Special Council Position Paper

The Togolese commitment to the international community is unmatched amongst

contemporaries. The Togolese Republic has been quick to proffer aid to the United Nations,
contributing some of the largest contingents of peacekeeping forces operating in the African
region. In point of fact, Togo has committed almost 2000 UN police, troops and experts as of
January 2014, despite its small geographic size and population. The Republic is willing to
commit so many operatives because it shares common goals with the United Nations. Togos
involvement in the Security Council may seem token and insignificant, but in actuality the
country has a unique perspective to offer. Togos place as a temporary member of the Security
Council ensures that the country is able to offer valuable input from the front lines. This advice is
an increasingly necessary component of UN decision making, especially as instability and
conflict arise in both the developed and underdeveloped regions of the world. Togo has the
valuable role of initiating firsthand dialogue regarding the plight of the developing world, and
both of the regional topic areas concern such regions. This crucial nexus makes it imperative that
Togo take leading role in the crises that are dealt with by the Security Council.
As regards the Syrian Civil War, Togo can offer an objective viewpoint that will clearly
outline the most responsible path forward. Togo, a post-colonial nation itself, is wary of
increased involvement of international scale in the Levantine region. Any international military
response is likely to garner huge domestic criticism, and arguably rightfully so. In order to avert
the advent of a second wave of colonialism by both world superpowers like the Russian
Federation and the United States of America, and overbearing international organizations such as
the International Monetary Fund, Togo strongly opposes any military or domestic governance
intervention by the United Nations. Additionally, the dubious nature of the foremost Syrian

opposition groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and Jabhat al-Nusra, both
explicit affiliates of al-Qaeda, prohibit the United Nations from supporting any elements of the
Free Syrian Army. These forces are already supported by anonymous donors from the Arab Gulf
region, and have seemingly gained access to all the panoply of war. Too often, the international
community has haplessly intervened in foreign conflicts to the great detriment of all parties
involved. As the situation continues to stabilize and the Syrian Government makes decisive gains
in the rebel-occupied North, we should merely continue to pursue the decommissioning of
chemical weapons. Hereafter, Togo would additionally urge the United Nations and the
individual states of the Security Council to begin to repair relations with the al-Assad regime, as
they will likely serve as a valuable, largely secular ally in a region racked by religious
sectarianism. Nonetheless, with the death toll surpassing 100,000 in mid-2013, some action must
be taken in order to attend to the needs of refugees. Togo urges the United Nations to continue to
provide food and humanitarian aid to those who are suffering from the collateral damage of the
conflict. At this point, we are increasingly confident that the Government is closer and closer
with each passing day to emerging victorious, and returning stability to Syria. In this situation,
the best course forward is one in which the United Nations fulfills its main obligation of
facilitating relief in troubled areas of the globe.
The crisis in the Central African Republic hits closer to home for the Togolese Republic.
Sectarian divides are not foreign to Togo, which is why our Government has elected to employ a
secular presidential dictatorship. In order to adequately solve this African crisis and preserve the
lives and livelihoods of as many Central Africans as possible, Togo proposes a similar path
forward as in Syria, with a slight caveat. First, to establish background, Togo recognizes the
Boziz Government as the legitimate ruling party in the Central African Republic. For the United

Nations or other international forces to intervene and establish a different Government

establishes a dangerous precedent of non-democratic and unilateral transgression on the part of
the Western world. Any military or logistical aid to the interim Government would constitute just
such a transgressional endorsement of sectarian revolt. As unpalatable as this reality may be,
post-colonial concerns must prevail. Togo, which has itself suffered from allegations of
corruption and nepotism, rejects outright any proposal for military intervention under democratic
pretenses. The need for peacekeeping forces is dubious at best, as French, Chadian and African
Union forces are already fulfilling this capacity effectively, with a French troop increase
projected in the near future. This, however, is not to say that UN peacekeepers are completely off
of the table; in point of fact, a token number of troops will be necessary in order to best facilitate
the shipment of vital humanitarian aid. Over 4.6 million people reside in the country, and of
those UN Deputy Secretary-General Jan Eliasson estimates that nearly a third lack access to and
are in dire need of food, protection, health care, sanitation, water and shelter. It is therefore
imminently necessary that the United Nations establish refugee camps with adequate protection,
food and medical supplies. This is the best course of action in order to protect the hundreds of
thousands of active refugees in the area. Barring any resolution to the conflict, the UN will be
forced to adopt a wait-and-see attitude as regards the reintegration of refugees into general
society, as Slka and Anti-balaka insurgency groups are still highly active. In order to protect
the people of the Central African Republic, Togo recommends a strong effort to appeal to
refugees.
Finally, and most importantly, the question of Security Council representation for Togo.
Out of all considerations, Togo demands permanent African representation. Argumentation that
there is no African state strong enough to serve in this capacity answers the question of whether

Africa needs permanent representation in and of itself. It is time for the developed world to
accept culpability for crippling the African continent following the age of imperial colonialism.
Insofar as the vast majority of sectarian, tribal and racial violence that plagues Africa today is a
direct result of seemingly haphazard borders drawn by colonial powers, there is no rationale for
continuing to subjugate Africa on the international stage. In order to facilitate the evolution of
African economies and regional relationships, and to prevent future violations of African
sovereignty, a permanent membership must be extended to an state from Africa. To that end, The
Togolese Republic humbly offers itself for consideration. This choice is logical for a plethora of
reasons, including perpetual Togolese political stability since 1967, a firmly capitalist and anticommunist stance, consistent provision of humanitarian and material aid to regional allies, and
an unflinching commitment to the mission of the United Nations manifested in the largest percapita proportional provision of peacekeeping troops, police forces and international experts in
all of Africa. Although this logically sound proposal may not come to pass in the end, the goal
that must be accomplished is the establishment of a permanent African member of the Security
Council, whether Togolese or not.
Togo, although a relative unknown on the international stage, has much to offer during its
term as a temporary member of the United Nations Security Council. As the council deals with
pressing issues ranging from sectarian civil war in Syria and regional collapse in the Central
African Republic, to the very future of the Security Council itself, Togo can offer responsible
pathways to de-escalation and future prosperity. The Togolese people will undoubtedly serve as a
keystone in the continuing evolution of international cooperation.