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Abstract: The Early Church Fathers had varied perspectives on whether philosophy
could help or hinder the Christian tradition. Justin Martyr (100-165 CE) represents a
school that saw the encounter with philosophy as a potentially helpful and valid area of
dialogue for Christian theology, resonating with the present day. The complexity and
number of philosophical views within the context of the Roman Empire in the second
century shows that the postmodern challenge to Christianity presented by the presence
of ancient religious traditions is not a new situation. Therefore examining how Justin
conversed with philosophy will give us a context for a discussion on inter-religious
dialogue. Justins approach to pagan philosophy is thought to correspond to Paul
Knitters fulfilment model of inter-religious dialogue, I examine this position and assess
whether it is an appropriate label for Justin. I then briefly consider whether the
fulfilment model is appropriate for inter-religious dialogue today.
Key Words: Justin Martyr; middle Platonism; conversion; inter-religious dialogue;
pluralism; Roman philosophy; eclecticism
espite the human desire to find stability and peace, change and complexity have
come to define contemporary Western society. Complexity has marked Christian
History. There are several elements of the Roman Empire in the Second century that bear
close resemblance to our own historical context.
(1) Christianity could not assume ideological dominance;
(2) Christianity in the second century exists within an environment where
diverse philosophies and religions compete;
(3) The second century framework for the reception of truth in the case of
Justin, was often developed in reference to and dialogue and debate with,
various other philosophical traditions; and
(4) The struggle to present Christian truth to non-Christians may involve the
assumption, incorporation of, or adaptation to, non-Christian forms in some
way without necessarily condoning them (though Christianity was not
monolithic).1
The early apologists were primarily concerned with the defence of Christianity and the
converting of non-Christians. To introduce the topic and context I briefly examine the
second Century CE and offer some brief comparisons to the present day. After I have
described the context and shown some common ground between the periods I briefly
Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, in Thomas B. Falls (trans.) The Fathers of the Church, A New
Translation (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1965). Justin himself points out that there
are many pure and pious Christians who do not share our opinion (276). This passage affirms that there was
no monolithic practice or concept of Christianity even in the mind of the apologist.
1
discuss the fulfilment model in comparison to the mutuality model discussed by Knitter. 2
Then under the section entitled: Conversion and Tradition, I examine Justin Martyrs
description of his conversion to Christianity to identify how the context of philosophy
influenced that conversion. To clarify the ground I employ some of Clements statements
on the relationship between philosophy and Christian thought. Within this section I assess
aspects within the thought and conversion of Justin that may be helpful when engaging in
inter-religious dialogue. Before briefly considering whether the fulfilment model
represents an appropriate motivational framework for inter-religious dialogue.
Paul Knitter, Introducing Theologies of Religions (New York: Orbis Books, 2002), 125-134.
Bronwen Neil, Christians in the Early Centuries, in Foundations of Christian Faith, An introduction for
Students, ed. Damien Casey, Gerard Hall and Ann Hunt (Melbourne: Social Science Press, 2004), 32-33.
4 Michael Bland Simmons. Graeco-Roman Philosophical Opposition, in Philip F. Esler (ed.), Encyclopedia
of The Early Christian World (London: Routledge, 2000) 2:840-1. Simmons makes the point that though there
were periods of cooperation that could be concluded to resemble a sympathy and syncretism of pagan culture
to Christianity (2:861) until sometime after the edict of toleration. (Simmons says that the period of literary
hostility mostly ceases by 363). Overall his assessment of the period is sensible and helpful as he does not
dismiss the presence of an occasional cooperative spirit.
3
Angelo Di Bernadino and Basil Studer (eds.), The Greco-Roman World: Challenge and Response, History of
Theology, vol. 1, trans. Matthew OConnell (Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1997), 83-84.
6 Robert Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire, trans. Antonia Nevill (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 52, 53, 76, 77.
Though Turcan believes the passages from the apologists support his thesis that Christians absorbed those
Pagan practises into common worship, his argument may be undermined by the possible explanatory function
of some of Clements work. Also the highly Semitic character of early Christianity was still prevalent during
Justin and Clements time, though Alexandria was especially Hellenised. In order to find evidence of absorption
he exaggerates the presence of those practices in the liturgy for which there is only very limited textual
support in Clement.
5
Hans- Josef Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity: A Guide to Graeco- Roman Religions, trans.
Brian McNeil (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2000), 345, 353, 355.
7
J.O. Riedl, Platonism, in New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed. (Catholic University of America, Washington,
2003), 11:413.
9
11
12
Stuart Hall. Doctrine and Practice in the Early Church (London: SPCK, 1991), 39-44.
10
M. Pellegrino, Apologetics, in Encyclopaedia of the Early Church, ed. Angelo Di Berardino, (Cambridge:
James Clark, 1992), 1:60. Leo ODonovan and T. Howland Sanks (eds.), Faithful Witness: Foundations of
Theology for Todays Church (New York: Crossroad, 1989), 14-15.
13
14
Eyjolfur Emilsson, Neo-Platonism, in Routledge History of Philosophy, ed. David Furley (London: Routledge,
1997), 2:357.
16 Emilsson, Neo-Platonism, 357.
15
17
Acting toward the natural end of beings was to be united to the divine plan for humanity.
Eclectic philosophers before him (Clement) had remarked that the ethical ideal of Platos
Theaetetus, assimilation to God as far as possible, is in meaning identical with the Stoic
ideal of life according to nature (the divine plan).25 Osborn also notes that the instinct of
the Stoic thinkers was to focus on Gods immanence.26 There was an instinct that the two
streams of platonic theology and Stoic ethics were compatible and as such there was a
marked influence of Stoicism on the philosophy appropriated by the early apologists.
Overall, Middle Platonism retained the basic Platonic Metaphysics, but melded the
ethics of Stoicism and Aristotelian logic together to form a style of philosophy that became
systemised into Neo-Platonism. In a similar melding, for Justin and Clement, creation,
ethics, knowledge (gnosis) faith and reason, are all inter-related elements.27 The pluralist
instinct within the early Christian apologists was less a matter of choice so much as the
reality of the second century. The diversity of the different philosophical traditions that
are encompassed by the term Middle Platonism is testament to that. Although the
P. Merlan, Greek Philosophy From Plato to Plotinus, in A.H. Armstrong (ed.), The Cambridge History of
Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 56.
18
Chadwick, Philo and the Beginnings of Christian Thought, in A.H. Armstrong (ed.), The Cambridge History
of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970),161.
20 E.F. Osborn, The Philosophy of Clement of Alexandria (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1957), 22.
19
21
Salvatore Lilla, Clement of Alexandria, A Study of Christian Platonism and Gnosticism, (Oxford University
Press, Oxford, 1971) 41. Lilla also notes the principle divisions which mark their ideological divergence with
Pagan philosophy.
22
23
24
Eric Osborn, The Greco-Roman World, Challenge and Response, in History of Theology, 85.
25
26
27
relationship with philosophy and philosophers was not always amicable, there were areas
of agreement between these views and Christian thought.
Etienne Gilson, History of Christian Medieval Philosophy (London: Sheed and Ward, 1972), 12.
Francis Sullivan, Clement of Alexandria on Justification through Philosophy, cited in In Many and Diverse
Ways: In Honor of Jacques Dupis, ed. Daniel Kendall and Gerarld OCollins (New York: Orbis Books, 2003).
28
29
30
Roger Thompson, Religion in Australia: A History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 139, 144-145;
Hillary Carey, Believing in Australia: A Cultural History of Religions (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1996), 173-174,
177, 179.
31
33
34
32
Knitter, Introducing Theologies of Religions, 126; Wayne Teasdale, Catholicism in Dialogue: Conversations
Across Traditions (New York: Sheed &Ward, 2004), 110.
36
Knitter, Introducing Theologies of Religions, 128-129; quoting from, Raimon Panikkar, The Unknown Christ of
Hinduism (New York: Orbis Books, 1981), 24, 19.
37
38
that Christianity represents the true philosophy, thus appropriating the term. 39 Justin
attempted to retain his Christian identity without discarding Greek thought. One image
used by him to describe the presence of truth within Greco-Roman culture is the logoi
spermakoi the seeds of the word that are present within all philosophical cultures. 40 The
philosophy of the Greeks in this way was seen to partially participate in the Logos, and was
viewed as a preparation for the gospel. This theology has been carried through to the
modern day through Vatican II and contemporary theologies of inter-religious dialogue.41
The Fathers of the Church rightly saw in the various religions as it were so many
reflections of the one truth, "seeds of the Word", attesting that, though the routes taken
may be different, there is but a single goal to which is directed the deepest aspiration of
the human spirit...42
The Seeds of the word argument comes out of Justins experience of Greek culture as
containing elements of definite goodness and truth. The knowledge of truth is akin to a
deeper participation in the Logos. However it is clear that Justin regards philosophy as a
preparation for the Gospel. He argues that the fullness of truth has been given fully only in
Christ, the word made flesh.43 This leads to a perspective that validates philosophy or
other religious traditions against Christian revelation. Yet Dupuis, employing Danielou,
argues that the revelatory quality of the Logos within philosophy is not the product of
human reason.44 Sullivan also argues that Clement has allowances for a limited salvation
in Non-Christian traditions because some of their practices lead to the Logos.45
The Conciliar documents have frequently been embraced with enthusiasm in Catholic
theology on the basis that now ... the Church officially recognises an extra-ecclesiastical
way of salvation through other religions.46
However, we must be careful in applying the term salvation especially when Justin and
Clement clearly argue that Christ is the fullness of salvation. The early sources are very
careful. Clement says:
When a crew of men haul on their boat, we do not say that they constitute a large
number of causes. There is one cause comprising several elements. In the same way,
philosophy makes a contribution to grasping the truth- it is a search for truth. It is not
of itself the cause of the grasp. It is a contributory cause...47
39
Henry Chadwick, Philo and the Beginnings of Christian Thought, The Cambridge History of Later Greek and
Early Medieval Philosophy, 2:162.
41 Gerard Hall, The Call to Interfaith Dialogue, The Australian eJournal of Theology 5 (August 2005):
aejt.com.au, accessed 18 October 2005; Jacque Dupuis, Jesus Christ at the Encounter of World Religions, trans.
Robert Barr (New York: Orbis Books, 1991), 133.
40
Justin Martyr, 2nd Apology VIII. cited in Jacques Dupuis, Toward a Christian Theology of Religious
Pluralism (Orbis Books, New York, 1997), 58. Dupuis argues that Justin identifies three kinds of knowledge, the
most basic being possessed by the Pagans, the second level of Judaism and finally Christian insight (59).
43
44
Francis Sullivan, Clement of Alexandria on Justification through Philosophy, cited in In Many and Diverse
Ways: In Honor of Jacques Dupis, 112.
46 Miikka Ruokanen, The Catholic Doctrine of Non-Christian Religions According to the Second Vatican
Council (New York: E.J. Brill, 1992), 92-93.
45
Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis, I. 20, in Fathers of the Church, A New Translation, vol. 85, ed. Thomas
Halton, trans. John Ferguson (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1991), 96. The sentence It
is a contributory cause... shows Clements precision when discussing the issue of the presence of salvific truth
within the Greek traditions.
47
Yet Justins conversion attests to some real benefit within other religions, it also offers
substantial insight into his approach to philosophy in relation to Christian revelation. It
will offer greater precision for the discussion on Justins view of other religions.
Justins Conversion
Justins conversion attests to truth being radically present in Greco-Roman society in the
second century. In The Dialogue with Trypho, chapters 2 to 8 were spoken in response to
Tryphos question: What is your idea of God and what is your philosophy? 48 The
chapters discuss the context and content of Justins conversion to Christianity. After a
period of searching Justin settles down in a city to learn with a Platonist philosopher
whose reputation was great.49 The choice for a Platonist teacher was one of theological
reasoning over logic and ethics. As Justin says:
The perception of incorporeal things quite overwhelmed me and the platonic theory
of ideas added wings to my mind, so that in a short time I imagined myself a wise man.50
The fruits of Justins labour in Platonism were clearly present to him though not
fully ripened. It was after a period of learning under this teacher that Justin, on a walk one
day, encounters an old man on the edge of the sea. It is during his conversation with the
old man (Christ) that Justin comes to experience the truth that he was seeking, in a new
way.51
When he entered dialogue with the Christian on the beach Justin is converted
through the old mans ability to engage Justin on his own philosophical ground. When
Justin puts forward an answer, usually from his Platonic learning, he is quickly mastered
through being shown the inconsistency of his statements.52 Gilson describes the
conversion of Clement as one of fuller reason of Christianity over the partial reason of
philosophy.53 However the example of the prophets and Christ himself are the most crucial
elements in his conversion. It would seem that these figures embodied both the ethical
and philosophical attributes that Justin felt was lacking in his previous teachers. 54 They
alone knew the truth and communicated it to men, whom they neither deferred to nor
feared.55 The dialogue with the old man shows us that above all Justin despised
worldliness in his teachers, hence his choice for the theological bent of Platonism, but he
also sought philosophical consistency. Justin is converted by the philosophical skill of the
old Christian, his admiration for the stout rejection of worldliness that the prophets
represent and the mediation of truth through Christ which he experiences personally.
The basic philosophical framework of Middle Platonism without doubt leads Justin
to Christianity. However it is the logic of relationship between humanity and God, and the
Christian language of salvation described by the old man, that Justin believes brings him to
48
49
50
There are several theories on the identity of the old man in the dialogue with Justin. The most sensible and
convincing put forward by Andrew Hofer is that the old man represents Christ. As Hofer discusses, the
consciousness of the period was often symbolic and metaphorical and the text has many echoes of the Gospels.
See Andrew Hofer, The Old Man as Christ in Justins Dialogue with Trypho, Vigiliae Christianae 57 (2003): 121.
51
52
53
54
55
the fullest truth. The old mans knowledge and critique of philosophy shows us that the
language of philosophy had a very special role in the conversion of a particular Pagan
philosopher, Justin. In this case one may infer the appropriateness of philosophical
language in declaring Christian truth, however Justin describes his experience affectively.
But my Spirit was immediately set on fire and an affection for the prophets, and those
who are friends of Christ, took hold of me; while pondering on his words, I discovered
that his (the old man) was the only sure and useful philosophy.56
Always balanced with this central conversion experience is Justins philosophers robe
and his reiteration that there is truth partially present in Greek philosophy. As he says in
almost confessional terms: We have declared above that he (Christ) is the Logos of whom
every race of men were partakers; and that those who live reasonably [according to
reason/logos] are Christians though they have been thought atheists.57 Notice the strong
resemblance between Justins statement and Rahners anonymous Christian. Gilson,
specifically referring to the time after initial conversion to Christianity, says that the
same Logos inspires the reform of character. Ethical reform through adherence to
the Logos is thus likened to the Stoic obedience to nature and the divine spark discussed
previously.58 However, Barnard argues that disagreements between philosophies are a
proof that philosophers participate in the Logos in only a partial way.59 Yet by granting
even a contingent validity to Pagan Philosophy, Justin is laying the groundwork for
Clements use of Pagan philosophy in his defence of Christian truth. 60 Philosophical truth is
valid as a pre-evangelism but it is superseded by the Christian philosophy.
56
57
58
59
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CONCLUSION
A major similarity between the second century and today is the influx of differing
viewpoints and perspectives that the Christian is asked to respond to. The present day has
the context of anti-Religion ideology coupled with a diversity and complexity of religious
traditions that is deeply challenging to an unbalanced Christocentrism or
Ecclesiocentrism. Nevertheless Justin represents an intention to defend and redefine the
strength of Christianity within the context of vibrant dialogue. In his case the strength of
Middle-Platonism was not an impediment to conversation and internal conversion. Yet
61
62
Ibid, 23.
63
Panikkar, The Intra-Religious Dialogue, 1. The models of replacement for example within certain schools,
would find this inappropriate if the outcome is not actual conversion of the other. Knitter, Introducing
Theologies of Religions, 23-26.
64
Ingrid Shafer, Explanatory Remarks Concerning a: Declarations of the Religions for a Global Ethic,
http://astro.temple.edu/~dialogue/Center/kung.htm, accessed 27 October 2005.
66 Nostra Aetate, par. 5, cited in, Miikka Ruokanen, The Catholic Doctrine of Non-Christian Religions, 87.
65
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there remains a tension between the openness to others asked by inter-religious dialogue
and the instinct to remain Christian. To what extent are we asked to revise or reevaluate the accepted linguistic or religious structures that mediate how we understand
Gods grace? Dialogue after all is a kenotic experience: When you enter into an
intrareligious dialogue, do not think beforehand what you have to believe.68 Through this
criterion the early Christians are not necessarily ideal models of conversation. However
Justins conversion shows a definite openness to the other that shows due respect to the
process of seeking truth, inner conversion and peace which dialogue aspires to,
established within his Christian identity.
Author: Cullan Joyce has recently graduated with an Honours degree in theology from ACU
Brisbane. His Honours thesis was on the Christology of Maximus the Confessor. He is
presently studying for his Masters degree on Buddhist-Christian dialogue at the University of
Tasmania.
Email: cullanjoyce@hotmail.com
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