The 'Aes' Coinage of Galba / by C.M. Kraay

NUMISMATIC
AND
NOTES
MONOGRAPHS
No. 133
THE
AES
OF
By
THE
AMERICAN
COINAGE
GALBA
C. M. KICAAY
NUMISMATIC
NEW
SOCIETY
YORK
1956
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NUMISMATIC
NOTES
AND
MONOGRAPHS
Number 153
NUMISMATIC NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS

is devoted to essays and treatiseson subjectsrelating
to coins,paper money,medals and decorations.
PUBLICATION
COMMITTEE
A. Carson Simpson,Chairman
Alfred R.Bellinger
Agnes Baldwin Brett
Thomas O.Mabbott
Theodor E.Mommsen
Sawyer McA.Mosser, Editor
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BY

THE AMERICAN NUMISMATICSOCIETY
PRINTEDIN GERMANY
GLCKSTADT
ATJ.J.AUGUSTIN
The
A es
of
Coinage
Galba
By C. M. KRAAY
THE
AMERICAN
NUMISMATIC
NEW
SOCIETY
YORK
1956
CONTENTS
Vii
PREFACE
I. INTRODUCTION
II. THE MAINAES ISSUES
7
8
Chronologicalframework
Analysis of officinaeA-E
OfficinaA
OfficinaB
13
17
18
OfficinaC
OfficinaD
21
OfficinaE
Mint organization
24
25
III. THE LAST AES ISSUES
33
OfficinaF
OfficinaG
33
36
IV. CONCLUSION
56
OF DIES
CATALOGUE
6o
INDEX OF REVERSEDIES
121
INDEX OF REVERSELEGENDS AND TYPES
125
plates i-xxxvii
at end.
PREFACE
The present study at firstformedpart of a monograph on the aes
coinage of the period A.D. 68-71 which was awarded the Conington
Prize in 1951 and was subsequently, in an enlarged form,submitted
as a D. Phil, thesis in the Universityof Oxford. The original object
was to test the systemof mints proposed forthe aes coinage of Vespasian in BMC II; in the course of this, as a result of observing
reversedies common to Galba and Vespasian, the startingpoint was
moved back to A.D. 68, so as to include the coinage of Galba. In the
event, the organization of the mints in the two reigns proved so
differentthat they could be made the subjects of separate studies. I
hope that I may be able, at a later date, to publish a similarstudy of
the aes of Vespasian.
Records of about 550 sestertiiof Galba have been collected from
all sources, and referenceto the Catalogue of Dies will reveal how
generouslykeepersof public collections,private collectorsand dealers
have all given access to material under their control. It was also a
fortunatecoincidence that the period in which this study was being
prepared also saw the dispersal in London of several major collections (Hall, Lawrence and Ryan); I was thus able personally to
examine and record (and hence to illustratein the plates) many coins
which might otherwisehave remained known to me only fromsale
catalogues of the past. The numberof coins recordedcould have been
substantially increased, but a halt had to be made somewhere,and
the absence of any collection fromthe Catalogue of Dies should not
be construed as evidence of inaccessibility. It seemed that the material here collected yielded a sufficientlyclear picture of mint activity which would be altered only in details by furtheradditions.
Obligations are, as always, numerous and of these many are hard
to define; only the most obvious can be recorded. Among these are
clearly to be placed the generous grants received at Oxford from
Magdalen College,the Ashmolean Museum and theCraven Committee,
vii
viii
Preface
which enabled me to visit collections in Paris, Vienna, Munich and

Bonn. Outstanding among personal obligations is that to my colleague and supervisor, Dr. C. H. V. Sutherland, whom I have to
thank not only for my induction into the techniques of numismatic
study,but also forunfailingreadiness to discuss sympatheticallyany
matter,large or small, at any time. For photographyI have to thank
Mr. H. N. Newton and Miss O. M. Godwin ofthe Ashmolean Museum,
and for the preparation of what must have seemed meaningless
diagrams, my sister, Miss P. Kraay, and Mrs. M. Cox of the Ashmolean Museum. Finally I must expressmy gratitudeto the American
NumismaticSocietyforundertakingthepublicationofthismonograph.
Oxford 1954
Colin M. Kraay
ABBREVIATIONS
ANS
Bachofenvon Echt
Basel
BM
BMC
BMC (Rep.)
Bonn
CAH
Capt. Smyth
Fitzwilliam
Hall
ILS
Lawrence
MagnagutiII
MAH
Messenger
Munich
Naville I-XVIII
NC
NdS
- AmericanNumismaticSociety,New York.
- Voetter, Sammlung Bachofen von Echt:
RmischeMnzen und Medaillen. Katalog,
Vienna 1903.
- HistorischesMuseum.
- BritishMuseum.
- Coins of the Roman Empire in the British
Museum.
- Coins of the Roman Republic in the British
Museum.
- RheinischesLandesmuseum.
- Cambridge
AncientHistory.
- Capt. W. H. Smyth,DescriptiveCatalogueof
a Cabinet of Roman Imperial Large Brass
Medals, Bedford(1834).
- ChristieSale, 30 May 1949.
- GlendiningSale, 16 Nov. 1950.
- Dessau, Inscriptiones
Latinae Selectae.
- GlendiningSale, 17 Jan. 1951.
- Ex Nummis Historia II, Rome 1949 (pub.
Santamaria).
- Melanges archologieet histoirede l'cole
franaisede Rome.
- GlendiningSale, 21 Nov. 1951.
- StaatlicheMnzsammlung.
- Lucerne sale catalogues (I-XI, Naville;
XII-XVIII, Ars Classica).
- NumismaticChronicle.
- NotiziedegliScavi di Antichit.
ix
Abbreviations
- HeberdenCoin Room, AshmoleanMuseum.

Oxford
- BibliothqueNationale.
Paris
Valton) - ArmandValton Collection in Bibliothque
Paris (ArmandNationale; cf. Rev. Num. 1909ff.
- Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopdieder clasPW
sischenAltertumswissenschaft.
- Grant, Roman AnniversaryIssues: an ExRAI
ploratoryStudy of the Numismaticand Medallic Commemoration
of AnniversaryYears
B.C.-A.D.
375 (Cambridge:The University
4
Press, 1950).
- Res GestaeDivi Augusti(Gag ed.).
RGBA
- Mattinglyand Sydenham,Roman Imperial
RIC
Coinage.
RM
Indes deutschenarchologischen
Mitteilungen
stituts
, rmische
Abteilung.
- GlendiningSale, 2 April1952.
Ryan
von Medaillen,Mnzenund
Vienna
Bundessammlung
Geldzeichen.
- Schweizerisches
Landesmuseum.
Zrich
I
INTRODUCTION
The last hundred years have seen great changes in the methods of
classifyingRoman coins. The comprehensive but uncritical alphabetical accumulation of Cohen has been superseded by Coins of the
Roman Empire in the BritishMuseum and Roman Imperial Coinage,
in both of which the material is arranged on the basis of the chronological sequence of issues. Informativeas is such a classificationcompared with its alphabetical predecessor, it still leaves room for the
extraction of furtherevidence from selected issues. Since the mint
was a governmentdepartment and since the content of the coins,
controlledby directives emanating froma high level in the imperial
service,was regularlyused to disseminateideas in the interestsof the
government,the most thorough analysis possible of certain issues
may sometimesbe required.
Before an issue of coins can be fully interpreted,information
under the followingheads is, if possible, needed: a) the date of issue,
b) the place of issue, c) the area of circulation, d) the size of the
issue, e) the reverse types in the light of their previous and subsequent history.
a) The date of issue is oftengiven by the legends of the coin itself,
particularlywhen consulshipsare frequent(as in the Flavian period),
or when tribunician dates are commonly included (as in the late
second and early thirdcenturies). In the absence of such precise and
obvious dating, analogies with dated coins or the position of a coin
in a die-linkedseries may provide an answer. The determinationof
date relates an issue to a body of known historical circumstances
which must formthe background of any interpretation.
b) To determinethe place of issue is more difficult,foralthough in
the early Empire much of the coinage can be securely attributedto
the central mint of Rome, fromtime to time there appear smaller
groups, eccentricin type or style, which suggest the activity of subI Kraay
Aes Coinage of Galba
sidiary mints. In the rare event of a number of provenances being

known, some generalclue to area may be obtained; reverse types too
may sometimesgive a hint,1as well as literaryor epigraphicsources.2
Yet oftenthere is little more than such hints and clues, and the confidentplacing of mintsin this city or that implies a greaterdegree of
certaintythan really exists. Thereforethe coins themselves must be
compelled to yield all possible evidence. What can be done, and what
has rarely hithertobeen done in the field of Roman coinage, is to
delimit the blocks of coinage which are available to be attributedto
this or that mint or subdivision of a mint. Such blocks cannot be
accurately determinedby a judgment of style alone; forwhile coins
of similar style may reasonably be the work of the same establishment, it does not follow that coins of differentstyles were issued
fromdifferentmints. Such a view would not allow for the vagaries
of short-livedmints with no traditional style, and the erratic work
of semi-skilled or imported craftsmen, perhaps working at high
speed to meet special demands.
The only sure method of determiningthe physical interrelations
of coins at the time of issue is the study of die-links.It is laborious,
forwhen applied to large issues, it involves the accumulation of much
material,though a fewspecimens may yield an answer to a particular
question;3 yet its evidence is conclusive, for,in the vast majority of
cases, it is certain that two coins showingeither of the two following
die relationshipswere issued fromthe same mint.
obv. i
obv. 2
obv.
rev.2
rev.i
rev.
1Cf.belowp. 29 forthespecialapplicability
ofGalba'sR XL typesto Gaul.
2Thepresence
is attested
underTiberius
ofa mintforgoldandsilverat Lugdunum
(CIL XIII, 1499;cf.Tac.,
byinscriptions
byStraboIV, 3, 2, anditslaterexistence
Ann.III, 41; Hist.I, 64; CIL XIII pp.250ff.).
3 E.g.thereverse
withdifferent
obverse
ofTiberius
diesharedbythreesestertii
types
withthewidely
inconnexion
to be remembered
(BMC I, nos.70,75,77)is a factor
forthesetypeson othergrounds
byGrant,RAI, pp.33, 35
spaceddatessuggested
and65i.
Introduction
It is of course no valid objection to say that dies could have been

made in one central workshop and thence distributedto provincial
mints, for the coins issued by each mint would still exhibit no dies
common to the issues of other mints. The only means of confusing
the picture derived fromdie-linksis the improbable assumption- for
which thereis no evidence- that dies could be used fora time in one
place and then be dispatched to another to finishtheir workinglife.
Once these groups of die-linkedcoins have been determined,other
evidence may serveto place themgeographically.In the absence, however, of a system of mint signaturessuch as existed in the thirdand
fourth centuries A.D., it is unlikely that anything short of such
specific literary and epigraphic evidence as exists for Lugdunum
will pin-pointa mintto this or that city. Yet such precise localization
is rarelynecessary,and a more general indication of area will usually
suffice.
c) The question of the area of circulationis complementaryto that
of the place of minting.It must be posed separately because, whereas
gold and silver moved freelyfrom end to end of the Empire, the
movement of base metal coinage was much more restricted,and the
possibilities thereforearise that certain types were intended for
certain areas, or that subsidiary mintsissued types suitable forthese
areas.4 Informationof this sort can be derived only fromcoin finds.
d) Some means of determiningthe relative quantities in which
types were produced is necessaryin order to assess theirrelative importance. A general knowledge of a series is sufficientto give some
idea of the frequencywith which different
types are encountered,but
does not allow any very accurate grading. Moreover a number of
extraneous factors may seriously distort the picture. For example,
dealers' "rarities" may cause what was once a common coin to be
classed as scarce, because features of its type or legend make it
popular with collectors;5or an excessivelyrare coin will appear com4Cf.theveryrestricted
listofreverse
in
underVespasian
typesusedat Lugdunum
a.D. 71withthefargreater
rangeofthemintofRome.
5Anoutstanding
is provided
example
bytheIVDAEACAPTAtypesofVespasian,
whichthenumber
ofdiesusedshowstohavebeenamonghiscommonest
but
types,
withcollectors,
havecometo be classedas "rare"
which,
owingto theirpopularity
or"scarce"(cf.RIC II, p. 68).
i*
moner than it is because every major collection will contain a specimen, though all may come froma single die. The reasonable practice
of collectors of accumulating a representativeseries of types does
succeed in equalizing (to the confusionof the student) the representation of the rare coin and the common,so that it sometimeshappens
that the student findsan embarassing numberof identical specimens
of the rare types,but cannot amass sufficientmaterial to give him all
the dies of the common types.
There are two methods of overcomingthese difficulties.The first,
and by far the easiest, is the analysis of hoards. A recent study of
17th and 18th centuryhoards in Sweden has shown that the distribution of coins within a hoard year by year remains in a constant
relation to the total numberof coins issued in each year.6Disturbing
factors,such as the economicposition of the person accumulatingthe
hoard, can be eliminatedby a comparison of several such hoards: in
thisway the relativecommonnessof issues can be determined.During
the early empire, however, hoards of the necessary size tend to be
confinedto the precious metals. For the base metals the morelengthy
procedure of counting dies provides an alternative. It is not necessary, forthe purpose of determiningthe size of an issue, to attempt
to collect all dies, but only sufficientto show the relative numbers
used for each type. The value and practicability of such a method
will be demonstratedlater; its detailed application naturallyprovides
much informationon a number of subsidiary questions, such as the
significanceof minor alterations of type or legend, and the physical
organisationof the mint itself.
e) That the previous and subsequent historyof a type is of vital
importancein arrivingat its interpretationat a particular moment
has been clearly demonstratedby Professor Grant for at least one
importantgroup, the anniversaryissues.7 Yet it is easy to see that
this applies likewise to the whole fieldof coinage. A coin in a case or
tray is thoughtof as an isolated object, yet the period of its circulation was oftenlong, and the type it carried constitutedan elementin
the numismatic experience of several generations; its repetition
mightcall to mind associations connected with its original issue still
6 Thordeman,
"TheLoheHoard,"NC,ser.6, VIII (1948),pp.188fi.
7 RAI particularly
VIII.
Chapter
Introduction
in circulation. For example, the types of Clodius Macer followed

closely the types of Antony's legionarycoins, issued about a hundred
years earlier.8 This is not the place to discuss the motives behind
Macer's revival; it is relevant only to point out that coin findsfrom
Pompei show that large numbers of Antony's coins were still circulating in A.D. 79, and that Macer was thereforecopying common
currency.9
The followingchapters are an attempt to extract informationof
the sort outlined in the precedingparagraphs fromthe aes coinage of
Galba. For several reasons attention will be concentratedmainly on
the issues of sestertii. These are more easily assembled than the
smaller denominations; their large dies enable identities to be observed more readily, and the smaller denominations in this period
usually follow the larger very closely in both style and content.
Lastly, in a period which lacked true medallions, the size of the
sestertiusfittedit for a comparable function,and it numbersamong
its reversetypes some which in interestand elaboration surpass anything on other denominations.10
The validity of the resultsobtained will depend on the assumption
that the coins available today are a representative sample of the
total originallystruck. Experience of Greek coinage might suggest
that this would be a misleadingassumption,forit is well known that
all survivingspecimens of certain Greek issues are derived froma
singlefind,whereas otherissues, known fromthe numberof dies used
to have been originallymuch larger,are now farmore rare. The study
of Roman imperial aes, however,is much less subject to such hazards
for several reasons. There is far less inducement to melt down and
re-strikecopper or bronze than gold or silver; the imperial issues of
aes were far larger than those of Greek cities and the time forwhich
they have had to survive is appreciably shorter; finallyhoards of aes
of the early empire are uncommon and the majority of surviving
specimens are sporadic site-finds.These reasons justifythe claim that
8 On thissee RAI, p.86f.and Kraay,"TheCoinageofVindexandGalba,a.d. 68,
andtheContinuity
oftheAugustan
NC,ser.6,IX (1949),pp.133ff.
Principte,"
9 NdS 1901,p. 437 and 1910,p. 412 recordtypicalPompeianhoardscontaining
a
denarii.
of
substantial
legionary
proportionAntony's
10Cf.particularly
III.
theelaborate
sestertius
typesofgroupG,belowChapter
differenttypes were originally issued in the approximate relative

proportionsin which they survive today.
The aes coinage of Galba is well suited for study by the methods
already outlined. It comes at a time when the aes coinage, after a
period of slow developmentunder the earlier Julio-Claudians,had at
last attained maturityunder Nero. The mint was capable of striking
large and varied issues; the principle, and indeed the necessity, of
some decentralization of production to meet the requirements of
distributionhad been recognized; engraverswere able to create vivid
portraitsand reversetypes of great complexityin which the elements
of legend and type were skillfullyblended. Though the coinage of
Galba must necessarilybe studied at present in a sort of vacuum,
since the coinage of Nero, out of which it grew,has not yet been subjected to detailed analysis, there are compensating advantages. Organization and artisticskill were inheritedfromthe past, but the use
to which they were put in the year of the four emperors was inevitably altered, reflectingthe reaction against everythingNeronian
which the accession of Galba represented.Moreover,the shortnessof
Galba's reignand the variety of his coinage are welcome features,for
the one reduces to the minimumthe possibilityof chronologicalerror,
while the otherprovides the basis of classification.In short,therewas
available to Galba an organisation which had only recentlyreached
full development, but which the coinage of the reign of Nero had
proved to be equal to meeting any demands that might be made
upon it.
II
THE
MAIN
AES
ISSUES
The briefreignof Galba, lasting only seven months,witnessedthe

production of a great and varied aes coinage, culminatingin an issue
of quite remarkable quality and originality; a glance at the lists of
obverse legends and bust varieties preceding the Catalogue of Dies
(p. 6if.) will reveal the extent of its variety. Particularly surprising,at firstsight, is the use of no less than twenty-sixformsof
obverse legend in so short a period; of these some may be due to the
whim of the engraver (SVLP or SVLPIC) while others may represent
successive stages in the developmentof the title (like the inclusionof
ybut there remain a number of basic variations of
fontifexmaximum)
order and form which run counter to the idea that the imperial
titulature was somethingformaland static, to be altered only upon
the receipt of some new office or honour. This multiplication of
varieties within so short a period has proved so embarrassingthat
some of them have been regarded as posthumous honorificissues;
these formthe subject of Chapter III.
Previous research,in addition to the valuable work of assembling
the material, has reached certain tentative conclusions. One section
of the coinage, separable on grounds of style,has been thoughtto be
of Gallic origin,1a conclusionwhich will receive partial confirmation.
Likewise, the valuable suggestion "that minor varieties were very
"2
possibly used to distinguishthe work of differentofficinae will be
found to be substantially true. On the other hand, attempts to arrange obverse legends in a chronological order of succession3 are
doomed to failurebecause several varietieswere in use simultaneously.
1 BMC I, p. ccii;cf.Mattingly,
"TheCoinageoftheCivilWarsof68-69a.D.,"NC,
ser.4, XIV (1914),p. 127i.Coinsofthisclassare marked
"Gallic"in thenotesof
BMC I.
2 BMC I, p. ccv.
3Ase.g.ibid.,p.cciiiandNC,ser.4,XIV(1914),p.128- bothunsupported
byargument.
7
This field is a promising one for exploration by die-analysis, a

technique familiarand indispensiblein Greek coinage, but which lias
never yet been applied to the systematic analysis of a large body of
Roman coins.4 In such a study the variety of the obverses is an advantage and an aid to classification,for,as will be seen, die groups in
the main include coins with common features; moreover, the fact
that output was heavy over a short period implies that production
was virtuallyuninterruptedand that disturbingfactors,such as the
suspension of coining or the re-use, after an interval, of discarded
dies, were reduced to a minimum.For the most part analysis has been
confinedto sestertii; the size of these makes the recognitionof die
identities easier than in the smaller denominations, and the dies
forthese latter were evidentlyproduced by the same artists.5Groups
of dupondii and asses are analysed only when their variety or typecontent makes this specially rewarding.
ChronologicalFramework.
Before the coinage itself can be analyzed, a chronological frameworkforthe reignmust be established. Cassius Dio gives its lengthas
9 months and 13 days,6which, workingback fromGalba's death on
15th January A.D. 69, gives 2nd April A.D. 68 forhis accession. This
date, well beforeNero's death on 9th June, is usually held to be that
of Galba's salutation as imperatorat Carthago Nova. All our authorities agree that on this occasion he refused the titles Caesar and
Augustus, and declared himselfthe legatusof the Senate and People
of Rome.7 About 18th June the news of the death of Nero and of
Galba's own election by the Senate was confirmed,8
whereupon,acin
he
to
abandoned
the
title
cording Suetonius,
legatus favourof that
4 In morerestricted
"Divus
seriesit has alreadyproveditsvalue,e.g. Sutherland,
Pater,"NC,ser.6, I (1941),p. 97.
Augustus
6 It is oftenpossibleto matchexactlyportraits
ofA3I andJE2; cf.A 118(Plate
XXIX) withA xiv(Plate XXX) andA 125(pl.XXXI) withAii(Plate XXXIII).
Therangeofreverse
withdifferent
denominations,
but,
typesmayvaryconsiderably
whenthetypeisthesame,theconventions
ofrepresentation
areusually
alsothesame.
6 lxiv,6.
7 Suet.,Galba,X; Plut.,Galba,5,2;cf.CassiusDio,lxiii,29,6.
8 Plut.,Galba,7.
The Main Aes Issues
of Caesar and immediately hastened on to Rome to suppress disaffection.9

The date of the assumptionof the titleCaesar is ofsome importance,
because a considerable body of coins omits this title fromthe obverse
legend.The account of Suetonius is highlyabbreviated, forhe has no
hint of the tardumGalbae iter of which Tacitus speaks,10nor of the
need to urge Galba to hasten to Rome, as in Plutarch.11Moreover,
he is not in agreement with Dio who asserts that it was not until
Galba's meeting with the deputation of the Senate at Narbo- an
event also omitted by Suetonius- that he adopted the title Caesar,
and adds that he had not hitherto styled himself emperor in any
communication.12The account of Dio is confirmedby the "horseman" issues of aurei and denarii in Spain and Gaul (obverse (SER)
GALBA IMP)13and a small issue of denarii at Rome (obverse IMP
GALBA)14and by half the output of officinaD (whichomitsCaesar).15
The meetingat Narbo seems to have been crucial in the development
of Galba's titulature; its date is not known exactly, but as the delegates are not likely to have set out beforenews of Galba's intentions
and proposed route reached Rome, it can hardly have been earlier
thanlate July.If the Senate waited untiltheyrealized that Galba's progress was going to be tardum,it may have been verymuchlater. Those
issues, then, which omit the title Caesar must be dated before the
meeting at Narbo, and, as will appear below, are the firstaes issued
fromRome. The titulature of Vitellius developed in a similar way;
his earliest issues too omit the title Augustus, while Caesar never appears on his coins, though he is said to have adopted the name in his
last days.16
The date of Galba's arrival in Rome is uncertain, but it is important because it fixes a terminuspost quernfor the next change in
titulature, the inclusion of P (ontifex)M (aximus) which a military
9 Suet.,Galba
, XI.
10Hist.I, 6.
11Plut.,Galba,ii,i.
12lxiii,29,6; cf.Plut.,Galba,XI.
13RIC I, p. 207(emending
thedateto a.d. 68) and210(onlyno.112hasAVG).
14Ibid.,Galba20and26.
15seep. 23below.
16Tac.,Hist.I, 62; III, 58.
io
diploma proves to have taken place by 22nd December.17Comparable

instances show that candidates were not elected in absentia; for example, both Vitellius and Vespasian waited until they were present
in Rome in person, and even when the candidates were present
throughout,the officewas usually conferredindependentlyof, and
later than, the other imperial titles.18October may be suggested as
the month of Galba's arrival in Rome, and perhaps early December
forhis election as pontifexmaximus.19
On the basis of the preceding paragraphs the followingchronological scheme for Galba's reign can be constructed.
A.D. 68
2 April
18 June
Galba hailed imperator; declareshimselflegatusS PQR .

News of Nero's death confirmed;start of issues omitting CAES and AVG in Spain and Gaul. (At Rome
the startingdate will be 9 June, the death of Nero).
? July
Galba in Gaul ; titleAugustus accepted, appearingfirst
on "horseman" issues in Gaul, and soon afterat Rome.
July (or later). Meeting at Narbo and acceptance of title Caesar.
October
Arrival in Rome.
Before
22 December Election as pontifexmaximus.
A.D. 69
Murderof Galba.
15 January
For the issue of all coinage in Galba's name seven months is the
longest period available; into a still shortertime must be fittedthe
issue of aeSyfor there is no aes to match the early gold and silver,
which omits both the titles Caesar and Augustus. Furthermore,soon
after the electionof Galba as pontifexmaximus - which took place
17ILS, 1988.
18Mommsen,
Rmisches
Staatsrecht
(1887)II, pt.2,pp. 1106ff.
19Theelection
couldhavefollowed
orevenhavebeensimulcloselyupontheentry,
taneous
withit,exceptthatthecomparative
ofdiesincluding
thisoffice
inthe
rarity
titulature
a datelaterinthereign(seep. 48).ILS, 238,dedicated
suggests
15Oct.68,
ingivesthetitleSER GALBAEIMP AVG (without
PM)butthisis notan official
and cannot,therefore,
be givenmuchweightin matters
of titulature,
scription,
it maywellbe correct
inomitting
PMat thistime.
though
The Main Aes Issues
11
before22nd December- the main aes issues came to an end, and were
character,20
supersededby a newshortlivedissue ofan entirelydifferent
so that little more than five months (July-December?) can be allowed forthe prolificmain series.
Analysis of OfficinaeA to E.
The main aes issues are analysed in the followingpages,and two
furthergroups, previously labelled "posthumous," are reserved for
considerationin Chapter III. Since this analysis, based on an examination of over 550 coins, is somewhat detailed, the task of following
it may be renderedeasier if the main conclusions are stated briefly
now. The whole material falls into seven virtuallyself-containeddielinked sequences which represent the output of as many mints or
officinae(labelled A to G). Each sequence is described in turn in the
text, with the aid, where possible, of a diagram, in orderto bringout
clearly the basic facts upon which the reconstructionof minthistory,
with which the chapter ends, must rest; comment and detail have
thereforebeen reduced to the minimumconsistentwith this purpose.
Fuller details can be extracted fromthe Catalogue of Dies and the
Plates. All figuresrecord merely the number of dies observed, and
can carry no presumption about the total originallyengraved; the
relative proportionsof the numbers, one to another, can, however,
be regardedas significant,
since the whole body of material examined,
consistent
the
results which study of it has produced,
judged by
is large enough to be a fair sample of the total original output of
Galba's mints.
Finally a word of explanation is required upon the structureand
validity of the diagrams of die-links. In their first stage these
diagrams represent a method of jotting down in graphic formdielinks as they are observed, a process of haphazard accretion which
naturally produces a confusedand shapeless mass of crossing lines.
On what principlesare these diagrams to be reduced to order,so that
they yield additional informationon the working of the mint,or, a
still more fundamental question, were the dies themselves used in
a logical order?
20See Chapter
III.
12
Aes Coinage oj Galba
The most extremehypothesis,which would preclude the recovery

of any order, because no order originallyexisted, would be that an
ofjicina started work equipped with all the dies it was ever to use,
and employed these quite haphazardly. This can be ruled out on
groundsof sheer improbability; a basic assumption thereforeemerges
that dies were used successivelyto replace earlierspecimenswornout
or broken. In Greek coinage the order of dies can be determined
mainly by the ever increasingamount of wear which reveals itselfin
spreadingflawsand the growingobliterationof the finerdetails. This
aid is not available in Roman coinage, either because technical progress had increased the life of dies, or because dies were discarded as
soon as they showed signs of wear. In most of Galba's officinae
, howone
end
of
the
series
can
fixed
means
of
be
certain
ever,
by
peculiarities of legend, of which the most important is the inclusion of
pontifexmaximus (the chronological importance of this is discussed
on p. 48 below). Certain obverse dies can thus be fixed as late; the
next rowback will consistof those obverseswithoutpontifexmaximus
which share a reverse die with the pontifexmaximus obverses. Hereafterthe arrangementmust be in some degree subjective, because the
plotting of the diagram can be varied fromone to the other of two
extremes. A diagram could be telescoped so that all obverse dies
omitting pontifex maximus were regarded as contemporary and
placed on one horizontalline ; this would virtuallybe the reductioad
absurdumwith which this paragraph commenced,and would involve
much extremelycomplicated die-linkingon the one level. The other
extremeyields the maximum vertical extension,which is limited by
the fact that one reverse die is often coupled with several obverses.
In the finalplottingof the diagrams a mean has been chosen which
gives a reasonable degree of linkingboth horizontallyand vertically.
While it is impossible to confirmthe layout in all its details, the consistentlyreasonable resultsproduced make it certain that the general
picture is correct.One or two examples will illustratethis, and others
will be noted in the followingsections devoted to individual officinae.
In officinaD two obverse legends are employed, one of which, omitting CAES ("I" on Diagram 4), must be earlier than the other which
includes CAES ("S" on Diagram 4) ; the obverse dies readily arrange
themselves in three main groups, the top row including only dies
The Main Aes Issues
13
which omit CAES, then a mixed row, and last a row consistingonly
of dies which include CAES. This logical sequence can be upset only
by postulating- wholly unnecessarily- an entirely capricious and
erratic use of dies. Another example is provided by the interrelation
of oficinaeA and D (Diagrams 1 and 4). A numberof reversedies of
D are used also in A ; these dies appear late in the D sequence (combined with obverse dies which include CAES) and early in the A sequence (far removed fromthe pontifexmaximus dies). Since A continued workinglongerthan D (which has no pontifexmaximus dies),
there emergesthe reasonable picture of D closing down and making
some of its still usable equipment available to the newly opened A.
Such results as these go far towards confirmingthe general correctness of the Diagrams.
A
OFFICINA
1
:
Plates
(Diagram
I-V)
Contents
Obversedies: 26
Reversedies: 44
Die sequence: Nearlyall dies linkinto one main sequence.
ObverseLegends
(1) SER GALBAIMPCAES AVGTR P
(2) SER GALBAIMPCAES AVG P M TR P
(24 dies)
(2 dies)
Portraiture
(Plates I-III)
in styleis fargreaterthanin any othergroup.The heads,
Consistency
whichalways face right,are big and fleshy,with thick necks,and a
narrowprojectingpoint to the bust.21 The laurel wreath is always
present;withwreathties usuallyin the distinctiveformof tongsand a
prominentleafin the knot.22A globe at the point of the bust occurs
onlyon A 27,23 whilstdraperyis to be seen on A 29 and 134. Two engraversare probablyat workon theobversesofthisofficina
, since nearly
all heads can be classed as "large" or "small." "Large" heads include
A 15, 16, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 35, and "small" heads A 17, 18, 31, 57, 67,
73 79 85. The layoutof dies in Diagram I showsthat thesetwo sizes
21Fora portrait
ofthistypeinsculpture
seeBellido,Sculpturas
deEspana
Romanas
y Portugal,
pl.XIX.
22Thisleafis found
alsoonthegoldandsilverofVitellius
andVespasian
attributed
to themintofLugdunum,
seeBMC I, pl.62,1 andII, pl. 13,3.
23Not"frequently"
as NC,ser.4, XIV (1914),p. 127andBMC I, p. ccv.
14
A es Coinage of Galba
cannotbe successivestages in the workof one man or theresultof successive mintdirectives,since both run parallel throughthe output of
thisofficina.2*
Reversetypes(Plates III-V)
Description
1. (a) AVGVSTALivia seated 1.
(b) AVGVSTAR XL Livia
seated 1.
2.
EX SC OB CIVESSER
in wreath
3. (a) LIBERTAVG Libertasstg.
(b) LIBERTAVG R XL
Libertasstg.
(c) LIBERTASAVGVSTA
Libertasstg.
(d) LIBERTASAVGVST R XL
Libertasstg.
PAXAVG(VST) seated 1.
4.
5. (a) ROMA stg. holdingPax and
aquila
(b) ROMAR XL as in (a)
(c) ROMA(in ex.) R XL stg.
holdingVictoryand aquila
6.
ROMA(in ex.) seated on
elaboratearms
ROMA (in ex.) seated on
7.
arms,resting1.arm on
shield
Notes
^dies^
i Elsewhereonlyoff.B.
i Onlyhere.
5 Onlyhere, but see C II for
formwithSERVATOS.
6 Onlyhere; elsewherealways
LIBERTAS
PVBLICAandinfull.
1 Onlyhere.
3 Onlyhere.
1 Onlyhere.
2 Onlyhere.
1 Onlyhere.
1 Onlyhere.
1 Onlyhere.
1 Onlyhere.
6 This typeis chieflyfoundin
off.D and occasionallyin E.
Threedies (P 64, 66, 118) are
commonto A and D.
8.
ROMA stg. holdingVictory 1 An anticipationof the common type of Vespasian of
and spear,withvertical
A.D.
71. B, C, and E always
legend
have RO/MAwith thistype.
SPQR OB CIV SER in
5 Like No. 7 above, character9.
istic of off.D. with which
wreath
thereare threedies in common (P 74, 84, 130).
10.
2 Also in off.B, C, D, E.
Victorycarryingwreathr.
11.
VictorycarryingPalladium1. 6 Also in off.B and D.
24Forexample
onDiagram
rowdown,A 28and26have"large"heads
I, inthethird
linkedgroup.
a closely
andA 31,134have"small,"thefourforming
The Main A es Issues
15
The distinctivecharacter of this officinais shown as much by its

portraiture,easily recognizable as quite differentfrom that of any
other officina
, as by its range of reversetypes, few of which are used
elsewhere. Among these the presence of the formula R XL is particularlyremarkable,25forotherwiseall referenceto the remissionof
the quadragesimaGalliarum is confinedto coins of undoubtedly nonRoman origin. This fact must have an important bearing on any
final assessment of this group.26
In direct contrast, however, to the "isolationist" character of A
are the links of both die and idiom between A and other officinale
.
The most importantlink is with D, forthe two types, ROMA seated
and SPQR OB CIV SER in wreath, each have three dies common
to both officinae.These two types formthe main output of D and it
is to this officinathat they primarilybelong. Diagrams 1 and 4 yield
some evidence on how this transferenceof dies took place. The reverse dies common to both are (with one exception A 36-P 74) all
linked to obverse dies of D which include CAES in theirlegends (the
later phase of D) ; in A, on the otherhand, theirappearance is early,
forall are well removed fromthe two PM dies with which the output
of this officinaends. The absence of PM dies fromD argues that it
closed earlier than did A; therefore,there seems to be little doubt
that when D closed, some of its usable equipment was transferredto
A, then newly opened.
With officinaB the link is not a die but the work of a single engraver common to both. Among the reverse dies of officinaB, P 28
(CONCORD AVG- Plate VIII) is outstanding for its breadth and
elegance; at the same time it differsfrommost other dies of this type
in B in showinga short sceptre instead of a long one, in the heavily
and regularly fluted folds of the chiton behind the left heel of the
deity, and in the elaboration of the legs of the throne.These features
reappear on two dies of officinaA, P 23 and 80 (PAX AVG [VST]Plate IV) : the same spaciousness, the short sceptre,the flutedfolds,
and, on P 80, the legs of the throne similarlyworked; moreover,the
stronglymarked trianglebetween thigh and calf is closely similar in
25R XL seemsneverto havebeenaddedto an existing
die,butalwaysincorporated
ina newone.
26Seebelowp. 29.
i6
P 23 and 28. The conclusion is that a single engraver was at some

stage producingdies forboth A and B ; the diagrams of die links show
and this
that all these dies could be early in theirrespective officinale
A
B
in
further
that
and
started
the
same
striking
suggests
(a)
place,
and (b) that they probably started about the same time.
The Libertas type provides evidence of an exchange of idiom between A and C. The Libertas type of officinaA normallydiffersfrom
in two respects: (1) in the use of the adthat of the other officinale
instead
of PVBLICA, and (2) in the draping of
A
jective VG(VSTA)
which
under
the left armpit and over the right
the himation
passes
shoulder,thus enclosingthe whole body except leftbreast and shoulder, instead of being loosely draped in a low fold across the stomach
with the end hanging free over the left arm; in A both legend and
dress followclosely the model of the Claudian asses. There are, however, two hybrid dies; in A, P 70 (Plate IV) has the AVGVSTA
legend typical of A, while the drapery of Libertas is that normally
found in B, C, and E. Conversely in C, P 45 (Plate XVI) has the
dress of A, but preservesthe adjective PVBLICA normal in C. In A,
P 70 is early; in C, P 45 is late, since it is linked with an obverse die
which includes PM in its legend.
The main featuresof officinaA can now be summarized. It began
work when D closed, and took over many of the dies which D had
been using, for,in addition to the six dies common to A and D, there
are other dies of D type which, as yet, have been found combined
with A obverses only (see Diagram 1). In this earliest phase two
furtherinfluencesfromthe other officinaehave been observed, the
two Pax dies and the drapery in one of the Libertas dies : in fact in
Diagram I nearly all the reverses of the firstrow show external influences.Yet even in this earliest stage many of the peculiaritiesof A
are already present, the distinctiveportraitureof the obverses, the
legends LIBERT AVG (P70, 114) and EX SC OB CIVES SER (P 71)
and the elaborate ROMA types (P 24, 36). In the later stages come
the R XL dies and the decline of external influences,until, in the
eight reverse dies combined with the two PM obverses,there is only
one die (P 102- AVGVSTA) which could possibly belongto any other
.
officina
Diagram
i. galba: die-linksin officinat
D = obv.dieofof.D
O = Rev.diewithRXL
O = D. typerev.i.e.SPOR
etc.,Romastd.
R = Roma
S = SPQRetc.
P = Pax
L = Libertas
X = EXSCetc.
VW= Victory
withwreath
VP = Victory
with
Palladium
A = Augusta
stg.= standing
std.= seated
INOFFICINA
A(SESTERTII)
LINKS
The Main Aes Issues
17
B
OFFICINA
(Diagram2 : Plates VI-X)
Obversedies: 19
Reversedies: 30
Die sequences: One largesequencecomprisesthe majorityof dies; two
unlinkeddiesareincludedon the groundof thesimilarformofobverse
legend.
Obverselegends
(1) IMPSER GALBACAE AVGTR P
(4 dies)
The abbreviationCAEis foundonlyhereand on one die ofofficina
G,
(A 120).
(2) IMPSER GALBACAES AVGTR P
(6 dies)
(3) IMPSER GALBACAESARAVGTR P
(4 dies)
(4) IMPSER GALBACAES(AR)AVG P(ON) M TR P
(5 dies)
Portraiture
(Plates VI-VII)
There is much variety,thoughthe head nearlyalways faces right
(exceptA 22 and 62). The wreathis alwayspresent,thoughon threeexamples (A 2, 22, 76) it is certainlyan oak wreath instead of laurel.
Draped busts are less frequentthan undraped.Varietiesof busts and
obverselegendsare distributedas follows.
OBV.LEGEND.
NO.
2
3
4
HEAD R.
4-2
2-2
4-1
HEAD L.
2
|
I
HEAD R.,
BUST DR.
Reversetypes(Plates VII-X)
Notes
dies
4 Otherwiseonlyonedie in off.A.
10 Only here with SCI. and r.
field; the same type but with
S C in ex. is confinedto off.
CII.
6 Also in off.C, D and E.
LIBERTASPVBLICAstg.
RO/MAstg.
3 Also in off.C I and E (1 die
only).
4 Also in off.A, C, D and E.
VictorycarryingPalladium1.
3 Also in off.A and D.
Description
r
1. AVGVSTALivia seated 1.
2. CONCORD AVG S/C.
Concordiaseated 1.
3.
4.
5.
6.
2 Kraay
18
The reverses of this officinahave few individual features,for all

, while the range
types are shared to some degree with other officinae
of types is closely similar to that of officinaC ; both lay emphasis on
Concordia, Libertas, Roma and Victory. Augusta is the nearest this
officinahas to a type of its own. Most interestingare the variations
between the CONCORD dies of B and C. In B the SC is invariably
placed in the left and right fields; the branch nearly always splits
CONCORD in two (except P4), and Concordia herselfis comfortably
relaxed upon a chair of which the back is structurallyintegratedwith
its legs. In C the execution is inferior,for Concordia sits stifflyuprightupon a chair the structureof which is curiouslyand consistently
misunderstood.Its back is shiftedinwards towards the centre,and no
longerhas any relationto its legs ; over it the draperyfalls diagonally
in defianceof the law of gravity.The word CONCORD is never split
by the branch,and SC is always here placed in the exergue. This type
of variation is importantbecause it reinforcesthe evidence of the die
sequences, and proves that these sequences exist in their own right
and are not due merelyto fortuitousgaps in the evidence.
officina c
(Diagram 3: Plates X-XVII)
This officinais distinguishedby an obverse legend starting SER
GALBA and using CAESARin full. Moreover,for reasonswhichwill
be stated below,its outputcan be divided into two groupswhichare
accordinglytreatedseparatelyas C I and C II.
Contents
Obversedies: C I 19
CII 19
Reversedies: C I 26
CII 25
Die sequences: The main sequence is providedby C II whichincludes
mostof the obversedies of thistype.C I is farless closelylinkedbut
has one substantialgroupas a nucleus. BetweenC I and C II there
is one die-link,thoughnot between the main groups: P 27 (SPQR/
a typicaldie of C I (as opposed to CIVES SERVATOS
O-B/CIVSER),
in C II), is foundcombinedboth withA 94, a drapedbust typicalof
bust belongingto the mainsequence
C I, and withA 21, a left-facing
of C II.
Diagram2. galba: die-linksin off
VWas Victory
withwreath
VP =3Victory
withPalladium
L Libertas
A Augusta
C ss Concordia
R s Romastg.
a: die-linksin officinab (sestertii)
The Main Aes Issues
19
Three reversedies of C I (P 32, 38, 205) are also combinedwithobversesof officina

E. This is of some interestbecause the draped busts
of C I (whichare absent fromC II) are verysimilarto some of the
busts of E (comparee.g. A 25 and A 51 on Plate X with A 19 on
Plate XXV and A 151 on Plate XXVII). This suggeststhat at the
timeofthebreakwhichseemsto existbetweenC I and C II (see below)
an engraverof obversedies togetherwitha few reversedies fromC I
weretransferred
to officina
E.
For conveniencethe dies attributedto C I and C II are listed here.
Obverses
C I: A 24, 25, 34, 44, 51, 52, 53, 66, 69, 70, 83, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96,
133, 148 (PLATESX-XI).
C II: A 5, ii, 12, 21, 32, 37, 38, 58, 59, 60, 61, 71, 72, 84, 97, 98, 99,
130, 149 (PLATESXIII-XV).
Reverses
C I: P 3, 27, 32, 33, 38, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 87, 90, 91, 125, 135, 136, 137,
I3^, 139, 140, 197, 205, 211, 222, 224, 225 (Plates XI-XIII).
C II: P6, 7, 8, 15, 26, 37, 45, 76, 81, 82, 88, 100, 109, no, 126, 127,
143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 212, 223 (PLATESXV-XVII).
Obverselegends
(1) (C I and C II) SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVGTR P (31)
(2) (C II only) SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG P M (or PO MA or
PON MAor PONT MAX)TR P (7)
Portraiture
CI. All busts but one (A 66) face right,while draped and undraped
dies are evenlydivided.The draperyon mostdies is ofan unusualform,
foundonlyin thisofficinaand occasionallyin E; insteadof hangingin
a singleloop across the neck,it is pinchedup on eitherside into two
folds,betweenwhichthe draperyhangsin a loop. The wreathis always
of laurel; the wreathties oftenhave a distinctiveformin whichthe
outertie curlsupwards,whilethe innercurvesacrossthe neck.
C II. In contrastto C I thereare hereno drapedbusts,and the heads
are dividedfairlyevenlybetweenleftand right.The wreathis again
alwaysoflaurel,and, thoughthe wreathties are sometimesofthe form
characteristic
of C I, a numberof othervariationsappear.27
27Fora falsedieofthetypeofC II, seePlate XXXVI,A.
2*
20
Reversetypes
CI
Notes
^dies^
10 Also in off.B, C II, D and E.
5 Also in off.B and E (1 die).
P 33 was used again by Vespasian.28
SALVSAVGVSTAseated 1.
2 Also in off.C II. P 61 was
used again by Vespasian.29
in
6
Also in off.A and D, but C I
SPQR/O-B/CIVSER
wreath
dies are distinguishedby
spacingO-B. P 152 was used
again by Vespasian.30P 27
used also with A 21 (C II).
P 205 used also with
A 151 (E).
i ElsewhereVictoryalwayscarVictorycarryingwreath1.
riesPalladium1.Thisdie (P32)
is used also with A 152 (E).
Victorycarryingwreathr. 2 Also in off.A, C II, D and E.
Onedie (P38) is usedalso with
A 33 (E).
8 Only here with S C in exCONCORD AVG SC
ergue.P no was used again
by Vitellius.31
i Onlyhere. The formEXSC/
EXSC/OB/CIVES/
SERVATOS
OB CIVES/SERis found in
off.A.
LIBERTASPVBLICA
6 Also in off.B, C I, D and E.
2 Also in off.C I.
SALVSAVGVSTA
3. Only here with CIVES SERSPQR/O-B/CIVES/
SERVATOSin wreath
VATOS in full.Note spacing
O-B derivedfromC I.
5 Also in off.A, C I, D and E.
Description
LIBERTAS
PVBLICA
(i)
(2) RO/MAstg. 1.
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
C II (1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
The output of officinaC has been subdivided into C I and C II

despite the use of the same obverse legend (apart fromthe occasional
addition of pontifexmaximus in C II). This subdivision is supported
by the followingobserved facts:
28E.g. BMC II, Vesp.,no.776.
Cat.3/1
no.no.
Glendming
(Nordheim),
2/1929
30Oxford.
31BMC I, pl.62,14.
Diagram3. galba: die-linksin offj
E.
A 151(e) obv.dieofoff.
SPQRetc.inwreath
S
= Concordia
C
=Libertas
L
ss Victory
withwreath
VW
=sEXSCetc.inwreath
X
as SalusAugusta
Sa
ss Romastg.
R
VESP. = Vespasian
= Vitellius
VIT.
C (SESTERTII)
INOFFICINA
' : DIE-LINKS
21
1. The absence of complex die connexion. The only link has already been noticed above under "Die Sequences/'
2. C I includes a number of draped busts, while C II has none.
Moreover C I has one head only to the left, compared with nearly
half in C II.
3. Although there are several reverse types common to C I and
C II, there are also important divergences. C I alone uses ROMA,
while CONCORD AVG SC is confinedto C II, both types being well
represented in their respective groups. Moreover CIV SER, the
normal formin C I, is replaced by CI VES SERVATOS in C II.
4. Dies including pontifex maximus are confinedto C II, which
must thereforebe the later of the two stages in the historyof officina C.
5. Only threereversedies of officinaeA to F have been observed in
use forVespasian,32and all three are dies of C I.33
OfficinaC is thus seen to have had two stages. C I was mainly devoted to the two themes libertaspublica and Roma: C II, however,
while retaininglibertas, discontinued Roma and substituted CONCORD AVG (with S C distinctivelyin the exergue) and Victory
carryingwreath. This orderof types contrastswith that of officinaB,
where the standing Roma is a late type, for out of the four obverse
dies with which it is there combined, three have legends which include pontifexmaximus. OfficinaC has several usages peculiar to itself, which have been noticed already, but only one type, SALVS
AVGVSTA.
D
OFFICINA
XVI I-XXV)
Plates
(Diagram4:
Obversedies: 34
Reversedies: 67
Die sequences:The greatmajorityof the dies formone largesequence;
a fewsmallersequencesand unlinkedcoins are includedon grounds
of style,legendand reversetype.
32See abovenotes28-30.Forreverse
diesofofficina
G usedbyVespasian,
seebelow
III pp.52if.
Chapter
33Is itpossible
thatofficina
C alonewasnotsituated
ontheCapitol,
orthat,ifitwas,
it escapedtheconflagration
ofDecember
69?
22
Obverselegends
(1) IMPSER GALBAAVGVSTVS
(2) IMPSER GALBAAVGTR P
(3) SER GALBAIMPCAES AVG
(4) SER GALBAIMPCAES AVG TR P
(i)
(14)
(5)
(14)
Portraiture
(Plates XVII-XX)
Varietiesof bustsand obverselegendsare distributedas follows:
HEADL.
OBV. HEADR.
HEADR. HEAD R. HEAD R.
HEAD L.
LEGEND LAUR.
LAUR.
LAUR.
BARE BUSTDR.
LAUR.
NO. BUSTDR.
BUSTDR.
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
2
3
4
9
3
12
11122
Though there is wide variation,individualvarietiesare thinlyrepresentedexcept "head right,laureate,bust draped/'whichclaims the

greatmajorityof dies. Anotherfeatureofthisgroupis that the wreath
is oftenclearlydifferentiated
as an oak-wreath; broadlyspeakingthis
accompanieslegends beginningIMP, whereas the laurel accompanies
thosebeginningSER. In otherofficinae
the laurel is practicallyinvariof legend.34
able, irrespective
Reversetypes(Plates XX-XXV)
Description
r
(1) LIBERTASPVBLICA
(2) LIBERTAVG
Notes
dies
2 Both dies used with same obverse (A 50). Also in off.B, C,
and E.
I A die typical of off.A; this is
the only example of an A reverse used with D obverse,
though there are several instancesof D reversesused with
A obverses. But see note in
Catalogueof Dies p. 98f.
34The onlyinstances
oftheoak-wreathin otherofficinae
areA 2, 22,76 in B and
A 114inE ; thesediesmaybetheworkofengravers
A 2 withA 45 (D)
ofD; compare
andA 114withA 63 (D) ; seealsonote40 below.
Diagra
Diagram4. galba: die-linksin officinad (sestertii).
A
A 81(a) = obv.dieofoff.
IMPSERGALBA
A 491 = obv.legend
beginning
A 55s = obv.legendbeginning
SERGALBAIMP
==SPQRetc.inwreath
S
= Romaseated
R
= Victory
withPalladium
VP
withwreath
VW = Victory
=
standing
Victory
(V)
= Libertas
L
VIT. = Vitellius

(3) ROMA seated 1. on arms,
resting1.arm on shield
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
23
21
Mainlyfoundhere,though00
casionallyin off.A andE. Three
dies (P 64, 66, 118) are common
to off.A.
in
SPQR/OB/CIVSER
29 Mainlyfoundhere,thoughalso
in off.A, withwhichthereare
wreath
threedies in common(P 74, 84,
130), and in CI. P31 is used
with an obverseof Vitellius.35
VictorycarryingPalladium1. 10 Also in off.A and B.
3 Also in off.A, B, C and E.
1 Onlyhere (P 16).
1.
holding
Victorystanding
wreath.
This officinawas one of the most productive, and certainly provides the largest continuous die sequence, yet its range of reverse
types is extremelylimited, two only (out of seven) being found in
any quantity. Furthermoreit has the peculiarity of being the only
officinawhich uses an obverse legend that omits the title Caesar.
This is evidence that it was the firstsection of the mint to start
issuing aes in Galba's name after the death of Nero. On the other
hand, it was closed earlier than the other officinae(except E), for,
unlike them, it includes no dies with pontifexmaximus. When the
title Caesar was adopted, the rest of the titulaturewas remodelledat
this officinaby the transferenceof IMP from the beginningto the
middle, where it now immediately preceded CAES. The uniform
style of portraitureand the occurrenceof ten reverse dies linked to
both formsof obverse legend36is sufficientproof that we have here,
not two officinaeteach using differentformsof titulature,but two
stages in the historyof one officina.The last peculiarityis that this
, as has been noticed above, shared at least six of its reverse
officina
dies with officinaA; and one reverse die of an officinaA type has
been observed coupled with an obverse of D.37 This evidence for
transferenceof dies between officinaeA and D will findits place in
the subsequent discussion.
35Gnecchi,
I Medaglioni
Romani
III, pl. 142,11.
36P 18,48,50,51,68,74,95,99,152,157.
37SeenoteinCatalogue
ofDiesp. 98i.
24
E
OFFICINA
(Plates XXV-XXIX)
Contents
Obversedies: 24
Reversedies: 32
Die sequences:This officina
has, surprisingly,
yieldedno die sequences;
a glanceat thedie linksofA (DiagramI), a groupofcomparablesize,
willshowhowunusualis thispaucityoflinks.Two linesofexplanation
are available.
(1) The outputof thisofficinawas so large that the portionherereand therefore
showsveryfewlinks.This is
cordedis not representative
unlikely,because obversesof this type do not seem any morecommon
than those of otherofficinae
, nor is thereany reason to suppose that
timehas dealtespeciallyhardlywiththisgroup,so thatfewonlysurvive.
Moreoverthe lifeof thisofficinawas short,forit not onlyhas no coins
which omit CAES fromthe obverse legend,but it equally has none
whichincludepontife
x maximus.
is that this officinawas differently
alternative
The
organized,so
(2)
forobversedies to be used withmore
that therewas littleopportunity
than one reverse.The normalpracticehereseems to be that dies were
kept in pairs,and whena flawwas detectedin eitherdie, the pair was
destroyed.
In the absence of die links,coins mustbe attributedto this officina
by the distinctiveobverselegends.
Obverselegends
(1) IMPSER SVLPGALBACAES AVGTR P
(2) IMPSER SVLPICGALBACAES AVGTR P
(3) IMPSER SVLPICIVSGALBACAESARAVG
(18)
(5)
(1)
Portraiture
(Plates XXV-XXVII)
The head is herealwaysto theright,and thebustalwaysdraped.One
die (A 114) has an oak wreathin place of the usual laurel.38Some portraitsarerelatedto thedrapedbustsofC I : compareA 19 (Plate XXV)
withA 34 (Plate X), A 151 (Plate XXVII) withA 51 (Plate X).
Reversetypes(Plates XXVII-XXIX)
Description
r
LIBERTAS
PVBLICA
(1)
(2) ROMAstg. 1.
(3) ROMAseated on armsand
resting1.arm on shield
38See note34 above.
Notes
dies
21 Also in off.B, C and D.
i Also in off.B and C I.
3 Type characteristicof off.D,
but also foundin A.
25;
6 Also in off.A, B, C and D. Two

dies (P 32, 38) are commonto
off.C I.
in
1 This die (P 205) is typical of
(5) SPQR/O-B/CIVSER
C I (note the spacing O-B)
wreath
where it is found combined
withtwoobversedies. It is here
combined with A 151 which
has a portraitof C I style,but
legend appropriateto E.
Libertas is the characteristicreverse type of this officina.All the
remaining types are more appropriate elsewhere. The connections
with C I are especially close, amountingto threedies in common.The
standing Roma die was presumably also obtained fromC I ; forthe
seated Roma the most probable source is officinaD, which provided
similar dies to A (see above p. 15).
The gentile name Sulpicius, the distinguishingmark of the obverse
is found otherwise only in officinaG where,
legend of this officinay
however,it is always abbreviated SVLPI.
(4) Victorycarryingwreathr.
Mint Organization.
Five groups of coins (A to E) have now been described in detail.
Before passing on to consider the temporal interrelationsof these
groups,it is necessaryto be quite certain they really are independent
entities and not merelyblocks of coinage that appear to be isolated
owing to deficienciesof the evidence. The nucleus of each group (except E) is a long and complex die sequence; between these major
groups die links are comparativelyrare, the most numerousbeing the
six reverse dies common to A and D. In contrast to this, the main
sequence of A is made up of 71 internal links, while D has no less
than 94. Such disproportionbetween external and internallinks cannot be accidental, especially when differencesof style,obverse legend
and, sometimes, range of reverse types follow the same lines of
division. Nor should the existence of occasional links between groups
be thought a serious difficulty;whatever these groups representand that has yet to be determined- considerationsof physical proximity or administrativeconvenience readily explain these few links..
26
These groups, then, are something more than sequences of dielinkedcoins isolated fromone another onlyby defectsin the evidence.
They can be interrelatedin three differentways.
(1) They may be arranged vertically,that is as successive stages
in the output of a single mint. Differentformsof title and varying
ranges of reverse types would then representa series of changes in
policy; die-links between groups would be caused by reverse dies
used with successive formsof obverse legend; the absence of such
links in some cases would have to be attributed to the fragmentary
nature of the evidence. Such a view does not really account for the
disproportionin quantity between the external and internaldie-links
of each group.
(2) Alternativelythe groups may be arranged horizontally,as the
simultaneous output of a number of mints or officinaeof a single
mint,some of which were in sufficientlyclose physical proximityfor
the same dies to be used occasionally in neighbouringworkshops.
(3) The thirdpossibilityis, that both (1) and (2) may be involvedthat some groups may be successive while others are contemporary.
Acceptance of the hypothesis of successive stages is rendered extremelydifficultby the behaviour of the obverse legends, which do
not lend themselvesto any logical scheme of development: B and E
begin with IMP, A and C with SER, and D employsboth forms.The
picture of these variations succeeding each other in a period of little
more than four and a half months- and perhaps less- would argue
a total absence of controlor policy in the mint. But thereis one piece
of evidence which is decisive for at least three of these groups being
contemporarythroughoutpart of theiractivity.A, B, C, all end with
a few dies which include PM in the obverse legend; Galba was
elected pontifexmaximus between his arrival in Rome, probably in
October and the 22 of December. Thus three units are foundto have
ceased working shortly after Galba was elected pontifexmaximus.
D and E have no dies that include PM, and thereforeceased production earlier; by analogy they must be two furtherunits, partly
contemporarywith A, B and C. There were, then, certainly three,
and possibly five,units coining simultaneously.
A general picture of the activity of the five officinaeA to E can
now be attempted, based on the facts disclosed in the previous de-
27
tailed examination. Referenceto Diagram 6 (opp. p. 54) will assist in

followingthe argument.
Upon the death of Nero on 9 June A.D. 68 the Senate chose Galba
to be his successor; fromthis date too the way was clear formintsat
Rome and elsewhereto start coining in his name. The earliest issues,
in precious metal only, gave Galba the title of imperator alone,
omittingboth Augustus and Caesar. At Rome two types only were
employed, a standing figure of VIRTVS and SPQR OB C S in oak
wreath, a type now traditionallyassociated with the beginningof a
reign.39Aftera short interval- forthis early issue is rare- the news
reached Rome that Galba was followingthe precedent set by his
predecessors and had adopted the name Augustus. At this point an
officinafor aes was opened, for D alone has dies which include Augustus but omit Caesar; the titulature employed, IMP SER GALBA
AVG TRP, is obviously derived from the IMP SER GALBA of the
firstsilver. The early date of this section of officinaD is furtherconfirmedby the use of the reverse type SPQR OB CIV SER in oak
wreath. This and the seated ROMA are the main types of officinaD,
but, among the reverse dies combined with dies using the present
formof obverse legend, wreath dies are twice as numerous as Roma
dies. As though to emphasize the importanceof this reversetype, the
portrait of Galba is frequently crowned with an oak wreath on
these early obverses;40in the second phase of D (obverse dies with
legend SER GALBA IMP CAES AVG) and in all other officinaethe
laurel is practically invariable.41It is evident that Galba - or more
probably his supporters, since he was not himself in Rome- took
particular care to employ, and publicize the employment of, the
traditional formsof accession inheritedfromthe Julio-Claudians.
Further evidence of this policy is the use of the title Caesar which
Galba was apparently persuaded to adopt by the deputation of
Senators whichmet him at Narbo. When news of this decision reached
39RIC I, Galba,nos.20 and26.OutsideRomethe"horseman"
issuesalsoomitted
bothCaesarandAugustus,
and io8ff.
ibid.,nos.74ft.
40Of15dies2 arebareheaded,
9 haveoak-wreath
(A 13,14,36,40,45,64,65,101,
141)and4 havelaurel(A49,50,100,153).OfthelaterdiesofD (SERGALBAetc.)
only2 (A63,137)outof19havetheoakwreath.
41See note34above.
28
A es Coinage oj Galba
Rome, the titulaturein use at officinaD was emended to read SER

GALBA IMP CAES AVG- though why the inclusion of CAES should
have involved the displacement of IMP from the beginningto the
middle of the legend is not clear. Certainlythe addition of CAES to
the originallegend of D would have produced the same titulatureas
that to be used in B ; perhaps, for some administrative reason, the
easiest course was to make the change in D.
At this time the mint expanded considerably,for two furtherofficinae, C I and B, started working.42The draped busts which are
numerousin both seem to be a featuretaken over fromD ; later they
became much less popular. After an interval furtherchanges were
made. The oldest officina
, D, was closed; this certainly happened
before Galba became pontifexmaximus (since none of its dies include
this in the titulature).How long beforeis suggestedby the fact that
a number of its reverse dies were transferredto A which then used
up 24 obverse dies before PM was inserted into its obverse legend.
The peculiarities of officinaA will be examined later. Meanwhile
officinaC was undergoingwhat can best be described as reorganization, since it does not seem to amount to total interruption.The
engraver of the draped busts of C I was transferred,togetherwith
some reverse dies, to the newly opened E, and was replaced in C II
by one who engraved his heads facingleft. Some time later E closed,
for it has no PM dies, while A, B and C all continued workingfora
short time after Galba became pontifexmaximus.
Group A, however,in view of its distinctstyle and types, demands
special treatment. The style has been noticed already; it is in no
sense incompetentor "provincial," its idiom is simply different
from
that of the othergroups. Yet in default of clearly marked antecedent
or subsequent groups in the same style, little more can be gained at
present fromthis approach.
The die-sequence of A (Diagram 1) shows that this officinain its
early stages was in close touch with the other officinaeof Rome,
drawingparticularlyon D. Yet its later output divergesso markedly
fromthat of the other officinaethat the question must arise whether
42B has fewer
no evidiesthantheotherofficinae
obverse
; this,however,
provides
denceforthelengthoftimeforwhichit was open,whichdependson therateat
whichthedieswereused.
29
A, althoughoriginallyan officinaof Rome, did not eventuallybecome

a second mint,far removed fromthe immediate influenceof the mint
of the capital. The differenceis not merelyin the range of types, but
in mattersof practice also. This is revealed most clearly in the Libertas type, in which not only the abbreviation LIBERT43 and the
adjective AVG(VSTA),44 but also the drapery of Libertas differs
fromthe practice of the otherofficinae.The seated Pax type (P23,8o),
in otherofficinaealways labelled CONCORDIA, the elaborate ROMA
dies (P 14, 24, 36), the preferencefor the formula EX SC OB Cl VES
SER (once the borrowed dies with SPQR OB CIV SER were used up)
are all examples of the individuality of officinaA. They seem to indicate a progressiveweakening of Roman influenceand suggest that
perhaps this officinawas removed fromthe city of Rome.
This suggestion receives some support from the formula R XL
which is added to some reverse types in officinaA only. This remission by Galba of the 2x/2%customs duty was a reward for the
support given him by Gaul and Spain,45and, apart fromofficinaA,
received numismaticmention on issues of non-Roman origin only.46
The tax in question, the quadragesimaGalliariim, was exacted at all
points of entry into Gaul, including the Pyranees frontierwith
Spain;47 its remissionmay be regardedas a practical step towardsthe
much publicized concordiaHispaniamm et Galliarum,48but, as such,
was of little interestto Rome itself. It may fairlybe argued that a
coinage which publicized it was intended to circulate mainly in Gaul
and Spain. When this coinage, despite early links with otherofficinae
,
is found to develope traits foreignto the issues of Rome, there is at
least a case forclaiminga finallocation in Gaul or Spain. Of the two,
Gaul is the most likely,partly because the remissionmainly affected
that province, and partly because Gaul had been the most active on
43LIBERTis occasionally
foundat Rome,but onlyat a verymuchlaterdate;
RIC III, Commodus,
nos.135,171,526.
44TheformLIBERTASAVGVSoccurson assesofofficina
A, e.g.BMC I, p. 333,
no.142,note;withthiscf.C CAES AVGVSF onLugdunum
denariiof Augustus
(RIC I, Aug.,no. 348).
45Tac.,Hist.I, 8; it wassoonreimposed
byVespasian
(Suet.,Vesp.16).
46Atofficina
F (Lugdunum),
seebelowpp.33ff.
; inSpainRIC I, Galba,nos.101-103.
47See de Laet,Portorium,
pp. 144ff.,andesp.pp. 170fi.
48RIC I, p. 183,no.27; Galba,nos.i and5.
30
Galba's behalf. Lugdunum is unlikely,since it is already the home of

officinaF with which A shows no stylisticrelation; Narbo, probably
the headquarters of Galba while in Gaul, is a possible centre.49
Since this is the firsttime that any demarcation of officinaehas
been proposed for any date earlier than the mid-3rd century, the
implications of this must be examined. In the 3rd century,there is
quantitatively little differencebetween the output of antoniniani of,
say, Gordian III, Philip and Trajan Decius; in otherwords,the mint
and its subdivisions were organizations which carried on- and will
probably in time be traced- fromreign to reign. In the firstcentury
thingswere very different.Not only was the output uneven in quantity, but it was subject to the most violent fluctuationsand even
total intermissionsfor substantial periods. Nero, afterproducing no
aes coinage at all forten years, then concentratedan immenseoutput
into the last four years of his reign; under Galba a large output of
sestertiitook place fora few months,but practically all work seems
to have been stopped well before the end of his reign. The issues of
sestertiifor Vitellius were small, and virtually none were issued for
Vespasian until A.D. 71, when the output for one year was greater
than for all the remainingeight years of his reign together.In these
circumstancesthe continuous activity of officinaefromreignto reign
should not be expected. The organizationmust have involved a very
small technical staff,includingboth administrativeand metallurgical
experts,whichcould be rapidlyexpanded by signingon casual labour.
The actual process of preparing the metal and strikingthe blanks
would be within the capacity of any metal worker. The most specialised job would be the actual sinking of the dies, yet this too is
work closely akin to that of gem-engravers,fromamong whom adVariations in style,
ditional artistscould be soughtin an emergency.50
in
sestertii
of A.D. 71, suggest
noticeable
especially
Vespasian's early
that engravers may have produced only a few dies each. The case
seems to be different
in provincial mintswhere artistsmay have been
scarcer; the distinctive features of Lugdunum, observable under
Nero, Galba, and Vespasian, suggest a more permanentformof em49See BMC I, p. ccx.
50Furtwngler,
the
ofgemsshowing
a number
Antike
Gemmen
I, pl.XLVIII includes
closestrelationship
to coinportraits
nos.31 and 34-38).
(especially
31
ployment,and the obverse dies of Galba's officinaA show such consistency that they might all be the work of one man. It must have
been some such systemas this which enabled Galba firstto open one
officina,then to expand to four, and then, after a few months, to
close down all to make way for officinaG, which will be the main
subject of the next chapter.
The principal characteristic of these officinaeis their insularity;
each was an essentiallyself-containedunit,and a plausible hypothesis
would be that each was under the control of one moneyer. These
officialscontinued to exist certainly until the 3rd century A.D., but
On
about their duties under the Empire there is no information.51
their last appearance on the coinage (in the last decade B.c.) they
were operatingin boards of four,despite the retentionof the title III
Vir,b2 in conformitywith this, Galba has a maximum of four officinae workingat one time, A, B, C II, E (Diagram 6). 53
These officinaeused varying forms of the imperial title as their
signatures- a rather surprising conclusion in view of the official
nature of both coinage and title,but one which a juxtaposition of the
formsemployed fullyjustifies:54
1 D followedby A SER GALBA IMP CAES AVG.
i
[cae
2 B
I AVG
IMP SER GALBA < CAES
[ CEASAR J
3
C I and II
SER GALBA IMP CAESAR AVG
iSVLP
IMP SER-sVLPIC
[SVLPICIVS J
-AFS
GALBA
[ AVG
lÂtbARj
AVG
CAESAR }
51Pink,TheTriumviri
Monetales
and theStructure
of theCoinageof theRoman
Num.
Studies
no.
66.
(ANS
7, 1952),p.
Republic
52RIC I, Aug.,nos.198-218.
53If a reversion
to boardsofthreemoney
ersis considered
morelikely,thiscouldbe
metbytheassumption
thatA, outside
oftheRoman
Rome,wasnottheresponsibility
moneyers.
54Officina
F (Lugdunum)
is omitted
sinceit doesnotfallwithin
theRomanscheme.
5
SER SVLPI GALBA IMP
32
Internal variation never amounts to confusionbetween the forms,

and in i and 3, where confusionwas easiest, the distinctionbetween
the abbreviatedand unabbreviated CAESAR was rigidlyadhered to. In
epigraphy the degree of variation is much less, forthere the formbeginning SER GALBA is almost invariable, though SVLP is sometimes insertedand the use of CAESAR is erratic.55
In the 3rd centurythe mint seems to have been divided into six
, each of which was responsible for a single type.56Of such
officinae
an arrangementin Galba's officinaethere is little trace, for E is the
only one to be devoted almost wholly to a single theme, Libertas. In
the other officinaethe picture is confused; some themes, such as
Victoryand Libertas, play a part throughout; others are confinedto
one or two officinae
; C II possibly copied the Concordia type fromB.
little
is
there
sign of controlor co-ordination,and it looks
Altogether
as though, in the absence of the emperor, the moneyers may have
been left largely to their own devices in selecting types which they
hoped would meet with approval, or at least avoid offence.Certainly
the range of types is not impressivelyoriginal. SPQR OB CIV SER in
wreath was a routinetype, the seated ROMA was copied fromNero,
Libertas fromClaudius, and neitherConcordia nor Victorywere new
or arrestingconceptions.OfficinaA alone, when removed fromRome,
showed some originality. Perhaps it is not surprisingto find that
these uninspiredproductions were suppressed soon after the arrival
of Galba in Rome ; the types used in officinaG certainlymade up for
the lack of originalityof their predecessors.
55For a titulature
to supply
IMPsee CIL II, 2779,buttoo fragmentary
starting
dated22 Dec. read SER
further
details.For SVLP,see CIL III, 8702.Diplomata
dated15 Oct.
GALBAIMPCAES AVG (ILS, 1988),and an unofficial
inscription
hasSER GALBAIMPAVG (ILS, 238).
56RIC IV, pl.III, pp.3ff.
III
THE LAST AES ISSUES
OfficinaeF and G have nothingin common except that both are
to be dated late in the reignand that both have been held to be posthumous,that is, struckby Vespasian in honourof Galba, whose name
they bear. The main purpose of this chapter is to re-attributethese
issues to the reignof Galba and to fixtheirrelationshipto his earlier
issues. The firstgroup to be dealt with,officinaF, is extremelysmall,
but is of interest because, in part at least, it reflectsGalba's last
major act, the adoption of Piso on 10 January A.D. 69. The second,
officinaG, is one of the most dramatic ever to be produced by the
mint of Rome.
F
OFFICINA
(Plates XXIX-XXXI)
Contents
Sestertii:
Dupondiiand Asses:
Obv. dies:
Rev. dies:
Obv. dies:
Rev. dies:
2
3
8
9
Obverselegends
Sestertiiand
SRGALBAMpCAESar AVG P M TR P P P
Dupondii J
Asses:
(1) SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG PON M TR POT
(2) SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG P(ON) M TR P P P
Portraiture
(Plates XXIX-XXX)
The styleis different
fromanythingin theoffcinaealreadydescribed.
The outstandingfeaturesare a broad head on a thickneck,a globe at
the pointof the bust, and an M-shapedtruncationto the neck. These
of the issues of Nero and Vesare preciselythe featurescharacteristic
pasian fromthe mintof Lugdunum.The attributionof Galba's coins
to thismintis confirmed
by severalof the reversetypesemployed.
3 Kraay
33
34
Reversetypes(Plates XXIX-XXXI)
Notes
Description
r
dies
,
cSestertii
1. XXXX REMISSAArch.
2
2. VICTORIAEIMPGALBAE
1 This type with legend VICAVG Victoryinscribingshield
TO RIA PR is otherwisefound
onlyon a denariusattributedto
Gaul.1
and
Asses
Dupondii
1. FIDESPVBLICA
2 A type not otherwisefoundon
Galba's coinage. A common
Lugdunum type under Vespasian, but not at Rome till
Domitian.
2. LIBERTASPVBLICA
3 On two dies the legendreadsinwardlyfromtop right.
1 Here onlyforGalba. A common
3. PAX AVG Pax sacrificing
over altar and holdingbranch
type under Vespasian, but at
and caduceus
Lugdunumonly.
4. ROMA(in ex.) seated 1.
3 This is the normal Neronian
sestertiustype at Rome and
Lugdunum.The same type was
still in use on sestertiiand dupondiiat LugdunumunderVespasian.2
On the evidence of both style and reversetypes officinaF must be
placed at Lugdunum, as Mattingly pointed out long ago,3 but he
attributedthis activity of Lugdunum to the reign of Vespasian, on
the grounds that the mint was closed by Galba as a punishmentfor
the city's opposition to Vindex and loyalty to Nero. But the mint of
Lugdunum was an imperialestablishment,located thereaftermature
consideration of problems of supply, demand and distribution,and
not a privilegeconferredupon Lugdunum, which mightbe rescinded
ifthe city misbehaved. There is no reason fordoubtingthat officinaF
representsthe output of Galba's mint of Lugdunum; the problems
1 BMC I, Galba,nos.232f.
2 BMC II, pl.38,2 andRyan2741.
3 H. Mattingly
"'VictoriaImperii
andsomePosthumous
IssuesofGalba,'
Romani/
NC, ser.5, II (1922),pp.i860.
The Last A es Issues
35
are why does this mint alone add the title pater patriae to some of
its issues, and why is its output so small.
Pater patriae is otherwise found only on a few rare aurei and
denarii, also attributedto Lugdunum.4 It is never found on coins of
Roman origin,5not even on the so-called "posthumous" issues of
officinaG, which, it will be argued below, were actually the last aes
issues of the reign fromRome. The suggestion has been made that
the title was a posthumous honour- and thereforerecorded only on
posthumous coins6 but, in default of decisive evidence, this is a
desperate resort,forthere is nothingin the coins themselvesto show
they were not issued by the man whose head and titles they bear.
There was, in fact, an appropriate occasion forthe bestowal ofthis
titlewhen Galba adopted Piso as his son and successor on 10 January
A.D. 69 ;7this would have followedthe precedentofAugustus who was
hailed pater patriae when he introduced his grandson and intended
successor, Lucius Caesar, into public life in 2 b.c.8 The title ought to
appear on Galba's coinage ; it does so at Lugdunum, but is absent at
Rome. A reasonable deduction is that the mint of Rome was closed
duringthe early days of 69, perhaps because of the uncertaintyof the
political future.The mint of Lugdunum was already operating,since
some of its asses omit PP; instructionswere despatched fromRome
that pater patriae was to be added to the titles. By the time this
could be done at Lugdunum, Galba was already dead, but the time
this news took to reach Lugdunum was sufficientto allow the issue
of a few coins with PP in the obverse legend.
The output of Lugdunum was so small because it started working
4 BMC I, Galba,nos.237and241-243.It is worth
thattheseportraits
are
observing
to someofthoseofofficina
F, e.g.A xiiiandxvi (Plate XXX).
verysimilar
5A struck
PP OB CIVES SERVATOSS C inwreath
existswithreverse
and
forgery
C type(Plate XXXVI,A,B). It iscondemned
anobverse
ofofficina
bythecombinain BMC I,pp.ccxv
tionsofthereverse
ofDiesp. 119.References
die; seeCatalogue
be deleted.
and320*shouldtherefore
6 Mattingly
inNC ser.5, II (1922),p. 190.
7 Tac.,Hist.I, 14ff.
8 RGDA (ed.Gag),35. It is possiblethatthetitle,thoughgivento Claudiusin
A.n.42 wasnotrecorded
ontheaescoinageuntila.d. 50,theyearwhenheadopted
III
du Haut-Empire
Vindonissa,"
Mnzbltter
Nero(Kraay,"Monnaies
Schweizer
[1952]pp.53f.).
3*
36
only very late in Galba's reign. All obverse dies include pontifex
maximus,only two (P xvii, xviii) do not include paterpatriae, which
was added in January 69. It seems likely then that this mint reopened on i January69. Previously its place was taken by officinaA,
which, as was argued above (p. 28 i.), was probably sent fromRome
to Gaul. This officina,however,had been closed soon after Galba became pontifexmaximus,but the experience of the reignsof Claudius
and Nero had shown that a mint was required in Gaul to ensure
adequate distribution of aes currency. Lugdunum had barely restarted when its work was stopped by news of Galba's murder; this
interruptionlasted, so faras aes was concerned,until Vespasian again
made Lugdunum a major mint in A.D. 71.
G
OFFICINA
Plates
XXXI-XXXVII)
(Diagram5:
Contents
Sestertii:
Obv. dies: 11
Rev. dies: 16
Dupondiiand Asses:9 Obv. dies: 14
Rev. dies: 20
Die sequences: Practicallyall coins observedfall into two main sequences,of whichthe sestertiussequenceis remarkablycompactand
complicated.These sequences prove that one mintonly can be involved,and that the proposalto sharethisissue betweenRome and
Lugdunummustbe rejected.10
Obverselegends
(1) SER SVLPIGALBAIMPCAESARAVGTR P
(2) SER SVLPIGALBAIMPCAE AVG P M TR P
(3) SER SVLPIGALBAIMPCAESARAVG P M TR P
Nos. i and 3 are commonto all denominations;no. 2 is the legend
ofsestertiusdie A 120 only.
Portraiture
(Plates XXXI-XXXIV, XXXVII)
Sestertii.The portraitsare unusuallyfineand large,and mostlyface
right.The heads are always laureate,and mosthave some furtheradjunctsuch as aegis,globeor drapery.It is sometimespossibleto tracea
stylisticconnexionbetweenthesedies and someofthe laterdies (those
9 Thesamedieswereusedforbothdenominations;
areveryuncommon.
dupondii
10BMC I, p. ccxv.
37
but on the whole

includingponiifexmaximus) of the otherofficinae,11
the spiritis new and the executionsuperior.
are found.There
Dupondiiand Asses.The samegeneralcharacteristics
are hereno heads to theleft; thewreathis occasionallyomitted,and the
aegis does not appear. Probablythe same engraverswere employedas
forthe sestertii(cf.A ii withA 123, A iv withA 122, A iii and vi with
A 124 and 127).
Reversetypes
Description
Sestertii
(Plates XXXII-XXXVII)
1. ADLOCVTIO
2. HISPANIACLVNIASVL
3. HONOS ET VIRTVS
4. LIBERTASRESTITVTA
5. MARSVICTOR
6. PIETASAVGVSTI
7. ROMA
8. ROMA RESTI
9. Aesculapius
10. SENATVSPIETTIAVGVSTI
11. VICTORIAIMPERIROMANI
Dupondii and Asses
(Plates XXXIV-XXXVI)
1. AEQVITAS
2. AEQVITASAVGVSTI
3. PAXSAVGVSTI
4. PROVIDENT
5. Victory
6. 3 standardson prows
7. SALVSAVGVSTI
8. SECVRITASP ROMANI
dlCS
Notes
2
2
4 P 185, 195 used by Vitellius.
1
1
1
i
1
1
1
i
i
2
2
i
5
4 P iv used by Vitelliusand Vespasian,Pxii used byVespasian.
3
2 P viii used again by Vespasian.
Among these types the great majority are new to the coinage, but
between the sestertiiand the 2,2 thereis a great difference
in elaboration. The M 2 types are nearly all fairlysimple and thus capable
of easy multiplicationfora large coinage. The sestertii,on the other
hand, have for the most part extremelyelaborate types, obviously
11E.g. A 123(Plate XXXI) andA 71 (Plate XIV).
38
conveying some special point. In many cases the precise point intended is obscure, but some comment on these types will serve to
bringout the character of this issue, and will formthe background for
the subsequentdiscussionofthe claim oftheseissues to be posthumous.
ADLOCVTIO (P 188, 192: Plate XXXII). The type, as here
worked out, is somethingnew on the imperial coinage; the previous
versions of this theme issued under Gaius and Nero were stiffand
formal groupings very differentfrom the realistic composition of
Galba's dies.12Although only fourmen and a horse are shown below
the rostrum,the impressionof a larger crowd is effectivelyconveyed
by the same device as was used on the panels of the Arch of Titusthe multiplicationof fasces and standards, not all of which are connected with the figuresshown. All details of armour, standards and
dress are most carefullyrendered.13
For the identificationof this scene there are several possibilities.
Mattingly has tentatively identified the scene as the opening of
hostilitiesagainst Nero,thus settingit in Spain ;14yet such an occasion
would more properly call for a cohortatiorather than an adlocutio.
Moreoverthe only two previous examples of the type, those of Gaius
and Nero carry specificreferenceto the Praetorian cohorts (ADLOC
[VT] COH), and the next later example, that of Nerva, even though
the direct referenceis absent (ADLOCVT AVG) can hardly relate to
anyone but the Praetorians, since Nerva never left Rome. There is
then some reason to suppose that Galba's type refersto some parade
of the Praetorians in Rome. One such parade and address figures
prominentlyin the literarytradition,that at which the adoption of
Piso was announced;15yet this can hardly be in question here, forall
sources representthe adoption as an impromptudecision,taken when
news of the revolt of the German legions on 1 January 69 reached
Rome. It would have been chronologicallyimpossible for such a
referenceto have appeared on the coinage ; moreover,the type occurs
12Theenlargement
for(Plate XXXVII) is oftheremarkably
preserved
specimen
intheMartinetti
andPierpont
collections.
merly
Morgan
13On P 192theshieldoftheforemost
soldier
is ornamented
witha bossintheform
ofa humanhead- oris ita realhumanheadfixedontheboss,perhaps
Nymphidius
Sabinus?
14BMC I, p. ccxvi;cf.NC,ser.5,II (1922),p. 195.
15Tac.,Hist.I, 17L; Suet.,Galba,XVIIf.
SESTERTII
DUPONDIIandASSES
Diagram5. galba: die-linksi
galba: die-linksin officinag
39
combined with an obverse die (A 121) which omits PM from the

legend, and must, therefore,go back to a time soon afterthe arrival
of Galba in Rome. The remainingand most probable alternative is
that the occasion was an "accession parade" of the Praetorians soon
after Galba's arrival in Rome.16Since the accession of Gaius, formal
acceptance of a new emperorby the Praetorianswas a necessarypart
of the formalitiesof accession, and this acceptance no doubt followed
upon an adlocutioin which the emperorundertookto preserveintact
the privilegesof the Guard. In this way Galba's type is the natural
successor of the "Praetorian" types of Gaius, Claudius and Nero.17
HISPANIA CLVNIA SVL. (P 183, 189: Plate XXXII). This
type is equally remarkable and even more difficultto interpret.In
general it must referto the circumstancesin which news of his accession reached Galba in a moment of despair and indecision at
Clunia in Spain. Many details of the type, however, defy full explanation.
On the analogy of the sestertiusof Vitellius with legend PAX GER
ROM, on which these three characters appear in that orderfromleft
to right,18the legend HISPANIA CLVNIA SVL should also name
three characters,even though two only are shown in the type. Mattingly,taking this view, believes Hispania to be "the odd man out"
and that SVL (= Sulpicius) is Galba; the type then "shows Clunia,
as representativeof Spain, offeringthe Empire" to Galba.19 Passing
over the oddity of the abbreviation SVL, when SVLP, SVLPI or
SVLPIC are the only formsotherwisefound on Galba's coinage, the
conception that the insignificantcity of Clunia was in any sense
responsibleforthe transferenceof power,20or indeed had the empire
16In thiscasethesecondfigure
be thepraetorian
wouldpresumably
ontherostrum
Cornelius
Laco.
prefect,
17It is interesting
thefactthat2ndcent,adlocutio
to seethat,despite
typesreverted
ofCaracallacopiedGalba's
to thestiff
oftheearlyist cent.,a medallion
groupings
sinceat
on to therostrum,
wascrowded
typewithcare,exceptthata thirdfigure
The
RomanMedallions
thattimethereweretwoAugusti(Toynbee,
York,
(New
Romani
I Medaglioni
American
Numismatic
II,
1944),pl.XLIV,3; Gnecchi,
Society,
pl.95,2.
18BMC I, p. 377.
1JIbid.,p. ccxvi.
20Cluniahadproduced
sometimely
Suet.,GalbaIX.
oracles,
40
in its gift, is very strange on a coin issued in Rome, and hardly

complimentaryto the Senate in view of the initiative taken by
that body. Others have taken SVL to be an honorary epithet given
to Clunia by Galba21 though there is no confirmationfrom inscriptions,nor does this serve to elucidate the relationship between
legend and type.
The type itselfhas unusual features. Alfldi has noted the occurrence,extremelyrare at such an early date, of a seated emperorin the
presence of a standing deity.22He also quotes a number of later examples frommedallions on which the emperoris seated with deities
or personificationsstanding in attendance;23 yet all these show the
emperorseated in a magisterial capacity on a sella curulis, and not
on a marble throne. Such thrones are very rare on the coinage, and
then are occupied by deities, Dionysus and Salus.24 These parallels,
however,serve only to emphasize the peculiarityof the type without
explaining it. The results of this inconclusivediscussion can be summarized as follows:
(a) The seated figurecan hardly be anyone but Galba, though the
singularityof his throneremains unexplained.
(b) The standingfigureis morelikelyto be Hispania (and the name
is beside her) than Clunia.25There are other referenceson Galba's
coinage to the support given him by Spain, and the wording of
Suetonius {Galba XVI), imperatormin Hispania factum, shows that
the decisive initiativewas thoughtto have come fromSpain, although
the Senate's action had priorityin time.
(c) The general line of explanation on the basis of Galba's retirement to Clunia is probably correct, though the precise allusion is
obscure.
21PW,s.v.Clunia.
22RM XLIX, p. 43.
23Ibid.,p. 43f.andnotes.
24Gnecchi,
I Medaglioni
RomaniII, pl.62,3 and67,4; onthelatterseeToynbee,
seethefourth
slabofthe
RomanMedallions,
groupinsculpture,
p. 222.Fora similar
the2ndhalfof
thetheatre
ofDionysus
at Athens
Phaidros
bemafrom
datingfrom
in Athen
the2ndcent.a.d. (Herbig,
Das Dionysos-Theater
II, pp.40ff.).
25Thisis notthe normalcontemporary
of Hispania,whousually
personification
is clearlyfrom
roundshield,spearandcornears.Theunusualprofile
carries
figure
thesamehandas theAequitasofP xiii(Plate XXXIV).
41
HONOS ET VIRTVS (P 182, 184, 185, 195: Plate XXXII). The

type is foundunder Galba, Vitellius,and Vespasian (in A.D. 71 only);
two of Galba's four dies of this type were used by Vitellius. It has
usually been interpretedas a mere appeal to militarydeities, equally
appropriate to all three emperors at a time when militarysupport
counted formuch. Yet this tripleappearance of deities uncommonon
the coinage, coupled withthe magnificentreconstructionof theirjoint
temple carriedout by Vespasian,26suggestssomethingmore. The clue
seems to lie, as ProfessorGrant has pointed out independently,in the
factthat the tercentenaryofthe temple of Honos, vowed by Q. Fabius
Verrucosusfell at about this time.27The prematuredeaths of Galba
and Vitellius allowed Vespasian to complete the celebration.
A furtherword is necessaryon a detail of interpretation.The object
beneath the foot of Virtus has been thought to representa boar's
- on the "posthumous theory"- to the suppression
head, referring
of the Gallic revolt by Vespasian.28 The object is clearest on P 182
(Plate XXXII) and therelooks much more like a musculated cuirass
(the skirt perhaps omitted throughforeshortening).The figurethen
becomes identical with the Roma Victrix type of Vespasian;29 a
silvercup fromBoscoreale includes a very similarfigurewith "le pied
gauche pos sur un casque derrirelequel on distingue un dbris de
cuirasse"30. On other dies the object is sometimes a helmet but is
most oftenquite indeterminate.
LIBERTAS RESTITVTA,ROMA RESTI (P 191, 193 : Plate XXXIII).
These two types may be grouped together, for the meaning of
both is similar and in each case the legends are derived fromthe
slogans of the recent civil wars.31 The group in the libertas type
26Pliny,NH XXXV,10,37i.
27RAI, p. 87 n. 3. GrantalsopointsoutthatAntoninus
Piusseemsto usethetype
ofHonosonthe350thanniversary
ofthefoundation
(p. 105).
28BMC I, p. ccxviandp. 357,no.255.
29BMC II, pl.22,2.
30Mon.Piot.V, p. 136 whereM.de Villefosse
identifies
withRoma.This seems
toRostovtzeff's
Virtus(TheSocialandEconomic
ofRoman
preferable
History
Empire
Clarendon
withshort
Press,1926],p. 76) sincetheaccompanying
[Oxford,
figure
robeand paterais muchmorelikea genius(M.de Villefosse)
thanHonos(Rostovtzefi)
.
31RIC I, p. 182,no.9 andp. 184,no.4.
42
(P 191, Plate XXXIII) may be derived fromsculpture since an inscriptionsurvives referringto a signumlibertatisrestitutaeSer Galbae
imperatorisAug.32The arch of Trajan at Beneventum has a similar
group of Trajan raising a kneelingwoman. Trajan also has the group
as a coin type,with legend ROMA REST and the addition of children
in referenceto his programmeof alimenta.33The significanceof the
child in Galba's Roma type is less clear; at this date the reference
cannot be to alimenta nor is the offerof a hostage appropriate. Perhaps the referenceis ratherto the prosperitywhich Galba is to confer
on futuregenerationsby his "restoration" of Rome. In both types
the submissive attitude of the deities Roma and Libertas beforethe
emperoris somethingnew and marks a stage on the road fromprincipte to autocracy.
MARS VICTOR (P199: Plate XXXII). A type used by Vespasian in A.D. 71. Here it need be noticed only that the type differs
fromthe commonertype of Mars Victor used by Vitellius and Vespasian, in which the god is bearded and fully armed; here he is a
young beardless man, naked except forhelmet and sash.
PIETAS AVGVSTI (P 196: Plate XXXII). The only known
specimen is in Paris, a worn, pierced and gilded coin, unique in both
its dies. Under these circumstances it cannot remain entirely free
fromsuspicion, especially in view of the peculiarityof certain details
of the reversetype. Pietas, draped and veiled, stands facing; her left
arm is raised with hand open, her right hand perhaps holds a box
fromwhich she may be dropping incense on the altar to her right.34
The rectangular altar is piled with incense, and has on one side a
relief of Aeneas carryingAnchises and leading lulus. Behind the
altar, and facing left,hovers what has been interpretedas the head
and neck of a bull.35
Some difficultyhas been felt in explaining how this type is to be
applied to Galba.36 Pietas was one of the basic qualities of the prin32ILS, 238.
3 RIC II, Trajan474.
34Forthegeneral
2ndcent,type,e.g.BMC IV,
attitude
ofPietascf.thecommon
pl.76,9.
35BMC I, p. 358+ .
36BMC I, p. ccxvi;cf.NC,ser.5, II (1922),p. 196.
43
ceps, and the exercise of it by Galba towards the Senate is referred

to on another type of this issue. The Aeneas group here points to another fieldin which Galba exercised this quality. Dio describes Nero
as the last of the descendants of Aeneas and Augustus,37but the
names Caesar and Augustus were taken over by Galba, and with
these names of the Julian gens the Aeneas group was closely connected. As a coin type it had already been seen on the coinage of
Julius Caesar and of Octavian;38 an altar at Carthage probably dedicated to the gens Augusta has the group sculpturedin reliefon one
of its foursides,39and among the pedimental sculpturesof the temple
of Divus Augustus in Rome were figuresof Aeneas with Anchises and
lulus, and Romulus.40This suggests that the Aeneas group on the
altar on Galba's coin is there, not as a stock example of pietas (in
which sense the group is not used), but to mark the altar as being
dedicated to the gens Augusta*1 Galba had been adopted into- or
ratherhad himselfadopted into- the Julian gens,and Dio records a
concrete example of the pietas of Galba towards his new ancestors,
the burial in the Mausoleum of Augustus of those members of the
familywho had been murdered,and the re-erectionof theirstatues.42
The mysterious "bull" remains unexplained, but the remarkable
aptness of the type goes far, in the absence of furtherspecimens, to
vindicate the authenticityof this single survivor.
This
SENATVS PIETTI AVGVSTI (P 187: Plate XXXIII).
of
related
is
a
there
is
because
type Vespasian
again
type important
reading CONCORDIA SEN ATVI ; both show an identical group of
the Senate, representedas an elderly togate man, crowninga cuirassed emperor,who carries a Victory: both figurescarry olive (?)
branches. The posthumoustheoryhas given an ingeniousexplanation
to this type of Galba.43 It claims that there was no obvious reason
37LXIII, 29,3.
38BMC (Rep)III, pl.LVII, 8 andCX,20.
39CAH,Plates IV, p. 134.
40Sestertius
ofGaius,BMC I, pl.29,14; cf.Gag,MAH 47 (i93)P-*45
41CAH,loc.cit.
42LXIII, 3,4c. Thestory
madelulusthefirst
which
fexmaximus
(cf.L. R. Tayponti
Conn.:TheAmerican
Philological
lor,Divinity
[Middletown,
oftheRomanEmperor
beenelected.
sinceGalbahadrecently
here,
Association,
1931],
p. 59)mayberelevant
43NC, ser.5,II (1922),p. 196.
44
to celebrate the pietas of Galba, but that, if these coins were issued
by Vespasian, they were surely a signal example of the pietas of
Vespasian towards his predecessor, Galba, and that it was this that
the Senate was honouring.The great objection to this interpretation
is that the AVGVSTI of the reversewill referto Vespasian, while the
AVG on the obverse refersto Galba. This would be an unparalleled
and confusingusage, hardly less so to contemporariesthan to us. Yet
on general grounds there was good reason to honour the pietas of
Galba; his behaviour towards his adopted Julio-Claudian ancestors
has already been noticed and towards the Senate his attitude had
been exemplary. For, when hailed imperatorby his troops in Spain,
he had rejected unconstitutional methods and declared himself
merely legatus SPQR, thus putting himself at the disposal of the
Senate. It is this respectfulattitude towards itself that the Senate
is representedas honouring.44Galba had shown pietas and the type
is thereforeappropriate to him. The similaritybetween this type and
that of Vespasian with legend CONCORDIA SENATVI ( BMC II
pl. 20, 3) need not imply that they were produced side by side.
The
VICTORIA IMPERI ROMANI (P 194: Plate XXXIII).
"posthumous" theory has made much of this type of Victory advancing left,holdingwreath and palm. It survives,so faras is known,
only on a single very badly preserved specimen in Paris, which,
though the legend has perhaps been retouched, seems authentic. To
the posthumous theory,this type is a final declaration by Vespasian
that the imprium Romanm had triumphed over the imprium
Galliarum of the followers of Civilis; Galba is associated in this
triumphbecause, whereas "the Vitellian faction in Gaul had in fact
betrayed the Empire" by surrenderingto Civilis' rebels, "South
Gaul- the Galban faction- had stood like a rock for Rome."45 This
may be true,but it still does not necessarilyfollowthat this situation
is referredto by the coin type; the probabilityis lessened if the type
was not, as was originally supposed, struck at Lugdunum, but at
Rome; the external die links (to be listed below) prove that the issue
44Prof.Grantdoubtsin a letterto mewhether
pietascanbe usedin thisway,but
it can certainly
be exercised
the
towardsone'spatria,and in thesecircumstances
Senateis therepresentative
ofthewholepopulusRomnus.
45NC,ser.5, II (1922),pp.I93f.
45
was minted at Rome, and the complex internal pattern of links

forbidsthe segregationof any portion for issue elsewhere. If indeed
this type was produced by Vespasian in Galba's name, it is surprising
that it does not appear among Vespasian's own types, forthe victory
was his, and Galba's only by courtesy.
Perhaps VICTORIA IMPERI ROMANI has been overworked.
The figureof Victory,without legend, is common on the sestertiiof
Galba, and even appears on the smaller denominationsof officinaG.
Here foronce we are given the name of the usually nameless Victory;
it is a name less common than Victoria Augusti, but is not unorthodoxor withoutparallel.46VictoriaImperi Romani does not refer
to an actual victory in war, but rather to the power of conquering
inherentin the Empire, whetherbeing exercised at the time or not.
It may well be that the appearance of this legend at this time was
prompted by the news of nascent nationalist movements in Gaul.47
The two remainingsestertiustypes,ROMA (P 190: Plate XXXIII)
and Aesculapius (P186: Plate XXXIII) require little comment.
ROMA is unusual only in the combination of spear and Palladium
which she holds ; the Aesculapius gives the impressionof an Antonine
medallion ratherthan a ist centurycoin type, but the reason forits
appearance is unknown.48The precedingcommentaryhas shown the
remarkable nature of this series of sestertii.Almost every type embodies some innovationin contentor idiom, and the seriesmay justly
be termed medallic.
The smaller denominations, mostly asses, are far less elaborate,
although most of the types are new for Galba (Plate XXXIV to
XXXV). Aequitas here makes the firstof her many appearances on
the imperial coinage, and PAXS AVGVSTI, with its unusual spelling,
seems to be a special type. Most interesting,however,is the type of
three standards mounted on prows,forthis had already appeared on
Galba's coinage, where it is a not uncommon type in officinaA, and
was used also by Vitellius and Vespasian.
46CIL III, 1061,proSaluteimperii
Romani.
(andother
personificaJustas Securitas
a resultof
of
so
Romani
instead
become
at
this
time
Augusti, Victoria,
tions)
populi
theexercise
ofimprium,
becomesVictoria
ImperiRomani.
47Cf.Tac.,Hist.IV, 54 {adfin.)datedveryshortly
afterthis.
48Cf.Gnecchi,
I Medaglioni
RomaniII, pl.65,6. A similar
typeappearsunderthe
Severi(BMC V, pl.51,7; 42,2; 50,7).
46
The precise significanceof these standards is not easy to determine;

the prows have not unreasonably suggested naval success, yet Galba
and Vitellius had none to their credit, and the best Vespasian could
claim was a victoryover the Jews on the I,ake of Gennesaret.Another
possibilityis provided by one of the legionarydenarii of M. Antony,
which shows standards of a similar pattern mounted on prows accompanied by the legend CHORUS SPECVLATORVM.49 Although
this unit survived under the early empire as a part of the Praetorian
Guard,50and indeed played a leading role in the murderof Galba and
the transferenceof power to Otho,51it is hard to believe that the
standards of so small a unit should figureso prominentlyon the imperial coinage ratherthan those of the Praetorians whose loyaltywas
far more important.The detail in which the standards are portrayed
does suggest that they are some particular standards and not merely
symbolic. Moreover the fact that on some dies (e.g. Pxxviii: Plate
XXXIV) the poles of the standards pass right through the prows
shows that these are decorations on the standards and not the bases
on which the standards were mounted. On well preserved examples
of P iii52a Capricorncan be detected on the side of the rightprow and
a victory with wreath on the side of the left, again suggestingthe
standards of a specific unit. The legions I and II Adjutrix, formed
respectivelyby Galba and Vespasian, are obvious possibilities, especially as the prows would then referto the fact that they were recruited from the fleet.53If this be so, the prows must have been
removed fromtheir standards aftera time since later monumentsof
these legions do not show this feature.54
The chronologicalposition of officinaG must now be fixed. Prima
49BMC (Rep) III, pl.CXVI,3.
50On thedutiesofspeculator
es see Suet.,Gaius,XLIV, 2 and Claudius,
XXV; on
theirstatussee Durry,Les Cohortes
Le Coorti
Prtoriennes
, p. 108f. and Passerini,
Pretorie,
p. 70i.
51Tac.,Hist.I, 25,27,31,35; II, ii ; Suet.,GalbaXVIII.
52Mnzhandlung
Baseli, no.313.
53Ontheselegions
seeParker,TheRomanLegions,
is actually
p. 100.TheCapricorn
found
onthestandards
ofI Adjutrix
nospecial
102
and
has
Vitellius
cit.,
(op. p.
105).
withthesetwolegionsand theonlydie ofthistypeemployed
connexion
on his
fromGalba.
coinageis a "carry-over"
54E.g. onTrajansColumn,
seeC. Renel,LesEnseignes,
p. 265.
The Last Aes Issues
47
facie the issue is Galba's, whose portrait the coins carry, but an
attractive and forcefullyargued theoryhas, forreasons which will be
examined, claimed that the issue is in fact posthumous and is to be
attributedto Vespasian's pietas towards his predecessor.55This bold
view has been widely accepted, but, where the coins themselvescarry
no indication that they were issued posthumously, exceptionally
strongproofthat they were not issued by the man whose head they
bear is required. In fact the evidence does not demand the posthumous theoryand the coins fall naturally into place as the final- unexpectedly curtailed issue of Galba's reign.
Brieflythe arguments for the posthumous theoryare (1) that the
'
Flavians indisputablyrestoredGalba's honours,56(2) that the 'posthumous" coinage shows no connexionwiththe restof Galba's coinage,
and (3) that the "posthumous" coinage does show close connexions
with types issued by Vespasian.
Of these arguments 1 and 2 alone cannot be conclusive; restored
honours need not, usually did not, include coinage, nor is there any
reason why a specialised medallic coinage, as this appears in part to
be, should show connexion with the everyday issues which preceded
it. The onus clearly rests on 3. The use by Vespasian of similartypes
is not sufficientto prove the posthumous theory,for Galba's types
were sufficientlyremarkable to provoke imitation, whenever they
wereproduced. What is requiredis clear proofof the closest connexion
not only in content but also in the physical processes of production.
It will be argued in the followingparagraphs that no such close connexion exists; firstthe evidence of titulaturewill be examined, then
the degree of connexion existing between officinaG and Galba's
other officinae
, and finally the connexion between officinaG and
Vespasian's coinage under two headings, (a) similarityof types and
(b) the evidence of die-links.
The formof titulature used by officinaG contains two points of
interest; it omits PP, and usually includes PM. The only aes coins
which include PP are those of officinaF (Lugdunum) ; these too have
been thought to be posthumous,but if both groups are posthumous
it is remarkablethat theirtitulaturesshould not agree in this respect.
65JVC,
ser.5,II (1922),pp.i86f.;cf.BMC I, pp.ccxiiff.
andII, p. lviii.
56Tac.,Hist.III, 7; IV, 20.
48
But though such a variation in widely separated mints, operating

posthumously,might be overlooked, a similar variation withinsuch
a closely knit group as officinaG is most unlikely; yet, though the
majorityof obverse dies include PM, a fewomit this title. If this issue
is posthumoussuch a variation is not readily understandable,forthe
titulaturewould no longerbe subject to change. Nor can it be fairly
argued that to contemporariesthe officeof pontifexmaximus was of
small importanceon thegroundsthat it was nota constitutionalpower.
On sestertiiof Nero its inclusion is very nearly invariable;57Vitellius
always included it on his Roman aes, and under Vespasian it is invariably present on all the hundreds of dies produced for sestertii
during A.D. 71. From contemporarypractice, then, it may be taken
as certain that the officeof pontifexmaximus was highly regarded
and normallyrecorded on sestertii. In view of the insecure position
of Galba, who needed every scrap of prestige he could muster,the
omissionof PM cannot be due to indifference
; the obvious explanation
is that, when these dies were engraved, Galba had not yet been
elected. This evidence enables these issues to be placed fairlyaccurately; they are complementaryto the main issues, in that, while the
main issues only rarelyinclude PM, in officinaG it is rarelyomitted.
It was preciselyat the time of the inclusion of PM that officinaewere
being closed, to make way for this new and conspicuous, but, as it
turned out, shortlivedissue.
The claim of the posthumous theorythat officinaG has little connexion with Galba's other officinaeis substantially true, though it
does not go far towards proving the Vespasianic date. A few points
will, however,show that the separation is not quite absolute.
i. There exists an M 2 reverse die AEQVITAS, P xiii, (Plate
XXXIV) which is found combined both with an obverse of the type
of officinaB (A xii)58and with one of offcina G (A viii- withoutPM).
P xiii was in all probabilityengraved originallyforoffcina G and not
B ; forAequitas does not otherwiseoccur as a type in officinaeA to E,
whereas she does appear again in slightlydifferentformin G, while
the unusual profileview of the female figureon P xiii is repeated
57The onlyexception
is
as imperator
is a singledie uponwhichNero'scharacter
stressed
(BMC I, pl.41,1).
particularly
58See Catalogue
no.403; thisconfirms
Cohen8 as againstBMC I, p. 360,note1.
49
exactly on the HISPANIA CLVNIA SVL sestertii. This being so,

the posthumous theory must say that an obverse die of officinaB
survived until A.D. 71 when it became inadvertentlyinvolved in the
production of the posthumous issue. This is undoubtedly possible,
since reverse dies certainlysurvived,59but it is far more economical
to suppose that B and G overlapped in time as the evidence of PM
in the obverse legends shows they did.60
2. Mnzhandlung Basel Cat. 8, no. 594 illustrates a sestertius of
which the obverse is A 41 of officinaD and the reverse P 188 of G.
At Oxford there are three cast specimens of this combination. The
Basel coin, whichcannot now be traced,is probably also false,despite
its convincing appearance in photograph. A similar combination is
foundwith A 55 (also of D) and P 188 ; specimens noted have always
proved false. These forgeriesare mentioned because there are four
reasons forthinkingthat theymay be derived fromgenuineexamples
of these die combinations.
(1) The undoubtedlygenuineAEQVITAS coin just discussed proves
that hybridscombiningdies of G with those of otherofficinaet
though
very rare, are not impossible.
(2) The two dies of officinaD, A 41, 55 both have the later version
- SER GALBA IMP CAES AVG.
of the titulature of that officina
(3) These two dies are by the same engraver; notice the ends of
the wreath ties, the two final leaves of the wreath stickingup into
the air, the stronglymarked eyelids and aquiline nose.
(4) Apart fromE, officinaD is the only one which ceased production before Galba became pontifexmaximus; since G started before
this (some dies omit PM), D is a likely officinato be drawn upon.
A forgerworkingat random to produce a rare combination of dies
is unlikelyby chance to have picked a combinationwhichwould conformto points 2, 3 and 4.
Among minor points of connexion between G and the other officinae are the two types, standards on prows and Victory holding
wreath,although no common dies have been observed. Moreoverthe
new formof titulatureemployedin G continuedthe practiceof giving
59Abovep. 20f.
60A further
B and G is theabbreviation
connexion
between
CAE foundonlyon
4 diesofB andonA 120ofG.
4 Kraay
50
each officinaa distinctiveobverse legend. If officinaG representedin

any sense a "restoration" of Galba's coinage by Vespasian, a formof
titulaturealready used by Galba mighthave been expected. Among
Titus' restorationsof Galba the PAXS AVGVSTI type was included,
though with an inappropriateobverse legend.61Titus, only ten years
after Galba's death, presumablysupposed he was restoringa type of
Galba ratherthan restoringa restorationby Vespasian.
Admittedly at best the connexions between officinaG and the
other officinaeare slender. Such as they are, they are more easily explained by a close temporal succession than by a gap of two years.
If the general line of explanation followedhere is correct,the whole
point of officinaG is that it was intended to replace and improve
. In such a case only the slenderestrelationupon the other officinae
with
issues
is to be expected.
ship
previous
The posthumous theory's claim that the types of officinaG are
closely related to the types of Vespasian can best be illustratedby a
table showing the incidence of certain types under Galba, Vitellius
and Vespasian.
Galba
(officinaG)
Sestertii
HONOS ET VIRTVS
LIBERTASRESTITVTA
MARSVICTOR
SENATVSPIETTIAVGVSTI
Dupondiiand Asses
AEQVITASAVGVSTI
PAXSAVGVSTI
PROVIDENT
Standardson prows
SECVRITASP ROMANI
Vitellius
X
X
X
X
X
X
Vespasian
X
X
X
CONCORDIA SENATV!
X
X
X
X
X
The above table shows that the majorityof these types are common
to Vitellius as well as to Galba and Vespasian. Thereforethe effect
of transposingofficinaG to the reignof Vespasian will be that Vitellius must be credited with the firstuse of them at this time: though
61RIC II, Titusno.249.
51
most of the ideas involved were not new, the formsin which they
were expressed were, forthe most part, eithernew to the coinage, or
at least were being revived after a long intermission.There is no
reason why Vitellius or his advisers should not have shown initiative
in this matter; what is odd is that Vespasian, who was in no hurry
(since his main aes issues do not begin until late A.D. 70) and was
thereforenot compelled to make use of types already in production,
should use many Vitellian types to commemorateGalba, ratherthan
revivingsome of Galba's own. A far simplerhypothesisis to suppose
that the types were originatedby Galba, and then were successively
revived by the two emperorswho claimed to be his avengers.62
The posthumous theory has argued that certain types gain immensely in significanceif struck under Vespasian: that the pietas
types can referonly to the pietas shown by Vespasian in restoring
Galba's honors and coinage, that VictoriaImperi Romani can mean
only the final extinction of civil war and re-establishmentof peace
by Vespasian. These interpretationshave been contested in the paragraphs already devoted to these types. The remainingsimilaritiesof
type lend little support to the posthumous theory.The repetitionof
Honos et Virtuswas due to special circumstancesin the historyof the
cult. Of Libertas restituathere was a single die in use under Vespasian;63 this may well have been originallymade forofficinaG, but
never used owing to Galba's premature death.64With the SENATVS
PIETTI AVGVSTI type the case is similar; under Vespasian, the
type is used again (engraved by the same artist), with the legend
changed to CONCORDIA SENATVI, but there is no need to suppose that the two versionswere contemporary.Finally there are five
routine 2E 2 types which are common to all three emperors; in this
phenomenon there is nothing that demands that Vespasian's and
Galba's issues should have been made simultaneously. Similarityof
types does not strengthenthe posthumous case ; these resemblances
62ForVitellius
as avenger
ofGalbaseeTac.,Hist.II, 55; fortheFlaviansseenote56
above.
63BMC II, pl.21,i.
64Vespasian's
diehas S C leftandright,
G hasS C in
whereas
thatusedin officina
Thesetwodiesmaybe a pair likethetwoadlocutio
dieswhicharedistinexergue.
inthesameway(cf.Concordia
B andC).
guished
typesinofficinae
4*
52
and repetitionsare evidence of the profoundeffectthe originalityof

officinaG had upon contemporaries.
The last section of evidence to be presented and evaluated is that
of the die-linksbetween different
reigns.Here it may be recalled that
the onus of proving the posthumous theory was said above to fall
upon the closeness of the physical connexion that could be found to
exist between this group and the issues of Vespasian. It cannot be
denied that there are some close resemblances between types in the
two issues, but these extend usually to Vitellius as well, and the
posthumous theoryis not the only, or the most probable explanation
of them. What help can the die links be expected to give ? In a period
of frequentchanges of ruler, occasional suitable reverse dies might,
as a matter of convenience, be carried over from one reign to another; the continued use of some Galban dies under Vespasian has
already been noticed,65and similarexamples of continuityare found
also between Vitellius and Vespasian. If however the coins of officina G were mintedside by side with issues of Vespasian, links might
be expected whereverpossible, in view of the rarityof most of these
types and the small number of dies used. If then there are found to
be links with coins of Vespasian in a high proportionof the possible
cases, this would be decisive evidence in favour of the posthumous
theory; ifhowever the links are sporadic, amountingto no more than
a convenient "carry-over," then the probability of the posthumous
theorywill be reduced.
The die-linksthemselvescan now be enumeratedand discussed by
types.
Honos et Virtus
Galba has foursestertiusdies of this type (P 182, 184, 185, 195), of
which two (P 185, 195 : Plate XXXV) were still being used by Vitellius' moneyers.66
Vespasian used this type in A.D. 71 only; altogether
he had fivedies of this type, none of which had been used previously
by Galba or Vitellius.
65See abovep. 20f.
66P 185:a. in tradeSeaby1949ex Ratto(Lugano),8 Feb.1928,no.2236(Plate
TE forET) : a. Paris1181(Plate XXXV,A
XXXV,B) ; b. Ryan2326.P 195(reading
b. Oxford,
ex Hall 1148(withTE altered
to ET inmodern
times).
53
Paxs Augusti
Galba has two as dies (P i, xvii). Vitellius and Vespasian share one
furtherdie, which was the only one of this type made forthem.67
Threestandardson f>rows
This is a fairlycommon as type in officinaA, forwhich at least six
dies were used. None of these,however,were used in officinaG, which
has fourdies of its own (P iii, iv, xii and xxviii). P iv was used again
by Vitellius (apparently the only die of this type which he used) and
later still by Vespasian (Pl. XXXVI) ;68the style of the obverse of
Vespasian's coin recalls certain sestertiusdies that were in use in the
middle period of A.D. 71. P xii is likewise used by Vespasian on an as
which,exceptionally, reads VESPASIANVS in full and has a draped
bust (Plate XXXVI, 3), featureswhich,on the evidence of sestertius
dies, belong to the early months of A.D. 71. Two other dies of this
type have been noted as used by Vespasian alone.69
Securitas P. Romani
Galba has two dies (P viii and xiv) both used fordupondii; neither
is used by Vitellius.70P viii, however, was used by Vespasian for an
as with obverse dated PM COS II D III (i.e. late A.D. 70)71 and Tater
fora dupondius dated A.D. 71 (Pl. XXXVI).72
These die-links do not yield decisive evidence in favour of the
posthumous theory; in the cases of Honos et Virtusand Paxs Augusti
67Vitellius:
a. Paris,Armand-Valton
863;b. Paris5030a;c. Hall 1151(muchtooled).
up, theS of
Vespasian:a. BMC II, no.590,pl.23,4 (notehowthedie is filling
andtheC ofSCmaking
PAXShaving
; b.Munich.
onlya faint
impression)
disappeared
68Vitellius:
exVierordt
a. BM.,notcatalogued,
973(Plate XXXVI,1); Vespasian:
a. Paris5140;b. Lawrence
(Plate XXXVI,2).
69BMC II, no.613andNavilleXVII, 1319.A minorpoint
may^>enotedhere;in
standard
facesleft;ontwoofthe"posthuA theeagleonthecentre
invariably
officina
mous"diesit facesright,
(P xii,xxviiifaceleft)whileonthetwodiesherenotedas
were
itfacesleftagain.If"posthumous"
GalbaandVespasian
confined
toVespasian
wouldbe odd.
thisvariation
contemporary,
70BM.,notcatalogued,
ex NavilleVIII (Bernent),
700is thistype,buta dieofvery
different
style.
71Kraay(Oxford),
ex Ryan2743,ex Vierordt
1023.
72Cambridge
seePlate XXXVI,4.
(Fitzwilliam
Museum),
54
the links are Galba/Vitellius or Vitellius/Vespasianand not Galba/

Vespasian, which parallel productionwould be expected to produce.
Galba/Vespasian links are, however, provided by two types, three
standards on prows and Securitas; yet even these are not wholly
favorable to the posthumous theory. In the case of the threestandards one link is with a coin dated early A.D. 71, the other with one
dated about May or June; Securitas gives one link in November or
December A.D. 70, and a second probably again in May or June
A.D. 71. These links cover a minimum of five months, which is
far too long a period for the issue of the Galban coins; their close
pattern of die-linksand restrictednumber of dies imply a period of
weeks rather than months. The conclusion must be drawn that not
even all the Galba/Vespasian links can be due to the contemporary
strikingof the two series.
Exactly when, in the early years of Vespasian's reign,are coins in
Galba's honour likelyto have been issued ? Two of the links point to
the end of A.D. 70 and the very beginningof A.D. 71, which is politically the most likely time, forit was in A.D. 70 though beforeVespasian's returnto Rome- that Galba's honours were restored,and it
was at this time that Vespasian had the greatest need of winning
adherentsfromother factions.Yet the productionof this substantial
issue in Galba's name is unlikelyat a timewhen Vespasian had hardly
begun an aes issue of his own.73Two otherlinks suggesta date towards
the middle of a.D. 71, yet politically this is a most unlikelytime, for
the Flavian dynastywas then secure, and a prolificcoinage was celebrating the Flavian achievements,reaching a climax at the time of
the Jewishtriumphin the middle of the year. In short,the die-links
between Galba and Vespasian are best attributedto chance survivals
of useful dies : they tell against the posthumous theory,in that they
fail to support it at a point where they mightbe expected to do so.
Once again th conclusion emergesthat thereis no place in A.D. 70 or
71 fora posthumous issue in honor of Galba.
If, then, these issues are really Galba's, their relation to the main
73VeryfewaescoinswereissuedforVespasian
a.d. 70 andmostofthesefall
during
scaleearlyinthe
ina.d. 71beginona considerable
lateintheyear.Issuesofsestertii
seemnot
a
the
middle.
Issues
of
smaller
denominations
and
to
towards
rise
year
peak
ona largescaleuntilperhaps
to havestarted
AprilorMay.
68
9. June
DeathofNero
July?
FirstAES withAVG
CII
15
?
August
FirstAES with
CAESandAVG
19
--
?
October
Before
22.Dec.
in
Galbaarrives
Rome
Galbabecomes
maximus
pontifex
y
24
14
12
69
10.Jan.
15.Jan.
ofPiso
Adoption
Murder
ofGalba.
totw<
ofreverse
diescommon
givesthenumber
Theother
arethoseofsestertius
obverse
numbers
diesi
Diagram6. galba: chronologicalinter-relation
OFOFFICINAE
ZAL
INTER-RELATIONS
55
body of his coinage must be determined.That they largelyfollowthe

main body is proved by the predominanceof dies that includepontifex
maximus, yet they also show little connexion with previous issues,
the productionof which was stopped at this time.
Most of Galba's main issue was struckat Rome in his absence, between the date of his acceptance of the titleAugustus in Gaul and the
date of his arrival in Rome ; the rest of his main issue fellbetween his
arrival and a date shortly after his election as pontifexmaximus
(certainlybefore22 December). The volume of the main issue should
not be overestimated,for many of the varieties are extremelyrare,
or even confinedto one die. Vespasian in 9 monthsof A.D. 71 used at
least 260 obverse dies forsestertii,about one a day. Galba has about
130 in his main series, from which should be deducted the 26 of
officinaA as not being an integralpart of the mint of Rome. On Vespasian's rate, these 104 dies will representabout 4 monthsworking;
the time available forthe main issues is almost certainlylongerthan
this.74Galba in Gaul can have had little direct controlover the production of these coins; the portraitswould be second or third hand
likenesses; the principal types were uninspired. On his arrival in
Rome, Galba seems to have determinedto enliven the coinage ; new
artists were engaged, or at least new portraits were commissioned,
and a new officinaopened, while the existingones were closed down
by degrees. The resultingsestertiiwere elaborate and "medallic" in
character,layinggreat stressupon the person and activitiesof Galba ;
the smaller denominations, on the contrary, have a much more
modest character, and cannot claim to be regarded as anythingbut
a coinage for everyday use. The scarcity of these coins is due to the
sudden ending of the reign, which left a number of dies in good
enough condition to be worthpreservingand using in the future.
74Figuresconcerning
Vespasianare derivedfromthe author'sownstudyof his
coinagewhichhehopesto publish
subsequently.
IV
CONCLUSION
Having reviewed the operations of each officinain some detail,
somethingmust now be said about the whole body of reversetypes
used in offcinaeA-E; those of G have been sufficientlydiscussed
already.
The accompanying table shows how the reverse dies are distributedthroughthe officinaeby types. Dies used in more than one
officinaare counted under the parent officinaonly; variants of
themes have been placed next to each other,in order to give in the
last column the total representationof each theme.
A
CI
C II
10
-
6
-
2
-
21
6
-
29
_
21
LibertasAugusta
SPQR ob c s in wreath
11
6
-
Ex SC ob c s in wreath
ROMA seated
ROMA standing
Victorywithwreath
VictorywithPalladium
3
-
10
10
-
LibertasPublica
ConcordAug
?
Pax Aug
Augusta
4
2
Salus Augusta
451
- 56
11)
401
-i 45
5J
28
1 4!
13J
19J
41
181
-I 20
z)
A-E.
Distributionof reversedies in officinae
56
6
4
Conclusion
57
From these figuresit can be calculated that an average batch of a

hundred sestertiiwould be made up as follows:
Libertas
Corona civica
Roma
Victory
Concordia {Pax)
Augusta
Solus
25 coins
20 coins
20 coins
20 coins
10 coins
3 coins
2 coins.
The prominenceof Libertasis not surprising,forthe various movements which brought Galba to power all proclaimed as their objects
the overthrowof Nero's tyrannyand the restorationof liberty.That
the Libertastype made its mark and came to be regarded as typical
of Galba's issues, is perhaps shown by the fact that it was one of the
only two reversetypes of Galba to be restoredby Titus, and the only
one to be restoredby Trajan. The corona civica and its inscription,
, had by now become a regular accession type
SPQR ob cives servatos
the
award
of
such a corona among the accession honours,
recording
but the large numbersin which it was now minted laid special emphasis upon it. Galba came of a familywhich had no blood-relationship with his Julio-Claudian predecessors in power; the use of the
corona civica type was an element of that publicity which was designed to minimizethe gulfbetween him and his predecessorsand to
representhim as the legitimate heir of all theirpowers. And there
was a furthermeaning,for the lives of citizens were saved not only
by accession without bloodshed, but also by the mercifuluse of the
power which accession conferred.In many quarters Galba had met
with opposition or with only lukewarm support, and the declaration
that dementia remained an imperial virtue, and that gregatimac
publice servarewas still the emperor'saim, was certainlypolitic.
Roma and Victorywere types appropriate at almost any time,and
were taken over fromNero's coinage with only minor changes. Perhaps the recent trouble in Gaul- and the fear of its recurrence
dictated this re-assertionof the unity and power of the Roman Empire. Concordia-Pax (the type is the same with both legends) contains
both a statement of fact, that the empire was, at least outwardly,.
58
united behind Galba, and an appeal that this should continue in the
future.Salus , also inheritedfromNero, no doubt alludes to the sound
state of the empire and perhaps also to the absence of conspiracy
against the emperor.
The remainingtype, Augusta, has some puzzling features. It can
portray only Livia who had been an early patroness of Galba. No
doubt this is part reason for the appearence of the type, but Livia
had now been dead forfortyyears, and surelythe evocation of Divus
Augustus would have been more potent. Another curious feature is
the omissionof the titleDiva, which is given to Livia on Galba's gold
and silver coinage. This omission may be connected with the torch
which on sestertiiLivia usually holds. Two torches formthe reverse
type of aurei and denarii issued by Claudius in honour of Antonia,
with the legend sacerdos Divi Augusti, in which officeAntonia succeeded Livia. Now, if the torch on Galba's sestertiiwas intended to
identifyLivia as sacerdos Divi Augusti, then the omission of Diva
would be understandable, for it would have been hardly possible to
describe her as Diva Augusta Divi Augusti sacerdos.The occasion of
this small issue mighthave been the fortiethanniversaryof her death
in A.D. 29, coupled with Galba's personal feeling of gratitude towards her.
In conclusion it is worth asking whether the subdivisions of the
mint that exist under Galba can be traced eitherbeforeor afterhis
reign. In view of the circumstancesof his accession, neitherhe nor
his advisers are likely to have had the need, or indeed the opportunity,to re-organizethe mint. So far as is known,the mintwas producing aes for Nero up to the end of his reign,and the systemthen
existingpresumably went back to the beginningof his aes issues in
A.D. 64. His coinage is complex and some of its variations are comparable to those of Galba; the portrait may face right or left, the
gentile name Claudius- sometimes present, sometimes absent- behaves very much as does Sulpicius, and imperatoroccupies several
positionsin the legend as on the coins of Galba. In addition,German
in
abbreviation.
tribunicia
further
and
icus
variety
potestateprovide
In these respects the aes coinages of Nero and Galba alike stand in
clear contrastto that of Claudius, the directionof whose portraitand
the formof whose legends are remarkably constant. Pending more
Conclusion
59
detailed study of the coinage of Nero, the available evidence makes

it likely that the system of subdividing the mint into self-contained
officinaewas initiated in A.D. 64, after production had been interrupted forten years, and that it was taken over by Galba fromNero
essentiallyunchanged.
The mintingof aes, again interruptedunder Otho, was resumed
by Vitellius,but, despite a longer reign than Galba's, the output of
aes was very much less; a unit no larger than Galba's officinaG
would appear to have sufficed.Afterthe death of Vitellius therewas
a gap of a whole year before the mint again produced a major aes
the dieissue. In this there is no trace of subdivision by officinole',
form
one
unbroken
selinks of the sestertiiof Vespasian of A.D. 71
quence, and the few variations in legend are successive instead of
contemporary.During A.D. 70 the aes mint seems to have been reorganized once again.
So far as can at present be seen, the elaborate, but perhaps unwas of
economical,organizationof the mint into independentofficinole
short duration. It cannot be positively asserted that no such organization existed under the predecessorsof Nero, but only that, if it did,
the means of differentiating
the work of each officinahave yet to be
discovered.
THE CATALOGUE OF DIES

Every die combination is distinguishedby a serial number in the
lefthand column and each die by a numberprefixedby A (anvil) for
an obverse die, and by P (punch) fora reversedie ; Arabic figuresare
used forthe dies of sestertiiand small Roman figuresforthose of the
smaller denominations.Within officinaeobverse dies are numberedin
numerical sequence, though not without intermission(e.g. A i, 4, 7,
8, ii etc.) ; all combinationsof every obverse die are listed together.
Varieties of obverse legend and bust are denoted by numbers and
lettersrespectively,of which a complete list is printedon p. 61 f. and
the relevant selection at the beginningof each officina.In order to
determinewhethera particular obverse die is included in the Catalogue, it is necessary firstto identifythe officinaby means of the
list ofobverselegendson p. 61 f.; then,referenceto the plates illustrating the officinawill enable the die number,and thus its place in the
Catalogue, to be found. The actual specimen illustratedhas the plate
number against it in the second column.
As reverse dies may be combined with several obverse dies, and
, it is not possible to preserve
may be foundin more than one officina
a sequence of numbers. Once a reverse die has been located on the
plates, its occurrencesin the Catalogue can be found fromthe Index
of Reverse Dies on pp. 121 ff.; similarlythe reverseprocedurewill enable a die in the Catalogue to be located on the plates. Once again
the actual specimen illustratedhas the plate number quoted against
it in the fifthcolumn,devoted to reverse die numbers.Descriptionsof
reveresdies have been kept to the minimumnecessaryforidentification; beyond this, only those details are noted which are subject to
variation. The last column notes the other obverse dies with which
a given reverse die is combined; where one of these obverse dies
comes froma different
officinafromthat of the reverse die, this subdivision is indicated by a letterin brackets afterthe die number,for
example A 41 (B).
60
6i
Catalogue of Dies
Public collectionsare referredto by the name of the city, followed

by a catalogue number, where known. In the case of the British
Museum referencesare normallyto the published catalogues. Certain
well-knownprivate collections,now dispersed, are referredto by the
name of the owner followed by the number of the coin in the sale
catalogue (e.g. Ryan 2726). For furtherdetails of such catalogues
and collections,see list of abbreviations above on p. ixf. Other sale
catalogues are referredto by the name of the dealer, followedby the
date or serial numberof the sale and the numberofthe coin. The sign
= means "the same coin" and not another specimen fromthe same
dies.
The plates illustrate practically every die, except for a few which
have been traced only in Sale Catalogues; these are listed below on
p. 120. In illustratingso large a number, some poor specimenshave
had to be included. Obverse dies are illustrated in numerical order,
, as in the Catalogue; reverse dies are illustrated under
by officinae
officinaeby types in alphabetical order. When a reversedie is used in
more than one officina
, it is illustrated under its parent officina
of
of
the
origin the obverse die withwhich the actual speciregardless
men illustratedmay happen to be combined.
CATALOGUE OF DIES
Obv. legends
Officina
A
SER GALBAIMPCAES AVGTR P
ii
SER GALBAIMPCAES AVG P M TR P
iii
IMPSER GALBACAE AVGTR P
iv
IMPSER GALBACAES AVGTR P
IMPSER GALBACAESARAVGTR P
vi
IMPSER GALBACAES AVG P M TRP
vii
IMPSER GALBACAES AVG PON M TR P
viii
SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVGTR P
ix
SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG P M TR P
SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG PON MATR P
2
Obv. legends
Officina
xi
SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG PONT MAXTR P C
xii
IMPSER GALBAAVGVSTVS
xiii
IMPSER GALBAAVGTR P
xiv
SER GALBAIMPCAES AVG
XV
SER GALBAIMPCAES AVGTR P
xvi
IMPSER SVLPGALBACAES AVGTR P
xvii
IMPSER SVLPICGALBACAES AVGTR P
xviii
IMPSER SVLPICIVSGALBACAESARAVG
xix
SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG P M TR P P P
XX
SER SVLPIGALBAIMPCAESARAVGTR P
xxi
SER SVLPIGALBAIMPCAE AVG P M TR P
xxii
SER SVLPIGALBAIMPCAESARAVG P M TR P
xxiii
SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG PO MATR P
xxiv
SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG PON M TR POT
XXV
F (JE2 only)
SER GALBAIMPCAESARAVG PON M TR P P P F (^2 only)
xxvi
IMPSER GALBACAESARAVG P M TR P
Bust varieties
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
Head r. laur.
Head r. laur.,globe at pointof bust

Head r. laur.,bust dr.
Head 1.laur.
Head 1.laur.,bust dr.
f. Head r. bare
g. Head r. laur., withaegis
h. Head r. bare,globe at pointof bust
i. Head r. bare,bust dr.
k. Head 1.laur.,globe at pointof bust
B
Officina
A, B, C, D, G
A, F, G
A, B, C,D, E, G
B, C, D
D, G
D
G
G
D, G
F
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NOT ILLUSTRATED IN THE PLATES
Obversedies
A 86(E) Naville XV, no. 1446.
Reversedies
P 41
Santamaria16 Jan. 1924,no. 159.
P 56
P 71
P 72
P 108
P 122
P 144
P 149
P 158
P 160
P 161
P 224
HirschXXXIII, no. 1162.

RivistaItaliana IV (1891), pl. xvia, 2.
Santamaria24 Jan. 1938,no. 352 = Hess (Lucerne)18 Dec.1933,
no. 421.
MnzhandlungBasel 10, no. 558 = Hess (Lucerne)207, no. 992.
Ciani 2 June1920,no. 351.
Schulman5 March1923 (Vierordt),no. 942.
HirschXXIV (Weber),no. 1102.
Merzbacher15 Nov. 1910,no. 1470.
Santamaria 21 Nov. 1932, no. 170 = 18 June 1928, no. 115 =
25 May 1926,no. 197.
120
INDEX
OF REVERSE
DIES
a. SESTERTII
Die
Pi
P 2
P 3
P 4
P 5
P 6
P 7
P 8
P 9
P 10
P ii
P 12
P 13
P 14
P 15
P 16
P 17
P 18
P 19
P 20
P 21
P 22
P 23
P 24
P25
P26
P27
P28
P 29
P 30
P31
P 32
P 33
Off.Serial nos.
Plate Die
B 70, 79, 104
VII P 34
B 71, 76, 80
IX P35
C 177
XII P36
B 81
VIII P 37
B 82,84
VIII P38
C 121
XV P39
XV P40
C 122
C 123
XVI P 41
B 88, 91, 107
VIII P42
B 92
IX P 43
B 72, 87, 95, 102
VIII P 44
B 96, 98
IX P 45
A 1, 39, 54
V P 46
A 3
IV P47
C 124, 127,129,
P 48
XVI P49
158
D 203
XXIV P 50
D 204, 224
XX P 51
D 205, 229, 269
XX
D 206, 211
XX P 52
D 212
XXII P 53
A 5
V P 54
A 7, 8
IV P 55
A 9, ii
IV P 56
A 12, 14, 44
IV P 57
E 304.305
XXIX P 58
C 130,164
XVI P 59
C 131,187
XIII P 60
B 99
VIII
B 100, 105
VII P 61
B 86, 101,118
VII P62
D 213
XXII P 63
C 134, 137, 198,
XIII P64
335
C 138
XII P65
121
Off.Serial nos.
A
A
A
C
C
A
D
D
D
D
D
C
E
E
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
C
C
C
C
C
D
D
15, 16, 30, 63

17,22
23,25,26
141, 161
142,306
6,34
216
217
218
219
220
144, 146, 197
308
309
225, 230
233,234,274
236, 272, 279
228, 237, 241,
277
242
243
246
208, 247
248
249
250
151
152, 155, 157,
171,172, 190
149
150
154, 156,170,
173
58,251
253,286
Plate
III
III
IV
XV
XIII
IV
XXII
XX
XX
XXIV
XVI
XXVII
XXVII
XXII
XXII
XXII
XXII
XXIV
XX
XXII
XXII
XX
XX
XI
XIII
XIII
XII
XII
XXI
XXI
122
Die
P 66
P 67
P 68
P 69
P 70
P 71
P 72
P 73
P 74
P 75
P 76
P
P
P
P
P
77
78
79
80
81
P 82
P 83
P 84
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
Off.Serial nos.
D 56,256
D 258
D 223,262
D 263,301
A 40
A 42
A 36
A 33,49
D 24,27,214,
215, 239
D 221
C 159, 160, 165,
192
D 235
A 37
B 83,97
A 28,62
C 132,148,163,
167
C 168,193
A 21,31
D 32,240,264,
283
A 10
D 281
C 143
C 125
B 74
C 135
C 153
D 227
D 244
B 103
D 231, 266,302
B 85
B 89
B 77
D 271,276
C 175,176
A 35, 45, 59, 65
A 46
A 47
D 252, 257, 282
Plate
XXI
XXI
XXI
XXII
IV
III
XXII
XXIV
XVI
XXIII
III
VII
IV
XVI
XVI
V
XXIII
V
XXI
XI
XVI
VIII
XIII
XII
XXIII
XXIV
VIII
XXIII
VIII
VIII
VIII
XXIV
XV
IV
III
IV
XXI
Die
P 105
P 106
P 107
P 108
P 109
P no
P iii
P 112
P 113
P 114
P 115
P 116
P 117
P 118
P 119
P 120
P 121
P 122
P 123
P 124
P 125
P 126
P 127
P 128
P 129
P 130
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
144
145
146
Off.Serial nos.
B 73, 108
B 109
B 78, 94, no, iii
A 48
C 139, 162,166
C 140
D 273, 278
A 38, 52
A 53
A 13
A 18
A 20
D 261
D 2, 43, 265
A 57
D 254, 255,284
D 287
A4
D 222
D 209
C 178
C 181
C 133, 182
A 19, 60, 67
B 93
D 41, 232,245,
280
B 112
B 90, 113
B 114, 116
B 117
C 183
C 184
C 185
C 186
C 179, 188
C 189
B 75
B 115
C 145
C 169
C 191
C 126
Plate
IX
IX
VII
XV
XV
XXIII
V
V
III
V
V
XXIV
XXI
V
XXI
XX
XXIV
XXIV
XIII
XI
XV
III
VIII
XXIII
IX
IX
IX
IX
XI
XII
XIII
XIII
XII
XII
IX
IX
XVI
XVI
XVI
Index of Reverse Dies

Die
P 147
P 148
P 149
P 150
P 151
P 152
P 153
P 154
P 155
P 156
P 157
P 158
P 159
P 160
P 161
P 162
P 163
P 164
P 165
P 166
P 167
P 168
P 169
P 170
P 171
P 172
P 173
P174
P 175
P 176
P 177
P 178
P 179
P 180
P 181
P 182
P 183
P 184
P 185
P 186
P 187
Off.Serial nos.
C
C
C
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
E
F
F
F
G
G
G
G
Plate Die
XVI
194
XVI
195
196
XXI
288
XXIII
289
XXI
275, 290
XXI
293
XXIII
294
XXIV
295
XXV
296
XXIII
210, 297
226
XXI
259, 299
260
267
XXVII
313
XXVII
314
XXVII
315
XXVII
3x6
XXVII
318
XXIX
319
XXVII
320
XXVII
321
XXIX
323
XXIX
324
XXIX
325
XXVIII
310
XXVIII
311,312
XXIX
327
XXVIII
328
XXVIII
329
XXVIII
322
XXX
338
XXIX
339
XXIX
340
XXXII
350, 362,381
XXXII
351,366
XXXII
357
359, 383
XXXII, XXXV
G 354,360,
XXXIII
373
G 364
XXXIII
P 188
P 189
P 190
P191
P 192
P 193
P 194
P195
P 196
P 197
P 198
P199
P 200
P 201
P 202
P 203
P 204
P205
P 206
P 207
P 208
P 209
P 210
P 211
P 212
P 213
P 214
P215
P 216
P 217
P 218
P 219
P 220
P 221
P 222
P 223
P 224
P 225
P 226
P 227
123
Off.Serial nos.
Plate
G 356, 365, 369,
374. 378
XXXII, XXXVII
G 363, 367,371,
372,375,382 XXXII
G 380
XXXIII
G 353,377.379 XXXIII
G 352, 361, 370 XXXII
G 384
XXXIII
G 368
XXXIII
G 355 XXXII, XXXV
XXXII
G 385
XII
C 136
III
A 51
G 358,376
XXXII
IX
B 119
XXII
D 238
A 29
III
D 207, 292
XXIII
D 291
XXIII
XIII
C 174,199,334
IV
A 64
D 270
XXV
D 298
XXV
V
A 66
IX
B 120
C 128
XII
XVI
C 147
D 300
XXIII
A 50, 68
III
XXIX
E 317
IV
A 69
E 330
XXVIII
E 331
XXVIII
E 332
XXVIII
E 333
XXVIII
E 326
XXIX
C 200
XII
C 202
XVI
C 201
C 180
XII
A 55, 61
V
B 106
VIII
Aes Coinage of Galbe
124
Die
P 228
P 229
P 230
Off.Serial nos.
D 268
D 285
D 303
Plate Die
XXV P 231
XXIV P 232
XXIV P233
Off.Serial nos.
E 307
E 336
E 337
Plate
XXVIII
XXVIII
XXVIII
b. DUPONDII AND ASSES

Pi
P ii
P iii
G
G
G
P iv
Pv
P vi
P vii
P viii
G
G
G
G
P ix
PX
P xi
Pxii
Pxiii
G
G
G
G
G
XXXIV
386
XXXIV
387
388, 389,392,
XXXIV
396
394
XXXIV, XXXVI
XXXIV
395,414
XXXIV
397
XXXV
398,401
399,402
XXXV, XXXVI
XXXV
403
391,404, 406 XXXV
405, 407, 410 XXXV
390 XXXIV, XXXVI
XXXIV
408,415
Pxiv
G
P XV G
G
Pxvi
Pxvii G
Pxviii F
P xix F
P XX F
P xxi F
P xxii F
Pxxiii F
Pxxiv F
P XXV F
Pxxvi G
Pxxvii G
P XXviii G
P xxix F
400
411
412
409,416
341
342
343
344
345
346
347
348
413
393
417
349
XXXV
XXXV
XXXV
XXXIV
XXX
XXX
XXX
XXX
XXXI
XXXI
XXXI
XXXI
XXXV
XXXV
XXXIV
-
INDEX
OF REVERSE
LEGENDS
ADLOCVTIO,37 iAEQVITAS,37. 45. 48AEQVITASAVGVSTI,37, 50.

Aesculapius,37, 45.
Arch, 34.
AVGVSTA,14, 16f., 56f.
AVGVSTAR. XL, 14.
CONCORD. AVG.,15, 17i., 2of.
29. 32. 56h
EX S. C. OB CIVES SER., 14, 16, 29,
56f.
EX S. C. OB CIVES SERVATOS, 20,
56f.
FIDES PVBLICA,34.
HISPANIACLVNIA SVL., 37, 39,
49HONOS ET VIRTVS,37, 41, 50i., 52.
LIBERTASAVGVSTA, 14, 16, 29,
56f.
LIBERTASAVGVST.R, XL, 14.
LIBERTASPVBLICA, 16f., 20, 22,
24. 34. 56fLIBERTASRESTITVTA,37, 41, 50i.
LIBERT.AVG., 14, 16, 22, 29, 56i.
LIBERT.AVG. R. XL, 14.
MARSVICTOR,37, 42, 50.
PAX AVG(VST)., 14i., 29, 34, 56i.
AND TYPES
PAXSAVGVSTI,37. 45. 50. 52.

PIETASAVGVSTI,37, 41, 50 f.
PROVIDENT.,37, 50.
R. XL, 15f., 29.
ROMA,14i., 17, 20f., 22, 24i., 27,
29. 32. 34. 37. 45. 56f.
ROMA RESTI.,37, 41.
ROMA R. XL, 14.
SALVSAVGVSTA,2of., 56ft.
SALVSAVGVSTI,37SECVRITASP. ROMANI,37, 50, 52.
SENATVSPIETTIAVGVSTI,37, 43,
50f.
S.P.Q.R. OB CIVES SERVATOS,18,
20f. 56f.
S. P.Q. R. OB CIV.SER.,14i., 18, 20f.,
22, 25, 27, 29, 32, 56 f.
Standardson prows, 37, 45i., 49i.
VICTORIAEIMP.GALBAEAVG., 34.
VICTORIAIMPERIROMANI,37,44i,
5iVictorycarryingPalladium,14, 17,
22, 32. 56i
Victorycarryingwreath,14, 17, 20,
22, 25, 32, 37, 49, 56 f.
Victorystanding,22.
XXXX REMISSA,34.
125
PLATES
OFFICINA
II
OFFICINA
III
OFFICINA
IV
OFFICINA
OFFICINA
VI
OFFICINA
VII
OFFICINA
VIII
OFFICINA
IX
OFFICINA
OFFICINAE
B, CI
XI
OFFICINA
CI
XII
OFFICINA
CI
XIII
OFFICINAE
CI, CII
XIV
OFFICINA
CII
XV
OFFICINA
CII
XVI
OFFICINA
CII
XVII
OFFICINAE
CII, D
XVIII
OFFICINA
XIX
OFFICINA
XX
OFFICINA
XXI
OFFICINA
XXII
OFFICINA
XXIII
OFFICINA
XXIV
OFFICINA
XXV
OFFICINAE
D, E
XXVI
OFFICINA
XXVII
OFFICINA
XXVIII
OFFICINA
XXIX
OFFICINAE
E, F
XXX
OFFICINA
XXXI
OFFICINAE
F, G
XXXII
OFFICINA
XXXIII
OFFICINA
XXXIV
OFFICINA
XXXV
OFFICINA G:
GALBAN DIES RE-ISSUED BY VITELLIUS
XXXVI
GALBAN DIES RE-USED BY VITELLIUS

VESPASIAN: FALSE DIES
AND
XXXVII
OFFICINA

The 'Aes' Coinage of Galba / by C.M. Kraay

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The 'Aes' Coinage of Galba / by C.M. Kraay

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NUMISMATIC

NUMISMATIC NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BY

II. THE MAINAES ISSUES

III. THE LAST AES ISSUES

INDEX OF REVERSELEGENDS AND TYPES

which enabled me to visit collections in Paris, Vienna, Munich and

- HeberdenCoin Room, AshmoleanMuseum.

Aes Coinage of Galba

sidiary mints. In the rare event of a number of provenances being

It is of course no valid objection to say that dies could have been

Aes Coinage of Galba

in circulation. For example, the types of Clodius Macer followed

Aes Coinage of Galba

differenttypes were originally issued in the approximate relative

The briefreignof Galba, lasting only seven months,witnessedthe

Aes Coinage of Galba

This field is a promising one for exploration by die-analysis, a

The Main Aes Issues

of Caesar and immediately hastened on to Rome to suppress disaffection.9

Aes Coinage of Galba

diploma proves to have taken place by 22nd December.17Comparable

Galba hailed imperator; declareshimselflegatusS PQR .

The Main Aes Issues

Aes Coinage oj Galba

The most extremehypothesis,which would preclude the recovery

The Main Aes Issues

The Main A es Issues

The distinctivecharacter of this officinais shown as much by its

Aes Coinage of Galba

P 23 and 28. The conclusion is that a single engraver was at some

The Main Aes Issues

The reverses of this officinahave few individual features,for all

Diagram2. galba: die-linksin off

The Main Aes Issues

Three reversedies of C I (P 32, 38, 205) are also combinedwithobversesof officina

The output of officinaC has been subdivided into C I and C II

Diagram3. galba: die-linksin offj

The Main A es Issues

Aes Coinage of Galba

Though there is wide variation,individualvarietiesare thinlyrepresentedexcept "head right,laureate,bust draped/'whichclaims the

Diagram4. galba: die-linksin officinad (sestertii).

The Main A es Issues

The Main A es Issues

6 Also in off.A, B, C and D. Two

The Main A es Issues

tailed examination. Referenceto Diagram 6 (opp. p. 54) will assist in

Rome, the titulaturein use at officinaD was emended to read SER

The Main A es Issues

A, althoughoriginallyan officinaof Rome, did not eventuallybecome

Galba's behalf. Lugdunum is unlikely,since it is already the home of

The Main A es Issues

SER GALBA IMP CAESAR AVG

SER SVLPI GALBA IMP

Aes Coinage of Galba

Internal variation never amounts to confusionbetween the forms,

The Last A es Issues

Aes Coinage of Galba

The Last A es Issues

but on the whole

Aes Coinage of Galba

Diagram5. galba: die-linksi

galba: die-linksin officinag