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Archaeology of Untouchability

Author(s): GOPAL GURU


Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 44, No. 37 (SEPTEMBER 12-18, 2009), pp. 49-56
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
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of Untouchability

Archaeology

as a dynamicrealityisbound toproduceDebating
Untouchability
experience which

isalways

inexcess of itsdescription.

Hence, the available description

isoften inadequate to

of the experience.
To capture the fullexperience of untouchability, one
capture the totality of the meaning

requires to invoke other perspectives

and methods.

This paper argues that at the moment there could be


two such frameworks
the philosophical and the
that coufd open to us much richer
archaeological
and nuanced meanings

Sarukkai acquires significance,especially in an

of the phenomenon

of untouchability.

context, where

intellectual

on untouchabil

the discourse

ity in contemporary times has received only lopsided


in different

attention

For

quarters.

it has

instance,

elicited

some

degree of academic interestamong historians (Jha 1974). and


more

substantially

attention

from sociologists

and

social

anthro

pologists. Arguably, sociology and social anthropology look im


pressive inasmuch as these disciplines offerquite a detailed de
scriptionofuntouchability (Dumont 1988; Desai 1976; Shah et al
2006).

On

the other hand,

it is interesting

to note

that untoucha

bilityas a social concern finds itsmost profound expression ina


On the
differentdiscipline - the non-dalit1and dalit literature.2
flipside, in some of the influentialdisciplines like political sci
ence (Rudolph and Rudolph 1967;Rajshekhariah 1976), itfigures
onlymarginally,while inothers like economics and philosophy,3
it is completelyblacked out. Even sociological or anthropological
descriptions of untouchability,which may look fascinating to
some, do not exhaust all the referencepoints. To put itdiffer
ently, untouchability
and

as a dynamic
in excess

is always

rience, which

anthropological

reality
of these
Hence,

descriptions.

to produce

tends

expe

textualised

sociological

available

descriptions

are often inadequate to capture the totalityof themeaning that


emanates

from this dynamism.


that could

perspective

enable

This
us

warrants

dynamism

to tap excess

meaning

a fresh
embed

ded inuntouchabilityas a dynamic practice.


At themoment, I can thinkof two such frameworks- thephilo
sophical and archaeological, thatcould reveal a much richerand

nuanced meaning of the phenomenon of untouchability.


Sarukkai's paper inmy opinion succeeds inassigning both height
to the understanding

and depth

it from itsmere

of untouchability

descriptive/empirical,

thus elevating

therefore, more

and

routi

nised and familiarunderstanding to itsmuch richerand wider


philosophical

context.

Sarukkai, in his article elsewhere in this journal (pp 39-48),


offersa wider philosophical grasp of thenotion of untouchability.
This he does by drawing on both Indian andwestern philosophical
traditions.In Sarukkai'sunderstandingof untouchability,the idea
of touch (and skin) becomes important.For touchand skin,as he
says, forma primal sense of thebody. Sarukkaigives a fascinating
insightinto the phenomenological understandingof untouchabi
lity and argues, "the notion of untouchability is an essential

requirement

of brahminhood".

For Sarukkai,

brahminhood,

as a

This work has evolved through long and insightful discussions with
Sundar and Dhanu. I thank them for showing unfailing interest in

part of this requirement, seeks not just the need to outsource


untouchabilityto others,butmost importantly,italso involvesa
philosophicalmove to supplementuntouchabilityintoothers.

iswith the Centre for Political


Gopal Guru igopalguru2001@gmail.com)
Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi.

standing

my work.

Economic& Politicalweekly

Iwould

DQ3S3 September

12, 2009

questions

argue

that Sarukkai's

of untouchability

as

the final vocabulary

paper, particularly
outsourcing
that has

vol xliv no 37 49

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and

almost

this new under


supplementation,
a settled

acquired

status,particularlyin the authoritativesociologicalwork of Louis


Dumont.

take on untouchability

Sarukkai's

to Dumont's

ter argument

1988:

(Dumont

a coun

thus provides
54), who

"It is

says,

clear that impurity


of theuntouchable is conceptually inseparable
from the purity of Brahmin".
a counter

ability, thus, provides

on untouch

Sarukkai's

perspective

argument

to this Dumontian

a discursivepractice,plays itselfout in a much subtlerformthan


everbefore.Untouchabilityinmodern times isforcedtohide itself
behind

standingof untouchability.In addition to this,italso opens up the


possibilityof solving some of the "sociological puzzles".4 Further

meanings

and

identities.

a mere

Hence,

sociological or anthropological description does not seem to be


effective

under

certain modern

enough

to access

thus

untouchability

located.

Archaeo

logy as a method seems to be more effective in accessing this


complexmind because itdeals not somuch with a need to invent,
an essence

but to discover

or truth of caste

that gets covered with

subtleformofuntouchability.
more,
Letme initiatea dialogue with Sarukkai by engaging first
with
of
the
understand
retically
political dynamics anti-untouchability
what he describes as metaphysics of body and laterexplorewhat
movements ledbyAmbedkar,and subsequently,by thedalitmove
ment in India. Finally, itwill not only help us in detecting the implicationsthis idea has foruntouchabilitywhen understood in
spaces that inhabittheupper castes' anxious self,but italso offers the Indian context. Sarukkai offersus differentnotions of body,
an opportunityto foregroundthemoral significanceof thisnotion thatas he says,appear indifferentIndian philosophical traditions.
his notion

offers us an opportunity

of outsourcing

and

of supplementation

to theo

In the Nyaya

its contestation.

as he continues

tradition,

to argue

the

in his essay,

body is the locus of senses and thebody feels throughthe senses.


Sarukkai suggests theneed forfurtherexploration in thisregard,
but from the phenomenological point of view. Sarukkai quoting

Dealing with Select Issues

Sarukkai'spaper thusoffersseveral insightsembedded inhis rather


in
the body was
that for the Buddha,
from Lang, further observes
capacious reading of untouchability.However, the height and
that
there
is
the
to
it
the
world
in
that
is
within
the
theunderstandingof untouchability deed
arising
body
depth thathe has assigned
makes itall themore difficultto take on board all the important and ceasing of theworld. Sarukkai furtherquoting fromBud
issues thatSarukkaihas raised inhis paper.Hence, in the firstpart dhism, particularly itsMadhyamika traditionfrom the Buddhist
of thisarticle, Iwill engagewith select issues likemetaphysics of compendium,observes that the notion of impurityof body is all
contact and touch,
the body, the distinctive
between
pervading.From Buddhism,he elaborates fiveimpuritiesofbody:
relationship
the concept of supplementation,and finally,the structurallogic

that unites

as

the brahmins

both

womb,

seed, body's

and corpse.

characteristics

bodies'

nature,

or ideal untoucha

"deferential"

bles and thedalit as "despicable"or real untouchables.Letme offer Extended Sense of the Impurities of the Body
another clarificatory
point that the choice to engagewith some is Taking the cue fromSarukkai, it ispossible tomake an extended
sense of impuritiesof thebody and argue that,inaddition to these
more bymy own convenienceand lessby theneed
sues is informed
to seek refutation

of Sarukkai's

argument.

I can claim

At best,

that

my own takeon the issueunder consideration ismodestly aimed at


partwill
seekingan extensionof Sarukkai'sposition.Thus, the first
involve a dialogue

to the issues as mentioned

that pertains

above.

The second part of thisarticle deals with the possibilityof this


expansion.

like to argue

Iwould

that there are different

types of

archaeologicalmethods deployed by differentscholars,perhaps, for


differentpurposes. However, I plan to choose one thatwould be
more

appropriate

sense

inmaking

of the complex

relationship

be

tweenuntouchabilityand caste. Taking the cue fromVitthalRamji


Shinde (Shinde 1976: 129), one of the leadingnon-brahminsocial
thinkers from modern

Maharashtra,

who

malmal,

says, Asprushtechi

manachy talashidadun basil ahe ("Untouchabilityisa kindof repul


sive feeling,a sortof nausea, thatsitsdeep at thebottom of brah
minicalmind"). Iwould liketoargue thatmodernityforcesuntouch
mind".
abilitytodescend deep down at thebottomof ubrahminical
As Iwould argue inthesecondpart,archaeologicalmethod seems to
be the most
It is also

appropriate

one

interesting

to note

to detect

the nausea-like

that Sarukkai's

attitude.

understanding

of un

touchabilitygoes close to theunderstandingofShinde.As we have


seen

in the above

section,

Sarukkai

also

locates

the source

of un

touchabilityin the brahminical self. Iwould furtherargue in the


second

part that due

untouchability

to the compulsion
of the modern
and as consciousness,

both as practice

cult to remain on the surface of social

interaction

as was

conditions,
finds it diffi
the case

in

the feudal past.5Modernity forces it "toslide furtherdown to the


bottomof thehierarchicalmind. Differently
put, untouchabilityas

five impurities,

body

organic

also

set of impuri

another

contains

ties,which seek to undercut themoral significanceof both the


sacred (in ritualsense) and perfect (physicalsense) bodies. All the
organicbodies containwithin themnegativeproperties likesweat,
excreta,

urine, mucus

the source

and

gases.

In the material

of foul smell and unpleasant

they are
at the meta

sense,

feeling. Thus,

physical level, the organic body as the source of impuritiessug


gests a kind of ontological equality thateverybodyis dirty,both
inmoral

sense as well

as material

sense. Ontological

sug

equality

gestingequal distributionof these impuritiesor organic refusesit


tingunderneath the skinof everybody is supposed to bringout in
everyperson a moral insightthat in turnwill compel him/herto
this in
acknowledge thisontological equality.To put differently,
sight is supposed

to create

a sense

of self-realisation

among

people

who then can findno reason to produce pernicious classification


ofbodies intorepulsiveand attractive (of course, this isbad news
for the cosmetic industry).This insight,which can generate a
sense ofmoral relativism,in effectcreates the possibility to re
strain,and perhaps, totallyeliminatemorally offensivecapacity
that a person

may

use

for producing

the classification

as men

moral relativismcan make it


tioned above. To put itdifferently,
difficultto produce a negative judgment thatoften is deployed to
seek condemnationof other'sbody as filthy.#
Metaphysics of the body, leading to moral relativism,has
significance inasmuch as it seeks to relativise the notion of the

perfect
bodies

body

or "even

superior

50September

out"

to others.
12, 2009

excess

moral

Assigning

Value
an

vol. xliv no 37 EGE8

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that makes

egalitarian

some

value

to

Economic& Politicalweekly

Conversion of the Ecological into Sociological


everybody becomes a possibility,what is called ontological
This structuraldevice involves the conversion of the ecological
mirroring of other bodies. It is in this sense thatmy under
a
makes
of
of
the
body
complementary ("fiveprinciples") intothe sociological (hierarchical).The sociolo
metaphysics
standing
of
with
Sarukkai's
gist assigns different,and perhaps, negative meaning to Pan
reading
reading metaphysics of body. I sup
can
a
us
that
chamahabhute throughdeploying the ideologyofpurity-pollution,
of
of
both
suggest redescription untouchability
pose
which is so central to the former.This conversion is sustainedby
have implicationsforthediscourse on disability.
theasymmetriesof power thatrobs thePanchamahabhute of their
Five Principles
positivemeaning. People do not follow themoral basis ofmeta
it is also

Conversely,

to argue

possible

that everybody

is respect

worthy,simplybecause it is constitutiveof fiveprinciples thatare


present in every organic body with equal quantity.These are
earth,water, fire,air and akasa (space). In Indian philosophy
(Sankhya school), theseare calledPanchamahabhute.6At themet
level, these Panchamahabhute

aphysical

affirmative mean

assign

ing to "filthy"body as mentioned above. These fiveprinciples,


are naturally

which

internal purity, form the neces

with

endowed

saryphysical conditionsfortheveryorganic existenceofany body.


It is in thissense Panchamahabhute establish an ontological unity
across

bodies

among

time and

space.

Ontological

equality

as an

underlyingprinciple,therefore,shouldmake all theorganic bod


ies worthy

of respect without

discrimination.

any cultural

Thus,

constructiondividingegalitarianbodies intopernicious gradation


could be decisively refutedby invokingthemetaphysics of body.
of body,

Metaphysics

in turn, can

create moral

capacity

among

thosewho lack this capacity that is so necessary forassigning


moral worth to everybody.
Mutual affirmationof bodies becomes
a possibility throughacknowledgement of Panchamahabhute as
an essential need of everyorganic body.Those who have theabil
ity to use Panchamahabhute
mately

a moral

acquire

that they attach

value

to mirror

through

to shade

capacity

to their own

others'

off some

personality.

body, ulti

surplus moral

Self-preservation

asmorally integratedselffindsitsbasis not in surplusmoral value


but equal worth
was

aimed

- one
person

at achieving

lower caste

The

of

can contribute

Panchamahabhute

Thus,

one value.

this principle

struggle

one value".

"one person
to the creation

of egalitar

motivated
physicsofbodywhen theyact. They are not sufficiently
and

by the exalted,

the egalitarian

therefore,

that is im

meaning

plied in themetaphysics ofPanchamahabhute. In fact,theirmate


over
rial interestand the culturalneed todraw relativesuperiority
others seriouslyundermine thevalidityofmetaphysics as theuni
that provides

framework

versal

moral

to social

orientation

inter

action among people. The failureof religio-theologicaldiscourse


representedby differentsaint traditionsproves thisand has to be
understood in termsof the correspondingfailureof the common
people to respond to the appeal of differentsaints,particularly
Kabir.Put yet differently,
theneed to remain socially superiorhas
led theupper castes to convert the ecological into sociological or
natural intocultural.Letme explain this in termsof thepoliticsof
the

converting

an

Panchamahabhute

into

some

section

to reduce

deployed

social

that

instrument
to "walking

is

carrion"

(Naipaul 1988: 37), a degraded entityfilledwith a deep sense of


which isproduced by thepoliticsof
repulsion.This transmutation,

preservationof thehierarchicallysuperior self,has serious impli


cation for these fiveprinciples.They stand discredited; theyare
robbed

of their egalitarian

Let us see how.

meaning.

According toManusmriti, thephysical association of theupper


castes,which is stillunder the social influenceof ritual orders,
with the earth is considered tobe rituallypolluting.According to
Manusmriti,members of the top layer in social hierarchyare not
supposed to soil theirhands with either the earth ormud. Using
ritualpollution to assign negative quality to the earth goes com
pletelyagainst theGandhian naturopathy,which treatsthe earth

ian order

in bodies.
to paraphrase
Panchamahabhute,
Aristotle,
can
to provide an ontological
mirror, through which
people
sense of having an ex
look at themselves not with the dominant
cess moral value, but same value as the other (in Aristotelian
sense

with

seeks

Gandhi

a friend)would have. This moral capacitywhich flowsfromthese


five principles in effect radically undercuts the very basis of

broad division based on purity-pollutionthus dividing the topof

Hobbesian

self-preservation,

which

is ontologically

related

to the

self.

superior

an

suggests

unwillingness

in the Hobbesian
to

step

out

sense,

from

therefore,

brahminhood.

brahminhood seeks to preserve itselfthrough the


Interestingly,
process

of Sanskritisation.

Sanskritisation

as a cultural

process

involvesthe effortson thepart of thepeople at the lower layerto


emulate brahminhood. The lower orders instead of rejecting
brahminhood seek to perfect it. Practitioners of brahminhood
seem tohave adopted a much rigorousand all pervading process
that has helped the former to preserve brahminhood in
form. To put it differently, brahminhood
requires not
as
a
which
could be a
Sanskritisation,
preservative
option

entrenched
just

littleunreliable, but structurallya much more stable device to


redeem

this self-preservation.

Economic& Politicalweekly

Q3Q3

September

12, 2009

on

respect

out the excess


this medicinal

the twice-born
on the impure

account

the pure

pure

the Manu

The

side and

side. Generally

therefore,

But

to the earth.

value

on

inasmuch

from the body.

heat

a
its having
value.
healing
as it helps
in pumping

of

it as healing

considers

natural,

of self-preservation

Politics

much

earth,

strictures
thus,

the shudras

speaking,

into a

substance

and

ati-shudra

of water

conversion
polluted

deny
a

suggests

as a

substance

should be considered as objectionable. Similarly, the use of


water formaintaining physical hygiene should not be considered
as objectionable.

But how

can one

understand

the efforts made

by some socially privileged sections touse water forconstructing


morally painful asymmetry in social and cultural life?
Using Water
The

upper

castes,

taking

their cue from the Manu

code,

use water

forconstructinga perennial division thus renderingsome bodies


ritually pure and others
water

ritually polluting7

as eternally
and also

impure.

as a source

to this understanding,
water,
According
a standard
it then becomes
by which

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Such people

treat sea

of ritual purification.

unlike
possible

the earth, becomes


to measure

how

deeply theessence of caste has penetratedand pervertedthe social

behind thismorphology The bastis of theuntouch


purity-pollution
ables on theeastern side of thevillage forma part of thisdeliberate
caste,which uses it to reproduceuntouchabilitypractices so as to design thatisdeployed by theupper castes toavoid pollutioncross
retain relative social superiorityon the scale of ritualhierarchy. ingover fromthewest to theeast should thedalit bastis
happen to
the scale of untouchability. Water,
in fact,
be situatedon thewest side of thevillage. Since the upper castes
Thus, water determines
formsthe lifelineor provides themost importantpreconditionfor cannot controlthedirectionof airwhich flowsfrom thewest to the
across

relations

castes. Water,

unlike

the earth,

is available

to every

the survivalof untouchability.Just imagine iftherewas no water,


theuntouchability
would not have originatedat the firstinstance
or itwould have gone long ago ifthewater resourceshad dried
up. Thanks to thewater sources or long livingHimalayas,water is
stillavailable forpractisinguntouchability!
According to the laws ofManu (Dumont op cit: 50) fireis con
sidered as another source of purification. InManusmriti, fire is

intrinsicallypure, and this is proved by the social stricturesthat

prevent

Hindu

women

to mount

her deceased

husband's

funeral

east, theyare forcedto change the socialmorphology of thevillage


in such a way

so as to situate

Impact of Sound
According to theNyaya philosophical tradition in India, sound
accesses

the space.

the Hindu

of ritual pollution.

and women

the untouchables

are forced to take thisAgni Pariksha fordifferentreasons. The


upper castes use firenot only topunish untouchables, but also to

purifythevicinitythroughseeking displacement of theuntouch


ables

as "walking

carrion".

The social historyof caste riots in the recentpast clearly shows


how the upper castes have used fire for devastating the little
shantyhuts of dalits all over the country.Thus,water purifiesthe
maintains the purityof
upper caste bodies, while fire indirectly
space

or the akasa.

Fire, as a weapon

of the strong upper

is

caste,

Even

times one

inmodern

can

actually

meas

ure the radial impactof sound. Excess production of sound leads


to noise, which ultimately leads to noise pollution. Thus, space
comes to be filledwith noise pollution. In this context, itmight
before,

practices,

pushing

Radial

pyre if she ismenstruating (ibid). Fire, according to theManu


Dharma, also acts as thepurificationagent. The ritualpractice in
Hindus known as Agni Pariksha underscores the point.Within
social/cultural

on the west, while

themselves

to the east.

the untouchables

look completelybizarre to believe that at least a few decades

bles

sound

in most

created

the feudal

During

of India were

parts

was

by untouchables

social

to announce

forced

a source

considered
set-up,

the untoucha
their arrival

before they could enter themain village.10 The reason behind


measure

such precautionary

was

castes

that the upper

to

sought

avoid listening to the sound of an untouchable that the former


considered polluting.The notion of sacred sought to turn sound
intothe source of ritualpollution.Taking eveningmeals was con
sidered as themost sacred occasion, particularlyby the priestly
class fromthevillage (Dumont op cit: 54). The upper castes, par
ticularlythebrahmin priests fromthevillage, found the sound of

an untouchable
as a source of interruption
in the most sacred oc
deployed by them to destroy not only the untouchables them
as
In
their
but
this
it
well.8
is
casion.
the
in
the
selves,
regard,
dwellings
interesting
During
nightpatrolling
village, theuntouchable
to furthernote thatfireas a purifyingresource isalso available to was permitted to shout only at a low-pitched voice. This was done
but

Ambedkar,

for emancipatory

purposes.

As

is well

known,

during theChavdarwater tank struggle inMarch 1927atMahad


in Ratnagiri

district

he set Manusmriti

of Maharashtra,

it has

1927. However,

to be

that

noted

on fire in

is a difference

there

between the two social usages of fire.The socially dominant


deploys fireonly to perpetuate the division between the ideal
untouchable (twice-born)and the despicable untouchable,while
Ambedkar uses itto symbolicallydestroy thisdivision.
'Air'as an Objectionable

status

tion. However,
contamination.

as

a pure

air
On

in

Substance

substance
itself

does

the contrary,

into a
not

source

of contamina

constitute

it can become

a source

source

of

of contami

when it is filledwith foul smell,deadly gas or


nation, particularly
are quite harmful to the general health
bacteria
which
dangerous
of thepeople. Thus, locatinghazardous factoriesaway fromhuman
habitation

is quite

the undesirable

understandable

from a certain

perspective.

But

how does one understand the locationofdalit bastis on theeastern


side of a village? This locationof dalits to the east of themain vil
lage has been empiricallyconfirmedby several anthropological
studieson India.9 Is itnatural or thepart ofa social design? Iwould
liketoargue thatthismorphology ispart of the social designwhich
has been done by theupper castes.Why? There is an ideologyof

The

interruptions.

un

link between

touchabilityand morphology of expression (differentlevels of


was

expression)

firmly established

and

by the

followed

strictly

upper caste in the village (Kamble 2008). In one of the leading


autobiographies of Babytai Kamble, the veskar (the village
the Mahars

servant),

caste

(ex-untouchable

were

inMaharashtra)

not allowed to use high-pitchedsounds during the evenings as it


was

a major

considered
Sarukkai

Under what conditions should "air" become an objectionable


substance? It can be objectionablewhen it is converted from its
natural

to avoid

has

source

of interruption of sacred
is a contact between

that there

argued

functions.
and

body

words. Thus, chanting words while bathing, according to


Sarukkai establishes thiscontact. But incase of theuntouchables
as "walking

carrion" with

a concentrated

expression

of repulsion

(even today some Indian people feel nauseated after seeing the
untouchables and theycover theirnoseswhenever theywalk past
theuntouchables), there is a complete denial of thiscontact.This
isbecause thewords do not belong ontologically to thebrahmin
body.They flowfromthemouth of thewalking carrion; a potent
source

of pollution.

Thus,

at one

level,

were

the untouchables

prohibited fromproducing high-pitched sounds as itwas consid


as far as the pure

ered polluting

are concerned.

untouchables

At

another level,even the low-pitchedsound is considered polluting


castes.

by the upper
become
ace

the source

of words

particularly

Since

coming

from

the brahmins

52 September

the sound

of pollution

12, 2009

as well.

accesses
In order

the untouchables,
forced

the space,
to avoid
the upper

the untouchables

vol xliv no 37

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DCE3

it can

the men
castes,

to eliminate

Economic& Politicalweekly

theword and replace itwith sound. This was done by forcingthe


untouchables to announce theirarrival in the public sphere,not
by shoutingtheirwords but by beating thedrum.11The topof the
produce

seem

castes

twice-born

used

carrion",

"walking

touchability.

to have

concentrated
was

the untouchable

Since

to

these Panchamahabhute

of un

expression

a walking

there

danger,

was a need to quarantine thisdanger in an isolated place called


theChamrauti inUttar Pradesh, Halgeri inKarnataka, Cherry in
Tamil

and Mahar/Mangwad

Nadu

In the above
do

have

sections, we

inMaharashtra.
seen

have

to assign

capacity

that the Panchamahabhute

universal

meaning

(ontological

But at another

constitution.

an untouchable

lar body, for example,


significance.
two major

A walking

ways.

it can

or walking

can acquire

carrion

First,

it can also deny a particu

level,

carrion

moral

turn a passive,

in

helpless,

quarantined

to appreciate

instructive

quite

the role that

an untouchable as an invisibleplays in illuminatingthe touchable.


One can further
build on to this insight,and argue that theun
touchable is forced to become the repositoryof the impuritiesof

the touchable.While thiselevation of untouchabilitybeyond the


contoursof purity-pollutionisdesirable, at the same time, italso
tendstoundermine themoral significanceofuntouchabilitybased

on the ideologyof purity-pollution.Iwould like to argue thatthe


tory value.
as

as supplementation
is so because

This

subversive

argued,

a moral

significance

becomes

Merleau-Ponty

untouchable

equality) to a body which might look particular in termsof its


outer

culturalhierarchythatdivided thesebodies. Also his invocationof

that untouchability

has

a moral

has

contradic
as well

for conservative

a conservative

On

purposes.

of the touchable

it is available

it could

reading,

be

Just imagine

significance.

what would happen to the touchable, iftheuntouchablewere to


refuse to become the dumping ground forsomebody'smoral dirt
or refuseto illuminatethe touchable. Itperhapswould lead to the

on
moral decomposition or atrophyof the touchables'body or they
the contrary,for liberatingthe upper caste bodies thatotherwise would get crushedunder theaccumulatedweight of these impuri
would remain folded into an estranged being - privileged un
ties. (Thank god, therehas been an untouchable around to carry
touchables.The touchof thedespicable untouchable seeks to con
thisburden!) The untouchables as repositoryof impuritiesalso
vert the foldedbodies into freelyflowingbodies.12 It can liberate have a moral significance for another reason. The upper caste
body

into a potent weapon

not so much

to produce

destruction,

poli

the "privilegeduntouchables",as Sarukkaiwould like to call them, ticians,includingsome of the leftpoliticians, should thanktheun
fromthe constrainingsense of anxiety.The physical or corporeal touchablesforprovidinga vocabulary toexpresseithertheiragony
ormaterial touch of the hygienicbodies could also be liberating or anger against theirpolitical opponents or beat the opponents
forthesebodies folded intothemselves.The touch,rangingfroma with untouchability
as a poison weapon.
Look at the expression
simple handshake to innocent hugging or intensive hugging that political leaders use almost every day. "We are not untoucha
(inter-caste

as a result

consummated

marriage

of sheer

love or

thatwhich is led by convictionand reason to produce a decent

"Do not

ble",

treat us as untouchable".

It seeks

to undercut

the

social significanceof the twice-bornbymaking the latterrealise


the very idea of touch. The touch, there
that theyare eitherparasites orfree ridersrestingtheirburden on
society) can democratise
fore,can help overcome themutual reifkationof culturallyfolded thebody of the untouchables. The moral depletion of these free
bodies. Secondly, the untouchable as the actual entity ironically ridersbecomes totalwhen the latterrefuseto takeany
responsibil
seeks to establish a reverse control on the sacred bodies
that are
ityfortheuntouchable afterhe depositsmoral dirt in the former.
treatedas ideal.To put differently,
it is the ideal untouchablewho
Idea ofMoral Significance
feelsvulnerable to the threatof the "sociological danger".We shall
discuss thispoint ingreaterdetail in the second part of thisessay.

Mutually Exclusive
Touch

on the particular

pending

tive purely
special

cerned.

can acquire

contact

and

in private

significance

exclusive

mutually

social

context.

and personal

does

that it has a functional

except

meanings

is ac

touch, which

Thus,

contexts,

de

This

the touched

touching

tional value.

there

However,

as Sarukkai

is another

perhaps,

contradictory

the repulsive

that

can

define
attempt

the

touched

to elevate

and

it, has

inwhich

other, namely,

the

untouched.

untouchability

a func
folding

in the

the untouch

much

Similarly,
beyond

the

binaryof pure and impure,by invokingthemetaphysics of body,


as mentioned earlier,plays an importantrole in
collapsing the
Economic& Politicalweekly

QSS9

September

12, 2009

between

relationship

the

to ques

touchables

possibilityonly in the contextof thisasymmetry.Hence, it lacks

ables. This point becomes relevant in the context of Sarukkai's


observationthat itisonly thecontactwith theother throughtouch
Sarukkai's

summarily

just for the

the capacity

one

Thus

Indian context,greetingpeople with both the hands froma dis


tance is considered safe as it serves the purpose of avoiding the
touch of others, perhaps,

social

loses

value.

For example,

messages.

significance

tion asymmetrical

to stay in untouchability

and

both thehands togetheracquires a definitesocialmeaning. Thus,


the act of touching/foldingboth the hands can communicate
different,

prefers

any

puts

context,

A person who

sake of moral

not possess

hand touchingother part of the body has only such a functional


value.

However, the idea ofmoral significancecould be deeply problem


atic as faras the emancipatoryproject of the untouchable is con

the untouchables.

In fact, moral

significance

becomes

transformative

The sacrifice made


for maintaining
the
potential.
for
of
the
of
the
superiority,
top layer
example,
twice-born, may
have only an instrumental
to the extent that it
value
provides

vocabulary to the self-servingpoliticians, but ithardly has any


transformative

value

for the slave

and

untouchable.

Thus,

stay

ing inan asymmetrical relationshipnecessarily subvertsthe self


understanding that is fundamentally so importantfor the free
dom and ultimate

emancipation

of the person

in question.

Those,

inquestion,however,do not stay tiedwith themaster justbecause


theyget some spiritualadvantage ormoral significance. In fact,
the forceofnew aspirationsmotivates them towalk out fromthis
constraining
ground

for

relationship.
somebody's

They

refuse

garbage.

to become

This

new

the dumping
emancipatory

rationality could be very well-captured in themodern mood


characterising the subversive politics of Ambedkar and his

vol xliv no 37
53

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followers.His mood could be paraphrased in the following sen


tence, "Itmay be inyour interestto deposit your impuritiesinus,
but how can itbe inour interestto remain repositoryofyour dirt
(moral)".

In the post-Ambedkar

dalit movement,

the critique

of

untouchabilityas supplementation (Sarukkai's expression) isbest


captured in the term"Ghamdya"13that subvertsthisdalit ration
alitywhich is thehallmark ofAmbedkar's emancipatorypolitics.
Ambedkar's politics seeks to annihilate caste. But before he

attacks its roots, he very systematically


seeks to prune its branches
various
For
practices.
untouchability
carrying out this attack

against casteism throughuntouchability,Ambedkar does follow


an

That

method.

archaeological

is to say, through

the social

strug

gle he firstseeks to question untouchabilitypracticeswhich are


of the essence

the manifestation

of caste. Also

for Ambedkar,

the

solution liesnot inmorality; on the contrary,it is fundamentally


political. It isbecause of thisprimacyof thepolitical thathe does
not lose sightof caste,while he attacks itsexistence, i e, untouch

questionwhat is archaeology? And why is it relevant forunder


standinguntouchability in "elegant India"?
Archaeology of Untouchability
in recent

Archaeology,

has

times,

a generic

become

term

that

appears in differentfields of inquiry ranging from the social


sciences to humanities to physical sciences like geomorphology.

For example,

medical

have

practitioners

been

using

archaeology

tounderstand thediminishingheight (physical) of persons across

generations.

with

Parentage

nutritional

to

leads

deficiency,

diminishing height in the successive generation. Similarly, in


geomorphology,
natural

water

derneath

is an

archaeology
earth

bodies,

ring in the natural

substance

historical

evidence

to access

important method

to changes

that due

substance

and

in nature

with

captured

the
un

occur

In fact, changes

snow.14

can best be

gets hidden

archaeo

logyas amethod of analysis. For example, in the regionexperienc


ing snowfall, one findspeaks getting coveredwith snow and
ability.But forGandhi, the solution liesnot in thepoliticalbut the becoming denuded during the hot weather. The importanceof
moral. Gandhi chooses themoral routewhich does not centrally archaeology inhistorydeals not somuch with invention,but dis
take on the essence
moral

framework

tion, if any, does


untouchability.
vokes

against

not encircle
This

response

In the Gandhian

of caste but

from essence

covering

its existence

to existence

rather than a political

in

one.

Seva (service) as themoral category inGandhian discourse on


untouchabilitymakes sense in the contextof this shift.Seva as a
moral category,does not seek to attack the roots of theproblem,
instead itchooses toprune itsrough edges. InGandhi, it isprun
ing ratherthanuprooting,while inAmbedkar, the reverse is the
case. Although Gandhi looks less interested in establishing the
linkbetween untouchabilityand itsessence (caste), ithas to be
that his moral

acknowledged

category

seva

looks

radi

certainly

in different

forms

even

(artefacts,

quantitative data) so as to provide the background formaking

the contesta

untouchability,

the essence

shift in focus

a moral

naturally

i e, caste.

of untouchability,
of action

and

conjectures

their refutation.

torians over certain

The

debate

disputed

the Indian his

among

structures

historical

proves

this point

quite adequately.Archaeology inhistory thus involvesextracting


the truthfromthepast by "carefully"discoveringand analysingthe
historical data (Nicole 2005). Some of the sociologistsalso find
as a useful method

archaeology

to study social

relations

in India.15

Interestingly,archaeology also finds its relevance in the


debates between two leadingMarxist thinkers:Hobsbawm and
Althusser.

finds in Althusser

Hobsbawm

an archaeological

opera

tion and identifies in the latter different layers of theoretical


thinking, which

on top of Marx's

accumulated

gradually

original

calwhen compared toVedantic thinking,


which rules out resolu

thought (Hobsbawm 1994: 1). Finally and most importantly,in

tion of untouchability

the Foucauldian

through material

and

corporeal

touch.

Gandhian Approach
Look at Gandhi's body language which is so relaxed and flows
freely across

time and

spaces.

is the case

Reverse

for the Shanka

racharya,whose body is folded into itself,it is completelyfrozen.


It is in this sense the significanceof corporealityof touch that
makes Gandhian approach to untouchability analogous to
Ambedkar. Because both of them insistthatan untouchablemust
enter the templewith his/her physical body and not througha
spiritualmind, which iswhat theVedantic view suggests.How

ever,Gandhi and Ambedkar differfromeach otherquite substan


tiallyon other counts.Unlike Gandhi, who findsthe solution of
untouchability in the moral surgery of the heart, Ambedkar
suggests the annihilation of caste ofwhich untouchability is just
the existence.
produces

According

opaque

to Ambedkar,

forms of untouchability,

the "brahminical
which

mind"

can be detected

either through sociology or anthropology.Untouchability exists

beyond
could

mere
access

description,
untouchability,

and hence,
which

requires
as

Shinde

archaeology
has

very

that
percep

tivelypointed out, sits at the bottom of thismind. Ambedkar's


thinking and politics follows the archaeological method of
discovering the essence of untouchability. Let us explore the

sense,

tries to define

archaeology

not the thoughts, representation, images, themes, preoccupations


that
are concealed or revealed in discourse, but those discourses
them
selves, those discourses as practices obeying certain rules. It does not

as document, as a sign of something else, as an ele


that ought to be transparent, but where unfortunate opacity
must often be pierced ifone is to reach at least the depth of the essen
treat discourses

ment

tial in the place

courses

inwhich it is held in reverse, it is connected with dis


It is not interpretative disci
in its own volume as a monument.

pline, itdoes not seek another, better hidden discourse,


allegorical

(Foucault

it refuses to be

1994:136).

A Foucauldian take on archaeologywould also help us to dis


archaeology

tinguish

In the

from architecture.

Indian

context,

dalits used themetaphor of thepyramid to describe the caste sys


tem, and more
put caste

and

particularly,

the varna

untouchability

as

located

system, while

the Marxists

at the superstructure.

In

are not a kind


the archaeological
sense, caste and untouchability
In fact, as we shall see in the follow
of order or an open design.

ingpages itplays out quite secretlyand subtly.For example, in


public discussion, themes on dalits come to be listed at the fag
or at the end of a research

end of a seminar/conference
This

order

preferential

looks

natural,

because

journal.16

those who

have

thepower to put dalits inan irreversibleorder,do not find itnec


essary

to provide

54 September

any

12, 2009

reason

for such preferential

vol xliv no 37 Q3S3

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arrangement.

Economic& Politicalweekly

Thus, archaeology seeks toaccess this inalterabilityof the "Indian


It seeks

mind".

or fathom

to reveal

the untouchability-ridden

"Indian mind" that hides within itselfa persisting element of


caste. The Indianmind essentially operates through the subtle
act

value
transferring
is a generic

of

ferent scholars

one

from

contexts.

in different

to another.

sphere

that appears

concept

archaeology

relevant

However,

source

dis

in a

relevant

Let us explore

context.

transparent

what

is

thiscontextforuntouchability.
The Context of Archaeology of Untouchability
Letme in the beginning argue that archaeology as a method of
or the truth of caste

the essence

discovering

in certain

only
. redundant

contexts.

For example,

in the rural

becomes

caste

context, where

become
play out

hierarchies

openly by resorting to blatant untouchability practices, and


hence, caste does not requireuntouchabilitytoadopt subtleforms
for its own

Let me make

expression.

further

this point

clear

by

citing some evidence from some villages in Tamil Nadu and


In these

Maharashtra.17

castes

the upper

where

villages,

have

raised a physicalwall of separation between the touchables and


the untouchables,

not need

does

archaeology

to discover

any

thingmore. To put itdifferently,


archaeology requires a spatially
for its success.

context

ambiguous
become

Similarly,

would

archaeology

in the rural context, where

ineffective

the untouchables

stillhave to appear inthepublicwith bodymarkers (witha broom


and basket of filthon thehead, certain dress codes, black ribbon
on thewrists) constitutingthem intowalking carrionwith a con
centrated

expression
not make

ogy does
mate

of repulsion.

social

the social

sense,

context.

to every other person


text makes
with
does

becomes

archaeology

every other person


in opaque

social

Sarukkai,
condition

I am

untouchable.

that the despicable

in

as a stranger

The

con

urban

to remain

in touch
as

suggesting,

already

untouchable

for self-preservation

archaeol

intelligible

appears

relations.

it difficult for the pure untouchable

the despicable

jective

it differently,

in the face to face or inti

particularly

Rather,

context, where

To put

a sub

provides

of the "pure untouchables".

anonymity

the only sphere

the domestic

space within

for the protection

the urban

as

context

of the "pure untouchable".

The

domestic sphere provides an opportunity for the resolution of


anxiety

that continues

to grip

the urban

castes.

upper

Let me

furtherargue how the domestic space offersa stable context for


the pure untouchable

to overcome

his/her

anxiety.

Domestic Sphere
First, the domestic sphere offersthe space forconductingpurifi
catory

functions.

The

touchables

or the twice-born

persons

use

thedomestic sphere forboth physical and ritualpurification.It is


quite

revealing

to note

that some

of the parents

hose

down

their

children after they returnhome from school, not because their


bodies are mired inmud or dust, but because theymight have
Economic& Politicalweekly

BBS3

September

12, 2009

to realise

need

as

of sovereignty

in protecting
First, he

the domestic

invites only

lutely sure. He

citizen

this sovereignty

of the Indian

enjoys

as

sphere

about whose

those

Republic.

of sovereignty.

sphere

the twice

Second,

in case

to retain his ritual power

power

is abso

he

background

power.

discretionary,

born host uses money

the

twice-bornhost commits themistake by invitinga personwith


ambiguous social identity,gets food from thehotel, and finally,
the invitee

he knows

but since he cannot

is from the lower caste,

avoid invitingthe latterhe offershim a tendercoconut.The shell


tender

coconut

is a^safe

for avoiding

device

ritual pol

lutionbecause the shell can be disposed of.


Interestingly,the axis between the domestic and the public
spheres

for archaeological

space

provides

As men

articulation.

tionedabove, thedomestic sphere is the sphereof sovereigntyfor


the upper

caste.

to the pressure

due

He/she,

of social

vigilance,

can enjoy sovereigntyonly the fragmentedtime and space and


not

in continuous

In fact, the pressure

time.

of social

vigilance,

forceshim/her to don universalmasks, while he is in thepublic


domain.

Thus,

he becomes

co-worker,

teacher,

consumer,

citizen,

and so on, depending on the spheres. In the journeyback home,


these sacred souls begin to drop each of these universal identi
ties. He becomes completely denuded in the domestic. This is
to the archaeology

analogous

of the glacier

as mentioned

above.

It is in this sense that the domestic becomes the sphere of defla

tion of pretension.

For

the untouchables,

it is the do

therefore,

mestic spherewhich is the testingground for themorally inte


grated or genuine personality.This has been furtherconfirmed
by some of the anthropologists (Khare 1984: 14).How does one
get an insightinto thisdeflation of the "pure self"who hides be
hind theuniversal identities?
While thereare several dalit auto
that offer an
biographies
let me cite an interesting
and

landlord
Landlord:

The growingdilutionof the interactivesphere leading togrowing


makes

sense

The

This becomes clear fromfollowingmoves thatthepure selfmakes

of the used

intelligible
may

archaeology

of the sovereignty.

abstract

logy. Secondly, archaeology for itsdefinition requires a hidden


contextwith opacity or anonymity.That is to say it does not
become

the domestic

controlling

cannot be fulfilled in the public sphere,which can offeronly an

on archaeo

to all the perspectives

common

over

sovereign

space. Practising untouchability at home becomes the major

Thus,

covering ormelting and freeingare essential and defining fea


tures of archaeology

to feel

castes

upper

to dif
and

covering

messed up with the untouchable children,while in the school.18


Second, thedomestic sphere also provides an opportunityforthe

pates

May

I know

a subsequent

into this archaeological

conversation

the prospectus

My name

Tenant:

insight

between

insight,
caste

the upper

tenants:

untouchable

your name?

is Bhagvan.
question

(This Hindu

sounding

name

antici

from the landlord.)

Landlord:Which region are you from?


Tenant: I am a Maharashtrian. (This does not give any idea ofhis
social

background.)

Landlord:Which language do you speak?


Tenant: Hindustani or English.
Are you a vegetarian

Landlord:

in some regionsonly.)
Tenant:

Vegetarian.

landlord's

(This does

reservations,

or a non-vegetarian?

(This

not help

to overcome

and hence,

the landlord

he uses

is true

the last question.)

Landlord:Where do youwork? (This is the lastbut sure sourceof


of a tenant because

knowing

the caste

observed

in his testimonies,

the caste

as Harkishan
of a person

Santoshi

reaches

ingplace earlier thanhis/her transferpapers (Guru 1986)).

vol xliv no 37 55

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has

towork

Contradictory Move
The conversationbetween the landlord and theprospective ten
an archaeological

ant underlies
tory in nature.
tions, which

The
are

landlord's

authoritative,

move,

is deeply

which

involves

archaeology

and

irrational,

contradic

a set of ques

hence,

offensive.

This archaeology,which is aimed at restoring inalienabilitybe


tween the sacred selfand themodern enterpriseacquires an of
fensive

character,

particularly

on the normative

ground.

The

pro

spective tenant, instead of rejecting the irrationalquestion on


rational grounds, chooses to copewith itby adopting a defensive
archaeology,

which

involves

universal

answers

for the particular

questions. This withdrawal into guided universalism thus sug


gests a loss of self-esteem

as far as the tenant

is concerned.

This offensivearchaeologyhas implicationsat threelevels.First,


at thephenomenological level, the social attitudeof the ideal un
touchable (theupper caste) does pointout thesocial relationsrather
than the knowledge

Second,

this archaeology

suggests

enough

to grant at least a temporary

recognition

to an untouchable,

but he/shemay not be a good person. Third, the domesticas the


ef
private spherecordoned offby the ideologyof purity-pollution

denies theprivate thebenign qualityofbeing thespace for


fectively
and
healing
recuperatingnecessitatedby the ravagesof the public
world.19

this Janus-faced

Fourth,

Aristotelian

The tenantfails toput a counterquestion to the landlord,thus


exposing the latter'sfailure to followmarket rationality.It isby
thisprimacyof the irrationalover the rationalor ritualvalue over

conditions.

the irresolubletensionbetween a good citizenand a good person.To


an upper caste person may be a citizen good
put it differently,

principle

ideal untouchable

that suggests

an

thus violates

interconnection

the
the

between

privateand thepublicwhich isbound by the totalityofmoral quali


tiesof the good "man". Finally,the ideal untouchable and his/her
attitudes

towards

the real untouchable

confirms

Sarukkai's

main

of theupper caste
themonetary value, that the offensivearchaeology adopted by argument,according towhich the self-definition
theupper caste landlord cannot be reduced tomere psychology, or the idealuntouchablebecomes possible only inrelationto theas
because the landlorddoes not ask these questions for satisfying criptiveidentityof the untouchable. This sacred self cannot exist
his psychological curiosity. In fact, in this case, the offensive without the presence of other the despicable untouchable.This
archaeology establishes an ontological linkwith the ritually tense coexistencebecomes a possibilityonly throughoutsourcing
un
to the other. However,
those who
supplement
superiorself.The offensivearchaeology,which operates through untouchability
coercive questioning, in the process tends to render the landlord touchability into others continue to suffer from endless anxiety. That
completelydenuded, of course, onmoral ground.The prospective is to say theycan neithercompletelydetoxifythemselvesof an ele
nor can theybrandish itopenly. Ironically,
tenantalso suffersfroma painful skinningoff layersof different ment of untouchability,
universal

identity, which

he puts on himself

as defence mechanism.

Thus, archaeology suggestsa double bind.


NOTES_
1 Anand Mulk Raj's The Untouchables, Shivaram
Karanth's Choma's Duddi, Thakazhi Shivashanka
ra Pillai's Scavenger's Boy, U R Ananthamurthy's
Samskara are some of the prominent literary
texts that centrally touch upon the question of
untouchability.
2 Baburao Bagul, JevanhaMe Jat Chorali Hoti (short
story collection) (Nagpur: Siddarth Publication)
1978,Om PrakashWalmiki, Jhootan (tran) Prabha
Mukherjee (Calcutta: Samya Publication), 2002.
3 It is only inAmbedkar's collective writings and
speeches that one come across a thickdiscussion
on the impactof untouchability on economics.
4 The sociological puzzle could be understood in
termsof intensepractices of untouchability that is
found in the regionswith negligible brahmin pop
ulation. Or, less intense untouchability practices
with larger brahmin population, particularly in
Uttar Pradesh. I have dealt with this issue inmy
power of touch,published inFrontline,December

2007.
5 In 19th century, Pune inMaharashtra, the un
touchables were forced to appear in the public
with an earthen pot hanging around their neck
and broom sticking around theirwaist. The un
touchables were forced to use the pot as spittoon
as their spitwas also considered as polluting. The
broom was supposed to erase their footprints
which were considered as polluting.

6 See The Samkhya Karika, translated by Nandalal


Sinha (Delhi: Oriental Books), 1915.
7 In the orthodox Hinduism, although there are
umpteen number of references that suggest cross
ing sea is a taboo, one can also argue that some of
the orthodox Hindus do treat sea water as pollut
ing,which iswhy theydo not immerse the ashes
of thedead into seawater, even iftheyare close to
sea water (particularly, from the coastal region).
8 Forty-three untouchable agricultural labourers
were burnt alive by the upper caste landlords in

the predicament

makes

the archaeological

method

inevitable

for the

which sitsdeep in theanxious self.


detectionofuntouchability,

10

11

12
13

14
15
16

Kilvenmani inThanjavur districtofTamil Nadu in


1962. Several houses ofValmikis fromGohana in
Harayana were set on fireby the upper castes in
January 2007.
Karve, Irawati,makes thisobservation inher semi
nal work on Maharashtra. Even research studyon
theDignity Index inMaharashtra, Vlkas Adhyayan
Kendra,Mumbai, 2009, proves thispoint.
This has been the common practice among the
upper caste Indians fromdifferentparts of India.
Interestingly,eg, Thomas Isaac's India's Ex
Untouchables, Michael Walzer also reconfirms
this inhis work on Spheres ofJustice:A Defence of
Pluralism and Equality.
Baby Kamble (2008), thishas also been confirmed
by Mehbubhai fromBehat block in Saharanpur
district, UP.
U R Ananthamurthy, Samskara, The Janpith
Award Winning work,
Formore discussion, Guru (1996). This termcould
also be understood through the literary imagina
tion of dalit literarywriters like Prahlad Chend
wankar, who has written thepoem "The Cup".
I benefited from the discussion I held with Harjit
Singh, an expert inGlaciology.
Kramer C, I E Douglas quoted in Nicole 2005,
P 242.
Bibilio, VII, Nos 9 and 10,October 2002.

17 Frontline,December 2008.
18 My own fieldworkfrom thevillages fromSawant
wadi block from theTal (deep) Konkan region of
Maharashtra.
19 Michael de Certan, quoted inGupta (2003:56).

REFERENCES

Desai, I P (1976): Untouchability in Rural Gujarat


(Mumbai: Popular Prakashan).
Dumont, Louis (1988): Homo Hierarchicus (New
Delhi: Oxford UniversityPress).
56 September

12, 2009

Foucault, Michel (1994): Archaeology of Knowledge


(London: Routledge).
Guru, Gopal (1986): "Social Discrimination and San
skritisation: Some Theoretical Issues" Sociologi
cal Bulletin.
(1996): Dalit Cultural Movement inMaharashtra
(Mumbai: Vikas Adhyayan Kendra).
Gupta, Dipankar (2003): "Domesticated Public: Tradi
tion,Modernity and the Public/Private Divide" in
Gurpreet Mahajan, The Public and the Private:
Issues ofDemocratic Citizenship (Delhi: Sage).
Hobsbawm, E J (1994): "The Structural of Capital" in
Gregory Elliot (ed.), Althusser: A Critical Reader
(Oxford: Blackwell).
Jha,Vivekananda (1974): "FromTribe toUntouchabi
lity: The Case of Nisad" (New Delhi: People's
Publishing House).
Kamble, Baby (2008): The Prison We Broke, Marathi
translation by Maya Pandit (Delhi: Orient Long

man).
Khare, R S (1984): The Untouchables as Himself, Ideo
logy,Identityand Pragmatism among theLucknow
Chamers (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press).
Naipaul, V S (1988): India: A Wounded Civilisation

(Delhi: Picador).
Nicole, Boivin (2005): "Orientalism, Ideology and
Identity:Examining Caste in South Asian Archae
ology", Journal ofSocial Archaeology.
Rudolph, S H and LI Rudolph (1967): TheModernity
of Tradition: Political Development in India
(Chicago: University ofChicago Press).
Rajshekhariah, A M (1976): Politics of Untouchability
(New Delhi: Ashis Publishers).
Shah, Ghanshyam, H Mander, S Thorat, S Deshpande
and A Baviskar (2006): Untouchability in Rural
India (Delhi: Sage).
Shinde, Vitthal Ramji (1976): Bhartatil Ashprush
ctechaPrashna (Mumbai: Social Welfare and Cul
turalDepartment, Government ofMaharashtra).
vol xliv no 37 QQC3

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