising.
Many activists who joined the movement played a role 19 years later during the 2007 Burmese antigovernment protests. The 88 Generation Students Group, named for the events of 8-8-88, helped to again
organize protests during this uprising, leading to lengthy prison sentences for such prominent figures as Min
Ko Naing, Ko Mya Aye, Htay Kywe, Mie Mie, Ko Ko Gyi, and Nilar Thein.[78] Though not an 88
Generation Students Group member, later solo protester Ohn Than also joined the democracy movement
through the 8888 Uprising.[79]
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See also
EDSA People Power Revolution (1986)
Tiananmen Square protests of 1989
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in |title= (help)
2. Fong (2008), pp. 149
3. Ferrara (2003), pp. 313
4. Fogarty, Phillipa (7 August 2008). Was Burma's 1988 uprising worth it? (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asiapacific/7543347.stm). BBC News.
5. Wintle (2007)
6. Yawnghwe (1995), pp. 170
7. Ferrara 3023
8. "Hunger for food, leadership sparked Burma riots". Houston Chronicle. 11 August 1988.
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videoId=88623&videoChannel=1). Reuters.
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11. *Tallentire, Mark (28 September 2007). The Burma road to ruin
(http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2007/sep/28/burma.uk). The Guardian.
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(http://www.voanews.com/english/archive/2007-10/2007-10-04-voa10.cfm?
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13. Steinberg (2002)
14. Aung-Thwin, Maureen. (1989). Burmese Days (http://www.foreignaffairs.org/19890301faessay5952/maureen-aungthwin/burmese-days.html). Foreign Affairs.
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16. Associated Press. Chicago Tribune. 26 September 1988.
17. Wintle, p. 338.
18. Lintner (1989), pp. 9495.
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31. Hlaing (1996) interviewed some students from the March 1988 incident who spoke to foreign media, and later
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32. Fong (2008), pp. 148
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Boudreau (2004), pp. 202
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Lintner (1989)
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The Vancouver Sun 17 Aug 1988. pg. A.5
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Silverstein (1996)
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Europa Publications Staff (2002), pp. 872
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Lintner (1990), pp. 52
Mydans, Seth. (23 September 1988). Burma Crackdown: Army in Charge
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Burma Watcher. (1989). Burma in 1988: There Came a Whirlwind. Asian Survey, 29(2). A Survey of Asia in 1988:
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Callahan, Mary. (1999). Civil-military relations in Burma: Soldiers as state-builders in the postcolonial era.
Preparation for the State and the Soldier in Asia Conference.
Callahan, Mary. (2001). Burma: Soldiers as State Builders. ch. 17. cited in Alagappa, Muthiah. (2001). Coercion and
Governance: The Declining Political Role of the Military in Asia. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-80474227-6
Clements, Ann. (1992). Burma: The Next Killing Fields? Odonian Press. ISBN 978-1-878825-21-6
Delang, Claudio. (2000). Suffering in Silence, the Human Rights Nightmare of the Karen People of Burma. Parkland:
Universal Press.
Europa Publications Staff. (2002). The Far East and Australasia 2003. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-85743-133-9.
Ferrara, Federico. (2003). Why Regimes Create Disorder: Hobbes's Dilemma during a Rangoon Summer. The
Journal of Conflict Resolution, 47(3), pp. 302325.
Fink, Christina. (2001). Living Silence: Burma Under Military Rule. Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-85649-926-2
Fong, Jack. (2008). Revolution as Development: The Karen Self-determination Struggle Against Ethnocracy (1949
2004). Universal-Publishers. ISBN 978-1-59942-994-6
Ghosh, Amitav. (2001). The Kenyon Review, New Series. Cultures of Creativity: The Centennial Celebration of the
Nobel Prizes. 23(2), pp. 158165.
Hlaing, Kyaw Yin. (1996). Skirting the regime's rules.
Lintner, Bertil. (1989). Outrage: Burma's Struggle for Democracy. Hong Kong: Review Publishing Co.
Lintner, Bertil. (1990). The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). SEAP Publications. ISBN 978-087727-123-9.
Lwin, Nyi Nyi. (1992). Refugee Student Interviews. A Burma-India Situation Report.
Maung, Maung. (1999). The 1988 Uprising in Burma. Yale University Southeast Asia Studies. ISBN 978-0-93869271-3
Silverstein, Josef. (1996). The Idea of Freedom in Burma and the Political Thought of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Pacific Affairs, 69(2), pp. 211228.
Smith, Martin. (1999). Burma Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-85649-660-5
Steinberg, David. (2002). Burma: State of Myanmar. Georgetown University Press. ISBN 978-0-87840-893-1
Tucker, Shelby. (2001). Burma: The Curse of Independence. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-1541-6
Wintle, Justin. (2007). Perfect Hostage: a life of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burmas prisoner of conscience. New York:
Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-0-09-179681-5
Yawnghwe, Chao-Tzang. Burma: Depoliticization of the Political. cited in Alagappa, Muthiah. (1995). Political
Legitimacy in Southeast Asia: The Quest for Moral Authority. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-2560-6
Yitri, Moksha. (1989). The Crisis in Burma: Back from the Heart of Darkness? University of California Press.
Further reading
AP. (1988). Burma Imposes Martial Law In the Capital After a Protest (http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?
res=940DE2DA103BF937A3575BC0A96E948260), New York Times, 4 August 1988.
AP. (1988). Road To Upheaval In Politics For Burmese (http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?
res=940DEEDE163AF932A2575AC0A96E948260), New York Times, 11 September 1988.
Page 11 of 12
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Cumming-Bruce, Nick. (1988). Burma's new leader imposes martial law

(http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/1988/aug/04/burma.fromthearchive), The Guardian, 4 August 1988.
Faulder, Dominic. (2008). Memories of 8 August 1988 (http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?
art_id=13758&page=1) The Irrawaddy, August 2008.
Kamm, Henry. (1988). Tension Reported High In Burma After Clashes (http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?
res=940DEFD7143FF931A35754C0A96E948260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all), New York Times, 2 July 1988.
Mydans, Seth. (1988). A Burmese Power Shift; Though Government Schedules Election, Decision Rests With
People in the Streets (http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?
res=940DEFDB173DF931A2575AC0A96E948260), New York Times, 12 September 1988.
Mydans, Seth. (1988). Defections Strain Burmese Military (http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?
res=940DE6DC1339F933A2575AC0A96E948260), New York Times, 10 September 1988.
Mydans, Seth. (1988). Many in Burma Say Ne Win Continues to Pull the Strings
(http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=940DEFD6153FF930A2575AC0A96E948260), New York Times, 13
September 1988.
Richburg, Keith. (1988). Youths, Monks Fight Troops in Burma; Post-Coup Deaths Reported in Hundreds.
Washington Post, 20 September 1988.
Stewart, William. (1988). Burma The Armed Forces Seize Power
(http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,968501,00.html?promoid=googlep), TIME, 26 September 1988.
Protests mark Burma anniversary (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/3134123.stm), BBC News, 8 August 2003.
Burma's 1988 Protests (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7012158.stm), BBC News, 25 September 2007.
Partial list of 8888 Uprising victims (http://www.irrawaddy.org/research_show.php?art_id=441), The Irrawaddy, 1
January 2003.
External links
Voices of '88 (http://www3.soros.org/burma/Voices88/catalogue_index.html), Soros.
Video 8888s anniversary activity in London Burmese' Embassy and Downing street, and Ms Suu
Kyi's Birthday, calling for democratic reform in Burma (http://video.google.co.uk/videoplay?
docid=161804047838441062&hl=en-GB)
8888 Photos (http://www.badasf.org/8888/photos.htm), Burmese American Democratic Alliance.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=8888_Uprising&oldid=678103289"
Categories: Revolutions of 1989 Internal conflict in Myanmar Conflicts in 1988
Burmese democracy movements History of Myanmar Massacres in Myanmar Politics of Myanmar
Political repression Rebellions in Asia 1988 in Burma Protests in Myanmar 20th-century rebellions
Aung San Suu Kyi
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8888 Uprising - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

"8888" redirects here. It is not to be confused with CSX 8888 incident.

People Power Uprising[6]) was a series of marches,

1st row: Protesters gathering at Sule Pagoda,

of life demonstrated against the regime.[13][14] The

protesters at central Yangon.

the military during this uprising,[3][4][5] while authorities

12 March 1988 21 September 1988