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Magical motifs in the Book of Revelation

Thomas, Rodney Lawrence

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Revelation
Book
in
the
of
Magical Motifs

Thesis
By Rodney Thomas

University of Durham
25thof June 2007
The copyright of this thesis rests with the
author or the university to which it was
submitted. No quotation from it, or
information derived from it may be
published without the prior written
consent of the author or university, and
any information derived from it should be
acknowledged.

a
j4
!.
l

18 APR2008

Magical Motifs in the Book of Revelation

The first century C. E. was a time dominatedby a belief in spiritual forcesand the author
of Revelation sought to put these into proper perspective. He did this in a number of very
he
At
times,
condemns practices that he considers to be unacceptable labelling
creative ways.
them as cpapaxsia. At other times, he very creatively places these practices in the context of
Israel's ancient enemies, especially those connected with `magic'. In still other instances, John
takes over wholesale imagery commonly associated with `magic' and recasts it into a Christian
context. This thesis seeks to examine the question posed by David Aune that Revelation was
written as an `anti-magical' polemic and to explore the general concept of the definition of
`magic' not only from a modern perspective but also from a first-century Asia Minor
perspective.

Acknowledgements
In the preparation and completion of this thesis I would like very much to acknowledge those
who deserve enormous credit for its completion. First let me acknowledge that were it not for Dr.
Rodney Plunket I would never have began studies at the University of Durham. Thank you for tricking
me into meeting the fine people at the University. I would like to think Professor J. D. G. Dunn for being
so cordial in that first meeting and encouraging me to apply to the University. My debt to Professor
Loren Stuckenbruck who has been my mentor throughout this long process is beyond words. He has
been a true friend and has challenged and encouraged me from beginning to end.

I could not have done this work without the support and encouragementof my employer, who
hassupported and encouragedme throughout. To the Eldersof the BroadwayChurchof Christ I would
like to expressmy genuinethanks for allowing me to take part in this great adventure. I would
dear
friend
him
have
like
I
Starcher.
With
Bill
thank
to
sharedmy joys and
my
and
colleague
especially
my disappointmentsas I havefaced the challengesof life and of death and he hasbeen a true friend.
Thankyou, Bill.
I would like to thank the wonderful staff at the Universityof Durhamlibrary for their constant
assistanceand their extraordinary efforts in getting materials from libraries around the world. I express
my thanks,too, to Dr. KenCukrowskiof Abilene ChristianUniversityfor helping me with accessto the
library at ACUand for helping me, too, with the logisticaldetails of havinga placeto stay as I did
research.
I would like to express my appreciation to some very dear people who were with me as I started
this project, but who have departed this life for greener pastures. My thanks go to Dr. Paul Johnson
who insisted that I undertake work on my degree. To Wesley and Hiawatha Stanley, I would like to say
that I miss you and I thank you for your continuous support and encouragement as you made me a
member of your family.
I would like express my thanks to my mother (Helen Snider) who taught me many things and
always made me feel as if nothing were impossible, because she believed I could do anything. To my
dearest Michele, thank you for always being at my side and walking with me through this life. You are
my constant companion and support.
Finally, I dedicate this work to the Jesus Christ that I have found to be so vividly displayed in the
context of the Apocalypse of John. My admiration for him has grown enormously.

' Epxou xptc 'I loon.

Table of Contents
1
1. Magical Motifs in the Book of Revelation
...........................................................................
1
A. Defining the Problem
.......................................................................................................
5
I. Magic in Antiquity
.........................................................................................................
6
II. Defining the Task
.........................................................................................................
III. Graeco-Roman Magic in Antiquity
8
............................................................................
Il
IV. Persian Magic in Antiquity
.......................................................................................
12
V. Mesopotamian Magic in Antiquity
............................................................................
13
VI. Egyptian Magic in Antiquity
....................................................................................
15
VII. Jewish Magic in Antiquity
......................................................................................

19
B. The Modem Problem of Definition
................................................................................
28
Patently Negative Allusions
.....................................................................................................
28
2. Sorcery Passagesin the Revelation
.....................................................................................
28
A. Terminology
...................................................................................................................
B. Excursus on Medicine in Antiquity
................................................................................
1. Mesopotamia
...............................................................................................................
II. Egypt
..........................................................................................................................
III. Jewish Concepts
........................................................................................................
IV. Greek and Roman Concepts
.....................................................................................

31
31
32
33
36

37
C. Detailed Analysis of Revelation Passages
.....................................................................
38
I. Revelation 18:23
..........................................................................................................
45
II. The Vice Lists
............................................................................................................
46
III. Revelation 9:21
.........................................................................................................
47
IV. Revelation 21:8
.........................................................................................................
48
V. Revelation 22: 15
........................................................................................................
50
VI. Comparisonof the Lists
............................................................................................

D. Synoptic View: Chart 1

.................................................................................................
3. The False Prophet in the Context of the Apocalypse
..........................................................
A. Introduction
....................................................................................................................
B. Revelation 2: 14 - Balaam
...............................................................................................
C. Revelation 2: 15 - Nicolaitans
.........................................................................................
D. Revelation 2: 20 - Jezebel
...............................................................................................
E. Revelation 13: 11-18 The Second Beast
......................................................................
F. Excursus on ;I'EVaoneocoi
mc.............................................................................................
G. Revelation 16: 13
............................................................................................................
H. Revelation 17 The Harlot
.............................................................................................
I. Revelation 19:20
..............................................................................................................
J. Revelation 20: 10
..............................................................................................................
K. Summary
4. John's Beasts and Talking Statues: A Look at Revelation 13: 15
.......................................
A. The Question
..................................................................................................................
B. Textual Issues
.................................................................................................................
C. Is the activity of the beast magic?
..................................................................................
D. Excursus: Images in Antiquity
......................................................................................
I. Mesopotamia
...............................................................................................................
II. Egypt
..........................................................................................................................
III. Jewish Concepts
........................................................................................................
IV. Greek and Roman Concepts
.....................................................................................

53
55
55
59
63
65
67
70
75
77
78
79
79
83
83
83
83
88
88
89
90
92

94
E. Summary
.........................................................................................................................
98
5. `Key' Passages
....................................................................................................................
98
A. Introduction
....................................................................................................................
B. Examination of Revelation 1: 18
.....................................................................................
C. Excursus on Hekate
......................................................................................................
D. Revelation 1: 18 and Hekate
.........................................................................................
E. Examination of Revelation 3: 7
.....................................................................................
F. Examination of Revelation 9: 1
.....................................................................................
G. Examination of Revelation 20: 1
..................................................................................
H. Summary
......................................................................................................................
6. PassagesThat Use TaxiS
....................................................................................................
A. Introduction
..................................................................................................................
B. Investigation
.................................................................................................................
C. Summary
......................................................................................................................
7. Spirits Like Frogs
..............................................................................................................
A. Revelation 16: 13, Why Frogs?
.....................................................................................
B. Background of the `Frog' in Antiquity
........................................................................
C. The Frog in a Jewish Context
.......................................................................................
D. `Unclean Spirits'
..........................................................................................................
E. Revelation 16: 14
...........................................................................................................
F. Summary
.......................................................................................................................

98
102
106
110
113
116
118
121
121
1 1
125
126
126
127
130
131
133
135

C. The Protective Nature of Seals

.....................................................................................
D. The Meaning of Ecppayi5,Ecppayicoand Karaacppayicu .............................................
E. Use of Seals in the Biblical Contextual Milieu
............................................................
F. Revelation 5
..................................................................................................................
G. Revelation 6 and 8: 1
....................................................................................................
H. Revelation 7 and 9: 4
....................................................................................................
I. Summary of Usage in 7 and 9: 4
....................................................................................
J. Revelation 10:3 and 4
....................................................................................................
K. Revelation 20: 3
............................................................................................................
L. Revelation 22: 10
...........................................................................................................
M. Summary
.....................................................................................................................

144
149
151
160
161
166
167
168
169
170

138
Reorientationof Imagery
.......................................................................................................
138
8. Seals
..................................................................................................................................
138
A. `Seals' and `Sealing' in the Apocalypse
......................................................................
138
B. History of the `Seal'
.....................................................................................................
138
1. History in Early Mesopotamiaand Egypt
.................................................................
140
II. History of the Seal in the PersianEmpire
................................................................
142
III. History of the Seal in Ancient Israel
.......................................................................
143
IV. History of the Seal in the Graeco-RomanWorld
....................................................
144

174
9. Beginning and End Passages
............................................................................................
174
A. The Beginning and the End
..........................................................................................
177
B. Alpha and Omega.........................................................................................................
181
C. First and the Last ..........................................................................................................
185
10. `White Stone' Passages
...................................................................................................
185
A. Introduction ..................................................................................................................
B. The Term ;l'&oc ...........................................................................................................
185
C. Alternatives for the Sourceof the Imagery Behind Revelation 2: 17
186
...........................
1. A `Jewel' in Jewish Tradition
187
....................................................................................
II. The Judicial Calculus Minervae, the Casting Vote of Acquittal
192
..............................

II

194
III. A Token of Admission, Membership, or Recognition
............................................
197
IV An Amulet with a Divine Name
.............................................................................
.
204
V. A Token of Gladiatorial Discharge
..........................................................................
VI. Allusion to a Processof Initiation into the Serviceof Asklepios ...........................206
VII. Simply as Writing Material Whose Form or Colour was Significant ...................207
208
D. WhoseName?..............................................................................................................
211
E. The Power of a Name in the Apocalypse
.....................................................................
212
F. Summary
.......................................................................................................................
215
11. Angel Standingin the Sun
..............................................................................................
215
A. Introduction
..................................................................................................................
215
B. Survey of Commentatorson Revelation 19:17 ............................................................
220
C. The Ancient Near EasternBackground........................................................................
221
D. A Jewish Context for Sun Worship and Angel Adoration ...........................................
226
E. Greek and Roman History of Helios ............................................................................
227
F. Angel Standing in the Sun and John's Christology ......................................................
232
12. SevenThunders...............................................................................................................
232
A. Introduction
..................................................................................................................
232
B. Source of the Imagery
..................................................................................................

C.
D.
E.
F.

238
Intelligibility of the At `Eirr BQovrat
...........................................................................
239
Purposeof the Imagery
................................................................................................
Understandingof Thunder Communication in the Ancient World ..............................239
242
Summary
.......................................................................................................................
244

13. Conclusion

......................................................................................................................

245
Open Condemnation
......................................................................................................
245
A. SorceryPassagesin the Revelation
..............................................................................
245
B. The FalseProphet in the Context of the Apocalypse
...................................................
247
C. John's Beastsand Talking Statues(Rev. 13:15)
..........................................................
247
2. Motifs in Revelation
......................................................................................................
248
A. Referencesto `Keys'
....................................................................................................
1.

248
B. PassagesThat use Taxi
................................................................................................

249
C. Unclean Spirits Like Frogs
...........................................................................................
249
3. John's Reorientationof Imagery
.......................................................................................
249
A. Sealsand Sealing in the Apocalypse
............................................................................
250
B. Passagesabout `the Beginning and End'
.....................................................................
250
C. White Stone
..................................................................................................................
250
D. `Angel Standing in the Sun' (Rev. 19:17)
....................................................................
251
E. SevenThunders(Rev. 10:3-4)
......................................................................................
254
Bibliography
..........................................................................................................................
254
A. Primary Sourcesand Dictionaries
................................................................................
260
B. SecondarySources
.......................................................................................................

III

1. Magical Motifs in the Book of Revelation

A. Defining the Problem

In recent years,David Aune has highlighted a needto explore the use of `magical'
Revelation.
in
Book
He says,
the
of
motifs
The analysisof the various magical patternsand motifs which underlie some of the
has
be
fully
from
is
Christianity
to
task
yet
early
emanating
a
which
writings
has
be
fully
New
Testament
John'
In
`Revelation
to
the
the
yet
of
undertaken.
investigatedfrom the vantagepoint of the history of religions, and it is precisely that
documentwhich shows the greatestimpact of magical patternsand motifs in the New
'
Testament.
I will seekto investigatewhether there are indeed these `magical patterns' and `motifs' by
examining a number of instancesthat have the appearanceof affinity with such patternsand
derived
images
in
in
immersed
that
is
It
themes
that
are
and
motifs.
a world
my supposition
from the realm of spiritual forces John has a view of theseforces that is in keeping with that
from
does
is
his
his
He
the
times
view
world
not
of much of
and
a man of
own
audience.
his
believes
he
that
audience
either a modem, or post-modern,perspective,and understands
that there are powerful spiritual forces at work in the world that have a direct affect on their
lives. He seeksto place the beliefs of his audiencein proper perspectivein relation to the
in
doing
In
in
God
Christ
the
Jesus
the
the
at
work
world.
position of
universe and
power of
so he is extraordinarily creative and versatile in his usageof mythological themesand the
folk beliefs of his audience.
Others,such as J. M. Hull have noted this aspectof John's composition as well when
he states "... that magic interpretedby Luke and expungedby Matthew is baptized in the
,
Apocalypse of John, where the relationship betweenChristianity and magic becomes
images
magical
and customsare taken over wholesalewithout compromiseto
creative, and

'David E. Aune, "Magic in Early Christianity, " in Aufstieg

und Niedergang der RmischenWelt, ed. Wolfgang
Haase(Vol. 23.2. Berlin: Walter De Gruyter, 1990),p. 1555.

the essentiallyeschatologicalnature of the church's faith."2 As the presentthesis will try to

been
forge
has
distinction
`magic'
Hull's
between
`faith'
to
attempt
a clear-cut
and
show,
3 There
also appear to be certain affinities between Merkavah
regarded as problematic.
Mysticism, Hellenistic materials, and Greek Magical Papyri that may also be present in some
form in the Apocalypse.

Though the Greek Magical Papyri represent a Graeco-Egyptian

form of `magical' texts that date primarily from the 3`d Century C. E. to the 6th Century C. E.,
due to the conservative nature of the `religious formulas, hymns and rituals, ' that they
include, Aune suggests that this type of `magic' had achieved its `basic form' by the 1s`
5
C.
E.
century

Other scholarsalso agreewith the assessmentof the `magical' characterof the Book
6
is
`One
to
is
is
Betz,
Eitrem,
that,
Revelation.
One
startled
says
who
of
such scholar
another
(for
"science"
in
has
interest
"knowledge"
the
the
example,
and
see strong
apocalypticist
forth)...
'.
This
demonology,
botany,
so
and
cosmology,astrology,
zoology, pharmacy,
statementfor Betz functions as a generalcomment on Apocalypticism as a whole and not
from
however,
he
Revelation;
to
then
example
a
particular
cite
goeson
specifically on
8
Revelation as indicative of what he terms `Hellenistic-oriental syncretism'. In that example
he refers to the `angel of the waters' (Rev. 16:5-7), which shows a basic agreementwith the

2 John M.

Hull, Hellenistic Magic and the Synoptic Tradition, Studiesin Biblical Theology, SecondSeries,28
(London: SCM Press,1974),p. 144.
3 cf. Aune points out that although one `... might
question Hull's suppositionof the alien nature of the magic in
early Christianity, his basic view of the `Apocalypseof John' is certainly correct.' Aune, "Magic in Early
Christianity", p. 1555.
4 Aune observesthat there appearto be similarities for securingrevelationsbetweenHellenistic materials and
Merkavah mysticism, and he notesthat there are also significant similarities with the Greek Magical Papyri.
David E. Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", New TestamentStudies33
1987): p. 484.
David E. Aune, Apocalypticism, Prophecy and Magic in Early Christianity (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck,2006),
pp. 349-350.
S. Eitrem, SomeNotes on the Demonology in the New Testament,2nd ed., revised and enlarged(Oslo: Aedibus
Universitetsforlaget, 1966),p. 28.
7 Hans Dieter Betz, "On the Problem of the Religio-Historical Understandingof Apocalypticism", Journal for
Theologyand the Church 6 (1969): p. 136.
Betz, "On the Problem of the Religio-Historical Understandingof Apocalypticism", pp. 138,141-154.

Jewish doctrine of everything having an angel appointedover it. 9 Betz then goeson to draw
between
the `Kore Kosmu', and the `apocalyptic' section in `Asclepius' with
a comparison
1 I suggestthat
Revelation 16:4-6, noting the symmetry of tradition betweenthesepassages.
this could possibly indicate a link betweenRevelation, on the one hand, and `magical'
Egyptian conceptsof the world on the other.
It is of note that the author of Revelation seemsunequivocally opposedto
11and yet, he seemsto embraceconceptsand terms commonly associatedwith
(paeaaxata,
`magic'. Aware of this problem, Aune has arguedthat the Apocalypse was at least in part
12
distinctive
`anti-magic
'
in
It
"...
apologetic.
way the social
composedas an
mirrors a very
13
itself
had
"
Judaism
late
first
Christianity.
and cultural amalgamwhich constituted
century
beeninfluenced by the oriental cultures it had been in contact with since the sixth century
B.C.E. In addition, the use of apocalyptic ideasby Jewish authorsindicatesthe degreeof
their indebtednessto external cultural forces. It is by similar scenariosand similar
patternistic usagethat native mythological motifs of kingship and combat are used in the
formation of this new amalgam.14 John adaptedmythical and cultural traditions that were
clearly outside the realm of what would normally be classedas Jewish, in order to
'5
his
communicateeffectively with
audience.

9 H. L.

Strack and P. Billerbeck, Komentar zum Neuen Testamentaus Talmud und Midrasch, vol. 3, Die Briefe,
des NeuenTestementsund die Offenbarung Johannes: Erlutert aus Talmud und Midrasch (Munich: C. H.
BeckscheVerlagsbuchhandlungOskar Beck, 1926), pp. 818 820.
10

Betz, "On the Problem of the Religio-Historical Understanding of Apocalypticism, " pp. 142-154; A. J.
Festugiere, ed., Corpus Hermeticum IV. Fragments Extraits de Stobee, XXIII-XXIX (Paris: Societ8 D'6dition
Les Belles Lettres, 1954), pp. 1 ff; Arthur Darby Nock, ed., Corpus Hermeticum 11." Traites XIII-XVIII,
Asclepius (Paris: Societe D'edition Les Belles Lettres, 1945), pp. 326 if.
't Rev. 9: 21 ((pciptcaxov);18:23 ((ae
22: 15 ((p /2axo; ).
axeia); 21: 8 (rpopFuzxoS);

'2 Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", 481.

p.
13Aune,"The Apocalypseof John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic," 481.
p.
14Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic," 482; J. Gwyn Griffiths,
p.
"Apocalyptic in the Hellenistic Era," in Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East, ed.
David Hellholm, Proceedingsof the International Colloquium on Apocalypticism Uppsala,August 12-17,1979
(Tbingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1983),, pp. 273-279.
'5 Adela Yarbro Collins, The Combat Myth in the Book Revelation,Harvard Dissertationsin Religion; No. 9
of
(Missoula MT: ScholarsPress, 1976),p. 2.

`Like apocalyptic and wisdom, magic was an ecumenicalphenomenonin the ancient

16
broadly
'
the
syncretistic tendenciesof the Hellenistic and Roman periods.
world reflecting
In spite of the obvious spatial and cultural distancebetweenAsia Minor and Egypt, the
Apocalypsecontainstraditions that demonstratestriking similarities with Egyptian concepts
'7
though the exact channelsof transmissionstill remain ambiguous. The fact that oral
materials seemto have played a significant role in early `magical' materials doesnot make
the quest for tracing channelsof transmissionany easier.18 One example of Egyptian
in
being
used the Apocalypse `... is the motif of `the seconddeath' and `the lake of
material
fire', rarely found singly, but associatedonly in the Apocalypse (20.14; 21.80) and in the
underworld mythology of ancient Egyptian mortuary literature (the Coffin Texts; the Book of
19
Dead)'.
the
When referring to 'paeuaxeia,the author of Revelation can emphasizethe practice of
`falsehood', doing so even to the point of maintaining that those accusedof `sorcery' actually
`love' falsehood2 There also is a strong emphasison those on the inside as opposedto those
21
'outside'.
is often used to indicate a separationbetweenone
The term (paeuaxata
on the
person,or group, and another. It is an emphasisthat exists throughout the Apocalypse, but it
is especiallyprominent in certain passages,where one group is clearly perceived as being in
22
opposition to the other. `Apocalyptic literature is often defined as literature evoked by a
crisis.'23 In Revelation, the author perceivesand respondsto a crisis that has multiple facets.
One such facet is a conflict with Jews: this was especially important, as it was under
16Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic,"
pp. 482-483.
'7 Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " 483.
p.
18John G. Gager,Curse Tabletsand Binding Spellsfrom
the Ancient World (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1992),p. 7.
19Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", 483. `The
Xi9v1jv
`
v
ti
p.
motifs of
tob nvp6S' and `b 8vk po; 9vatioS' occur together in ancient Egyptian texts, e.g., Book of the Dead
175.1,15,20
.....
20Rev. 22: 15.
21Rev. 22: 15.
22Rev. 7:3 ff.; 9:20; 12:17; 13:8; 14:11; 16:2; 18:4; 19:9; 20:4; 20:9; 20: 12 ff.; 21:3; 21: 7-8; 21:27; 22: 14-15.
23Adela Yarbro Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: ThePower
of the Apocalypse(Philadelphia: The Westminster
Press,1984),p. 84.

the umbrella of Judaismthat the Christians were afforded somelegal protection. There was
strife with other religious groups among the Gentiles. The monotheistic stanceof the
Christians did not sit well with polytheistic Gentiles. There was also a conflict between
24
differing
levels.
Feelings of isolation and anxiety amongthe
peoplesof
socio-economic
Christians are prominent; Collins proposesthe idea that the Book of Revelation was written
to assistthe Christians in dealing with thesefactors by `... the creation of a new linguistic
"world. "i25 Spiritual powers and forces dominate the physical realm in this `new linguistic
world'. Somemight even conceive of this world as a world dominatedby both `forbidden'
and `permissible' reliance upon spiritual forces. John seeksto demonstratewhy separations
are necessaryand to demonstratethe consequencesof not maintaining such distinctions.
I. Magic in Antiquity

Let us begin to explore the understandingof `magic' in the ancient world, with the
goal of understandingmore precisely the ways in which the ancientswould have understood
the conceptof `magic'. It should be noted from the outsetthat somehave despairedat the
use of the term `magic' altogetherin a modem context, having almost reachedthe conclusion
that it has no meaning at all26 Despite the controversy surroundingthe word `magic' none of
the alternativesseemto improve the situation sufficiently. It should be noted that certainly in
antiquity not only the word, but the conceptof `magic' was commonly held acrossa vast
time and acrossmany cultures. It is therefore preferableto try to clarify and understandthe
conceptrather to discard it and replace it with someconceptthat would alienateus further
from the author's and the original audience'sframe of reference.

24Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power

of the Apocalypse,pp. 84-107.
25Yarbro Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power
of the Apocalypse,pp. 165-166.
26Edmund Leach,Social Anthropology (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1982), 133; Matthew
W. Dickie,
p.
Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World (London: Routledge,2001,2003), pp. 18-19; Marvin Meyer
and Paul Mirecki, "Introduction", in Marvin Meyer, and Paul Mirecki, eds.,Ancient Magic and Ritual Power
(Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers,Inc., 2001), pp. 1-10; Todd E. Klutz, "Reinterpreting 'Magic' in the World
of Jewish and Christian Scripture: An Introduction", in Todd E. Klutz, ed., Magic in the Biblical World
(London: T&T Clark International, 2003), pp. 1-9.

What was it that determinedwhether a practice was considered`magic', and where

was the dividing line between `acceptable' `magic' and `forbidden' `magic'? Where did the
generalnegativity toward `magic' originate and what is the sourceof confusion about what
in
`magic'
the ancient world? It is my thesis that the modern confusion
constitutes
surroundingthe definition of `magic' mirrors a similar confusion found in the ancient world.
It is important to recognisethat people of the first century did not perceive their world in the
in
For
the
today.
world
way we perceive
many antiquity, the preconceptionsof causeand
is
held
in
had
than
spiritual
orientation
western society today.
a more
commonly
effect
`Ancient man saw himself surroundedby mysterious and miraculous forces, both
benevolentand hostile.'27 In light of this worldview, they were more inclined to be sensitive
28
its
influence
in
day
life
to a spiritual realm, and
all areasof activity. The author
over every
he
designed
his
in
Revelation
to
the
to
of
composition such a way as relate needs perceived
in the recipient churches.29 In the early chaptersof the Apocalypse,the Spirit is made to
addressthe fears and perils that face the churchesof Asia Minor at the end of the first
30
century. The writer choseto combat the fears and apprehensionsof thesecommunities by
deny
Rather
the existenceof
than
them
the
providing
with an alternatevision of
world.
`magic', as a modernist might John choosesto show that it is no real threat to the one who
`doesright. '31
II. Defining the Task

There are a variety of hermeneuticalapproachesusedto engagebiblical texts. Some

of theseapproaches,such as a post-modernistapproachmight start from the preconceived
notion that the original intended meaning of the author is either totally irrelevant or
27 Eli Davis, "Magic", in Encyclopedia
Judaica, ed. Cecil Roth and Geoffrey Wigoder (Jerusalem:Keter
Publishing HouseJerusalemLtd., 1972),p. 703.
28Clinton E. Arnold, Power and Magic (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books, 1997), 18.
p.
29Donald Guthrie, New TestamentIntroduction (Downers Grove IL: Inter-Varsity Press, 1970), 961.
p.
30Colin J. Hemer, TheLetters to the SevenChurches
ofAsia in Their Local Setting, Journal for the Study of the
New TestamentSupplementSeries,11 (Sheffield: JSOT Press,1986),p. I.
31Rev. 22: 11.

Such
approachesthen make the reader's interpretation, whether ancient or
unobtainable.
modem, of primary, if not total relevance. In a sense,such methodscan deem the intent of
the author as irrelevant in the processof interpretation.32 Hirsch, while noting that `authorial
intention is not the only possible norm for interpretation,' doesnote that it is the `only
practical norm for a cognitive discipline of interpretation.'33 The primary aim of this study
will be to ascertainthe most likely intent of the author in relation to the question of `magic'.
We shall try to be aware that, at the sametime, what one saysabout original intention is
34
be
by
going to shaped the contemporaryreader's worldview.
In delineating the approachto `magic' and related motifs taken in this study, we note
that interpretationnecessarilyinvolves two stages:First, one has to determinewhat Cotterell
and Turner call `DiscourseMeaning'. Attempts to do this should be undertakenby those
who have sufficient, extensiveknowledge of the `linguistic context' sharedby a writer and
the intendedreaders. This is ultimately a questto discover what a given author was
consciouslyattempting to communicate. Second,there is the interpretation of the text. This
involves an attempt to transfer the meaning of the ancient text into the interpreter's own
35
its
interpreter.
be
in
that
the
world, so
significance may understood the contextual world of
During the processof interpretation every effort must be madeto avoid confusing `words'
6
'concepts'.
The aim of this study, while frequently taking words and motifs in ancient
with
texts and languagesas a point of departure,shall move beyond such tracking, in recognition
of the importanceof meaning in context. This, in turn, will make it possible to preservethe
integrity of comparisons,while identifying areasof common understandingthat can cross
through time, borders,religions and cultures.
32P. D. Juhl, Interpretation An Essayin the Philosophy Literary Criticism (Princeton: Princeton University
of
Press,1980),pp. 45-65.
" E. D. Hirsch Jr., TheAims of Interpretation (Chicago: The University Chicago Press,1976), 7.
of
p.
34Hirsch Jr., TheAims of Interpretation, 8.
p.
35Peter Cotterell and Max Turner, Linguistics & Biblical Interpretation (Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity
Press,
1989),p. 72.
36Cotterell and Turner, Linguistics & Biblical Interpretation,
pp. 106-128.

Problemsare easily createdwhen one focusestoo exclusively on the meaningsof

individual words without recognising the wider context and the fact that idioms can be an
important part of understandinga particular concept. 7 Problemscan be avoided by
exploring conceptsmore widely through a variety of periods, cultures, languages,and
locales. This should enableus to ascertainmore fully shifts in meaning acrossthese
boundariesand also meaningsthat are retained acrossthesefrontiers. In most instancesthe
discussionswill begin within the Greek text of the Apocalypse and expandfrom there in
order to explore the conceptualframework within the ancient world as it may have shaped
the writer and readers' understandingof it. This will aid in delineating what we may assign
to their own peculiar ways of understanding`magic'.
III.

Graeco-Roman Magic in Antiquity

Becauseof the setting of the Apocalypse, it is appropriateto considerthe background

of the conceptof `magic', both in the Graeco-Romanworld and contiguouscultures that may
have influenced, dominated,or interactedwith Jews and Christians who lived in Asia Minor
during the first century C.E. The Greek term jzayosis a loanword borrowed from Persianand
it was usedinitially to describea priestly tribe. 8 The membersof this tribe are reported by
Straboto have performed the daily worship of fire. 39 It was necessaryfor one of the
40
be
be
in
for
membersof this group to present order
offered The profession
any sacrifice to
of the ,uyoientailed dealing with `things divine' and they were in chargeof all things
41
relating to the gods. Nock assertsthat this castehas continued down to the presentday,
though of coursetime has brought many changes42

37JohannesP. Louw and EugeneA. Nida,

eds., Greek-EnglishLexicon of the New TestamentBased on Semantic
Domains, vol. 1,2nd ed. (New York: United Bible Society, 1988,1989), pp. vi-xx.
38Herodotus, TheHistories, I. 101; Arthur Darby Nock, Essays Religion
and the Ancient World, vol. 1
on
(Oxford: ClarendonPress,1972), p. 308.
39Strabo,Geography,XV 3.15.

40Herodotus, The Histories, 1132.

41Xenophon, Cyropaedia, VIII. iii. 11.

42Nock, Essayson Religion and the Ancient World, 309.
p.

It is a bit puzzling as to why, by the 5t' century B. C. E., the term aciyoshad become a
,
43
derision
Greeks.
In this period, and locality, the term has become
term of
among the
indicative of a `diviner' and not simply `a magician. '44 Helen of Troy's disappearance is
45
being
down
Pj
in
Orestes.
This text seems to
to
explained as perhaps
cpaeuaxoio?
v Aaywv
clearly represent the tcywv as possessing some form of extraordinary power. Hippocrates, in
his work On Sacred Disease (end of the 5t' century B. C. E. ) uses the termuayev to refer to a
mysterious power which seems to cure and appears to be a `power of godhead'. He goes on
to indicate that there may in fact not be any actual spiritual powers at work, but merely the
devices of men seeking to make a living; 46and therefore, the concept of deception is once
more brought to the forefront. As these brief selections indicate (along with others that
follow), `magic' in ancient Greece appears to have had a certain negative connotation. 47

`Magic' could also be seenas so powerful that it renderedthe one under its power as
free from blame, as is indicated by the discussionsin the Encomiumof Helen48 It is in this
work that the earliest appearanceof the noun Aayerasoccurs as a derivative49that is linked
5
(yoireias).
Thus it can be demonstratedthat by the 5thcentury B. C.E. `magic'
with sorcery
had acquireda negative connotation amongthe Greeks.
Despite this primarily negative connotation, there was still enoughpositive
information available for the optimistic aspectof the magusto be exploited by Apuleius in
the middle of the 2dcentury C.E.51 Many in the ancient world were still drawn to the
promise of power that seemedto be offered by `magic'. It held an aura of something

43Sophocles,Oedipus Tyrannus,387.
44Nock, Essayson Religion and the Ancient World, 309.
p.
SEuripides, Orestes,1497.
46Hippocrates,On Sacred Disease,III. I-IV. 21.
47Plato, TheRepublic, 572 E; Pliny the Elder, Natural History, 30.1.
48Gorgias, "Enconium of Helen," in Gorgias Enconium Helen,
of
ed. D. M. MacDowell, (Bristol: Bristol
Classical Press,1982),pp. 25-26. Section 10-12.

49Nock, Essays on Religion and the Ancient World,

p. 309.
5' Gorgias, "Enconium of Helen, " Section 10.
51Garrett, The Demise of the Devil,
p. 12.

`Persian' and mysterious.52 It may be that the negative associationswith what cameto be
called `magic' simply reflected the prejudice of the Greeks(dating from about the 5thcentury
B. C.E.) that may have grown from a reporting of a foreign religion as some form of
perversion. Along with this is the assertionthat Persianreligion was `... so exotic, so
different, so ancient,the Greeksmust have speculatedthat the Jzayorhad accessto secret
knowledge.'53
He remarks:
Aemilianus' slanderwas focusedon one point: that I am a sorcerer. So let me
ask his most learnedadvocates:What is a sorcerer?I have read in many books
that magus is the samething in Persianaspriest in our language. What crime
is there in being a priest and in having accurateknowledge, a science,a
technique of traditional ritual, sacred rites and traditional law, if magic
consists of what Plato interprets as the "cult of the gods" when he talks of the
disciplines taught to the crown prince in Persia? I remember the very words
of that divine man [Plato]. Let me recall them to you, Maximus: "When the
young prince has reached the age of fourteen, he is handed over to the royal
tutors. There are four of them, chosen as the most outstanding among the
Persian elders. One is the wisest, one the most just, one the most restrained,
one the bravest. One of them teaches [the crown prince] the `magic' of
Zoroaster, the son of Ormazd, which is the worship of the gods. He also
teaches [him] the art of being king. " Listen to this, you who rashly slander
is
It
an art acceptable to the immortal gods, an art which includes the
magic!
knowledge of how to worship them and pay them homage. It is a religious
tradition dealing with things divine, and it has been distinguished ever since it
was founded by Zoroaster and Ormazd, the high priests of divinities. In fact,
it is considered one of the chief elements of royal instruction, and in Persia no
one is allowed lightly to be a "magus" any more than they would let him be
king. 54

This material illustrates, at best, the controversy surroundingwhat to make of

`magic': though subject to suspicion, it is associatedin the text with ancient scienceand with
practices that might today be referred to as something other than `magic'. Another aspect
that indicates how difficult it is to define `magic' with precision is the vast range of Greek
words that are given a dictionary definition of `magic', `magical', or associated with the
`practice' or `practitioners of magic'. This is demonstrated by the fact that in the Liddell and
SZSusanR. Garrett,TheDemiseof theDevil (MinneapolisMN: FortressPress,1989), 12.
p.
s'

Georg Luck, Arcana Mund! (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), p. 6.
54Apuleius, Apology, 25-26. Translation is from Luck,
Arcana Mundi, pp. 110-111.

10

Scott Lexicon no fewer than 36 Greek words are defined within theseparameters:55and there
its
are many more with a more remote associationwith `magic'. The term ppaaxos,
and
derivatives,used in the Revelation, are amongthe words associatedwith 'magic'. 56
IV. Persian Magic in Antiquity

The negative aspectsof the magusdo not seemto have beenconfined merely to
Greek literature, however. The negative image in Greek literature may have been
fact
in
indications
by
literature
Persian
the
that
there
of negativity too,
accentuated
are slight
but mostly the assertionsare positive. According to the Behistn inscription of Darius the
Great, the personwho attemptsto usurp the throne of Cambysesis identified as `Gaumta,
57
It is to be noted that this usurperis specifically designatedas a `the Magian'
Magian'.
the
perhapsindicating in this context a slight negative aspectto the term Magian. In the Avesta,
58
'sorcery'.
be
the term Magus occurs only once and doesnot appearto
associatedwith
Moulton seesthe usagehere as indicative of the fact that this title, that has beenusedby
59
describe
themselves. The
outsidersin a derogatory sense,is now usedby the priesthood to
term `magus' also occurs in a number of seal inscriptions that belong to the Sasanianperiod
60
be
indicative
and appearsto a title of someprestige
of the priestly class.
It is likely that precisely here we have the beginnings of the mysterious aura that
would come to surround the jzayor. The designationwas madeto describethe priests of this
foreign religion that was so alien to the Greeks. Strabo describesthesepriests as ministering

55

S.V. pmyos

aro

tIc;

ouwvraxs

ralcaye'

,
4Arouavreta; iuy' xaTa&mr, Aautca;
ITeeoc

naeaori

naeieeoc

7reeI

'
XvatCrs
um;
tat&ow; rpaeFiaxosrpuorxos rpwTaymyra;yagTtra;
/uayera; /ap6o); AayauTrxs tcayyavwwrrxs,uayrx , AuaTjerov; otiorcm;

xTela;

7reetIz9ovw;

7reay/baTeia;

7reaxTrxk,

3AXTr1eros,

Qa'or,

QOtboS; &ei'

(,
)iryalvw;
Eyaoos,Henry GeorgeLiddell and Robert Scott, eds.,A Greek-English
4W9 =04r, rpae/caxe
Lexicon Rev. and Aug. by Sir Henry Stuart Joneswith the assistanceof Roderick McKenzie with a supplement
(Oxford: ClarendonPress,1968,1983).
56Rev. 9:21; 18:23; 21:8; 22: 15.
57Behistn Inscription Col. I, 36.
58Yasna65: 7-8.
59JamesHope Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism (London: Williams
Norgate, 1913), p. 429.
and
60Ernst Herzfeld, Paikuli Monument
and Inscription of the Early History of the SasanianEmpire, vol. 1 (Berlin:
Dietrich Reimer/ErnstVohsen, 1924),pp. 80,82,121,213.

11

fire,
keeping
it
the
continually burning, and `making incantations ... holding before
around
61
bundle
fire
their
the
of rods. They also offer sacrifices and `... the Magi touch them with
incantations...
'62over them for a long time. It is not hard to
wands
and
make
slender
imagine what outsiderswould have thought of all thesestrangeprocedures.63 The text of
64
eg
in
literature.
Greek
Strabousesthe term
oc,a word that also refers to a `magic wand'
Though this could have reflected an already existing prejudice on Strabo's part, it would
surely have addedto the view that thesepracticeswere strangeand `magical' to those who
would later read of them.
V. Mesopotamian Magic in Antiquity
Beyond this, the ancient chronology of the areaknown as Mesopotamiaindicates a
long history of literary materials and `magical' texts. One difficulty in studying these
materialsis that early incantationswere often transmitted orally, so that even the written texts
available from this very early period (before the secondmillennium B.C.E.) are difficult to
translate. Thesetexts often representonly an extract, or a paragraph,from an incantation that
65
known
by
heart
by the `magicians' of the time. `
must have been

[I]n the Babylonian

...

magic the gods were prayed to for their assistance,and we often question whether we are
dealing with magic or religion; here their name or the angel's or angels' namesare simply
used,and theseare sufficient to invoke their potency, without appealto the heart or mind of a
living deity.'66 There are an enormousnumber of texts from the areaof Mesopotamiathat
relate to what might be termed `magical' phenomena,such as `IncantationsAgainst Evil
Spirits', 67ghost expelling texts,68rituals to invoke revelatory dreams,69and `magical'
61Strabo,Geography, 15.3.15.
62Strabo,Geography, 15.3.14.
63Strabo,Geography, 15.3.14-15.
64Homer, Odyssey,10.238; 10.319; 16.172;Iliad, 24.343; Pindar, Odes,9.33; Herodotus, TheHistories, 4.67.
65J. Van Dijk, A. Goetze,and M. I. Hussey,Early MesopotamianIncantations
and Rituals, vol. 11, Yale
Oriental Series,Babylonian Texts (New Haven CN: Yale University Press,1985), p. 1.
66JamesA. Montgomery, Aramaic Incantation Textsfrom Nippur,
vol. 3, The Museum Publications of the
Babylonian Section(Philadelphia: The University Museum, 1913),p. 111.
67
Johannes C. de Moor, "An Incantation Against Evil Spirits", Ugarit-Forschungen

12 (1980): pp. 429-432.

12

figurines, amuletsand talismans.70 This type of material seemsto reflect the samesorts of
later
Greeksand the contemporaryWest might describewith the term
the
that
activities
`magic'.
VI. Egyptian Magic in Antiquity

In Egypt, the term heka is a spiritual force, which would come to be called `magic' by
Coptic scribes. They selectedthe term to describethe `magic' of Simon Magus in Acts 8:9.
There is a clear equation of theseterms, and this is shown again by the Coptic scribesusing
the term in a way that indicates that it is the quality of `magic' in Acts 8: 11. It is also
Greek
terms that have a close connectionto `magic' such as coaQtcaxs
other
associatedwith
('sorcerer') in Deuteronomy 18:10, and ziraoX ('enchanter') in Daniel 4:4.71 `Magic' was a
life
in Ancient Egypt. It infiltrated humanity, the animal world,
part of every aspectof
inanimateobjects and was even thought to be the spiritual force manipulated by the gods
72
when they performed their mighty acts. The gods themselvesare imbued with `magical'
73
powers. Ginzberg recordsthe Jewish legendthat saysof Egypt `Of the ten measuresof
magic allotted to the world they had taken nine for themselves.'74
In Egypt, essentiallythe spiritual and material realms were interwoven from a
common substanceand through `magic' it was consideredpossibleto control the order of the
75
destiny
by
`magically' combating negative trends. There are also a
cosmosand to modify
great many teens that relay the sameforce as the term heka. Theseare too numerousfor us
68Y. Avishur, "The Ghost-Expelling Incantation from Ugarit", Ugarit-Forschungen 13 (1981): pp. 13-25.
69Andrew George, The Epic ofGilgamesh (London: Allen Lane, The PenguinPress,1999), pp. 31-38.
70Erica Reiner, "Magic Figurines, Amulets, and Talismans*," in Monsters and Demonsin the Ancient and
Medieval Worlds, ed. Ann E. Farkas,PrudenceO. Harper, and Evelyn B. Harrison (Mainz on Rhine: Verlag
Philipp Von Zabern, 1987),pp. 27-36.
71Robert Kriech Ritner, TheMechanics ofAncient Egyptian Magical Practice, vol. 54, Studiesin Ancient
Oriental Civilization (Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1993),p. 14.
72A. Rosalie David, "Introduction", in Egyptian Magic,
ed. Christian Jacq and JanetM. Davis (Warminster:
Aris & Phillips Bolchazy-CarducciPublishers, 1985),p. ix.
" J. F. Borghouts,trans.,Ancient Egyptian Magical Texts. Religious Texts Translation Series,NISABA.
vol. 9
(Leiden: E. J. Brill 1978),No. 84.
74Louis Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, trans. Henrietta Szold,
vol. 3 (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication
Society of America, 1911), p. 28.

75David, "Introduction", p. ix.

13

76
but
detail,
in
Ritner
list
in
his
to cite
gives an exhaustive
work. Ritner also gives an
licking
list
detailed
`spitting,
`magic',
and
of practices associatedwith
such as
exhaustiveand
77
images
basic
intermediaries.
There
two
the
use
along
with
of
and
were
swallowing'
in
involved
`magical'
in
first
Egypt:
the
practice
was that soundembodieda
principles
image
force
force
the
the
or model.
second
was
of
an
and
centred
on
creative
creative
`Magic' was usedas a systemof defencefor the most part, and it was used at every level of
the society. It played a crucial role in the service of the stateand was usedto protect the
held
`magical'
foreign
from
in
king
Everything
Egyptian
the
a
society
attack.
nation and
78
function and servedas a protective shield.
`Magical' protection played an enormousrole in the lives of the everydaypopulaceof
Egypt. This is indicated by the widespread and pervasive nature of talismans or amulets that
,... were worn to protect against a wide range of evils, and to give assistance against
illness
feared
dangers;
those
also resorted to wearing
other
who
accidents, ghosts and
bring
from
disease,
for
those
about their
could
who actually suffered
magic
amulets, and
09 `Magic' was an integral component in much Egyptian medicine. Though the
recovery.
Egyptians were the first people known to have developed a rational system of diagnosis and
important
in
`magical'
they
to
treatment,
element
continued
use
procedures as an
medical
treating ailments. This remained the case because it was believed that in addition to a
for
an ailment, there was also a hidden cause, which was of a spiritual nature,
physical cause
be
identified
it
that
this
cause
and treated so that the patient could
and was essential
recover.

80

The view that the Egyptian practice of religion was `magic', in truth, begins with the
Roman conquest of Egypt. Rome had long viewed foreign religions with both suspicion and
76Ritner,TheMechanicsofAncientEgyptianMagicalPractice,pp. 30-72.
77

Ritner, TheMechanics ofAncient Egyptian Magical Practice, pp. 74-190.

78David, "Introduction", pp. ix- xi.
79David, "Introduction", p. xii.,
80David, "Introduction", pp. xii-xiii.

14

hostility often labelling them as `superstitious' or even as `magical. The term `magic' itself
is often indicative of a certain form of Roman xenophobiathat was often associatedwith
fraudulent trickery and even with demonic 'sorcery' 81 Although the Greekswere the first to
.
develop this conception,the Ptolemaic rulers of Egypt did not disparageEgyptian practice
82
be
Egyptian
It
therefore
seenthat the source
adopted
religious
even
practice.
may
and often
in
its
has
`magic',
being
Egyptian
disparaging
the
term
same
the
roots
used
of
practices,
of
Graeco-Romanperceptionsof practiceswhich differed culturally from their normative
standards.
VII. Jewish Magic in Antiquity
The Jewish view of `magic' and `magical' practice is particularly relevant to a study
by
in
Book
`magic'
the
Revelation.
Though
`magic'
to
the
condemned
was
relation
of
of
83
Jewish religious authority, it flourished amongthe Jews. `In Jewish as in non-Jewish
culture, the dividing-line betweenmedicine and magic, doctor and magician, was extremely
thin. Jubilees 10:10-1484acceptsthat demonscausedisease.'85 Josephusrecordsthe giving
healing
Solomon
including
demons,
knowledge
to
to
methods
of
and
with regard
of special
incantations.86 According to an early layer of tradition in 1 Enoch, the fallen watchersteach

81Ritner, The Mechanics ofAncient Egyptian Magical Practice, p. 217.

92Rimer, The Mechanics ofAncient Egyptian Magical Practice, pp. 217, n. 1008.

83Exod. 22: 17; Lev. 19:26,31; 20:6,27; Deut. 18:10-11; 1 En. 7-8; 2 Mac. 12:40; Sib. 3:218-230; Ps.
34;
-Philo,
Sanh. 6:6; 7:7; 11; 10:1.
84And he told one of us to teach Noah all of their healing becausehe knew that they would not walk uprightly
All
And
his
in
of the evil ones,who were
righteously.
strive
words.
not
we
and would
acted accord with all of
be
bound
in
judgment.
let
But
that
they
the
tenth
them
place
of
so
might
subject to
cruel, we
a
of
we remain
Satan upon the earth. And the healing of all their illnessestogether with their seductionswe told Noah so that
he might heal by meansof herbs of the earth. And Noah wrote everything in a bookjust as we taught him
according to every kind of healing. And the evil spirits were restrainedfrom following the sons of Noah. And
he gave everything which he wrote to Shem,his oldest son, becausehe loved him much more than all of his
sons. O. S. Wintermute, trans. and ed., "Jubilees," in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,ed. JamesH.
Charlesworth,The Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday, 1985),p. 76.
85P. S. Alexander, "Incantations and Books of Magic," in The History the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus
of
Christ (175 B.C.-A.D. 135), ed. Emil Schrer,et al. (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1986),p. 342.
86Josephus,Ant. viii, 45. And God granted him knowledge the
of
art usedagainst demonsfor the benefit and
healing of men. He also composedincantations by which illnessesare relieved, and left behindforms of
exorcismswith which thosepossessedby demonsdrive them out never to return. Ralph Marcus, trans.,
JosephusJewish Antiquities VII- VIII, ed. G. P. Goold. Loeb Classical Series;vol. 281 (Cambridge MA: Harvard
University Press1934),p. 239.

15

87
incantations
the art of making
and astrology to the people. In 2 Maccabees,there is a
record of Judasfinding that all of those who had fallen in battle were wearing `sacredtokens
88
idols
Jamina'.
Gager suggeststhat the survivors will have also `... fortified
of
of the
themselvesagainst"anything harmful" by putting on their engravedstonesor their inscribed
'89
Jewish
This
that
and
papyrus.
soldier that went
of
metal
could
every
sheets
mean
virtually
into battle with Judasfelt the needfor this type of spiritual protection.
Demonsand the fear of demonsplayed a dominant role in much that is called
`magic'. In Jewish antiquity there appearto have beenprimarily three classesof spirits that
demons.
as
were recognised
The simplest and most universal form of thesewas the disembodied
had
having
died,
the
changedtheir earthly
spirit,
souls of men or women who,
shapefor an incorporeal one. Secondto this comesthe supernaturalbeing
horrid
demon,
of
grotesque
or
often
who never was earthly, a phantom or
shapeas savageimagination might invent. Lastly, we have a class of demons
half-ghostly, half-human, the offspring of intermarriagebetweenhuman
beings and the spirit world, just as we find demigodsof half divine origin in
90
all the mythologies.
The view that thesesupernaturalentities were able to inflict harm on human beings
held
by
in
is
Near
held
East
from
that
the
throughout
times,
still
many
was
and
prehistoric
91
day
Some see `magic' functioning as some form of `... psychological
region to the present

for
human
weaknessin the face of hostile physical and often social
compensation
92
'
environment. Such people in most instanceswould not accepteither the existenceor the
intervention of spiritual beings. The fear of supernaturalbeings and their injurious activity is
the subject of a great deal of ancient `magic'. The most well attestedform of `magic' in the
871 En. 8: 3. Amasras taught incantation
and the cutting of roots; and Amaros the resolving of incantations;
and Baraqiyal astrology, and Kokarer'el (the knowledge o) the signs and Tamel taught the seeing of the stars,
and Asder'el taught the course of the moon as well as the deception of man. E. Isaac, trans. and ed., "1
(Ethiopic Apocalypse of) Enoch, " in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. James H. Charlesworth (New
York: Doubleday, 1983), p. 16.

882 Mac. 12:40.

89Gager,Curse Tabletsand Binding Spellsfrom the Ancient World, 218.
p.

90R. Campbell Thompson, Semitic Magic (York Beach MA: Samuel Weiser, Inc., 2000),
p. 2.
91Thompson, Semitic Magic, p. 1.

92PeterHayman, "Was God a Magician? Sefer Yqira

and Jewish Magic, " Journal of Jewish Studies40 (1989):
p. 226.

16

Jewish context before Bar Kokhba is the exorcism (Tobit 6:3-9,17-18; 8: 1-3,11Q11, Ant.
93 Alexander points
46-49)
viii:
out that `... magic played an unusually prominent role in the
worldview of the Qumran sect, and they had a deeply magical outlook on life. '94 `Magical'
95
18:
8-14).
despite
(Deut.
texts appearto exist amongthe people of Israel
official opposition
Key even views the function of the ancient prophets of Israel as a `magical task.'96
Somehave tried to postulatethat there was not a distinctly Jewish form of `magic'
98
97
is
until the post-Talmudic period Aune points out, however, that this clearly an error.
The recent discoveriesfrom Qumran seemto support the view expressedby Aune in this
for
have,
They
example, shown `... how early and how widespreadwere magical
respect.
is
disagreement
beliefs
Jews.
'99
Though
there
types
about
amongst
some
all
practicesand
of
how prominent a role `magic' played in the Qumran community there seemsto be an overall
'
it
did
play somerole.
consensusthat
The worldview of the Qumran community appearsto have included the existenceof a
demonstrate:
4Q510
from
from
beings,
just
threat
will
spiritual
perceived
as
a small phrase
his
in
And
declare
I,
Sage,
to
the
the
of
radiance
order
splendour
a...
frighten and terr[ify] 5 all the spirits of the ravaging angelsand the bastard
spirits, demons,Lilith, owls and [jackals... ] 6 and those who strike
unexpectedlyto lead astraythe spirit of knowledge, to make their hearts
forlorn and... ''

93Alexander, "Incantations and Books of Magic," 342.

p.
94P.S. Alexander, "'Wrestling againstWickednessin High Places':Magic in the Worldview of the Qumran
Community," in TheScrolls and the Scriptures, ed. Stanley E. Porter and Craig A. Evans, Journal for the Study
of the PseudepigraphaSupplementSeries26; RoehamptonInstitute London Papers,3 (Sheffield: Sheffield
Academic PressLtd, 1997),p. 319.
95Bilhah Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, trans. JonathanChipman, vol. 12, Studieson the Texts
of the Desert of Judah(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994),p. 228.
96Andrew F. Key, "The Magical Background Isaiah 6:9-13", Journal Biblical Literature 86 (1967): p. 202.
of
of
97JoshuaTrachtenberg,Jewish Magic
and Superstition: A Folk Study in Folk Religion (New York: Atheneum,
1977),p. 11.
98Aune, "Magic in Early Christianity",
p. 1520.
"Hayman, "Was God a Magician? Sefer Yeira
and Jewish Magic", p. 226.
10Armin Lange, "The EssenePosition on Magic
and Divination, " in Legal Textsand Legal Issues,ed. Moshe
Bernstein,Florentino Garcia Martinez, and John Kampen (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997),pp. 431,433-435.
101Florentino Garcia Martinez and Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar,
eds., TheDead SeaScrolls Study Edition, vol. 2
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2000), p. 1029.

17

The community seemsto have viewed itself as being at war with thesespiritual forces. One
in
Nitzan
God
that
the
to
the
spiritual
war
poetry.
was
singing
using
of
weapons
of praises
in
`Accordingly,
it
terms:
these
the songsare not merely a ceremonial accompanimentto
puts
is
instruments
but
In
themselves
the
one
speaking
constitute
other
words,
of war.
acts of war,
here of poetry to which magical powers are attributed.' 102
Josephusrecordsthe boast that Solomon was grantedknowledge of demonsand of
103
in
healing people that were afflicted with illnessesthat were demonic nature. He also
recordsof the Essenesthat:
They display an extraordinary interest in the writings of the ancients,singling
body;
in
for
those
the
with the
and
out particular
welfare of soul
which make
help of these,and with a view to the treatmentof diseases,they make
104
investigationsinto medicinal roots and the properties of stones.
This seemsto be very similar to the idea in Jubilees 10:12 ff.:
12...And the healing of all their illnessestogether with their seductionswe
13And
Noah
told Noah so that he might heal by meansof herbs of the earth.
kind
him
in
just
book
to
taught
every
of
according
everything
wrote
as we
a
'5
Noah.
following
from
healing. And evil spirits were restrained
the sonsof
From later antiquity numeroussourcesindicate an immensevariety of Jewish `magic'
that ranges from what is contained in the Hekhalot literature106to `magical' amulets and
bowls, 107to `magical' spells and formulae. 108In the Hekhalot literature, there is a fascination
109
God.
In the
heavens
into
the
to a vantage from which to view the throne of
with journeys
Jewish Talmudic period, many texts express concern over `magic' and remedies for those
found guilty of `forbidden' 'magic'. " There are also discussions on what actually

102Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, 237.

p.
103Josephus,Ant. 8:45 ff.
104Josephus,Wars 11.136.
105Wintermute, "Jubilees", p. 76.
106Sefer Ha-Razim, Harba deMosheh,Havdalah deRabbiAqiva, Sefer Ha-Malbush, etc.
107Joseph
Naveh and Shaul Shaked,Amulets and Magic Bowls, third ed. (Jerusalem:The Magnes Press,1998).
106JosephNaveh and Shaul Shaked,Magic Spells
Formulae (Jerusalem:The MagnesPress, 1993).
and
109
Gershom Scholem, "Merkabah Mysticism",
1386-1389.

(Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House Jerusalem Ltd., 1972), pp.

110Sanh. 65b; 100b;67a; 67b; 68a; Shab. 33b; 61b; 66b; 75a; Hul. 105b; 139b;BB. 58a; Kid. 39b; AZ. 38b.

18

l
li
`magic'
is
forbidden.
Despite the fact that
constitutes acceptable
as opposed to that which
there is a strong denunciation of `magical' practices by religious leaders and the existing
biblical prohibitions there still is a persistent preoccupation with `magic' throughout the
Talmudic period! 12 There are also Jewish elements in the Greek Magical Papyri, though it
is not certain that they were put there by Jews. If they were, however, they may be said to
113
form
image
differs
from
held
Judaism.
the commonly
of practice that
represent a
of
greatly
B. The Modern Problem of Definition

Modem researchersare finding it just as difficult to clearly define `magic' as the

ancientsdid. Despite the fact that much researchhas beendone in the areaof `magic', `no
114
has
definition
'
For some,this has causedsometo despairof
reachedgeneraluse.
one
being able to define `magic' at all. 115Most, however, are not so pessimistic and offer some
116
Some seekto createnew words to replacethe term `magic', because
definition.
type of
they seeit as bringing with it too much baggageof a negative nature."? `The result has been
that even in the scholarly literature the term `magic' is used with the samerhetorical force as
it had in antiquity, a term of contrastto reinforce a cultural self-image of purity and
18
'
Kippenberg says, `The notion of `magic' in Westerntradition is a loaded term
rationality.

" Sanh. 68a.

112s. "Magic, " in EncyclopediaJudaica (Jerusalem:Keter Publishing HouseJerusalemLtd., 1972), 707.
v.
p.
113Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including
the Demotic Spells, p. xlv.
14 Alan F. Segal,"Hellenistic Magic: Some Questions Definition, " in Studiesin Gnosticism
and Hellenistic
of
Religions, ed. R. Van Den Broek and M. J. Vermaseren(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981),p. 349.
115Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including
the Demotic Spells, p. xlix, n. 6.

116Segal, "Hellenistic Magic: Some Questions

of Definition, " pp. 349-375; Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, pp.
11-36; Clinton E. Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books, 1996), pp. 11-15; G. E.
R. Lloyd, Magic, Reason and Experience (London: Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd., 1999), pp. 10-58; Aune,
"Magic in Early Christianity, " pp. 1507-1557; Fritz Graff, Magic in the Ancient World, trans. Franklin Philip
(Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1997),
pp. 20-60; Mary E. Mills, Human Agents of Cosmic Power,
Journal for the New Testament Supplement Series 41 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990), pp. 24-35.
"7Rebecca Macy Lesses, Ritual Practices
to Gain Power, Harvard Theological Studies 44 (Harrisburg PA:
Trinity Press International, 1998), p. 11.

"8 Marvin W. Meyer and Richard Smith,

eds.,Ancient Christian Magic (PrincetonNJ: Princeton University
Press,1994),p. 3.

19

119
deviant/illegal/dangerous.
'
Aune
also makesa
certain
religious
activities
as
presenting
120
issue
in
`deviance'
his
definition.
of
point of this
Assman associates`magic' with the domestic usageof what would be classedas
121
in
if
it
`religion'
were used a public setting such as a temple. Along with this, there are the
rather public postings of `confessiontexts' in local temples in Asia Minor that seemto render
it difficult to maintain traditional distinctions betweenthe sphereof `magic' and the sphereof
122
denoting
domestic
between
`religion' as
practices. As Betz points
a contrast
corporateand
definitions
definition
be
`No
of magic are relative
of
all
magic
can
absolute,
since
single
out,
123
discussion.
'
The factors that determinedthe
to the culture and sub-cultureunder
differencesbetween,and the definitions that result from the distinctions between`magic' and
`religion', were theological, internal issues,from the religious groups and cults involved.
Theseissuesdiffered from one group to another,but they were not arbitrary. In order to
inner
high
degree
`magic'
to
the
`religion',
to
of sensitivity
a
evaluatephenomenarelated
and
life and thought of the cults in question must be maintained.124
In his well-known work of the nineteenthcentury, Sir JamesFrazer discussesthe
relationship of `magic' to religion and to science. He then goeson to portray `magic' as an
is
for
frame
that
the
the
view
science
reference
of
alternate
viewing
world and expresses
125
His view is that the difference between `magic' and
clearly the superior vantagepoint.
is
determined
by
be
by
looking
taken
`psychic
the
a person
which
religion can
at
attitude'
toward the `... object of the cult, that is, whether he regardsthat object as somethingpersonal

119Hans
G. Kippenberg, "Magic in Roman Civil Discourse," in Envisioning Magic, ed. Peter Schferand Hans
G. Kippenberg, Studiesin the History of Religions series,vol. 75 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997), p. 162.
120Aune, "Magic in Early Christianity", p. 1515.
121Jan Assman, "Magic and Theology in Ancient Egypt," in Envisioning Magic, ed. Peter Schferand Hans G.
Kippenberg, Studiesin the History of Religions series,vol. 75 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997), p. 3.
122Gager,Curse Tabletsand Binding Spellsfrom the Ancient World,
pp. 246 -248. No. 137.
123Hans Dieter Betz, "Magic and Mystery in the Greek Magical Papyri", in Magika Hiera Ancient Greek Magic
and Religion, ed. ChristopherA. Faraoneand Dirk Obbink (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 246.
124
Betz, "Magic and Mystery in the Greek Magical Papyri, " p. 254.

125Sir JamesFrazer, The Golden Bough (Ware, Hertfordshire: Wordsworth Editions Limited, 1993), 712.
p.

20

126
impersonal
'
This view is overly simplistic, basedon a
and unconscious.
and consciousor
linear model that certainly doesnot cope well with the wide rangeof materials that are ,
in
human
lines
Frazer's
develops
linear
that
view
culture
evolutionary
available.
along static
the areasof human societies,science,social institutions and religious beliefs is now
development
fit
His
does
the
to
positivist model
well with
not seem
perceivedas untenable.
from
`magical'
do
People
`magic'
a
all
grow
peoples
and
all
always
among
cultures.
not
of
127
A new
worldview to a religious worldview and then progressonto a scientific worldview.
in
field
however,
`magic',
by
in
the
the
of
study of
was augmented scholarsworking
era
language
learning
by
Anthropologists
the
the
approached study of societies
anthropology.
128
be
into
living
be
They
to
the
the
to
culture
among
entered
people
studied.
and actually
studied so that they might view it from an internal perspective.
A pioneer of this new way, Malinowski moved beyond the view of Frazer and linked
does
He
distinguishable
based
`magic'
terms
context.
not
social
as
of
scienceand
on
only
distinguish between`magic' and scienceon the basis of `content' but rather in terms of rules
be
in
`Magic
limit
their
their
and
use.
can
use social context and which
scope
which govern
distinguishedfrom scienceon the basis of how it is used and to what ends,and the meansand
129
its
findings
decided
in
be
'
While
terms
restricts
science
goals can only
of social context.
in terms of `laws' that are more or less empirical, and defines its goals in terms of its
findings, Malinowski arguedthat `magic' restricts its findings by rules of tradition and cult,
130
in
its
for
defines
desire.
'
The
terms
parameters
goals
studying
and
of passionand
absolute
`magic', if basedupon the anthropological model, are impossible to use in the study of
ancient cultures. The detail required for such complex and intimate interactions,the ones
'26Robert J. Thornton and Peter Skalnik, The Early Writings Bronislaw Malinowski, trans. Ludwik
of
Kryzanowski (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1993), p. 161.
127Ann Jeffers,Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine
and Syria, Studiesin the History and Culture of the
Ancient Near East, vol. 8 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996), pp. 4-6.
128
Jeffers, Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, p. 6.
129Thornton and Skalnik, The Early Writings
ofBronislaw Malinowski, pp 39-40.
130Thornton and Skalnik, The Early Writings
ofBronislaw Malinowski, pp 39-40.

21

that can so often be obtained by a modem anthropologist living amongsta subject group, is
is
have
It
into
distant
that
time.
the
with
ancient
societies
often
not possible
mists of
passed
in
difficult
to
study
a scientific and systematicmannerthings, which by their very nature
very
are neither systematicnor necessarilyrational to the modem mindset.
Our knowledge of any of the societiesof the ancient world is limited, and therefore it
is basedlargely on written texts, which incorporatethe ideological bias of the authors,and on
archaeologicalremains. We are not able to immerse ourselvescompletely in theseancient
131
in
is
for
by
this type of research. Despite this, there are
societies the strict sensethat called
lessonsto be learnedfrom the anthropological approach. One is that the observerneedsto be
judgements
both
the
the
the
are
point of view
author as
very consciousof
of
audienceand of
132
into
immerse
The
the world of the
the
texts.
madeabout
meaning of
oneself
more one can
learned
be
likely
it
is
towards the
the
the
that
audience, more
author and
somethingcan
deciphermentof original meaningsof the text.
The anthropological approachto `magic' has also given the world new terms to
describe the methodological methods used to a given concept, or idea. These terms were
coined by Kenneth Pike from the words `phonetic' and `phonemic' `(... following the
conventional linguistic usage of these latter terms. The shortened versions of these terms are
133
)'
in
but
The
for
than
simply
used an analogous manner,
phonetics.
more general purposes
etic approach considers either all cultures or languages, or a specified group of them, at one
time, in what might be called a comparative sense. The emit approach, on the contrary, is
134
is
The `etic'
culturally specific and applied to only one language or culture at a time.

131Jeffers,Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine

and Syria, p. 7.
132Cotterell and Turner, Linguistics & Biblical Interpretation; Hirsch Jr., TheAims Interpretation; E. D.
of
Hirsch Jr., Validity in Interpretation (New Haven CT: Yale University Press,1967).

133Kenneth L. Pike, Language in Relation

to a Unified Theory of the Structure of Human Behavior, Second
Revised ed., Janua Linguarum Series Maior 24 (The Hague/Paris: Mouton & Co., 1971), p. 37.
134Pike, Language in Relation to Unified Theory
a
of the Structure of Human Behavior, P. 37.

22

be
is
`emic'
the
subjectwill
approach
approach
while
approach an observer-oriented

135
oriented.
In a more detailed sense`Etic statementsdependupon phenomenaldistinctions
judged appropriate by the community of scientific observers. ' `Etic statements are verified
has
independent
that
a given event
observers using similar operations agree
when
136In order to approach the subject of `magic' from this perspective, it is
'
occurred.
`magic'
definition
in
Revelation
Book
the
the
of
to
a
against
of
evidence
necessary measure
137
has
Such
text.
the
to
an
approach
actually approaching
or set of parameters created prior
both positive and negative aspects. On the negative side, this approach imposes an artificial
differs
in
from
it
looks
that
that
the
text
certainly
almost
a perspective
at
aspect to the study
have
intended,
from
the
the
the
would
audience
or
viewpoint which
author
considerably
be
it
in
to
is
the
text
however,
that
The
allows
advantageous
etic approach,
comprehended.
be
to
framework
in
that
other
clarity
to
applied
with
can
a
of
understanding
measured relation
documents and can yield results that reflect what many see as a scientific methodology.

From an etic perspective,there is a great volume of ancient material that authorshave

definition
that
despite
`magical'
being
designated
to
a
single
as
unable agreeupon
clearly
from
instance
is
titles
the
the
in
It
to
and
and
apparent
every objection.
applies every
do
that
they
dealt
have
this
consider
the
material
majority of scholarswho
with
approachof
ideas
in
be
in
`magical'
to
texts,
and
practices
nature relation to other texts, practices,
certain
138Although it seemsa
define
`magic'
ideas.
impossible
to
task
with
adequately
virtually
and

135Garrett, TheDemise of the Devil, P. 27.

'36Marvin Harris, TheRise ofAnthropological Theory (London: Routledge& Kegan Paul, 1969), P. 575.
137Garrett, TheDemise of the Devil, P. 32.

138Karl Preisendanz, ed., Papyri Graecae Magicae Die Griechischen Zauberpapyri, vol. 1&2 (Stuttgart:
Verlag B. G. Teubner, 1973-1974); Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic
Spells; Luck, Arcana Mundi; Dijk, Goetze, and Hussey, Early Mesopotamian Incantations and Rituals;
Montgomery, Aramaic Incantation Textsfrom Nippur; Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical
Practice; Christian Jacq, Egyptian Magic, trans. Janet M. Davis, Modern Egyptology (Warminster ; Chicago:
Aris & Phillips : Bolchazy-Carducci, 1985); Borghouts, trans., Ancient Egyptian Magical Texts; Alexander,
"Incantations and Books of Magic. "; Gager, Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World;
Thompson, Semitic Magic; Key, "The Magical Background of Isaiah 6: 9-13. "; Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and

23

is
fact
like,
that
there
the
a
that
the absoluteprecision
remains
a scientific approachwould
body of literature and practicesthat are more clearly defined by the term `magic' than any
is
`magical'
From
this
and not
as
term
seen
a modern perspective,
material
available.
other
In
in
by
this
`religious'
study.
of
area
a major proportion of scholarswith expertise
simply
imagery,
the
the
the
symbolism of
and
this,
analysis
comparative
of
vocabulary,
a
view of
light
in
Apocalypse,
the
on
shed
this type of material may, when comparedwith material
images,symbols and vocabulary that have remainedshroudedin mist as interpretershave
failed to recognisethat the worldview of the people of antiquity was dominatedby `magic'.
A thorough analysis of this aspectof the ancient world producesa more definitive picture
Asia
to
the
lead
of
churches
the
to a clearer understandingof
that should
author's message
Minor addressedby John.
Somedefinitions have a more intuitive approachthan do others. SusanGarrett gives
both
in
She
her
an etic and emit
sees
clearly
work.
a striking presentationon perspective
important
is
to note that what may
It
`magic'
the
to
as useful approaches.
study of
approach
be considered`magic' from a modem perspectivewould simply be consideredthe reality of
the world from an ancient perspective. In view of this, a two-pronged approachwill be made
to the texts of the Apocalypse. The texts will be viewed from an etic perspectiveas well as
from an emit perspective. In this way, it will be possible to explore both, and to understand
issue
is
`The
Apocalypse.
the
the
the
not
worldview of
author and audienceof
more clearly
Superstition: A Folk Study in Folk Religion; Hayman, "Was God a Magician? Sefer Yqira and Jewish Magic. ";
Aune, "Magic in Early Christianity. '; Alexander, "'Wrestling against Wickedness in High Places': Magic in the
Worldview of the Qumran Community. "; Naveh and Shaul Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls; Naveh and
Shaked, Magic Spells and Formulae; Segal, "Hellenistic Magic: Some Questions of Definition. "; Lloyd, Magic,
Reason and Experience; Graff, Magic in the Ancient World; Meyer and Smith, eds., Ancient Christian Magic.
Peter Schfer and Hans G. Kippenberg, eds., Envisioning Magic :A Princeton Seminar and Symposium, Studies
in the History of Religions ; 75 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997); Frazer, The Golden Bough; Jeffers, Magic and
Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria; Michael D. Swartz, Scholastic Magic (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1996); Henry Maguire, ed., Byzantine Magic (Washington, D. C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research
Library and Collection, 1995); Hildred Geertz, "An Anthropology of Religion and Magic, I, " The Journal of
Interdisciplinary History 6 (1975): pp. 71-89; Lange, "The Essene Position on Magic and Divination, " pp. 377435; Judah Goldin, "The Magic of Magic and Superstition, " in Aspects of Religious Propaganda in Judaism and
Early Christianity, ed. Elisabeth Schssler Fiorenza (Notre Dame IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1976),
pp. 115-147.

24

functioned
Christians'
but
how
the
as an experienceworld
view
magic
was magical,
whether
139
Christians'
'
world view.
ordering model within the
The prevailing attribute of the practice of magic throughout the Hellenistic world was
the cognisancethat the spiritual world exercisedinfluence over virtually every aspectof
life. '40 This worldview is very different from that held today, and from a modem perspective
first
have
the
the
people
of
century
seenas a normal part of existence
what
would
of
much
Ultimately
be
`superstitious'.
the
`magical'
today
would
considered
or
and well-being
hinge
in
Revelation
`magical'
to,
on
will
motifs are used,or alluded
question of whether
141
is
fact
The
is
by
this
the
applied
observers,whether ancient or modern.
perspective,and
that humansin the contemporaryworld have determinedthat `magic' is in somesensea
definitive category (seefootnote 137 above).
The etic definition for `magic' to be used for this work will be that of those who are
Near
Theology,
it
be
Egyptology,
in
their
a
or
areas
related
of specialties, whether
experts
Eastern specialist. In antiquity, `magic' appears to have been an `irreducibly ambiguous'
142
have
its
broad
due
In
to
these
times,
of
authors
range
groups
of
usage.
concept
modem
by
it
Revelation
be
the
of
uses
which
can
author
created a measure
ascertained whether
`magical' motifs in the composition of his text: motifs that are similar in nature to what these
be
in
This
`magic'
to
their
group of works,
consider
experts
respective areas of expertise.
and those that exhibit the same types of characteristics, will be used as comparative materials
for an exploration of the Apocalypse along etic lines. This definition should meet the
for
down
by
Harris
in
his
definition
an
the
yet
still
allow
set
and
criterion
of
etic approach
143
degree
flexibility.
of
appropriate

139Garrett, The Demise of the Devil,

p. 29.
'40 Arnold, Power and Magic, p. 18.
141Garrett, The Demise of the Devil,
p. 108.
142Garrett, The Demise of the Devil,
p. 18.
143`Etic statements depend upon phenomenal distinctions judged
appropriate by the community of scientific
observers. ' Harris, The Rise ofAnthropological Theory, p. 575.

25

This approach will allow for greater latitude than that offered by overly restrictive
definitions that see deviance, guaranteed results, and individual goals, as indicative of the
difference between `magic' and 'religion'. 144Alexander states that, `It is not yet possible to
draw a hard and fast line between Jewish and pagan magic in late antiquity; in fact, given the
145
it
do
'
Recognition of
be
fundamental syncretism of magic, may
so.
misguided to try to
this level of ambiguity, in turn, casts doubt on recent studies of `magic' and the New
Testament that employ overly rigid definitions or narrow sets of identifying criteria for
`magic'. Such definitions and criteria take for granted that which the ancients regarded as
146
open to dispute.

From the emic perspective,the Apocalypse will be explored in detail alongside

information about the author's cultural context and that of his audience. In this way, it is
hoped that each instance within the text that is to be explored will be weighed against the
influences
first
Asia
Minor
related to this region and
of
century
cultural context
and cultural
to Jewish contextual influences to determine their view of `magic'. This will entail careful
investigation of selected passagesalong a more exegetical line rather than a history of
religions perspective. It is hoped that in this way the message of the Apocalypse can be
heard in a way that recovers the impact that it would have had in its original context. An
exploration of similar concepts that may have influenced the author and his audience will be
explored.

The presentresearchis to investigatecarefully and methodically eleven categoriesin

the Book of Revelation in order to determinewhat the author and readersthought `magic'
how
thesecategoriesrelate to it. Alongside this, I shall investigatecarefully the
and
was
likely sourcesof the images,and the likely frame of referenceof both the author and the

'44Aune, "Magic in Early Christianity",

p. 1515.
145Alexander, "Incantations and Books
of Magic", p. 346.
146Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, p. 19.

26

in
audience order to understandmore clearly what has beenwritten, from a history of
religions perspective.
The passagesselectedhave been groupedin the following eleven different categories:
those (1) which use the term `quickly' (Rev. 1:1; 3: 11; 10:5; 11:14; 22:6; 22: 12; 22:20); (2)
beginning
the
and end of the work (Rev. 1:8; 1:17; 21:6; 22: 13); (3) refer to false
come at
20,13:
(2:
14,2:
11-15,6: 13,19: 20,20: 10); (4) one that mentions a `white stone'
prophets
(2: 17); (5) texts referring to seals(5: 1,5; 6: 1; 7:2,4; 9:4; 10:3; 20:3-4); (6) sorcery passages
(9:20; 18:23; 21:8; 22: 15); (7) a text that refers to thunder speaking(10:3-4); (8) one on
`frogs' (16: 13-14); (9) one about the `angel standing in the sun' (19: 17); (10) texts
mentioning `keys' (1: 18; 9: 1; 20: 1); and (11) the one that refers to a talking `statue' (13: 15).
All of thesecategorieswill be investigatedin order to determinehow they relate to
`magical' motifs from an etic perspective. They will also be investigatedfrom an emic
perspectivein order to understandhow John and his audiencewould themselveshave defined
`magic'. This dual approachshould unlock ideasand conceptsthat are easily buried by
centuriesof prejudice and misunderstandingamong readersshackledby their own prejudices
about `magic'. The purposeof this study will ultimately be to gain insight into the message
that John intendedto convey, and the messagethat was likely perceivedby his audience.
The intent is to enableus to come to a greaterunderstandingof how John might have defined
`magic' and what he intended for his audienceto understandregarding his position on this
subject.

27

Patently Negative Allusions

2. Sorcery Passages in the Revelation
A. Terminology
The Book of Revelation uses the term tpaeuaxea, and its cognates, which is often
in
New
book
in
the
English
`sorcery'
times
than
any other
translated as
versions, more
Testament.

In fact, except for Galatians 5: 20, the Apocalypse contains four of the five

in
is
found
in
New
Testament,
term
though
the
the
the
word group coaeuaxsia
occurrences of
the Old Greek translation of the Jewish scriptures!

In Revelation 9: 21, the term used is

it
is
it
is
22:
15,
18:
23,
21:
8
pdeAaxos
coaQ,
uaxEia, at
and
(peuaxov, at

In Revelation

in
in
is
in
22
lists
the
9,21
the
that
usage
nature,
word
are very similar
used
and
chapters
18:23 differing from the other New Testament usages. The terms cpaeuaxeta, 9delt txov and
in
have
the
Nida
have
been
by
Louw
to
the
that
meaning,
and
nouns
argued
tpeuaxos are
New Testament, of `... use of magic, often involving drugs and the casting of spells upon
in
'.
to
to
magic,
engage
practice
sorcery...
people ....

This same word group is used by Philo to denote `sorcery,' `magic,' `mixer of
'3
'
`remedy,
'
`drug.
'
`magic
`medicine,
'
'
'
`poison,
`charm,
or
potion,
and even
poisons,
Since, as in Philo, this word group can be used in a positive manner in conjunction with the
it
is
in
Revelation
the
ever acquired a positive sense
question
whether
practice of medicine,
in the New Testament. The question to be answered in this chapter is what was the message
that John meant to convey with this term and what can one infer that his audience would
have understood by it?

1John H. Elliot, "Sorcery and Magic in the Revelation John", Listening 28 (1993): pp. 261-276.
of
2 Louw and Nida, eds., Greek-English Lexicon the New TestamentBased on Semantic Domains, vol. 1, p.
of
545.
3 William F. Arndt and F. Wilbur Gingrich, eds., A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testamentand Other
Early Christian Literature, 2nd ed. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,1979),p. 854.

28

What follows begins with an overview of the usage of this term, and similar
in
ideas
antiquity. Special attention will be given to the context of medical
conceptual
is
inclination.
have
the
this
this
that
aspect
as
of
practice
word group
a positive
can
Secondly, basedon this background the discussion will turn to an analysis of 18:23 and its
immediate literary context. Is John's use of the term (and what he presumes about the
is
Secondly,
he
intends
totally
there
that
negative,
or
something
else?
a possibility
audience)
to ascertainthis, we shall consider the extent to which the term has been shapedby its literary
context. Thirdly, we shall compare the occurrences among vice lists in Revelation with
similar lists that occur outside of the Apocalypse.
In Revelation 9:21,21: 8 and 22: 15 code axov/s is used in its various forms in vice
lists similar to the manner in which 9aeuaxsia is used in Galatians 5:20. In the Old Greek
(cf. Chart 1:1, page 53).
translation of Malachi 3:5, a further such vice list refers to cpaelzaxos
Each of these lists appears in a context concerned with impending judgement and the need
for the repentance on the part of those hearing the message; at the same time, they are
designed to comfort the righteous who are suffering.
operates as an unambiguously negative category.

Here the cpaeaxeia word group

The passage in Malachi 3: 5 forms the

justice?
in
God
' The answer
is
Malachi
to
2:
17:
`Where
the
the
question
of
prophetic answer
is that he is coming and he is coming as a `swift witness' (Fcouar uaeTu Tra%L em rs
4A
coaeuaxois)

similar theme, of the prompt imminent judgment of God is present in the

Apocalypse as well, and seems to reflect a common mechanism used in this type of
eschatological material (cf. Revelation 2: 16; 3: 11; 22: 7; and 22: 12). The idea is to encourage
those who are undergoing hardship, and who see the unrighteousness and suffering taking
place around them, as they await and yearn for the justice of God. The authors of the lists

4 This expressionwill be dealt with in more detail in later

a
chapter.

29

highlighted the unrighteous nature of the enemiesof God by listing their sinful attributes, or
justice.
inevitability
divine
in
the
to
of
acts, order underscore
A significant feature of Malachi is the use of such a list in tandemwith the `Day of
Yahweh' as a `day of judgement' for the punishmentof the evildoers who belong to the ranks
5
is
developed
judgement
God.
The
theme
as a central
of a point of
of the covenantpeople of
by
down
laid
foundation
build
the prophets.
Apocalypse
in
to
the
on
tenet the
and seems
John usesthe list to mark out those who are to be punishedincluding those within the
7
6
listing
The
the
in
feature
Malachi
faithful;
is
do
of
this
as
well.
a
not remain
covenantwho
the
be
judged
is
of
prophets
to
among
the
characteristic
are
a
common
who
people
sins of
Israel, but the use of such a list containing the word group cpaeaxsiaremainsunique to
Malachi. In the Apocalypse, those found guilty of the sins listed will clearly and irrevocably
be excluded from fellowship with God. For the readersof the text of 22: 18, this is all the
in
its
judgment
divine
described
has
already
more obviously the casesince the narrative
finality.
As indicated above,the cpaeaxeiaword group not only has an unfavourable
in
benign
is
but
also a
meaning which associatedwith medicinal remedies
connotation,
infer
its
in
that
is
from
It
we
can
a more
usage associationwith medical practice
antiquity.
before,
term
the
For
first
the
cpaeaxafa
and
some
writers
century
of
positive connotation.
however,
For
the
others,
associated
practice.
with acceptablemedical
appliedto something
forbidden
intent,
denoted
or
with
term
activity much more sinister, associatedwith evil
ideas
history
forces
the
the
An
the
the
and
of
part of
on
practitioner.
exploration of
spiritual
3Andrew E. Hill, Malachi, The Anchor Bible Series,25D (New York: Doubleday, 1998), p. 290.
6 There are a number of affinities betweenthe lists and the warnings given specifically to the churchesin
chapters2 and 3. `Faithless' in the lists relatesto the admonition to remain `faithful' and to retain `faith' at
2: 10; 2: 13; and 2: 19. There are warnings against `fornication' at 2: 14; 2:20; and 2:21. There are warnings
2:
2.
'false'
idols
finding
having
for
2:
14;
is
those
2:
20.
There
at
who
are
any contact with
at
against
and
praise
There is an emphasison avoiding the `false' and 'fornication' inherent in the abhorrenceof the Nicolaitans (2:6;
2: 14) and in the avoidanceof the teaching of Balaam (2: 14). There is also an overall emphasison `conquering'
(2:7; 2: 10;2: 11; 2: 17; 2:23; 2:26; 2:28; 3:5; 3: 12; 3:21).
7 J. Nelson Kraybill, Imperial Cult and Commerce in John's Apocalypse, Journal for the Study of the New
TestamentSupplementSeries 132 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,1996),p. 199.

30

conceptsconveyedthrough antiquity, by this Greek word group, and conveyedthrough

conceptsin other Near Easternlanguageswill prove helpful in understandingmore precisely
how John usesthe cpaeaxziaword group and what associationshe could presumeon the
part of his audience.
B. Excursus on Medicine in Antiquity
I. Mesopotamia

Exploring the ancient context is important becauseJohn refers to a situation of a time

and a world that differed considerablyfrom what westerncontemporariesmight presume.
The reputation of the `medical practice' in ancient Mesopotamiahas suffered greatly because
of the remark madeby Herodotusthat the Babylonians, `having no use for physicians, ...
into
the market-place' where they ask advice from passers-byfor a cure for
the
sick
carry
8
their ailment. The stateof medicine in Mesopotamiawas never as impressiveas that in
Egypt and always remainedat a low stateby comparison It remains,however, that people
.9
who were ill in Babylonia could call upon the servicesof two different types of medical
practitioners. The one type used `magical' meanswhile the other usedprimarily medicinal
meansto affect a cure. The practitioner of `magic' was called a9hipu while the practical
'
largely
physician that relied
on pharmacologywas called as. The practice of
pharmacopoeiais very ancient in this region with evidencefor its usagegoing back at least to
2100 B. C.E. 't The distinction betweenthe types of treatmentoffered by thesetwo types of
12
intertwined.
They
times
practitioners was not always mutually exclusive.
were at

It is important to remember that religion dominated every aspect of life in the various
civilisations that occupied the area in the midst of the great rivers, from the early days of
Sumer, to the very end of the New Babylonian empire. Sickness was thought to have been
sent by the gods directly, or via demons to punish the victim either for his own sin, or
because of the sins of another family member. 13 The beginnings of the separation between
`magico-religious' and `empirico-rational medicine' never took place in Mesopotamia as it
did in other regions such as Greece and to some degree also in Egypt. There have been no
texts discovered that might be described as primarily surgical, or as purely rational medical
texts. Surgery was clearly practiced in Babylonia, but for the moment, there are no surgical
14
There is considerable evidence to indicate that the ash would, on occasion
texts available.

8 Herodotus, The Persian Wars I: 197.

9 A. Leo Oppenheim and completed by Erica Reiner, Ancient Mesopotamia, Revised
ed. (Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press,1977), p. 299.
10 Edith K. Ritter, "Magical
(=A
Notes
IPU)
(=
ASO)
Physician
on Two Complimentary
and
-Expert
Professionsin Babylonian Medicine " Assyriological Studies 16 (1996): pp. 291-321.
11SamuelNoah Kramer, From the Tablets Sumer (Indian Hills CO: The Falcon's Wing Press, 1956),
of
pp. 5660. cf. Guido Majno, The Healing Hand (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1975), pp. 46-47; A. Leo
Oppenheim, "MesopotamianMedicine " Bulletin of the History of Medicine (1962): pp. 97-108.
'Z

R. Campbell Thompson, "Assyrian Prescriptions for Treating Bruises

or Swellings", The American Journal of
Semitic
Languages
Literatures
47 (1930): pp. 1-25.
and
.

" A. Falkenstein,Die Haupttypen der SumerischenBeschwrung

(Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung,
1931), p. 51.

14Henry E. Sigerist, A History

of Medicine, Vol. 1(New York: Oxford University Press, 1955), pp. 409-410. cf.
Code of Hammurabi 215-223.

31

use `magical' techniquesand the shipu useddrugs. There were even times when the two
'5
illness.
would work togetherto combat an
In time, as the Akkadian world declined, the as ceased to be mentioned in the
literature and the `magical practitioner' takes over as the sole provider of medical treatment.
Of course, it may simply be by chance that all the materials mentioning the as have failed to
16
highly
but
It is, however, more likely that the esteem in which
this
seems
unlikely.
survive,
held
in
is
low
based
in
This
Mesopotamia.
terms
were
was
on
general
practitioners
medical
the view put forward by Oppenheim that there is a direct correlation between a culture's
attitude toward death and the respect given to physicians. If a society held a view that was
deterministic,
devalue
this
tend
to
would
any possible contribution that a physician
very
improving
health
toward
the
of an individual. This would also explain the
could offer
difference in social value accorded a physician in Egypt, as opposed to their social standing
in Mesopotamia. '?

It should be noted that there appearsto have been somemeansof making a

distinction, in ancient Mesopotamia,betweenthe `medical practitioner' and the `sorcerer'. In
the Code of Hammurabi,`sorcery' is a punishableoffence and the word for `sorcery' used
here is clearly not the sameas the word used for medical practices,of a `magical' nature or
18
have
been some form of clearly definable parameter,which
There
to
seems
otherwise.
differentiation
in
between
`Sorcery'
for
`sorcery'
`medicine'
this
was
society.
a
and
allowed
19
a capital crime whereasthe practice of medicine was clearly allowed, though regulated.
II. Egypt
In contrast,to his view that Mesopotamiahad no use for physicians,Herodotusmakes
the claim concerningEgypt that `All the country is full of physicians...'20 In ancient Egypt,
there were three different groups of practitioners who treat the various ailments which might
be encountered. Thesewere the swnw, which likely correspondsto `physicians'; `Sachmet
priests', which most closely relatesto what we might designatea `surgeon'; and thirdly the
2
illness.
be
treat
termed primarily supernaturalmethodsto
s3w, who usedwhat might
Medical treatisesexist in Egyptian history as far back as the third Millennium B. C.E.
Generally, medical documentstraced their origin back to a divine source,and associatedthe
'
divine.
Many of theseremediesare used in what
practice of medicine closely with the
devoid
be
is,
to
to
that
they
an
entirely
rational
of any reliance upon
appears
way us,
appear
15Joan Oates, Babylon, revised ed., Ancient Peoples
and Places Series; vol. 94 (London: Thames and Hudson,
1985), pp. 180-183. c. f. also Samuel Noah Kramer, History Begins at Sumer (Philadelphia: The University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1981), pp. 60-64; Steven W. Cole and Peter Machinist, Letters from Priests to the Kings
Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, State Archives of Assyria series, Vol. 8 (Helsinki: Helsinki University Press,
1998), No. 66, pp. 58-59; Robert H. Pfeiffer, State Letters of Assyria, American Oriental Series, vol. 6 (New
Haven CN: American Oriental Society, 1935), Nos. 281-296; pp. 196-206.

16 Majno, The Healing Hand, p. 40. cf. Oppenheim

and Reiner, Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 296-297;
Oppenheim,"MesopotamianMedicine ": pp. 97-108.
17Oppenheim and Reiner, Ancient Mesopotamia,
Lambert,
G.
"The Gula Hymn of
W.
299-305.
cf.
pp.
Bullutsa-rabi," Orientalia 36 (1967): pp. 105-132.
18Robert Francis Harper, The Code
of tiammurabi King of Babylon (Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific,
2002; reprint, 1904), pp. 10-11.

19Code of Hammurabi 5:33-56; 34:54-35:17. Harper, The Code jjammurabi King Babylon,
10-11,76pp.
of
of
79.
20Herodotus, The Persian Wars II: 84.

21The Papyrus Ebers, XCIX: 2-3; B. Ebbell, trans., The Papyrus Ebers (Copenhagen:Levin & Munksgaard
1937),pp. 14-15.
22JamesHenry Breasted,The Edwin Smith Surgical Papyrus, Vol. 1(Chicago: The University Chicago Press,
of
1930),pp. 5-7. c.f. PapyrusEbers 75: 12-13; 103:1-2.

32

the spiritual forces. For example,the prescriptions of PapyrusEbers look remarkably similar
to prescriptionsof today, and the surgical techniquesseemto be basedon dealing with an
injury or ailment from a natural rather than from a supernaturalperspective.
There is also the Egyptian usageof incantationsand spells, and it is at this point that
many would speakwith disparagementof such medical practices,but it should be noted that
thesepractices,where spells are used, are only recommendedin certain, limited, cases. It
instances,
in
the spells were used to give emotional support to the patients
that
some
appears
instances
beyond
in
they
the scopeof the available
the
were
used
when
ailment
was
other
and
3 In Egypt, as in Mesopotamia,no clear demarcationbetween
knowledge.
medical skill and
the surgeon,the `magical' practitioner and the physician existed. The `magician' did not
hesitateto prescribedrugs and the most rational physician or surgeonwould resort to prayer
4 In time, however, the practice of `magic' would dominate the
and magical practice.
25
in
it
did
Mesopotamia.
illnesses
in
in
Egypt
the sameway as
physical treatmentof
III. Jewish Concepts
In ancient Israel, illness and disease are clearly regarded as punishments for sin, and
6
healer
is
deliverer.
During this period, God was seen as
himself
the
God
seen as
great
and
for
7-10)
for
(Exodus
his
those
illness
those
who
or
punishment
as
a
who
were
enemies
using
disobeyed him (Deuteronomy 28: 15-35). This view of illness, which conceives of it as an
instrument of the deity, was much the same as the view held in Mesopotamia. Illness was
for
instrument
for
divine
the testing of the
the
and
a
punishment
of
evildoers,
regarded as
Mesopotamia
difference
in
between
illness
Israel
The
that
the
and
of
main
view of
righteous.
full
disclosure
breaking
the covenant
to
the
there
that
of
was
as
consequences
was
first
God.
In
Mesopotamia,
illness
the
the
sign of a
often
was
onset of an
relationship with
had
determine
deity,
it
difficult
then
to
the
a
person
what
and
was often very
problem with
27
deity.
done to offend the

Of particular interest in this study is the Hebrew term VIII which is usedonly one
in
`skilled
Isaiah
Testament
3:
it
Old
3,
in
to
magic art, or
time the
at
where refers someone
drugs'. 8 The meaningof the Hebrew root of this word remainsunknown, but its cognates
have long beenknown from Aramaic, Syriac and Arabic and have recently beenfound in
29
it
has
Jeffers
'sorcery'.
the generalmeaning of `magic' or
Ugaritic as well, where

in
in
Isaiah
3:
3
the use of medicinal plants
the
to
to
reference
someone skilled
considers
refer
from
is
Israel
is
It
healing.
interest
this
that
the
person
of
of particular
removal
as a means of
The
Greek
bread
be
being
the
taken
to
away.
early
of
curse;
part
and water were also
seen as
translation of the Jewish scriptures has an altered text at this point, undoubtedly due to the
The
implications
`magicians'.
be
drawn
that
to
use of
could
possible positive
with regard
but
healing
in
in
this
process,
was
was not understood
plants
period as a purely chemical
be
`spiritual'
`magical'
to
a
or
considered
process. It was often seen as the spirit of the plant
that performed the healing of the person and thus the `magician' in some way controlled this

23Ebbell, trans., ThePapyrus Ebers,pp. 11-26.

24Sigerist, A History of Medicine, vol. 1, pp. 297-298.

25Majno, The Healing Hand, p. 40.

26J. V. Kinnier Wilson, "Medicine in the Land and Times of the Old Testament," in Studies in the Period of
David and Solomon and Other Essays(Papers Read at the International Symposiumfor Biblical Studies, Tokyo,
5-7 December,1979, ed. Tomoo Ishida (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns,1982), pp. 337-365.
27 Hector Avalos, Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East, Harvard Semitic Museum Monographs
series,54 (Atlanta: ScholarsPress,1995), pp. 243-246.

28 Francis Brown, S. R. Driver, and Charles A. Briggs,

eds., A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old
Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1951), sv. W"In,p. 361.
29 Jeffers, Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine
and Syria, p. 49.

33

in
healing.
This
bring
the
a
the
then
plants
using
to
person
make
would
about
spirit
30
'sorcerer'.
`magician'
or
medicinal context a

Another Hebrew word group of interest in this study is that which includes the
Jewish
the
in
Greek
translated
the
with
scriptures
terms join and iv'
which are variously
31
in
These
ancient
outlawed
terms cpaeaxia, cpeaxovand cpeaxo
practitioners were
32
Malachi
death.
It
that
formally
to
the
Israel and
seems quite significant
subject
penalty of
list
judged
in
being
time
the
a
of others considered
with
end
along
perceives such sorcerers as
33
is
difficult
`magicians'
to
The
this
be
the
of
class
of
to
covenant
exact
nature
of
enemies
determine since the etymology of this word group is very uncertain. Neither the word's
functions
full
the
in
the
its
to
of
the
text
of
picture
a
compose
enables us
usage
etymology nor
wntz/ . The Greek translation of the Jewish scriptures uniformly renders this word group
including
those
indicate
curing
that
the
as
was
understood
word
would
which
with cpeaxos,
34
incantations
herbs,
by the use of
while reciting

Hebrew
terms
is
to
translate
such as U
other
of
also
used
a
number
4Deaxo;,
35)
is
in
Greek
Old
`enchantments'
translation
`mystery',
the
also associated
('secrecy',
and
36).
is
here
indication
i.
The
that
`charm',
'serpent-charmers
oral
('whisper',
an
e.
vine
with
involved
being
oral
activity,
an
to
type
and
people
used
exert
power
over
was
some
spell of
37
detail
deal
into
binding
force.
Jeffers
with
of
incantation,
great
a
that
a
goes
wielded
an
individuals
that
for
designation
the
are
the
of
practice
to
the
of
search an ultimate
regard
type
to
of
some
term
this
that
referred
often
most
ultimately
concludes
and
called cpeaxo;,
herbalist. She indicatesthat the negative tone of the Jewish scripturesis due mainly to the
fact that such practitioners were primarily associatedwith paganpracticesand associated
these
have
led
that
Israelites
the
All
to
foreign
this
conclusion
of
would
royal courts.
with
8
God's
God
the
they
people.
the
enemiesof
of
as
were
also
enemies
people were

It is more likely, however, that this word group was used to describe a number of
different practices that were seen to be performed by a variety of practitioners as this seems
in
discussed
be
the
Greek
Roman
been
throughout
the
the same
to have
period, as will
and
Jews
this
it
highly
traditional
In
that
this,
amongst
of
seems
probable
view
next section.
during
It
the
be
their
was
practices.
a
variety
of
suspect
and
of
practitioners
used
word could
find
Jews
to
E.
late
3`d
1st
B.
C.
the
from
through
the
that
attempted
the
centuries
period
influence
due
for
the
to
`medico-magical'
justification
the
of
theological
use of
cures,
Hellenism. During this time a debate raged with respect to the use of `magico-medical' cures
9
illnesses.
During the Hellenistic period, physicians began to be
for the treatment of
4
This view is
included as divinely empowered agents of Yahweh, at least in some circles
E.,
d
C.
B.
document,
the
This
in
2
38.
in
Sirach
shows
the
century
written
expounded
30Jeffers,Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, p. 51. p. 51.
3' G. Abbott-Smith, A Manual Lexicon of the New Testament(Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1981),p. 466.
32Ex. 22: 17; De. 18:10.
33Mal. 3:5
34Jeffers,Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, pp. 65-66.
35Brown, Driver, and Briggs, eds., A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament,sv. 0; Ex. 7:22;
28:23; 28: 14.
36Brown, Driver, and Briggs, eds.,A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament,sv. vine,Ps. 58:56.
37Jeffers,Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, pp. 34-35.
38Jeffers,Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, pp. 65-70.
39Loren T. Stuckenbruck, "The Book of Tobit and the Problem of Magic," in Jdische Schrifien in ihrem
antikjdischen und urchristlichen Kontext, Band 1, ed. Hermann Lichtenberger and Gerbern S. Oegema,
Studien zu den JdischenSchriften aus hellenistisch-rmischerZeit (Gtersloh: Gtersloher Verlaghaus,2002),
pp. 258-269.
Howard Clark Kee, "Medicine and Healing", in TheAnchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 4 (New York: Doubleday,
1992),pp. 659-664.

34

influence of Greek culture at many points. 1 Here, the view is that the wise man will not
despisethat which has been createdin order to benefit him 42
The Book of Jubilees, which also datesfrom the 2dcentury B. C.E43 attributes
healing and the control of demonsto God. Thesepowers were given to Noah, for his
for
his
the
protection
and
of
protection
ancestors. Herbs are specifically mentioned as being
44
is
healing.
Healing
of
witheld from the evil forces that were assistingthe
a means
Egyptians at the time of the plagueson Egypt. 5 In 1 Enoch 7, however, the knowledge of
`... magical medicine, incantations,the cutting of roots... ' and the teachingsabout plants are
46
heavenly
beings
attributed to rebellious
The Wisdomof Solomon (1stcent. B. C.E.), adopting a view similar to that of Sirach,
expoundsthe notion that the knowledge of various plants and roots, along with other things,
47
20).
(7:
15-16:
The two recensionsof the book of Tobit expressthe tension
is God-given
that appearsto have existed during this period with regardto medical practice. The
in
is
`medico-magical'
the
a
at
odds
number
are
of
areas,
area
of
one
of
which
recensions
cures,which are excluded from the shorter recension. The long recension(K) readily uses
the term cp4eaxov,whereas,the shorter recension(B, A) doesnot contain this term.
Stuckenbruckdeemsit likely that the longer recensionapproximatesthe original text of Tobit
48 What is of primary interest in this discussionis that there is a difference,
more accurately.
level
in
displayed
issue.
The
tension
to
tension
to
this
a
reflect
of
with regard
which seems
the recensionsof Tobit seemsto reflect an anxiety within Judaismitself, and the way that this
tension is overcomeby one faction is by demonstratingthat God is in someway seenas the
is
The
faction
it
the
other
cure.
as
not
sourceof
opposesall reliance upon cpaeaxsia,
perceivedas demonstratingtrust in the power of God.
It is of interest that Asa is criticised for his failure to rely upon the Lord, while
but
him
be
there
to
of
appears
with regard
consulting physicians,
no universal condemnation
9
is
God's
He
failure
illness.
to acknowledge
to this
still seenas one of the
sovereignty over
faithful kings of Israel despitehis failing to recogniseGod's sovereigntyover illness.50
Justification for a cure can only come if that cure is seen to have an origin in the God of
Israel 51 This viewpoint is still intact at the time of Jesus, and God is explicitly shown to be
.
the source of Jesus' power to heal (Luke 5: 17). Negativity is exhibited in the portrayal of the
`physicians' that had made the woman with the haemorrhages worse rather than better, while
52
taking all of her money. Though some have tried to expound the view that certain features
of the gospel miracle stories appear to use `magical-medical' techniques (Mark 8:22-26; John
9: 6; Mark 7: 32-33; Matthew 15:23-3 1), Kee does not think there is any validity to such
for
in
fact
The
he
is
Jesus
heal
based
is
implicitly
the
that
to
the
power
perspectives.
always
`anointed' of the Lord. 53 The issue of the use of the term cp4eaxo5,in the Book of
Revelation will be dealt with more fully after looking at the usage of this terminology in the
Roman
Greek
and
of
society.
context

41Kee, "Medicine and Healing", pp. 659-664.

42Sir. 38:4-8.
a' Wintermute, "Jubilees", pp. 43-44.
44Jub. 10:7-14.
45Jub. 48: 10.
461 En. 7: 1-2.
47Stuckenbruck,"The Book of Tobit and the Problem
of Magic," pp. 258-269.
48Stuckenbruck,"The Book of Tobit and the Problem
of Magic," pp. 258-269.
492 Chr. 16:12.
502 Chr. 17:3-5.
sl Stuckenbruck,"The Book of Tobit and the Problem
of Magic," pp. 258-269.
52Mk. 5:25-26.
53Kee, "Medicine and Healing", pp. 659-664.

35

IV. Greek and Roman Concepts

Greek medicine is often cited as the predecessor to modem medicine and as the
based
upon ethical, rational, independent judgement, sound experience
source of medicine
and fine learning. Many modem histories fail to address any element of what today might
be termed `superstition' or `magical' practice. The fact is that the medical tradition of the
Greeks contained a plurality of practitioners in which exorcists, religious healers, root54
healers
folk
healers,
in
and
co-existed
competition with one another. The earliest
cutters,
55
is
in
from
B.
C.
E.
The earliest
Homer
Greek
9th
medicine
about the
century
witness to
surviving Greek medical writings are those of Hippocrates and they date from about 420
B. C.E. 56 For knowledge of Greek medicine before the late 5`hcentury B. C.E. there is very
little reliable evidence. Most of what is known before this period is based upon legend and
57
is
Anyone
be
`modern plausible speculation', and neither to
accepted as strictly reliable.
in
his
find
Hippocrates'
Ancient
Medicine
treatise
to
commend
on
much
will
who reads
but
his
by
from
basic
far
for
themselves
modern
scientific
principles
cause,
are
grasping
58
standards.
In the Hippocratic Oath there is a clear reliance upon the supernatural. This is
displayed by its reference to Apollo and to his son Asclepius, deities petitioned as witnesses
to the oath. The oath also has a reference to ceaxov: `Neither will I administer poison to
59
here
do
The
'
I
to
term's
use
so,
asked
nor
will
suggest such a course.
anybody when
indicates a negative connotation to this word even at the time of Hippocrates. There is not a
is
hostility
in
but
The
Oath,
to
there
anything
clearly
a
supernatural
negative connotation
`poisoning'
((peaxov).
the
to
practice
of
expressed

Greek medical practice and Roman medical practice becameinextricably

intermingled from the 3`dcentury B. C.E. onward. It arrives first amongthe ruling classesof
the Roman Republic and gradually spreadsas urbanisation spreadsthrough the Republic and
then later the Empire. The reputation of Greek medical practice amongthe Romansis far
from positive according to Pliny, who says `... all physicians,becamean object of
loathing.'60 This reputation was becauseof the use of the knife rather than becauseof the
be
`magical',
`magical
'
drugs
There
termed,
might
a
elements.
or
what
was always,
usageof
or `superstitious' elementto much of Roman medical practice and this seemsmore
61
its
in
Greek
between
drawn
is
line
A
than
counterpart.
completely
what
pronounced
never
today would be considered`magical' treatmentand totally rational treatmentof illness. This
is highlighted by the preponderanceof templesthat were devotedto gods of healing such as
Serapisand Asclepius.
Asclepius, the son of Apollo, is the subject of numerouslegendsand in one of these
62
dead.
At the temples of Asclepius, which flourished throughout the ancient
even raisesthe
54Vivian Nutton, "Medicine in the Greek world, 800- 50 BC," in The WesternMedical Tradition 800 BC to AD
1800, ed. Lawrence I. Conrad, et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1995),p. 11.
55Majno, TheHealing Hand, p. 141.
56Nutton, "Medicine in the Greek world, 800- 50 BC",
p. 12.
57Vivian Nutton, "Healers in the Medical Market Place: Towards Social History of Graeco-RomanMedicine,"
a
in Medicine in Society,ed. Andrew Wear (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press),p. 16.
SgHippocrates, "Ancient Medicine," in Hippocrates,
Loeb
Series
Jones,
Classical
Library
S.
H.
I,
W.
ed.
vol.
(London: William Heinemann, 1923),pp. 12-63.
59Hippocrates, "The Oath," in Hippocrates,
vol. 1, ed. W. H. S. Jones,Loeb Classical Library Series (London:
William Heinemann, 1923), pp. 298-301.
60Pliny, Natural History, 29: 6
61 Vivian Nutton, "Roman Medicine, 250 BC
to AD 200, " in The Western Medical Tradition 800 BC to AD
1800 ed. Lawrence I. Conrad, et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 39-70.

62Pindar, Pythian OdesIII: 55-63.

36

Mediteraneanworld, patients would make offerings to the god in the hope of receiving a
63
into
Later
Christian
These
this cult
temples
the
era.
and
practices
continued
well
cure.
64
in
This
between
be
Christianity
the
particualr
player
struggle
and
paganism.
a
major
would
first,
levels,
Christianity
on
several
cult was seen,at a very early stage,as a competitor with
its relationship with healing, secondly,Asclepius was the son of the god Apollo, born of a
fourthly,
dead,
his
the
there
the
thirdly,
the
and
and
were
stories
of
raising
of
mortal woman,
5
had
The
Roman
Asclepius
the
accessto
with
exorcism.
empire
citizen
of
associationof
by
it
from
trusted
that
this
the
source
across
care
was
empire and provided
medical care
66
Empire.
much of the populaceof the
`Sorcery' as such is a term with negative connotationsin the Greek and Roman world
but there are a variety of terms that are used in Greek to denote `witches' and `sorcerers'.
The terms usedfor those of the male variety are amp k, '6Tc, yos, and cpaepaxs5,,
when
forms
Sometimes
female, cpaep.
the
of yo'3T:
and
masculine
i and yo, are
yoTq,.
axi;,
different
have
Despite
fact
female
for
the
that
these
origins
very
practitioners.
words
used
they come to be usedinterchangeablyto refer to the samepractitioners as early as the 5th
67
Odysseus
Odyssey,
Circe
In
they
E.
C.
B.
the
to
and
of
gives
companions
cpeaxa
century
becomeas swine.68 Here the term is used of clearly harmful material, but shortly after this,
the god ArgeIphontesgives a peaxovto Odysseusfor his protection from the cpi axa of
9
him.
it
According to Pindar, cpaeaxais part of the healing
Circe, and effectively protects
70
Centaur
Magnesian
heal
to
the painful maladiesof mortal men.
craft known by the
It would be many centuriesbefore people would learn to trust those who prescribed
drugs as a treatmentsfor illness. This was not least becausethere were many practitioners
likely
kill
in
drugs
the
inexperienced
to
the
these
they
patient
as
use
were
of
so
and
who were
fine
line
between
help.
The
drug
to
a
was
very
was
poison
they
and what
what was a
as
were
indeed. The distinction betweena moderatedosageand a lethal dosagewas very difficult to
7'
determineand a mistake could, and often did prove to be fatal for the patient. In Athens, in
the 5`hcentury B. C.E. a casewas brought before the law courts alleging that a woman had
in
him
drug
her
defence,
intended
In
had
lover.
her
to
that
give
a
she argued
she
poisoned
increase
his
dosage
her
love
him
increasing
the
thought
that
to
would
more,
and
order make
72
he
died
instantly.
instead,
her;
love for
C. Detailed Analysis of Revelation Passages

An exploration of medical terminology and practice provides a considerableamount

information
background
with regard to the ideasand the tensionsassociatedwith practices
of

63Helen King, Greek and RomanMedicine (London: Bristol Classical Press,2002), pp. 3-5.
64Henry E. Sigerist, A History of Medicine, vol. 2 (New York: Oxford University Press,1961), pp. 60-61.
65Justinius, Apologia 54,10; 21,1-2; cf. Emma J. Edelstein and Ludwig Edelstein, Asclepius A Collection and
Interpretation of the Testimonies,vol. 1 (Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1945), pp. 176-178; Emma J.
Edelstein and Ludwig Edelstein,AsclepiusA Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies,vol. 2 (Baltimore:
The John Hopkins Press,1945),pp. 132-138.
'6 John Scarborough,RomanMedicine (London: Thamesand Hudson, 1969),pp. 142-144.
,67Matthew W. Dickie, Magic and Magicians in the Graeco-RomanWorld (London: Routledge,2001,2003).pp.
12-15.
6s Homer, Odyssey10: 230-240.
69Homer, Odyssey 10: 300-335.
70Pindar, Pythian OdesIII: 45-54.
71King, Greek and RomanMedicine,
pp. 48-49.
'72Antiphon 1, Prosecution the Stepmotherfor Poisoning, 19.
of

37

is
it
be
described
In
the
that
certain
world,
could
ancient
under cpaeaxdia.
and procedures
that the absoluteseparationsthat we often make between `medical practice' and `religious
belief or `magical practice' were not so easily made, as thesebeliefs and practiceswere
inextricably intertwined. It has even been suggestedthat the `magical' beliefs and practices
have
in
Mandaic
Jewish,
Syriac
Babylonians
Ancient
the
channelsand on
and
survived
of
73
into mediaevalmagic.
1. Revelation 18: 23

18:23 and the light of a lamp will absolutely not shine in you ever, and the voice of
bridegroom and bride will absolutely not be heard in you ever; becauseyour merchantswere
have
because
(cpaepaxdcc)
the
the
all
nations
the magnatesof
earth, and
with your sorceries
beendeceived.
The issueto be addressedwith regard to this text is whether John was condemning
`magical'
be
practice, or was
medical
considered
practice along with malevolent
what might
he simply condemningthe one without addressingthe other? One of the questionsis to
determinewhether it is possible to distinguish betweenthe two with a reasonabledegreeof
issue
This
is
illustrated
by the fact that not every usageof this term
certainty and precision?
in antiquity was of the samenature. Somemight even questionwhether John uses
does
John's
Moreover,
than
what
rather
as a reprehensibleactivity.
rhetorically
cpaewiax8ia
imply
his
his
John
While
terms
these
expects
about
readersto
clearly
audience?
usageof
18:
23
in
lists,
this
the
term
the
the
may expressa
connotation
at
of
negative
usage
accept
different expectationon the part of his readers. Perhapsthe usageat 18:23 doesnot indicate
is
by
John.
There
totally
the
the
negativeview of cpaeaxsiaon
audienceaddressed
a
part of
somethingvery enticing about this power as is suggestedby the persistenceof people to

73L. W. King, "Magic (Babylonian)," in Encyclopaedia Religion

and Ethics, vol. 8, ed. James Hastings
of
(Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1915), pp. 253-255.

38

in
involvement
force
23
`magical'
18:
The
through
the
of
pursue
practices
ages.
rhetorical
cannot be fully appreciatedwithout understandingthe range of meaningspossible.
The text of 18:23 perhapsbetrays an awarenessthat not all of John's readerswould
have viewed cpaeaxaiawith reservations. It is possible that the readerscould have
been
has
this
with
a
certain
expression
sense
of
as
shown previously.
ambiguity,
perceived
John, on the other hand is unequivicoal in posturing himself with those Jewish traditions that
is
(Excursus
himself
John
III).
In
term
this
aligning
section
using
patently reject cpaeaxeia
in
18:
23,
In
the rest of chapter 18 the allusions to the prophetic
the
as
prophets.
with
74
tradition are crucial.
The verse is drenchedin the terminology and ideas of the Jewish prophetswith 18:23
A6xvov
influence
first
23,
The
the
of
numerous
verses.
o
portion of verse
xai cpWs
showing
?
is
is
found
ev
Jeremiah
25:
10;
to
this
part
of
an
allusion
nowhere
phrase
j cpvn o-oi Ti
it
in
Revelation
Jeremiah,
this
that
that
the
and
makes
almost
occur
certain
allusions
outside
18:22-23 are primarily dependentupon Jeremiah25: 10. The light of lamps coming through
75
in
homes
life.
indicates
The
towns
the windows of
the presenceof people and of
and cities
indicate
light
the absenceof life, and of people. The senseof this phraseis
would
absenceof
that judgement has come upon the people and they no longer occupy their housesor their
in
Revelation
has
judgment
The
come becauseof the economic and ethical abuses
city.
Empire
by
Roman
the
and participation in this has brought this sentencedown
committed
have
those
not separatedthemselvesfrom such practices.
upon
who
The next section xai (pcvv' vvpcpiouxai 4. q, s ov ' xovo-'3' iv rot' ? r: is used in
Jeremiah 25: 10 and continues the theme of judgement both in the context of Jeremiah and in

74Steven J. Friesen, Imperial Cults

and the Apocalypse of John (Oxford: Oxford University Press,2001), pp.
170-179;Mitchell G. Reddish,Revelation, Smyth & Helwys Commentary series(Macon GA: Smyth & Helwys
Publishing Inc., 2001), pp. 339-356; Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: ThePower of the Apocalypse,pp. 121-124.
75 David E. Aune, Revelation 17-22, Word Biblical Commentary
series, 52C (Nashville: Thomas Nelson
Publishers,1998),p. 1009.

39

76
the Apocalypse. It is interesting to note that one of the most prominent imagesin both
is
in
18
Babylon.
17
Most
that
agreementthat this
of
are
and
commentators
chapter
implication
figuratively
here
is
The
Rome.
to
of this
as an allusion
appellation used
designationis that Rome will fall just as Babylon had fallen; this is seenas likely, due in part
77
both
to the destructionof the Temple and Jerusalemwhich has occurredunder
empires.
23:
8,
Isaiah
to
The next phrase,o'-r:of ezroeotoou 4o-avof p 7:o rvasrr%3s
where
yj; alludes
Tyre is condemned,in Revelation the phraseis usedto condemnRome for its economic
domination of the Mediterraneanworld. 78
The final clause of this verse, Tt iv T3 cpaeax8iycow brXav,&,Oo-av7r6vTa rae, "

is the secondof two causalclauses. In Nahum 3:4 Nineveh is referred to as a harlot who
betrayspeopleswith her `sorceries'. In Jewish tradition, there is very often a link between
79
idolatry and 'sorcery'. Aune arguesthat the referenceto `magical spells' at this point
Rome
the
that
to control and to prevail over the
some
saw
ability
of
would suggest
Mediterraneanworld as they did, being connectedto `magic,'. It was the perception of some
that it was only through the practice of `magic' that Rome not only was able to make the
80
but
initial conquests, also through this power, that their control was maintained. Collins
is
but
deceived
by
`sorcery'
the
that
there
that
the
adds
nations were
also
view
concurswith
the implication that the nations have participated in the idolatrous worship of Rome.
Revelation 18:23 alludes to three of the reasonsthat Rome would come under the judgement
deceive
idolatrous
its
`sorcery'
(1)
by
(2)
Rome,
God:
to
the
of
worship
use
encouraged
of
8'
its
(3)
the nations and
wealth.

76Aune, Revelation 17-22, pp. 1009-1010.

" Adela Yarbro Collins, "Revelation 18: Taunt
in
L'Apocalypse
"
Dirge?,
johannique
et
or
-Song
1'Apocalyptique daps le Nouveau Testament ed. J. Lambrecht, Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Thelogicarum
Lovaniensium,52 (Gembloux: Leuven University Press, 1980),pp. 185-204.
78Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1010.
79Nah. 3:4; 2 Chr. 33:6; 2 Ki. 9:22; Mic. 5: 10-14.
80Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1010.
81Collins, "Revelation 18: Taunt
Dirge?,
"
200-203.
or
pp.
-Song

40

Kraybill believesthat John follows the tradition of Jewish prophecy, which links
`fornicators', `sorcerers',and `idolaters', vilifies syncretists,and condemnsanyonewho does
82
loyalty
demonstrate
Jesus
Christ.
In the context of Revelation 18:23, there
to
complete
not
appearsto be no doubt, despitethe fact that the word group cpaeaxaa can have a positive
it
is
in
being usedpejoratively by John. He seemsto make a case
that
connotation antiquity,
for an exclusive loyalty to Christ which toleratesno compromiseto any other spiritual force,
nor allows for a worship to reflect anything other than an unqualified devotion to Christ. In
making this assertion,though, John doesnot in any senseindicate that there is not genuine
He
in
`sorcery'.
simply coucheshis argument in terms that indicate that a reliance on
power
is
God
it
In
God's
than
to
counter
condemnation.
will, and associateswith
any power other
this way he could effectively counter the common tendencyof Rome to absorbnew religious
83
its
into
own religious system.
movements
Belief in the existenceand the power of what might be termed `magical' practitioners
`magicians',
`witches',
`astrologers',
`necromancers',
`diviners',
`sorcerers',
such as
`demons', `exorcists', `possessorsof the evil-eye' and the like was a common feature of the
ancient Mediterraneanworld with which membersof Jewish and Christian communities
84
been
John
have
acquainted.
well
standsin alignment with the ancient prophetsof
would
Israel and a majority of Jewish writings in attributing `sorcery' and other `magical' practices
to those outside the covenantpeople of God. Elliot maintains that despitethis John doesnot
into
this
a more generaldenunciation of `magical' practice. He saysthat
expand
reference
John usesthe term `sorcery' as a `rhetorical means' of distinguishing insiders from outsiders
and of labelling outsidersas immoral agentsthat are beyond the boundariesthat God has set
for his people. It is Rome, and compromisewith corrupt Roman power, that is the object of
82Kraybill, Imperial Cult
and Commercein John's Apocalypse,pp. 199-200.

3 Martin Goodman, The Roman World 44BC AD 180 (Routledge History

Ancient
World;
London:
the
of
Routledge, 1997), pp. 289-301. Clinton E. Arnold, Power and Magic the Concept of Power in Ephesians
(Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books, 1992), pp. 14-20.

84Elliot, "Sorcery
and Magic in the Revelation of John", p. 261.

41

John's denunciationand not `sorcery' or `magical' arts in general. John doestry to nullify
the claims by those outside the realm of God's people, but this is not done by denying the
bloc,.
Instead,
he
is
`magic'
(which
`magic'
en
of
counters
power
outsider
syncretistic) with
85
insider
'magic'.
superior
If John were intent upon a generalcondemnationof all `magical' power it seemsthat
it would have beenincumbent upon him to define quite clearly what he was actually
in
In
the
world
which he lived such a demarcationwould have beenvirtually
condemning.
impossible as there were no clear cut parametersbetween `magic' and 'religion'. 86 John on
the other hand seemsintent upon condemningwholeheartedly certain, specific, alliances with
i.
did
is
loyalty
God.
It
forces,
those
that
to
the
e.
not
exhibit
one
made
an
absolute
spiritual
beings
human
that
are divided into two groups in the first great cycle of vision
all
explicit
In
12-22:
it
is
is
5
humanity
(4-11).
that
chapters
made clear
madeup of
all
accounts
87
Lamb
is
demarcation
beast.
There
the
the
and
worshippers
of
of
a
clear
worshippers
betweeninsiders and outsiders,but that differentiation is not madebasedupon some form of
blanket rejection of spiritual power, or the refusal to use it.
By interpreting John's use of the term `sorcery' at Revelation 18:23 in this manner,
other aspectsof John's use of apparently `magical' terminology without any indication of
belief
in
indicate
is
toward
to
a
general
spiritual
so
as
not
negativity
power acknowledged
intends
(These
in
he
in
detail
later chaptersof
be
discussed
to
than
say.
matters
more
will
this presentwork.) John remainswithin the conceptualrealm of his contemporarieswhere
`magic' and religion are overlapping and inseparableentities. From an ancient perspective
John is not condemning`sorcery' in broad terms, but is condemningany `magical' practice
which falls outside the parametersset for God's covenantpeople. In 18:23, and its context,
83Elliot, "Sorcery and Magic in the Revelation John",
of
pp. 271-273.

96Jan N. Bremmer, "The Birth

of the Term `Magic, " in Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphik; Band 126,
ed. Werner Eck, et al. (Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GMBH, 1999), pp. 1-12.

87Collins, The Combat Myth in the Book Revelation, 159.

of
p.

42

John aligns himself with the prophetsof Israel and condemnscpaeaxsiain a mannerthat
brandsit as the meansof the deception.This is an improper usageof supernaturalpower on
the part of `Babylon'.
This subtle difference is important if we are to retain a perspectivethat allows us to
have
first
Mediterranean
text
the
the
would
world
as a
century readerof
catch a glimpse of
have
is
demonstrated
is
As
times
this
that
text.
the
a
can
even
at
above,
a word
perceived
he
framework,
With
this
terminology
seemsto
choice of
and contextual
positive meaning.
be
is
his
think
there
there
that
members
nothing categorically
would
of
audiencewho
assume
its
in
it
is
(i.
faith)
their
e.
would
observe
reconcilable with
and
wrong with cpaeaxEia
practice a genuine,effectual power.
John choosesnot to attack the effectivenessof cpaeaxdiaat 18:23, but to attack the
for
his
he
deception.
In
the
this
audience
challenges
purposes
of
manner
usageof cpaeaxeia
to addresstheir world view, to look at their lifestyle, their allegiances,and their devotion and
then links Babylon with the ultimate crime of killing the `prophets' and the `saints'. Alliance
it
it
in
John
her
thinks
Babylon
the
with
a
sharing
perhaps
carries
guilt
crimes;
of
with
because,
his
before
have
this
that
along with
of
readers
would
not
recognised
some
possible
the nations, they fall prey to the deception through paeaxeia. In Jewish tradition there was
88
idolatry
harlotry,
In
Isaiah
between
link
(as
above).
and
sorcery
mentioned
was
often a
23: 15-18 the harlotry of Tyre is related to her commerce. The issue in Revelation 18:23 is an
disloyalty
harlotry,
is
issue of loyalty, and reliance upon paeN.
to
showing
an act of
axaia
God. The passage probably alludes to the imperial cult, which often included the worship of
89
Aune deals extensively with the allusion to Roma as the prostitute in
Roma.
the goddess

88Nah. 3:4; 2 Chr. 33:6; 2 Ki. 9:22; Mic. 5: 12-13.

89Dio Cassius,Dio's Roman History, 51.20.6-9. Tacitus, Annals, 4:37. c.f. David Magie, Roman Rule in Asia
Minor, vol. 2 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), pp. 1293-1294,1333,1613-1614; Collins, Crisis
and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse, p. 121; Friesen, Imperial Cults and the Apocalypse of John, pp.
25-27,30,60; Reddish,Revelation, pp. 323-326; Grant R. Osborne,Revelation, Baker Exegetical Commentary
on the New Testament series (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Academic, 2002), p. 608; M. Eugene Boring,

43

his discussionsof chapter 17.90The image of Roma as a prostitute fits in precisely with the
Jewish tradition that conceivesof a link betweenharlotry, idolatry and sorcery.
John seeksto polarise his audienceinto insiders and outsidersdestroying any illusion
of middle ground. He perceivestwo types of outsiders,(1) those who participate in the
imperial cult and (2) those who participate in immorality, which certainly includes idolatry,
but which by its generality perhapsincludes immorality of other types as well. In 18:23 the
be
former
the
to
on
category, whereas in the case of the lists that are at 9: 21,
emphasis seems
21: 8 and 22: 15 the emphasis would seem to be on immorality.

While Rome has dominion

John's
is
Mediterranean
transfixed upon a significant threat to
the
world,
attention
over
91
in
imperial
In John's
burgeoning Christianity: the question of participation
the
cults
is
inhabitants
in
Babylon
to
the
a
prostitute
who
offers
of the
a
cup
cup
of wine
a gold
vision,
92 Revelation 18 draws heavily upon Ezekiel 26-27 and Jeremiah 50-51 for its imagery
earth.
but
is
25,
John
Jeremiah
not simply interpreting scripture, or quoting it, he is
as well as

his
it
for
Ezekiel
directed
26
Tyre,
27
time.
own
and
against
who
are
oracles
refashioning
destruction
divine
judgments
Babylonian
Jerusalem;
the
of
of
pronoucments
rejoiced over
follow (Ezekiel 26:3-14). In chapter 27 the prophet takesup an extendedlament focusing on
93
Tyre
benefit
is
highlighted:
in
`When
that
the economic
gave to the earth, verse 33 this
from
the seas,you satisfied many peoples;in your abundantwealth and
out
your wares came
kings
the
of the earth rich' (Ezekiel 27:33).
merchandiseyou made

Revelation, Interpretation Commentary series (Louisville KY: John Knox Press, 1989), pp. 178-189; G. B.
Caird, The Revelation of St. John the Divine, Black's New Testament Commentary series (London: Adam &
Charles Black, 1966), pp. 216-217; Martin Kiddie, The Revelation of St. John, The Moffatt New Testament
Commentary Series(London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1952), pp. 348-350; Austin Farrer, The Revelation of St.
John the Divine (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), pp. 32-35,180-187. All are in agreementthat the Harlot
representsRome or Roman power with the exception of J. MassyngberdeFord, The Book of Revelation, The
Anchor Bible series,Vol. 38 (New York: Doubleday, 1975), pp. 282-289. She seesthe Harlot as representing
Jerusalem. Most refer to, or seemto have knowledge of the coinage that was minted in Asia Minor during the
reign of Vespasianthat displays the image of Roma seatedon 7 hills. Aune, Revelation 17-22, pp. 920-921.
90Aune, Revelation 17-22, pp. 920-928.
91Friesen,Imperial Cults
and the ApocalypseofJohn, pp. 188-193.
92Rev. 18:1-6.
93Friesen,Imperial Cults
and the Apocalypse ofJohn, pp. 204-208

44

Where Ezekiel 26-27 provided a context for condemnationof the economic aspectsof
Rome, Jeremiahsuppliesthe basis for three important imagesthat are used in Revelation 18.
At Jeremiah51:7 we are told, `Babylon was a gold cup in the hand of Yahweh, making all
the earth drunken; from her wine the nations drank, therefore the nations went mad.' In
John, the imagery has shifted somewhatwith responsibility for the madnessseemingly
attributed to Babylon, rather than to God. The calls to flee Babylon and rejoice are also
(Revelation
in
18:
2-4),
Jeremiah
although there are also other prophetic texts at work
echoed
here as well. Finally, the symbolic action of the mighty angel of Revelation 18:21 is a
Jeremiah
51. After writing down his propheciesa royal official was
the
of
end
reworking of
instructed to take them to Babylon, where they were to be read, then tied to a stoneand cast
into the Euphrates.
In John's vision, the imagery is developedfurther and an angel castsa giant millstone
into the sea`with such violence Babylon the great city will be cast down, and will absolutely
18:
21b).
(Rev.
As
found
be
ever'
was noted earlier, John did not simply quote these
not
94
images
in
for
his
He
that
the
took
were them and refashionedthem
purposes'
passages.
H. The Vice Lists

The usageof cpaeaxeiain the vice lists that follow, varies considerably from the
18:
23,
In
is
framework
in
18:
23.
the
terminology
in
that
contextual
not used a stylised
usage
is part of the prophetic traditions of Israel, but in a very innovative and calculated fashion
that draws heavily upon the current contextual need without relying greatly upon traditional
however,
lists,
do
draw considerablyupon a very prominent Jewish and
The
usage.
vice
even a New Testamenttradition, of using stylised lists to expoundthe chargesagainstthose
who are being warned. The usageat 18:23 is reliant upon its wider, current historical context

94Friesen,Imperial Cults
and the Apocalypse ofJohn, pp. 204-208.

45

for its meaning,whereasthe usageof (paeaxeiain the lists is more reliant upon the
traditional Jewish understandingsof this term.
In the sectionsthat follow, I will first explore, briefly, eachvice list in Revelation and
then I will comparethe three vice lists of Revelation with eachother, with the one in
Galatians5: 19-21 and the one from Malachi 3:5.
III.

Revelation 9: 21

The term cpaeaxeiaoccurs in this form (cpaexwv)only here in the New Testament.
c v (A 046 2053 2329 2344
There is a textual variant that supportsthe more specific paeaxe:
&xwv is to be preferred basedpartly on external support
2351 MA)95,but the reading of cpaep.
96
111K),
1841
1854
but also due to the fact that copyists were more likely
1611
1006
(p47 8C
to alter the form to cpaeaxsuvas it occurs in 18:23 and Gal. 5: 20.97 As was mentioned
be
in
it
but
term
the
used
can
a
medical
context,
pejoratively,
means either
when
used
earlier
Antiquities
Jewish
15:
89;
(Josephus
Jewish
15:
93)
`magical
(Josephus
cf.
potion'
or a
poison
98
13:
253;
PGM4:
2176).
In Greek, cpaeaxsia, and in Latin, the term
PGM
War 1:572;
both
depending
`magic'
`drugs',
terms
that
ambiguous
can
or
are
mean
either
veneficium,
is
deliberate
This
the
the
the
context
often
ambiguity
retains
and
ambiguity.
context
upon
Graeco-Roman
drugs
In
this
the
attitude
of
general
culture,
are
culture.
and reflects
intimately associated with `magic'. Those who spoke Greek or Latin, in the time of the
have
Translations
(which
Revelation,
this
would
understood
really
connection.
writing of
encompasses all English translations) that suppress one of these meanings, without clear
being
intent,
true to the appropriate cultural situation in which these words
not
are
contextual
95Barbara Aland et al., Novum TestamentumGraece, 27th ed. (Stuttgart: DeutscheBibelgesellschaft, 1998), p.
650.
96Aland et al., Novum TestamentumGraece,p. 650.
97Bruce M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary the Greek New Testament,A Companion Volume to the United
on
Bible Societies' Greek New Testament,3rd ed. (London: United Bible Societies, 1975), p. 742.
98David E. Aune, Revelation 6-16, Word Biblical Commentary Series,Vol. 52B (Nashville TN: ThomasNelson
Publishers,1998),p. 544.

46

how
to
they
they might convey the ambiguity of the original
consider
need
were used,and
99
text

Noonan has even expressedthat in Revelation 9:21, the author does not intend to
`magic,
for
`magical'
the
to
translate
this
as
word
meaning
word and
express a strictly
'
inherent
is
it
`sorcery' or `witchcraft' unwarranted,as resolvesthe
ambiguity of this word.
This word can even be used in a positive fashion by Christians as is shown in chapter 20 of
s
'va
eTOV
by
Ignatius
Ephesians
Antioch
the
letter
to
the
phrase
x7, VTSs,
of
where
the
so-riv

axov

avTiao

aaavao-ia
,

TO

a7roavely,

&XX

By

'I

? o

ta-r

&A

is
indicate
it
is
New
Testament,
From
that
there
to
'
the
an
as a whole,
not possible
7ravT6 ....
`bad
been
have
`good
`medicine'.
There
hostility
to
to
and
medicine'
appears
absolute
`medicine'
believes
in
is
hostility
9:
21
Rev.
Noonan
toward
that
there
and not
medicine'.
include
in
He
hostility
`magic'
`magic'
thinks
the
toward
that
also
to
would
general.
simply
101
is
known
interpretation
`medicine'.
This
hostility
toward
of
with
what
agrees
certainly
a
from
forbidden
influences
in
impossible
It
this
to
period.
seems
extricate
medical practice
in
medical practice this period.
IV. Revelation 21:8
Revelation 21:7-8 describesthose who will inhabit the new heavenand the new earth
102
includes
(which
`Those
those
those
who
not
will
who
practice
cpaeaxrta).
who
and
be
'
be
inherit
I
God
things,
these
they
their
and
will
my
children.
will
and
conquerwill
(Revelation 21:7). The adversativeN marks the transition from those `who conquer' and
103
those who are not conquerors. While the list of thoseto be excluded from the new heaven
indebted
be
3:
Malachi
5; Revelation 9:20lists
(cf.
to
traditional
the
and
new earth may
vice

99John T. Noonan Jr., Contraception (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press,1965), p. 25.
10Noonan Jr., Contraception,p. 44.
101Noonan Jr., Contraception,pp. 44-45.

102Louis A. Brighton, Revelation, Concordia Commentary

series (Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House,
1999), p. 603.

103Robert L. Thomas,Revelation8-22 An Exegetical Commentary(Chicago: Moody Press, 1995), 450.

p.

47

21; 22: 15; Romans 1:29-31; 1 Corinthians 5:9-11; 6:9-10; Galatians5: 19-20; 1 Timothy 1:910), severalof the categorieslisted would have had particular relevanceto the situation that
John is addressing. The purposeof this list was not to castigatethose who were lost, or to
had
been
lost,
but to warn those who were still engagedin the
those
who
rejoice over
battle.104It was intendedto warn them to continue to be vigilant in their quest for the New
Jerusalem,to perseverein faithfulness toward their goal. Any failure would result in a loss
of reward and ultimately punishment.
The punishmentenvisioned is describedas the `seconddeath' and it will be for those
been
Christ
for
have
failed
have
to
those
to stay the courseto the
obedient
and
not
who
who
105
faithful
failure
`of
Christ'.
The
to
By
they
their
that
they
truly
remain
show
are
not
end.
by
John,
God,
correspondsto popular conceptionsof the role of the
presented
role of
emperorwhose main task was to dispensejustice by punishing the disobedientand rewarding
106
Once again, John draws upon
thus
those who were obedient and
serving the empire well.
imagery that questionsthe loyalties of those who claim to follow Christ. This versewould
also provide comfort to the righteous who seeevil around them continuing to go unpunished.
Judgementwould ultimately come and it would be servedon those who fail to repent.
V. Revelation 22: 15

The oppositeof the blessing promised in verse 14, is the denial of accessto the city,
for those named in verse 15. Once again there is a list of those who are noted for practices
consistently decried as counter to the will of God and not acceptable in the New Jerusalem.
To be outside the Holy City is equivalent to being in the `lake of fire' (20: 15) and to the
107
Unique to this verse is the term `The dogs'. Dogs were generally
`second death' (21: 8).
despised in the Jewish Bible as creatures that ate their own vomit (Proverbs 26: 11), ate the
104
Reddish,Revelation,pp.404-405.
105

In Matthew 25: 41, this is described as `the eternal fire prepared for the devil and his angels'.
Revelation, p. 605.

Brighton,

106Aune, Revelation 17-22, 1133.

p.

107Thomas, Revelation 8-22 An Exegetical Commentary,

p. 507.

48

blood
drank
the
of those that were killed (1 Kings 14:11;16:4; 21: 19,23-24;
corpsesand
22:38; 2 Kings 9: 10; 9:36; Psalms68:23). To be surroundedby dogs is a metaphorfor evil
doers(Psalms22: 16) and their scavanginghabits addedto the feelings of contempt that
felt
for
In
New
its
Testament
`dog'
the
them.
the
word
also
maintians
negative
people
in
6
is
is
Matthew
7:
holy
dogs'
`give
the
to
to
where
statementnot
what
connotation as
followed in Philippians by a warning to `bewareof the dogs' (3:2)108and in 2 Peter2:22'09
imagery referring to false teachersas dogs and swine.' 10
Somehave seenin `dogs' a referenceto a male prostitute as in Deuteronomy
23:18.111Whateverthe exact sins envisioned by John's use of this term, it is clear that they
Fcv.
is
This
in
Solomon.
101:
7
Psalm
dwell
Psalms
same
sentiment
expressed
at
and
of
shall
17:29a where it is written that, `He will not tolerate unrighteousness(even) to pauseamong
112
knows
'
live
There is no
them, and any personwho
wickednessshall not
with them.
indication that the reference to `dogs' has anything to do with `magical' practice. Character
decisive
factor
the
that determines fitness for dwelling in the city as opposed
to
alone seems
113
In Deuteronomy 18:9-14 there is a list of practices that will be
to outside the city.

land'.
in
from
Israel
`the
18:
10,
they
Greek
At
Deuteronomy
the
after
enter
old
excluded

108Jac. J. Muller, The Epistles of Paul to the Philippians

and to Philemon, The New International Commentary
on the New Testament Series (Grand Rapids MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1978), pp. 105-107. It is
likely that this is a reference to Judaisers who were advocating a need to be circumcised in order to be righteous
before God.

109Richard J. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, vol. 50, The Word Biblical Commentary Series (Waco, TX: Word
Books Publisher, 1983), pp. 278-281. It is likely that this refers to Christians who were considering or had
returned to their former religious beliefs or practices and were seeking to persuadeothers that this was the
proper path.
10Reddish, Revelation, p. 428. The warning is not to fall back into sin and the appellation `dogs' is used to
describe, in generalterms those who have fallen back into sin. O. Michel, "`kybn', " in Theological Dictionary
of the New Testamented. Geoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids MI: William B. EerdmansPublishing Company,
1985),p. 494.
111R. H. Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentary The Revelation St. John, Vol. 2, The International
of
on
Critical Commentary Series (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1989), p. 177; Aune, Revelation 17-22, pp. 1222-1223;
Ford, The Book of Revelation, p. 345; Osborne, Revelation, p. 791; Thomas, Revelation 8-22 An Exegetical
Commentary,p. 507.
112R. B. Wright, trans. and ed. "Psalms Solomon" in,
of
ed. JamesH. Charlesworth, Vol. 639-670; The Old
TestamentPseudepigrapha,vol. 2 (New York: Doubleday 1985), pp. 639-670.
113
Charles, A Critical
Revelation, p. 427.

and Exegetical Commentary on The Revelation of St. John, vol. 2, p. 178; Reddish,

49

included
is
is
Jewish
the cpaeaxs
that
the
the
translation of
scriptures,one of
practitioners
`soothsayer',
`augur',
`diviner',
`magical'
the
of
arts
such
as
along with other practitioners
`charmer', `medium', `wizard', and `necromancer'. The list at Revelation 22: 15 appearsto
l
4
The text
Aune.
have been formed basedon the tradition in Deuteronomy, according to
because
is
driving
from
land
God
they
it
the
the
that
practice such
people
clear
makes
'
15
is
issue
by
The
loyalty
is
John.
God
Once
to
the
not
emphasisstressed
things.
again,
loyalty
demonstrate
does
but
`magic'
complete
not
reliance upon any practice which
simply
to God. Those `outside' the city are condemnedto be separatedfrom the fellowship of God
fire
brimstone'
being
into
bums
is
`lake
image
to
the
that
and
with
cast
this
equivalent
and
(21:8)116 Once again, the issue of justice is in view providing comfort for the righteous who
for
live
lives
dominated
by
punishment
sin, ultimately receiving
seethose who currently
those sins.
VI. Comparison of the Lists
As was mentionedearlier, the vice list is a common instrument used in texts that
Jewish
judgment
God
the
they
throughout
scripturesand
of
the
and
are
used
righteous
show
the New Testament. The lists are used to recount the sins of the people and to act as a
being
lists
in
The
tempted.
the numbersof accusations
those
to
are
who
vary
warning
brought and in the order of the vices. Aune comparesthe vice list of Revelation 21:8 with
indicating
Ten
the
Commandments
that
Ten
there
with
the
are someparallels
"?
be
fails
Christian
lists.
However,
this
to
Commandmentsand other early
comparison
vice
list
21:
8,
is
the
that
to
this
the
at
as a number of the
sourceof
of such a nature as convince us
eAoi,
mo-ro.
in
It
do
list
Decalogue,
from
the
the
occur
not
such as cpaexots,
vices

114Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1223; Caird, The Revelation of St. John the Divine, p. 285; Charles, A Critical
and Exegetical Commentaryon TheRevelation of St. John, Vol. 2, p. 178.
115De. 18:12-13.
116Thomas, Revelation 8-22 An Exegetical Commentary,p. 508; Caird, The Revelation of St. John the Divine,
pp. 285-286; Kiddie, TheRevelation of St. John, p. 453.
Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1131.

50

issue
is
be
to
that
the
more
related to standardsof purity that
much
probable
would seem
found
lists
into
deity.
These
the
the
purity
are
presenceof
were permitted when entering
familiar
have
been
Jewish
to the people of
the
of
culture
would
confines
and
even outside
Asia Minor.
118
B.
C.
E.
In an inscription from Philadelphia from the late 2dor early Ist century
119
in
from
thosehaving participated prohibited activities are excluded
entering the temple:
When men and women, whether free or slave, enter this building they should
swearby all the gods that they bear no lies againstman or woman, perform
Ba
[i,
[cpeaxov
or malevolent charms rw:
no malevolent magic
7rovTe6v]
]
againstothers,that they neither participate themselvesnor advise
%;
rrov,
others to participate in love philtres, abortions, contraception,nor anything
kills
his
for
Except
that
a
own
wife,
children
with
else
sexual
relations
....
free
has,
defile
foreign
or slave,
whether
a
woman whom a man
man must not
do
A
boy
to
so....
a
man
must
others
not
corrupt
a
or
a
or
advise
and
virgin
woman or man who violates theseprescriptions may not enter this
building. 120
There are severalcategoriesof prohibitions containedin the inscription, these
include: (1) lying or deceit, (2) forms of `magic', (3) various forms of illicit sexual activity
list,
After
defined
infanticide.
the
there
(4)
as
abortion and contraception, which are
and,
failing
the
the
to
that
prohibitions and a
expounds
consequences
observe
of
section
a
occurs
121
do
for
Similar consequences are found in the
those who
list of blessings
observe them.
lists of biblical material: in Malachi 3: 5 curses and judgment are promised (3: 5,9,11,12);

in

Galatians 5: 19-21 the consequence is that `you reap whatever you sow' (6: 7); in Revelation
9: 21 the offenders will be killed (9: 20); in Revelation 21: 8, those who practice such things
is
burns
death';
in
lake
into
fire
`the
the
that
thrown
second
with
and sulphur, which
are
Revelation 22: 15 they will be forbidden entry into the city.

118M. EugeneBoring, Klaus Berger, and Carsten Colpe, eds., Hellenistic Commentary to the New Testament
(Nashville TN: Abingdon Press,1995), No. 771.
'" Franciszek Sokolowski, Lois sacrees de l'Asie Mineure, $cole francaise d'AthBnes. Travaux et memoires;
fasc. 9 (Paris: E. de Boccard, 1955), 54.
120Translation modified from Boring, Berger, and Colpe, eds., Hellenistic Commentary to the New Testament,
No. 771. by Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1132.
121Boring, Berger, and Colpe, eds.,Hellenistic Commentaryto the New Testament,No. 771.

51

In the lists containedin the Apocalypse, as comparedto the other lists cited, there
seemsto be a great deal in common in both form and content. It is to be noted that the
expressionsthat have beentranslatedas relating to `sorcery' do appearto be prominent
enoughin theseinstancesto warrant the proposition, put forward by Aune, that indicatesthat
Early Christianity was involved in a struggle against,what they perceived as, `magical
122This was one among a list of competitors for the loyalty of those who claimed
practices'.
to follow Christ. Relianceupon any power or sourceof comfort that was outside the clearly
defined purview of God is condemnedin the strongestterms. No compromiseor
assimilation is to be tolerated. The ecumenicalphenomenonthat existed in much of the
ancientworld with regard to the religious practicesof the various groupsthat promoted a
toleranceand even a syncretism of thesebeliefs and practicesis unequivocally forbidden for
the follower of Christ. It appearsthat one of the primary purposesfor the lists was to exhort
123
John perceivedthat one of the greatestdangersfacing the church was that of
the faithful.
syncretism. The more the church absorbedthe world the greaterthe danger for disloyalty.
John's perspectiveon the nature of God clearly reflects that of ancient conservativeJudaism,
just
God
as
of
andjealous (Exodus 34: 13-15). His followers are to endure
which conceives
his
justice.
the
revelation
of
await
patiently and

122Aune, "The Apocalypse John

of
and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", pp. 481-501.
123Reddish,Revelation, 405.
p.

52

TEXT BOUND INTO

THE SPINE

TEXT BOUND INTO

THE SPINE

D. Synoptic View:

Chart 1

hi 3: 5

Galatians 5: 1921

Revelation
9: 20-21

Revelation 21: 8

Revelation 22: 15

Waxos
rer)

D: 7roeveia
(fornication)

C: 2wJlov
(idol)

SFI1l4
(cowardly)

xcOv
(dog)

xaaeoia

E. (pow;

amoTo;

A: (paeuaxos

'xallis

(faithless)

*rer)

(impurity)

So;
,;,

o-lyzia
A: cpcieaxov
(licentiousness) (sorcery)

McAvo-oltat
(polluted)

D: nevos
(fornicator)

eew

C: e&wAo)tareia

E. cpovFV;

E. (poves

(murder)

D: 7roevFia

(fornication)

(murderer)

epriving of wages)

(idolatry)

zao-zevto

A: vaeiuaxeia

AFIL14a

D: noevos

(sorcery)

(theft)

(fornicator)

tpressing - the

t,
Urning aside- the

IVSea
(enmity)

A:

eel;

C: d wllo)virei;;

(strife)
'mow
of fearing)

(paegaxos

(sorcerer)

(sorcerer)

(murderer)
C: et?wAoAtTQ?S

(idolater)
B: 4V os
(one who practices
falsehood)

(idolater)
B: &ajs

liar

53

John usesJewish traditions to give his work a continuity with the world that he
devalued. He establishedan easternMediterraneanethos for the congregationsthat he
formed
by
history
the traditions of
that
articulated
an
understanding
of
was
addressedwhich
kind
it
The
Israel.
this
that
of
approach
result
was
of
produced
a
particular
ancient
declare
the
that
that
that
time,
could
challenge
world
view
current
at
and
was
one
continuity,
it a deception. He weavestogether not only Jewish stories and traditions, but primarily
Jewish traditions to reachhis diverse audienceand to challengethe worldview advocatedby
label
interesting
is
Rome
destruction.
It
to
the
Roman
the
as
agent of chaosand
empire and
that Rome often depicted its conquestsin a mythological setting that portrayed conquered
female.
John
image
Rome
the
reverses
and
portrays
as the great
corporate
a
as
peoples
judgement
God
(Revelation
17-18,
the
the
under
comes
of
oracles
esp.
of
who
prostitute
124
18:7-8).
Perhapsthis also explains why John saysin severalplacesthat this will call for
125
In this way John sets out his view of the conflict that is actually taking place in
'wisdom'.
the world that surrounds his audience. Not everything, that a great many in the Empire
be
is
is
in
be
have
to
to
normative,
of
considered
a
matter
course,
accepted
as
much
would
forces
John
God.
the
to
condemns
reliance
associated with the
upon spiritual
opposition
Roman Empire and often associated with its ability to conquer and maintan control. He
legitimacy,
of
any
condemning those who practice such things or are
empties such a reliance
did
to the wrath of God. The only legitiamte source of power, in
those
who
associated with
John's view, is that which proceeds from God. He labels such practices as toaeAaxeia and
126
labelled
in
He indicates
those
things
terms.
the strongest possible
so
condemns reliance on

'24Friesen,Imperial Cults and the Apocalypse ofJohn, pp. 167-179.

'25Rev. 13:18; 17:9.
126Rev. 21:8.

54

PAGE
NUMBERING
AS ORIGINAL

a definitely negative attitude toward those things which he labels as (paQ,

aaxeia, the question
that remains is what is it that John considersto be paeuaxzta?

55

3. The FalseProphet in the Context of the Apocalypse

A. Introduction

The matter of `false prophecy' is integrally linked with the issueof `prophecy'.
Defining what actually constitutes `prophecy' is something very fluid that perhapsdiffers
Book
In
the
the
of
of
section
opening
ethnic,
or
group.
religious
evenwithin a given cultural,
Revelation,John makesit clear that he views the words that he is to convey as prophecy (1:3
`Blessedis the one reading aloud and hearing the words of the prophecy....'). John appears
'
The
is
inspired
by
God.
being
delivering
his
that
a message
a prophet
to envision
purposeas
Hill,
'
in
define
`false
does
John
how
to
is
along
prophecy?
opposition
prophecy
question
in
book
forward
Revelation
the
that
the
the
stands
as
a
whole
of
viewpoint
put
with others,
2
in
As
the
Judaic
the
tradition,
case
was
often
prophecy.
alongside
earlier
ancientprophetic
`false'
Jewish
those
the
prophetswere often
who
were
considered
people,
of
prophetic works
in
his
first
dilemma
John,
this
century
same
similarly, confronts
a major topic of concern.
context.
`Falseprophets', when identified as such,were thought to constitute a threat to Israel,
impression
he
John
likewise
that
the
the
perceives
plague
early
church.
gives
and they would
influence
from
inside
God's
Whether
from
danger
they
people.
were wielding
enemiesof
a
be
John.
Christian
tangible
to
to
from
the
threat
the
very
communities,
appears
outside
or
4
like
in
be
Such
false
`the
the
This enemy is, at times, cast the guise
a
person
may
prophet'.
`false prophets' of the Old Testamentperiod who were serving the people rather than
Yahweh, or they may consciously be servantsof the evil forces. Whether they consciously
1David E. Aune, Revelation 1-5, The Word Biblical Commentary Series,vol. 52 (Dallas TX: Word Books,
Publisher, 1997),pp. lxxv-lxxvi.
2 David Hill, "Prophecyand Prophetsin the Revelation of St. John," New TestamentStudies 18 (1972): 401-418;
Frederick David Mazzaferri, The Genre of the Book of Revelationfrom a Source-critical Perspective(Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 1989),pp. 382-383; Ruth Bowlin, "The Christian Prophetsin the New Testament"
(Dissertation,Vanderbilt University, 1958), pp. 290-328; Heinrich Kraft, Die Offenbarung Des Johannes,
HandbuchZum Neuen Testamentseries, 16a (Tbingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1974).
3 Rev. 2: 1-3:22.
4 Rev. 2: 14-15;2:20; 16:13-14; 19:20; 20: 10.

55

leading
They
the
the
the
the
were
same.
outcome was
served malevolent powers or not,
peopleof God astray.
John alludes to `false prophets' in 2: 14,2: 20,13: 11-15 and there is a possible allusion
in chapter 17, and then he specifically identifies one in 16:13,19: 20, and 20: 10. Around the
turn of the Common Era, there was a prominent expectationthat the time immediately
figures
be
filled
`false
that would use
the
with
evil
would
prophets',
or
other
end
preceding
in
both
Jewish
lead
This
to
widespread
miracles
people
astray.
view
was
signs,wonders,and
1
2.167,3:
63-67,
Enoch
91:
5-7,
Sibylline
Oracles
literature
the
Christian
the
as
such
and
Apocalypse of Elijah 3:5-13, the Apocalypseof Daniel 13:1-13, the Apocalypseof Peter 2,
Mark 13:22,2 Thessalonians2:9 and the Martyrdom of Isaiah 4: 10. John may have sought
to remind his readersof the warnings that had been given by Jesushimself (if he was aware
indicate),
heighten
their attentivenessto the often, subtle
to
and
others,
these
as some
of
faced.
feature
danger
It
that
they
the
a
common
of all the apocalyptic traditions
was
nature of
in Early Christian scripturesthat those describedas `false prophets' would `lead astray,the
6
himself
Though
`signs'.
John
to
as a neo(p'Jrgs
refers
never specifically
nations and perform
7
is
in
linked
He
Jewish
tradition.
his activity and messagestandvery much the
prophetic
in
98
he
is
22:
in
`prophets'.
`prophets'
the
to
the
where
with
other
referred
conjunction
with

sRichard Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993),pp. 92-117. Bauckham
knew
John
independently
Gospels;
it
Synoptic
Traditions
the
`almost
that
the
of
written
cf.
certain'
considers
Dan Lioy, TheBook of Revelation in Christological Focus, Studiesin Biblical Literature series,58 (New York:
Peter Lang, 2003), pp. 7-8; Adela Yarbro Collins, "The "Son of Man" Tradition and the Book of Revelation," in
The Messiah,ed. JamesH. Charlesworth (Minneapolis MN: FortressPress,1992), pp. 536-568. She indicates
that though John doesnot seemto have been aware of the Gospelshe does seemto have an independentsource
of 'very early christological tradition. ' P. 568. Charlesdisagreeswith this and indicatesthat John `appearsto
have usedMatthew Luke...' and a number of other New Testamentbooks as sourcematerial. R. H. Charles,A
Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 1, The International Critical
Commentary Series(Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2000), pp. lxxxiii-lxxxvi.
6 Wayne A. Meeks, TheProphet-King, Supplementsto Novum Testamentumseries,vol. 14 (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1967),p. 49.
7 Hill, "Prophecyand Prophetsin the Revelation of St. John", 410; H. A. Guy, New TestamentProphecy
p.
(London: Epworth Press,1947), pp. 21-27.
8 Rev. 22: 9

you;
6A,
AA
'ou
Tou"
06y o-our&v 1reorprr6v xal rwv rgpovrwv ros.
rorou r
... eija xai rZv

%0

7rpoo-xv9o
ov.

56

The Apocalypse itself containsthe term 7rpognrcia ('prophecy') in referenceto its own
contentsfive times.
It was commonly the casewith the prophetsof Israel that somewere declaredtrue
10
found
deemed
`false
They
that their
were
as
often
prophets'.
prophets,while others
in
declared
be
`false
the
time,
to
with
conflicted
message
of
others
who
were,
communication
"
prophets'. John finds that his proclamation conflicts with the statementsbrought by others,
in
be
be
John
to
to
or
who
are
working
such
considers
prophets,
guise,
whom
who claim
'false'. 12 It appearsthat John envisions the conflict betweenhis message,and that of those
describedvariously as those `following the teachingsof Balaam' 13,`Jezebel'14,`the beast'15
,
16
'
`false prophet, and perhapsthe harlot of chapter 17 as evocative of the conflict betweenthe
forces of good and evil. He seeksto highlight the nature and the importance of this conflict,
he
in
from
is
draw
Israel's
Apocalypse
that
the
to
technique
uses
characters
upon
and one
is
in
in
Jewish
This
the
traditions,
operandi
used
such
as
sobriquets
other early
modus
past.
17
in
in
`Babylon'
is
Sibylline
Oracles
Scrolls;
Sea
the
Dead
also,
the
and
used as a sobriquet
4 Ezra.'8
He usescharacterisationsof the past enemiesof Israel in order to intensify the impact
his messagewould have upon his audience. Vilifying one's opponentwas a useful weapon

' Rev. 1:3; 22:7; 22: 10; 22: 18; 22: 19.
10Deut. 13:1-5; 18:19-20; 18:22.1 Sam.3:20.1 Kgs. 18:4; 22:23.2 Kgs. 3: 12; 23: 16-18.2 Chr. 36: 12; Ezr.
5: 2; 6: 14. Neh. 6: 14-16. Isa. 9: 14-16. Jer. 2: 8; 5: 13; 5:31; 6: 13; 8: 10; 14:14-16; 23: 11; 23: 13-16; 23:21-25;
27: 10; 27: 14; 28:9; 29:8-9. Lam. 2: 14. Eze. 13:16; 33:33. Matt. 2: 17; 3:3; 4: 14; 8: 17; 12:17; 12:39; 24: 15.
Mk. 1:2. Lu. 4: 17; 4:27. Joh. 1:23. Ac. 3:24; 8:28; 13:20; 28:25. Bar-Jesusis declareda `false prophet' in
Acts 13:6.
."
J. Lindblom, Prophecy in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1963), pp. 210-219.
12Rev. 2:2; 2: 14; 2:20;
13Rev. 2: 14.
14Rev. 2:20.
's Rev. 13:11.
16Rev. 19:20.
'71 QpHab. ii: 2; v: 9; v: 10; CD i: 1l; xx: 32. i. e. `Teacherof Righteousness'and `Houseof Absalom'.
'8 Sib. Or. 5: 143; 5: 159.4 Ezra 15:44; 16:1.

57

in the arsenalof skilled rhetoricians in the period of the first century C. E., and even before.19
By using charactersfrom Israel's past, John is able to set in context the seriousnature of the
faces
deeds
An
`magical'
the
to the `false prophet'
that
churches.
ascription
situation
now
of
(19:20) of the Apocalypse seemsto lie just beneaththe surfaceaccording to Garrett. She
factions,
including
both Jewish and Christian groups, it was anticipated
in
that
various
asserts
that in the last days `magic' and `false prophecy' would be Satan'sprincipal meansfor

beings
him.
human
Certainly,
have
been
to
this
to
worship
viewpoint
seems
persuading
21
Christian
in
by
Community
is
indicated
held
somewithin the
as
a variety of texts.
strongly
The signs and miracles performed by the `false prophet' of 19:20 were enactedin order to
deceive. Significantly, there is no indication in the text that the author tries to explain away
deeds
by
labelling
hoaxes.
The
this
tricks,
performed
character
as
of
or
as
-themiraculous
deeds
false
based
miraculous
as
was
upon John's conceptionthat the source
-thesesigns and
invoked
to perform these signs was not God.
the
of
power
Among the defamatory trends used in Antiquity, that of highlighting `hypocrisy and
falseness' is one of the most poignant according to Du Toit 22 The `false prophet' is one
denigration,
John
draws
image
type
this
the
of
and
of the `false prophet' to
of
upon
example
develop and to heightenthe tension within the text in order to highlight the seriousnessof the
danger faced from attacksthat have originated from within the church itself. Though the
does
in
`false
the Masoretic text of the Jewish scriptures,it is used in
occur
not
-term
prophet'
3
the Greek translationsof those writings. PzOonreo(prrJ9;
occurs 11 times in Early Christian

79Andrie Du Toit, "Vilification as a Pragmatic Device in Early Christian Epistolography", Biblica 75 (1994):
pp. 403-412. As Balaam is vilified in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan,as Rome is in the context of the Dead Sea
Scrolls (cf. note 18,) and as Haman is at the festival of Purim.
:20Garrett, The Demise
of the Devil, pp. 16-17.

-"Mark 13:22; Matt. 24: 11,24; 2 Thess.2:3-10; Rev. 13:11-14; 19:20; Didache 16:4.
:22Du Toit, "Vilification
as a PragmaticDevice in Early Christian Epistolography", pp. 404-405.
:23Jer. 6: 13; 33:7,8,11,16; 34:9; 35: 1,36: 1,8; Zec. 13:2.

58

24
in
being
the Book of Revelation. The concepts
scriptures, with three of theseoccurrences
-that this expressionembodiesmust have beenwidespreadenoughto have beenunderstood
-by John's audience. He usesconventional associationswith charactersfrom Israel's sacred
]history to highlight the reality and the nature of the tension that existed between `true' and
`false' prophets.
The conceptionthat there is conflict between `true' and `false' prophecy, within the
fits
Apocalypse,
the
well into what Yarbro Collins perceivesas the basis for
context of
John's composition of this work. Sheputs forward the viewpoint that John regardedthe
in
his
described
visions as being betweenthe Christian faith itself, at least as John
conflict
-understoodit, and the social situation that he perceived was presentin the cultural world in
vhich the church existed. From his perspectivethere was far too much of the cultural milieu
5
its
into
fabric
Minor
the
making way
of the church. It seemsthat John perceived
of Asia
26
in
inside
be
the
the church were proclaiming. In a
-thereto
messagethat some
problems
similar manner to the way that `false prophets' were perceived as being in conflict with the
-true prophets of God in ancient Israel, causing them not to follow God, the mission of the
`false prophets' in the Apocalypse was to lead the people of the church away from God. 7
13. Revelation 2: 14 - Balaam

One sobriquet from sacredhistory occurs in the words addressedto the angel of the
28
here
Pergamum;
the
messagerefers to Balaam. The common Palestinian
church at
tradition, which includes the Targums, Josephus,4Q339, along with Philo of Alexandria,
29
Balaam
that
)reflects the view
was a quintessentialvillain. It appearsthat some early
:4-14
W. F. Moulton and A. S. Geden,eds.,A Concordanceto the Greek Testament,H. K. Moulton, rev., Fifth ed.
cEdinburgh: T&T Clark, 1978), p. 1021. Matt. 7: 15; 24: 11; 24:24; Mk. 13:22; Luke. 6:26; Acts 13:6; 2 Pet.
1;
1
13;
19:
20;
Job.
1;
16:
20:
10.
4:
Rev.
-2:
725
Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse,p. 106.
Rev. 2:2; 2:24-15; 2:20.
Meeks, The Prophet-King, p. 48.
28 Rev. 2: 14.

Targum OnkelosNum. 24: 14; Targum Neofiti 1, Num. 31: 16; Targum Pseudo-Jonathan,Num. 24: 14; 31: 16;
Josephus Jewish Antiquities IV, 126-130;Philo Moses1294-30 1; 2 Pet. 2: 15; Jude 1:11; Rev. 2: 14. Judith R.

59

Christian authorsacceptedthis view (2 Peter 2: 15; Jude 11; Revelation 2: 14). 0 The writers
in
blessing
instrument
God's
Israel
Balaam
Jewish
the
portrayed
of
upon
of
scriptures
as an
Numbers 22-24; however, in Numbers 31: 16 he is depicted as an instrument of seductionthat
gives Balak information which was usedto lead Israel into immorality and apostasy. It
would appearthat during the SecondTemple era, Jewish writers were prone to relate the
31
31:
labelling
Numbers
16,
him
figure of Balaamto
thus
as a malefactor. The influence of
-Numbers31 was probably stronger than the influence of Numbers 22-24. The main
is
in
defamatory
document
Antiquitatum
Liber
the
to
this
view
preserved
exception
32
13iblicarum
Evidence for the associationof the malevolence,with Balaam, has even been found in
the very meaningsof his name. One proposedetymology construesthe name as derived
from the Hebrew phraseDy "*

('he corrupted a people'), which alludes to Balaam's part

in leading the people of Israel into idolatry. A secondproposedetymology is OS) ' '1(`he
devoured a people'); and is a referenceto the results of Balaam's evildoing, which included
33
Israelites
(Num.
25:
9
There is no way to be certain
-the deaths of twenty-four thousand

that either of theseetymological constructionsis correct.

Aune is of the opinion that 2: 14 draws not simply upon the `biblical tradition'
k-egarding Balaam, but also reflects haggadictraditions of Balaam that were circulating
34
widely during this era. In the period of SecondTemple Judaism,and subsequently,Balaam

Baskin, ThePharaoh's CounsellorsJob, Jethro,

and Balaam in Rabbinic and Patristic Tradition (Chico CA:
Scholars Press,1983),pp. 78-79.
30 Geza
Vermes,Scripture and Tradition in Judaism, 2"d ed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973), pp. 172-174.
' K. G. Kuhn, "Balaam," in Theological Dictionary the New Testament,vol. 1, ed. Gerhard Kittel and
of
i-eoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids MI: EerdmansPublishing Co., 1964),pp. 524-525; Du Toit, "Vilification
as a PragmaticDevice in Early Christian Epistolography," p. 410.
3 Vermes,Scripture and Tradition in Judaism, 173.
p.
Baskin, The Pharaoh's CounsellorsJob, Jethro, and Balaam in Rabbinic and Patristic Tradition, p. 79.
34
Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 187. c.f. also Vermes,Scripture and Tradition in Judaism, p. 162-164;Albert
-k::)ietersma,TheApocryphon ofJannes and Jambres the Magicians, Religions in the Graeco-RomanWorld, vol.
119 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994),pp. 26-31.

60

35
is regardedas the very epitome of what it is to be a `false prophet'. The church at
Pergamumis censuredbecausesome within their midst `hold to the teachingsof Balaam' and
There
food
idols
the
to
the
of
practice
and
7roQVEia.
eating of
sacrificed
are even advocating
idolatry
in
in
Judaism
Christianity
that
and sexual
the
and
early
was
assumption early
immorality were intricately linked and they are often spokenof as using equivalent
36 In the Jewish scriptures,the idolatry of Israel is frequently condemnedusing
-terminology.
13:
27;
Ezekiel
3:
2;
immorality
(Jeremiah
sexual
with
prostitution
and
-terminology associated
37
Hosea
5:
4;
6:
10).
16:15-58; 23: 1-49; 43:7;
There has beenan assertionput forward, by some at least,that the issueof sacralmeat
is behind theseaccusationsof immorality. According to scholars,it was very difficult to find
38
find
does
it
Barrett
had
the
to
in
that
not
no sacral associationattached
meat antiquity
9
Aune
be
to
the
goesonto
convincing.
rarity
of
non-sacral
wholly
meat
arguments about
in
it
but
did,
typically
they
connectionwith
the
was
when
ancientsrarely ate meat,
state that
4
from
Meat
that
form
such paganreligious celebrations
celebration.
was
of religious
some
(4
Maccabees
22),
Jews
5:
2-6:
forbidden
the
to
and this prohibition was sometimestaken
Evas
food
led
(Acts
15:
29).
`eat
Those
Pergamum,
Christians
to
by
others
who
at
early
ever
be
instigators
fresh
fornication'
idols,
to
to
to
of
and practice
are perhapsperceived
sacrificed
in
indicate
Balaam.
labelled
They
terms
that
that
teachings
the
then
of
are
xnanifestations of
'they were performing the role of `false prophets.'

3s Philo Mos. 1.263-304;Jos. Ant. 4.126-130; Targum OnkelosNum. 24: 14, Targum Neofitf 1, Num. 31: 16;
'Targum Pseudo-Jonathan,Num. 24: 14; 31: 16.
36 Exod 32: 4-6; Wis. 14: 12-31; T. Reub. 4: 6.
11Aune, Revelation 1-5,
p. 188.

3$ Hans Lietzmann, An die Korinther 1-11,Handbuch Zum Neuen Testamentseries,vol. 9 (Tbingen: J. C. B.

1Vlohr (Paul Siebeck), 1931),pp. 49-52; Arnold Ehrhardt, TheFramework of the New TestamentStories
,(Manchester: ManchesterUniversity Press, 1964), p. 280.
39 C. K. Barrett, "Things Sacrificed to Idols," New TestamentStudies 11 (1964-1965): pp. 132-153.
0 Aune, Revelation 1-5, pp. 194-195;Barrett, "Things Sacrificed to Idols," pp. 138-153;H. D. F. Kitto, The
Greeks (Harmondsworth,England: Penguin Books Ltd., 1971), p. 33; H. Bolkestein, Economic Life in Greece's
Golden Age New Edition rev. E. J. Jonkersed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958),pp. 9,23; RamsayMacMullen,
41.
1aganism
1981),
(New
Empire
Haven
CT:
Yale
University
Press,
in
Roman
the
p.
.

61

Those designatedas being a Oevaoireocp'rcauseda good deal of trouble to the early

Church and certain criteria evolved in order for communities to discern a false from a
41
is
in
John
Apocalypse;
this
the
as
addresses problem extensively
genuineprophet
he
by
his
demonstratedby his use of Ozvaoneops
those
of
appearsto
and
vilification
figure
Some
Jewish
`false'
the
prophets.
writers
with
were associating
conceiveof as
42
describe
He even goeson to say
Balaam
`magic'. Philo actually usesthe term,uyosto
that `...the craft of the sorcererand the inspiration of the Holiest might not live together.'43
In view of this, Balaam's `art of wizardry' (,uavTIxs)was `...banishedutterly from his soul...'
44
him
Yahweh
Spirit
cameupon
of
when the
There is, however, another side to Balaam: he prophesiedconcerning the `star of
45
be
honour.
This indicatesthat Balaam was a
Jacob', which would appearto
a great
46
in
in
is,
blatantly
For
figure
the
that
ancient
world,
not
every
respect.
villianous
complex
7
last
Gentile
Aspects
Balaam
tradition
the
the
portrays
prophets.
of
as
of
example, rabbinic
his personarenderhim as God-fearing and obedient, on the one hand, and as self-serving and
is
darker
his
identity
It
is
displayed
the
to
that
the
side
when Balaam gives the
other.
evil, on
Israel
lead
This
to
Balak
to
that
to
used
cause
would
was
advice
ultimately
stumble.
advice
idolatry.
into
Perhaps
it
is
in
due
Balaam
Israel
to
this
view
of
contradictory
some within

" GerhardFriedrich, "zpocpitqS, " in Theological Dictionary of the New Testament,vol. 6, ed. Gerhard Friedrich
(Grand
Rapids
MI:
EerdmansPublishing Co., 1968),pp. 856-861.
W.
Bromiley
Geoffrey
and
42Philo, MosesI: 276; Imp; ' evSbexaS wprorr"isTCoy'EBeal'wvoTearo7rA1as,
8 xa threeeiT oxoms
he
('From
Hebrew
thence
the
a
part
which
of
visible,
shewedas a
was
encampment
4iretxvuvrorw Ecyy,.
, vatchmanfrom his tower to the wizard. ') F. H. Colson, trans., Philo, vol. 6 ed. G. P. Goold, Loeb Classical
]Library Series,vol. 289 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press1994), p. 419.
'1' Philo, MosesVI: 277. He looked and said: "King, do you build sevenaltars, and sacrifice a calf and ram on
each, and I will go aside and inquire of God what I should say." He advancedoutside, and straightway became
possessed,and there fell upon him the truly prophetic spirit which banishedutterly from his soul his art of
'wizardry. For the craft of the sorcererand the inspiration of the Holiest might not live together. Then he
returned, and, seeingthe sacrifices and the altars flaming, he spaketheseoraclesas one repeating the words
which anotherhad put into his mouth. Quote from F. H. Colson, Philo, vol. 6, p. 419.
44Philo, MosesVI: 277.
`15Num. 24: 17.
'46 Michael S. Moore, TheBalaam Traditions, Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 113 (Atlanta GA:
Scholars Press,1990),pp. 1,116-122.
7 NumbersRabbah 14:20. Baskin, The Pharaoh's CounsellorsJob, Jethro, and Balaam in Rabbinic
and
Patristic Tradition, pp. 81-82.
.

62

antiquity that John choseto use this particular characteras an example; it highlights to his
audiencethat though people and movementsmay on the surfaceappearbenevolent,or
perhapseven ambiguous,a closer look is needed,and John revealsthe true nature of what is
being taught by someat Pergamumin his warnings.
John has a very narrow definition of fidelity48 and Balaam, a figure that is multivalent
is
tradition
the
textual
understoodto be a dangerousfigure. Despite his ethical
within
(Pseudo-Philo)
is
him
be
to
some
might
even
and
perceive
a
character
who
ambiguities,
he
is
in
forces
to
tradition,
the
reality,
according
allied
with
of evil.
simply misunderstood,
John calls for a singular loyalty that is to be demonstratedin a refusal to pay even implicit
homage to anyoneor anything else, whether human, or divine.
C. Revelation 2: 15 - Nicolaitans

The next appellation for consideration,of those that may be associatedwith `false
Nicolaitans.
Some scholarshave detecteda link betweenthose who
the
to
prophecy', relates
follow the teachingsof Balaam, and the `Nicolaitans' (2: 15). The variety of thesetheories is,
in part, made possible due to the difficulty of identifying precisely the nature of this group.
An assortmentof explanationshave beenput forward regarding the designation. One of
.
49
draws
Greek
Nixo
This view is based
kaTTwv.
the
possible etymology of the
-these
upon
word
upon a derivation of Nicolaitan from two Greek terms, vixi7and Aas `he has conqueredthe
50
is
If
this
correct, then it likely derived from a comparisonof the
etymology
people'.
Tlicolaitans to Balaam (2: 14), whose name was at times explained as meaning `he has

8 Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse,

pp. 106-107;Wilfrid J. Harrington, Revelation,
Sacra PaginaSeries,vol. 16 (Collegeville MN: The Liturgical Press,1993),pp. 11-12; Leonard L. Thompson,
The Book of Revelation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 174-176;David L. Barr, Talesof the End
'(Santa Rosa CA: Polebridge Press,1998), pp. 178-180.
9 Heikki Raisnen, "The Nicolaitans: Apoc. 2; Acta 6," in Aufstieg
und Niedergang Der RmischenWelt, Part
]I: Principatevol. 26.2, ed. Wolfgang Haaseand Hildegard Temporini (Berlin: Walter De Gruyter, 1995),
pp.
1602-1644.
`0 Reddish,Revelation,
pp. 60-61.

63

'51
instance
In
be
`Nicolaitans'
devoured
this
the
the
the
people.
name
would
consumed or
Greek equivalent of the term `Balaamites'. One of the difficulties with this explanation,
however, is its reliance upon a widespreadknowledge of such a precise meaning for, or
52
`Balaam'.
the
name
with
associated
Though there is the possibility that this explanation is correct, it is equally plausible
53
its
leaders.
One tradition links the Nicolaitans with
that this group was namedafter one of
in
6:
Acts
5,
deacons
the
to assistwith the
Nicholas
when
apostles
appointed
the
mentioned
54
Jerusalem.
Risnen
to
the
at
goes
on
survey a vast array of
members
church
among
work
theoretical information with regardto the nature and composition of the group spokenof as
`Nicolaitians' by John. One of theseviews postulatesthat they were Christians who were
Asia
Minor.
is
It
the
wider
cultural
to
with
environment
of
compromises
make
willing
have
for
Paul
to
the
their
they
that
appealed
of
may
writings
more accomodating
conjectured
55
form
libertines.
Gnostic
The
that
the
they
that
of
speculation
some
were
or
views,
`Nicolaitans' were some form of Gnostic sect seemsto baseconsiderableweight upon the
is
Heresies
3.11.156),
(Against
Irenaeus
this
the
group
associated
where
with
of
statement
has
been
by
Despite
that
Cerinthus,
this
associated
a
name
some
with
gnosticism.
of
name
is
knowledge
indication
Irenaeus
his
is
that
to
to
unique
there
privy
any
no
early
evidence,
him
identify
the
the
would
which
allow
precise nature of
accurately
church
position within
by
John.
Nicolaitans
of
spoken
the
Despite not being able to identify the actual teachings,or practices,of the Nicolaitans,
(i.
in
to
the
the
them
form
the
seems
place
condemnation
e.
warning)
of
the
and structure
51Reddish, Revelation,p. 61; Baskin, ThePharaoh's CounsellorsJob, Jethro, and Balaam in Rabbinic and
Patristic Tradition, p. 79.
52This is not the case,as has beennoted earlier the meaning of this term is in dispute.
33Reddish,Revelation, p. 61; Risnen,"The Nicolaitans: Apoc. 2; Acta 6," p. 1608.
saRAisnen,"The Nicolaitans: Apoc. 2; Acta 6," p. 1623.
ssRAisnen,"The Nicolaitans: Apoc. 2; Acta 6," pp. 1603-1606.
56`Johnthe disciple of the Lord, preachesthis faith, and seeks,by the proclamation of the gospel, to remove that
by
disseminated
long
been
had
time
those termed
by
Cerinthus
among
men,
and
a
previously
error which
Nicolaitans, who are an offset of that "knowledge" falsely so called....' Alexander Roberts and W. H. Rambut,
trans., The Writings oflrenaeus, vol. 1, (Edinburgh: T&T Clark 1868), p. 287.

64

samecategory as those associatedwith the teachingsof Balaam and Jezebel(cf. immediately

below). This then puts the membersof the church in dangerof being led away from the
truth, that is if they allow themselvesto do the `works' of the Nicolaitans.
D. Revelation 2: 20 - Jezebel

The next figure to be consideredin this study will be the characterreferred to as

Jezebel. Kraybill suggeststhat John draws upon the imagery of Jezebelin order to counter
57
influence
Roman
having
Christian
the
that
the
the seductive
world was
upon
church. It is
described
is
likely
the
that
the
woman
an actual `prophetess'at Thyatira, and does
case
most
has
drawn
label
bear
Jezebel.
John
from
`Jezebel'
in
the
the
the wife of
name
not reality
Ahab king of Israel (869-850 B. C.E.). She was the daughterof Ethbaal King of Tyre and
Sidon and she becameinfamous becauseshe influenced Ahab to worship Canaanitegods (1
58
Jewish
Antiquities
8.317).
31;
Josephus
Josephusrecordsthat she `...went to
Kings. 16:
licentiousness
built
Tyrian
lengths
that
temple
to
the
and
madness
of
she
a
god whom
such
they call Belias, and planted a grove of all sorts of trees; she also appointed priests and
Hebrew
(zvao1reocpr'7rac;
term used at 1 Kings 18: 19X'
prophets

]) to this god. '59 Jezebel's

been
have
by
himself
Ahab
in
to
arranged
order to seal a mutually
appears
marriage
60
between
Israel
issue
Tyrian
Empire.
The
the
and
alliance
at the heart of this
advantageous
been
have
to
a willingnes to accommodate the beliefs of others in order to
alliance seems
in
least
order to get along with one's neighbours.
gain power, or at

According to Josephus,Ethbaal, the father of Jezebel,was also a priest in the

61
Astarte.
Brenner proposesthe theory that Tyre followed the
Phoeniciancult of the goddess
Mesopotamiantradition of appointing an additional female member of the royal householdto

57Kraybill, Imperial Cult and Commercein John's Apocalypse,p. 39.

58Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 203.
39Jos.Ant. 8:318.
60H. JacobKatzenstein,"Jezebel", in EncyclopaediaJudaica, vol. 10 (Jerusalem:Keter Publishing House
JerusalemLtd., 1972), pp. 99-100.
61Jos.Ag. Apron 1: 123.

65

the position of priestess,alongsideof the male protege of the female goddessAstarte. She
high
Melgart.
This
Baal
the
Jezebel
therefore,
to
that
priestess
arrangement
was,
asserts
family,
have
to
the
power
royal
and would provide an
given unprecedented
would
behaviour
Jezebel's
Brenner
for
thinks that
and
authoritative
manner.
of
much
explanation
the writers of the biblical text suppressedany mention of Jezebel'srole as a priestessbecause
62
female
there
was any validity to any aspectof a
priesthood.
they did not wish to admit that
Considering the evidenceof 1 Kings (esp. 18:19) it is conceivablethat those who composed
desire
her
have
to
Jewish
texts
provide
with the unique statusof being the
any
the
would not
texts.
those
within
mentioned
only priestess
The dark characterof Jezebelis in a further fashion displayed in additional texts
2
Kings
9:
22
(in
Greek
In
Jewish
the
translation
the
Jewish
of
the
sacred
scriptures.
within
her
linked
is
this
Jezebel
with
and
along
with
appointment of those
cpae
caxov,
clearly
texts)
3
indicates that in antiquity her name was integrally linked with
FVao7reocprrrvc
designatedas
is
Jezebel
likely
`fornication'
Aune
the
term
that
used
of
a reference
suggests
such practices.
in the Apocalypse to the conceptof `apostasy'. This viewpoint is deemedprobable as
Jezebel's crimes were describedas `sexual immorality' and with the practice of `witchcraft'
M
Kings
9:
2
22).
`Sexual immorality' and `witchcraft' are often
LXX,
(CWIDMT, (paeuaxov
is
mentioned above.
as
associatedwith apostasy
Kraybill suggeststhat it may be due to the connection betweenJezebeland Phoenicia
image
in
is
known
from
Tyre
Revelation
18.
It
the
later
John
of
up
antiquity
that
conjures
its
for
large
in
trade
than
Thyatira
more
many
of
guilds,
number
were
that
renowned
was
65
between
friendly
Tyre
The
Israel,
in
Graeco-Roman
in
the
world.
relations
and
most cities
introduction
foreign
into
Israelite
kingdom.
led
the
In
the
Ahab,
to
of
religion
the time of
62Athalya Brenner, TheIsraelite Woman,The Biblical Seminar Series,2 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1985), pp. 2326.
X xai ieger"s
63Jos. Ant. 8:318. xa-rimo
xai 40wreorp4ras rorq) rG .&e
60Aune, Revelation 1-5, pp. 203-204.

65Osborne,Revelation, p. 151.

66

Thyatira Christians interactedwith the Roman Empire and John believes the exchangeis in
66
into
bringing
the
danger of
church.
alien practices
E. Revelation

13: 11-18 - The Second Beast

The latter half of chapter 13 introduces the secondbeast,the one from the earth
(13: 11). The first beast(the one from the sea 13:1) is an adaptationof the mythological sea
is
beast
Leviathan,
the
the
second
modelled
after
another
primordial
while
monster,
monster
67
Behemoth. According to Jewish legend,the Leviathan and the Behemoth were primeval
68
in
killed
beasts
be
Messiah
These
the
time
the
two
to
that
end
when
comes.
were
monsters
has
horns
lamb'
but
Christ:
`like
his
the
Apocalypse
in
of
second
a
the
a
parody
reveals
as
act
69
dragon
like
(13:
11).
This
imagery
he
the
a
mythology
might
explain
speaks
true nature as
SwQ1OV
is
from
land.
fact
is
The
from
the
the
that
being
the
other
while
anarthrous
sea
of one
in this context suggeststhat the author did not anticipate that his audiencewould be familar
70
beast.
with this
Garrow conceivesof the characteristicsof the secondbeastas indicative of the
from
Jezebel
i.
(2:
14-24)
Balaam
He
the
John,
that
and
within
are
church.
e.
of
opponents
7'
is
beast
fact
local
Brighton
that
the
the
a
phenomenon.
envisagesthe
of
also makes note
first
beast,
that
the
beast
religious
authority
works
under
which
as representing
second
inspiring
beast
by
The
human
the
Roman
authority.
second
works
political
represents
72
first
beast.
Thomas
be
Rome
to
the
the
to
perceives
ancient
source of
worship
population
fulfilment
in
future,
the
images
the
initial
that
of those who will be
reach
with
rise,
will
the
73
in
figures
described
This
Apocalypse.
the
fulfilment
the
would then place
of
the ultimate

66Kraybill, Imperial Cult and Commerce in John's Apocalypse, p. 152. N. 132.

67Reddish, Revelation,p. 257; Collins, The Combat Myth in the Book of Revelation, p. 165; Aune, Revelation 616, p. 732.
684 Ezra 6:49-52.1 En. 60:7-10.2 Bar. 29:3-4.
69Reddish,Revelation, p. 257.
70Aune, Revelation 6-16.
71A. J. P. Garrow, Revelation, The New TestamentReadingsSeries(London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 89-91.
n Brighton, Revelation, pp. 357-362.
73Thomas,Revelation 8-22 An Exegetical Commentary,pp. 171-188.

67

John's objections to the Imperial cult in the arenaof loyalty. The Christians maintained and
Jesus
Christ.
loyalty
than
to
to
other
no
one
were maintain
The imagesthat were available to John would surely have been drawn from those that
had meaning to the original audienceand the indications are that this audiencewould have
hideously
immoral
its
the
target
Rome,
as
evil,
emperors,
and
as
of much that
and
perceived
The
localized
held
by
Christian
Aune
from
to
perspective.
view
with
regard
a
negative
was
far
Asia
fit
designating
beast
the
too
to
community
of
seems
narrow
a
view
with
the second
John's use of the term V y4

4 in

chapter 13. The phrasewould seemto indicate a

One
Asia.
far
than
the
the
that
simply
province
of
of
more
encompassing
was
phenomenon
is
is
in
is
Revelation
Book
that
the
what
scale
of
visualized
a
small
on
earth
tenets
of
main
indicative of somethingof truly cosmic proportions. The earth is a stageshowing something
heavenly
by
is
phenomena.
that affects and affected
An issuethat seemsalso to have a bearing on the interpretation of this passageis the
fact that in 16:13; 19:20; and 20: 10 this samesecondbeast(13: 11) is referred to as a
This designation relates to substantial historical imagery from Israel's past (1
uoneocprrrc.
Kings 22; Jeremiah 28 and perhaps also Numbers 23-24 cf above). In the time of the first
76
75
77
(Josephus,
Lucian,
history
Didache).
the
and
of
wandering
prophets
there
a
was
century
In Exodus 7, the account of the great conflict between God and the `magicians' of Egypt
by
battle
those
be
the
the
great
cosmic
who
read
upon
account
of
reflected
surely would
between the people of God and Satan in the Apocalypse. The concept that there was a link

74The term j ?j occurs 83 times in one form or another in The Revelation. Certainly in most, if not all of those
times it is indicative of somethinglarger than the province of Asia. Also for considerationin chapter 13 are
'the
indicate
to
things
the
(13:
3),
to
whole
such
as
phrase
a
more
global
scale
earth'
seem
which
other phrases
language
7),
`those
(13:
dwelling
'every
tribe
and
people
and
and
nation'
upon the
over
the giving of authority
free
the
the
the
the
(13:
`all
the
16).
the
great,
and
rich
and
poor
and
and
(13:
12,14)
small
and
slave'
and
earth'
75Ant. 20.169-171.
76Alexander the False Prophet.
7712-13.

68

between `false prophets' and `magic' may date to a time as early as the time of the translation
78
into
Greek,
in
3`d
Jewish
B.
C.
E.
the
sometime
scriptures
century
of the
The link between pagan divination and false prophecy may have come into existence
because of the physical location and the conceptual proximity of the passages in
Deuteronomy that provide teaching about pagan diviners on the one hand (Deuteronomy 18:
9-14) and about evil, idolatrous prophets on the other (Deuteronomy 18:20-22; cf. 13: 1-5). 79
Other Jewish documents also seem to indicate a connection between `false prophets' and
`magic' such as Jubilees 48: 9-11:

And Prince Mastemastood up beforeyou and desired to makeyou fall into

the hand of Pharaoh. And he aided the magicians of the Egyptians, and they
before
acted
up
and
you. Thus we do evil, but we did not empower
stood
them with healing so that it might be done by their hands. And the LORD
smotethem with evil wounds and they were unable to stand becausewe
destroyed(their ability) to do a single sign.80
There is also the DamascusDocument: `For in the ancient times there aroseMoses and
Aaron, by the hand of the prince of lights and Belial, with his cunning, raised up Jannesand
his brother during the first deliveranceof Israel.'8' It seemsthat within Judaism,conflict
God's
God
the
true
Israel
envisaged
was
people
as
reflecting
conflict
of
as
against evil,
with
forces.
spiritual
Garrett explains that even though the word `magic' is often not used explicitly to
identify the `signs and wonders' of the `false prophets' the propensity to label an enemies'
`miracles' as `magic' is presupposed. She cites the zuaoreo(prrgs
of 19:20 as a particular
draw
`second
beast'
this
to
then
the
this
and
would
a
parallel
phenomenon
of
of
example

78Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, p. 13; J. Reiling, "The Use of PSEUDOPROPHETESin the Septuagint,
Philo and Josephus"Novum Testamentum13 (1971): pp. 147-156.
79Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, p. 14; JamesC. VanderKam, "The Prophetic-SapientialOrigins of
Apocalyptic Thought," in A Word in Season:Essaysin Honour of William McKane, ed. JamesD. Martin and
Philip R. Davies, Journal for the Study of the Old TestamentSupplementSeries42 (Sheffield: JSOT Press,
1986),pp. 169-173.
soWintermute, "Jubilees," p. 139.
1CD 5: 17b-19; Florentino Garcia Martinez, The Dead SeaScrolls Translated,trans. Wilfred G. E. Watson, 2nd
ed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996),p. 36.

69

is
6
13:
In
Acts
the account of Paul's encounterwith the Jewish
13.82
there
chapter
is
he
linked
is
evorreoco?
`magic'.
Bar-Jesus
Bar-Jesus,
the only
explicitly
where
with
Tfls
individual who is actually spokenof as a Aa rocin the book of Acts despitethe fact that
83
is
`magic'
the
one of
major secondarythemesof this work.
confrontation with
F. Excursus on ! avdoneo c
As is frequently the casein the Jewish scriptures,and in early Christian literature, the
is
is
for
`prophecy'
belief,
by
The
taken
that
called
granted.
which
a group of
existence of
dilemma
for
determining
it
is
in
`prophecy'
`true'
that
a
creates
group
of
when
and
people,
84
is,
in
issue
defining
The
is
it
'false'.
a
sense,
one
of
what actually constitutes
when
`prophecy'. The appellation zv 'ongoprc is often attachedto those deemedto be `false' in
into
Greek,
in
Jewish
that
translated
the
scriptures
were
as
well
as
early
the context of
Christian literature. Those who are consideredzvaoreopsare very often also labelled as
is
from
This
least
`magic'.
3`d
B.
the
the
certainly
case
at
as
early
as
century
of
practitioners
C. E. when the biblical tradition beganto be renderedinto Greek85

J. Reiling has examined both the frequency and the contexts of the term Oevaorreocp c
in the Greek translation of Jewish scriptures, Philo, and Josephus. In undertaking this
beu3o7rpoc
is
in
he
that
there
term
term
to
the
out
no
exactly
equivalent
points
r,rqs
examination
EVaoneo05
is
but
Masoretic
text,
used ten times to translate the Hebrew term K'1].
the
is
direct
its
in
translation
K'1]
to
Since the word Osvaoireocphr
not
a
equivalent
usage these
c
interpretive.
Oev8oneoOhrgs
introducing
By
is
the
term
as a
ten places conceived of as
in
Jewish
for
]
ten
OD.
the
these
?
places
within
scriptures, the translators were
translation
`false'
issue
`true'
those
to
the
so
or
of
whether
referred
are
prophets
prophets.
prejudicing
In the view of the translator of these Greek texts, `false prophecy' appears to be perceived of
86
is
judged
be
linked
in
it
fashion
divination.
idolatry;
to
form
some
with pagan
of
as some
This is highlighted in the following examples, Jeremiah 27: 9 (Ancient Greek Translation of
Jeremiah
9)
29:
(Ancient
34:
8
Greek Translation of the Jewish
Jewish
and
scriptures
the
evaoreooai
dreamers,
8)
36:
together
the
appear
and
with
soothsayers
where
and
scriptures
87 Prophetic function
deceptive.
to
was
considered,
according
some
as
condemned
are
divination
by
Israelite
be
to
the
the
to
counterpart
practice
other non-Jewish
of
scholars,
88
cultures.

The identification of `false-prophets'with `diviners' was due to the belief that the one
information
designated
that
a1
may
genuinely
as
FVBoneocp?
TVc
possess
could only
who was
have been acquired through interaction with spiritual or demonic forces. The issue is not
information
it
the
not
rather
was a question of the
was accurate;
necessarilyone of whether or
is
importance
for
The
both
Jews
knowledge.
question
of
origin
of
primary
sourceof such
92Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, p. 16.

83JamesD. G. Dunn, TheActs of the Apostles,The Epworth Commentary Series(Peterborough:Epworth Press,

1996), p. 175.
84Dunn, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 175.
"Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, p. 13.

86Reiling, "The Use of PSEUDOPROPHETESin the Septuagint,Philo and Josephus": pp. 147-156.
87Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, p. 14.
88JohanLust, "On Wizards and Prophets," in studies on Prophecy, Supplementsto Vetus Testamentum,vol. 26
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974), pp. 133-142;J. Reiling, Hermas and Christian Prophecy, Supplementsto Novum
Testamentumseries,vol. 37 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973),pp. 14-15.

70

and Christians. If the starting point of information is not Yahweh, in the case of Judaism, or
God, in the caseof Christianity, then the prophet is considerd to be a vonpos
There is
a very fine line separating a `false prophet' from a genuine prophet in some senses. The line
between what was acceptable and what was forbidden often must have seemed confusing to
the outsider and perhaps at times even to those within Judaism and Christianity. A `false
prophet' in the Jewish scriptures might be called by many names, such as wizard, diviner,
liar, or simply HIM.
Another issue that is perhaps of importance in being able to delineate avoapoVrtrrts
from a Urpo s is even more insidious than the former, and that is the issue of interpreting
the meaning of the information imparted to the person who is to act as a conduit between
God and his people. The issue of interpretation is at the heart of the meaning of the term
89 Though Joseph is never called a prophet, the interpretation itself is described, by
rreoc res
91alsoserves as an
him, as the remit of God.90 Daniel, who is referred to as a rpo
s
interpreter. 92 There is an imminent connection between interpretation and `prophecy' and
dreams
interpreted
(i. e. Joseph)
there may have been a developmental flow %%-herby
one who
would be considered a prophet (i. e. Daniel). `Apocalyptic' literature, according to Aune,
literature,
have
from
developed
line
`mantic
`classical
wisdom'
may
along a
prophecy', onto
3
into
form.
Though at first glance it appears that Aune is
the apocalyptic
and ultimately then
following Von Rad94in holding this view, that is not the case. Aune acknowledges that there
has been influence from mantic wisdom, but he ultimately perceives Apocalyptic to be more
directly derived from prophecy. lie conceives of the ultimate form that is now designated by
95
influences.
`apocalyptic'
being
body
the term
the product of a vast
of
as
VanderKam discussesin detail the idea that apocalyptic is the product of an
evolutionary process that runs from prophecy and he also examines the theory that it
developed from mantic wisdom. lie concludes that neither influence was ultimately the
direct successorof apocalyptic, at least in the classic sense. He concludes that the term
`prophecy' should not be limited by the context of a few `literary prophets'. If a wider
definition is allowed that includes not only the elements of late prophecy, but which also
includes the influence of divination, then he concludes that prophecy was the more decisive
force in the development of apocalyptic thought. % This explanation for the development of
this genre might not conform to the perspective held by John. He perceives the words he
conveys as being `prophecy' and there is no indication that he conceives of this as having a
97
deviates
from
he
have
held
the view
meaning that
would
of `classical prophecy'.
The experience of the Jewish people as they associatedwith other nations tended to
form a connection in the mind between prophets, and diviners, as their function was not so
98
different.
This point is illustrated by a passagefrom Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum
very
(64: 1):
89Henry George Liddell
Lexicon, 9th ed., Rev. and Aug. by Sir Henry
and Robert Scott. eds., A Greet-English
Stuart Jones with the assistance
of Roderick McKenzie with a supplement (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), s. v.
rrpo res.

90Gen. 40: 8.
91Matt. 24: 15.
92Dan. 1: 17; 2:27-30; 4: 18; 5: 12; 9: 2-10.
93David E. Aune, Prophecy Early Christianity
in
and the Ancient Afediterranean World (Grand Rapids MI:
William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1983),
pp. 113-114. Aune provides a detailed discussion of this
issue in this work.
94Gerhard Von Rad, Old
Testament Theolog, vol. 2 (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1965), p. 303.
95Aune, Prophecy Early Christianity
in
Ancient Mediterranean World, p. 114.
the
and
96VanderKam, "The Prophetic-Sapiential
Origins of Apocalyptic Thought", pp. 163-176.
" Rev. 22:7.
98Garrett, The
Demise of the Devil, pp. 13-14.

71

And after this Samuel died, and all Israel gathered together and wept over him
and buried him. Then Saul thought and said, "Because I am to expel wizards from
the land of Israel, they will be mindful of me after my departure." And Saul scattered
all the wizards from the land. And God said, "Behold Saul has not driven the wizards
out of the land for fear of me, but to make a name for himself. Behold he will go to
those whom he has scattered, to obtain divination from them, becausehe has no
prophets. "99
`Prophets' and `wizards' very often had the identical objective of supplying
knowledge beyond that which was obtainable through ordinary human channels. Given the
fact that there were few, if any, places during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, where
either Jewish or Christian prophets were completely isolated from their pagan counterparts,
reciprocal influence was always possible. In light of this, it is often an impossible task to
disentangle the camp in which influence has originated. 1 The accusation that a certain
`prophet' used `divinatory methods' (i. e. `magic') has certainly been legitimate in some
instances. There is evidence, that certainly by the 2ndcentury C. E., Hellenistic revelatory
traditions had influenced some within the circle of Christianity. ' 01
It was during Israel's sojourn in Babylon that a dramatic decline in prophecy took
102
Some claim that there were those within Judaism that believed the Holy Spirit had
place.
ceased to inspire prophets entirely after the time of Ezra; some say that it took place after
Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. Still others contended that `prophecy' ceasedafter the
destruction of the first Temple and was then given instead to the `wise' (this viewpoint is
'
03
According to Guy, this perspective came into existence, in part due to the
noted above).
increasing difficulty experienced in distinguishing `true prophets' from `false prophets'.
There are certainly other possibilities that might explain the decline in prophecy, such as the
fact that becauseof the fear of giving power to prophets their suppression caused prophecy to
104
be
delineating
living
force
Judaism.
difficult
to
The
true
task
cease
a
of
within
already
from false prophecy was made even more complicated as Israel was brought into direct
105
The picture that
in
diviners
Babylon.
contact with the vast array of soothsayersand
emerges from a variety of Jewish, and Jewish influenced texts dating from the late second
temple period, through the early 2ndcentury C. E. is one in which `magic, ' `false prophecy, '
and satanic agency are integrally linked. As has been previously noted, the notion that there
is a connection between `false prophets' and `magic' may date to the time of the translation
of the Jewish scriptures into Greek, in the Yd century B. C.E. 106
This type of connection can be discerned in the Ascension of Isaiah, a document that
originated by at least the I' century C.E. 107In this work, a link is apparent between the
motifs of `false prophecy', `magic' and Satan.1 Becauseof Manasseh's association with
Sammael `...sorcery and magic, augury and divination, fornication and adultery, and the
" D. J. Harrington,
trans. and ed., "Pseudo-Philo, " in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha, ed. James H.
Charlesworth, The Anchor Bible Reference Library (New York: Doubleday, 1985), p. 376.
'ooGarrett, The Demise
of the Devil, pp. 14-15; Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient
Mediterranean World, p. 230.
101Garrett, The Demise
of the Devil, p. 15. Shepherd ofHermas, Mandate 11.
102Guy, New TestamentProphecy,
21-27.
pp.
103JamesL. Crenshaw, Prophetic
Conflict (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1971), pp. 112-115.
'o"JamesD. G. Dunn,
"New Wine in Old Wine-Skins: VI. Prophet", The Expository Times 85 (1973): pp. 4-8.
posGuy, New Testament
Prophecy, pp. 21-27.
obGarrett, The Demise
the Devil, p. 13.
of
107M. A. Knibb,
trans. and ed.. "Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah," in Book Martyrdom and Ascension of
Isaiah, ed. JamesH. Charlesworth,
2 (New York: Doubleday 1985), p. 149.
vol.
lot Ascension
of Isaiah 1:1-3: 12; 5: 1-16.

72

109
increased....
'
An association between Satan and `magic' is
persecution of the righteous
made in other Jewish documents from the Second Temple period too. Within the text of
Jubilees there is an indication that Satan, called `Prince Mastema' had a role in the events
that surrounded the exodus from Egypt: `And Prince Mastema stood up before you and
desired to make you fall into the hand of Pharaoh. And he aided the magicians of the
Egyptians, and they stood up and acted before you. ' 10 This passageis paralleled in the
Damascus Document: `For in ancient times there arose Moses and Aaron, by the hand of the
prince of lights and Belial, with his cunning, raised up Jannes and his brother during the first
deliverance of Israel.' 11
It is not simply a link between `false prophecy' and evil that indicates that the whole
idea of divinely inspired `prophecy' had fallen into disrepute in some circles. There is an
indication that some groups did not even acknowledge the current existence of such
12
Evidence for the lack of, or at least the rarity of, prophets among the people of
prophets.
Israel after the Babylonian captivity, appears to be highlighted by a passagein 1 Maccabees
4: 45-46.1 13 In this passage,at the rededication of the Temple, the stones of the defiled altar
were stored until a prophet would come and tell them what to do with them. It might be
be
be
that
and
would
expected
on such an auspicious occasion a prophet would
present
actively participating in the activities (cf. I Maccabees 9: 27; 14:41; Psalms 74: 9; Prayer of
Azariah 15). Despite the fact that some have concluded, based on these passages,that
114
had
It is, however,
died
is
difficult
to maintain.
prophecy
out altogether, this analysis
in
likely
Nevertheless,
in
had
been
to
that
the
more
some circles prophecy
past.
relegated
others, the prophetic witness was very much alive, for example in the community at Qumran,
in the person of John the Baptist, in Jesusof Nazareth, in numerous messianic claimants, and
in the Christian movement as a whole. Christian literature assumesthe existence of prophecy
in both Judaism and in its own historical frame of reference (Acts 11:28; 13:4-12; 21: 10-14;
1 Corinthians 12:10; 13:2,9-10, etc.). 115
Even before the crisis of the Babylonian Captivity, there were those deemed to be
`false' in the midst of the Israelite people. Jeremiah speaks of those who speak not the words
of Yahweh, but words that come from their `ungodliness' and words from `...visions of their
6
directed
from
is
LORD.
loyalty
'
Their
toward
the
the
own minds, not
mouth of
not
Yahweh, but toward the people, they serve the people rather than Yahweh. ' 7 The issue of
determining who was a `false prophet' as opposed to being a genuine prophet is truly an
18
dilemma
is
This
in
Torah
ancient problem.
addressed the
and the rabbis would enumerate
five types of `false prophets' basedupon the Torah. A person is considered to be a `false
prophet' when:
109Ascension Isaiah 2: 5
of
110Jub. 48: 9
111CD 5: 17b-19a; Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls
Translated, p. 36.
112John R. Levison, "Did
the Spirit Withdraw from Israel? An Evaluation of the Earliest Jewish Data", New
TestamentStudies 43 (1997): pp. 35-57.
1134: 45 And
they thought it best to tear it down, lest it bring reproach upon them, for the Gentiles had defiled it.
So they tore down the altar, 4:46 and stored the stones in a convenient place on the temple hill until there should
come a prophet to tell what to do with them RSV.
114Levison, "Did
the Spirit Withdraw from Israel? An Evaluation of the Earliest Jewish Data", pp. 35-57.
Levison gives a very detailed and thorough examination to this
whole issue and concludes that prophecy never
completely died out in Israel.
1isCrenshaw, Prophetic Conflict,
112-113.
pp.
116Jer. 23: 16
1" Edward F.
Siegman, "The False Prophets of the Old Testament" (Dissertation, The Catholic University of
America, 1939), pp. 54-55.
1" Deut. 18:
19-20.

73

(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)

one presumesto give an oracle in the nameof the Lord when God hasnot
commandedhim to speak;
one delivers an oracle as his own when it hasnot beenrevealedto him
personally,but may have beenrevealedto another;
one who prophesiesin the nameof idols or false gods;

one who suppressesan oracle that has been revealed to him; and
119
his
one who transgresses
own prophecy.

The historical roots of the Hebrew term for `prophecy' have been the source of much
12 As
deal
research, and a great
of provocative and speculative conjecture.
noted previously,
the Hebrew term for `prophet' is X'13, and it can denote a `genuine' prophet, a `false'
12' The term ?013 is
`heathen'
prophet or even a
prophet.
also found in other West Semitic
languages and sometimes refers to people who demonstrate `foresight', `foretelling', and
`clairvoyant functions. "
The etymology and the meaning of the term K'1] have been
explained in a variety of ways. There are at least four main views as to the derivation of the
word. These views range from the root being Arabic, to the word having originated from a
Hebrew root, from an Akkadian root, and finally that it is descended from some unknown
Semitic root. 123 All of these views are conjectural and should be approached with extreme
124
caution.

The discernment of the exact meaning of HIM within the Jewish scriptures is
complicated by our inability to verify the exact root of the word. The issue is further
complicated when rreopirrs is used to translate HIM in the Greek translations of Jewish
scriptures. Since many of these translations came into existence in Egypt, it has been
hypothesized that the original translators adopted an expression that was current in Egypt at
the time of the translation. It is known that there were priestly classesin the Egyptian
interpret
Those
temples that were described using the designation zreocp,
to
that
served
rr .
and formulate the communications from the gods to men through signs and symbols were
described using the label veo
Egyptian
is
It
the
that
sanctuaries were
also
of
s.
relevance
to some extent locations where oracles were delivered. 125
The concept of what was to be designated as `prophecy' has evolved and taken many
forms in the ancient world. Aune is of the opinion that in Judaism `prophecy' evolved and
126
into
form
is
is
(this
the
that
adapted
now called apocalyptic
viewpoint articulated above).
`Apocalyptic` is a development that has its roots in the Jewish prophetic literature of the 6th
'
5th
B.
C.
E.
It is to be noted that this was a time of tremendous change for the
and
centuries
people of Israel as they dealt with the loss of their Temple, were taken forcibly into captivity,
and exposed to ideas outside their normal sphere of habitation. It is during this time that the

"9 Sanhedrin 89a; 1. Epstein,

trans.. The Babylonian Talmud; SederNezikin, Sanhedrin II, (London:: The
Soncino Press 1935), pp. 590-593.
120Harold Henry Rowley, "The Nature
of Prophecy in the Light of Recent Study, " in Servant of the Lord, ed.
Harold Henry Rowley (London: Lutterworth Press, 1952).
pp. 97-134.
121Brown, Driver,
and Briggs, eds.. A Hebrew and Fj7glish Lexicon of the Old Testament, s.v. K133,pp. 611-612
122Jeffers, Magic
and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, pp. 81-82.
123R. Laird Harris, Jr. Gleason L.
Archer, and Bruce Waltke, eds., Theological Wordbook of the Old Testament,
vol. 2 (Chicago: Moody Press, 1980), pp. 544-545.
124Jeffers, Magic
Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, pp. 82-83.
and
123Lindblom, Prophecy
in Ancient Israel, pp. 26-29.
126Aune, Prophecy
in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World, pp. 112-114.
12'Anders Hultgrd, "Persian
Apocal)pticism, " in The Encylopedia of Apocaljpticism, vol 1, ed. John J. Collins
(New York: Continuum, 2000), pp. 39-83; Reddish, Revelation,
pp. 5-6; Boring, Revelation, pp. 43-44;
Mazzaferri, The Genre the Book Revelation from Source-critical Perspective,
pp. 374-378; Robert R.
of
of
a
Wilson, Prophecy
and Society in Ancient Israel (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1980), pp. 306-308.

74

128
Ezekiel
`...
imagination...
'
prophet
writes of those who prophesyout of their owi
and,
accordingto Guillaume,usedtechniquesthat are attributedto thoseassociatedwith `sorcery'
129
`divination',
God.
and
and not with the ways of the prophetsof
G. Revelation 16: 13

The beastfrom the earthof 13:11-17is labelled v3wreo

s in 16:13 for the first

130
Aune postulates that since 13: 11-18 is based upon traditions related to the
time.
eschatological antagonist, such as the Antichrist, this suggestsa way that the label
vmreo

0)
'
for
in
19:
16:
13;
20;
l
20:
the eschatological antagonist
s arose as an alias
and

Aune deems there to be a connection between the beast of Revelation 13 and 2 Thessalonians
2: 9-10 where the lawless one associated with Satan performs signs and wonders in a
deceptive fashion due to the common element of miracles performed in the context of
132
Flusser's viewpoint differs from Aune and others, as he draws a
eschatological conflict.
connection between the first beast of 13:1-12 and the antichrist. He basesthis to some extent
upon a fragment found at Qumran (4Q psDan A') where the text describes an eschatological
antagonist who opposesthe people of God `...and all who dwell on the earth will worship
it... ' (13: 8). 133Other passagesalso reflect upon a figure such as the one described in
Revelation and the one in the Ascension of Isaiah 4: 2-13134(the power of miracles is
128Ezek. 13:17

'" Alfred Guillaume, Prophecy

and Divination (London: Hodder and Stoughton Ltd., 1938), pp. 261-262.
10 Charles, A Critical
and Eregerical Commentary on The Revelation ofSt. John, vol. 2, p. 47; Aune,
Revelation 6-16, p. 894; Caird, The Revelation ofSt. John the Divine, p. 206; Jonathan Knight, Revelation,
Readings: New Biblical Commentary series (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), p. 112; Reddish,
Revelation, pp. 308-309; Friesen, Imperial Cults
the Apocal)pse ofJohn, p. 147.
and
13'Aune, Revelation 6-16, 894. Laird
p.
and Knight are also is agreement with this assessment. Caird, The
Revelation of St. John the Divine, p. 206; Knight, Revelation,
112-113.
p.
'32Aune, Revelation 6-16, 759.
p.
139David Flusser, "The Hubris
of the Antichrist in a Fragment from Qumran", Immanuel 10 (1980): pp. 31-37.
1342And
after it has been brought to completion. Beliar will descend, the great angel, the king of this world,
which he has ruled ever since it existed. Ile will descend from his firmament in the form of a man, a king of
iniquity, a murderer his
of
mother - this is the king of this world -3 and will persecute the plant which the
twelve apostles of the Beloved will have planted;
4
be
into
his
hand.
This angel,
given
some of the twelve will
Beliar, will come in the form
of that king, and with him will come all the powers of this world, and they will
obey him in every wish. s By his word he will cause the sun to rise by night, and the moon also he will make to
appearat the sixth hour. ' And he will do everything he wishes in the world; he will act and speak like the
Beloved, and will say, "I
am the LORD, before me there was no one." 7 And all men in the world will believe
in him. $ They
will sacrifice to him and will serve him, saying, "This is the LORD, and besides him there is no
other". 9 And the majority of those who have associated together to receive the Beloved he will turn aside
after
him. 10And the
power of his miracles will be in every city and district, ' `and he will set up his image before
him in every
12
And he will rule for three years and seven months and twenty-seven days. 13And many
city.

75

specifically mentionedin vs. 10). Here in 16:13, it appearscertain,however,that the figure

designatedasthe 40oreo

is
s noneother than the beastfrom the earthof 13:11.

Some postulate that John may have had in mind concepts surrounding the Nero
redivivus myth when he composed this section dealing with the sixth bowl plague. The
Romans held an innate fear of the Parthians and one version of the myth surrounding the
135
Nero
held
he
lead
Parthian
Rome.
that
return of
would
a
army to conquer and regain
Osborne disputes this assumption becausehe deems that such an event would lead to a civil
war and he puts forward the supposition that the kings from the eastjoin with the kings of the
whole earth in preparation for Armageddon. He then goes on to explain the drying up of the
Euphrates as being the antithesis of the drying up of the Red Sea, as the Saints are attacked in
136
instance
delivered.
Osborne seems to make a number of assumptions here
this
rather than
that lead him to clarify a passagethat is notoriously difficult and obscure.
This chapter is not the place to clarify all of these issues, but what does seem to be
apparent is that the three antagonists from chapter 13 are once again to be understood as in
opposition to the truth, deceiving with signs, and leading people into conflict with God's
intended purpose. It is to be noted that the source of these signs is portrayed as unmistakably
demonic in this context (16: 14). The detailed imagery of the frogs will be dealt with in a
later section, but it is plain even here that this imagery is meant to convey something unclean,
unholy and reprehensible. The source of power for the

vdorreo

c is plainly revealed as

demonic in this context, and this would also indicate that the source of the power of the
I/wso7rpocp is to be associated
illicit
This
God.
forces
use
of
those
that
with
s
oppose
powers is of great concern to the author of the Apocalypse and he takes great strides to warn
faithful and saints,
when they saw him for whom they were hoping, who was crucified, Jesus the LORD Christ after I, Isaiah, had seen him who was crucified and ascended and who believed in him, of these few will be left
in those days as his
servants, fleeing from desert to desert as they await his coming. Translation from Knibb,
trans., ed. "Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah," in Book Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah, pp. 161-162.
"s Reddish, Revelation,
pp. 308-309; Caird, The Revelation ofSt. John the Divine, p. 206; Charles, A Critical
and Exegetical Commentary on The Revelation of St. John, vol. 2, pp. 46-47; Knight, Revelation, p. 112.
16 Osborne, Revelation,
pp. 589-591.

76

his readersof their seductiveinfluenceand the ultimate destiny of thosewho would wield
such powersor follow thosewho do.
H. Revelation 17 - The Harlot
Brighton proposes the idea that the harlot is actually a new portrayal of the henchman
of the dragon the Woneo

s of 16:13.137Caird perceives in the image of the harlot a

relationship to Jezebel, who is mentioned in 2: 20. Ile basesthis upon the fact that Elijah
appears to be used in the template for the archetypal Christian martyr at 11:6. Based upon
this assumption, that includes the mention of Jezebel at 2: 20, and the fact that in ancient
Judaism fornication was associatedwith idolatry, he proposes that the harlot is a new
138
dragon's
Reddish also notes that the whore and Jezebel share a
the
portrayal of
minions.
great deal in common. Both are accused of fornication and both have a group of followers
who have been seduced; both are condemned, along with their followers, to be punished. In
fundamental nature, both figures represent manifestations of the same sin: they encourage the
139
in
form.
At the core of the sin committed by the
people to worship other gods some
whore, and Jezebel, is the concept of seduction. This is also at the core of what it is to be a
Evo7rpo

s. People are seducedby the power of the knowledge and the signs and wonders

associatedwith the 4v3o7.

-poqrs
Some authors regard the harlot as an unmasking in some senseof Rome, 140some
141
it
Jerusalem,
envisage as representative of
and for Brighton, it representsthe false church
142
It is most probable that this imagery is meant to draw attention in
the
and
apostatechurch.
some manner to Rome and her religious order, which was very open to multiplicity but very
much opposed to exclusivity. John was very much opposed, it seems,to any form of
137Brighton, Revelation,
434, N. " 438.
p.
16 Caird, The Revelation
St. John the Divine, pp. 212-213.
of
139Reddish, Revelation,
pp. 324-326.
10 Aune, Revelation 6-16,
pp. 915-916; Reddish, Revelation, pp. 324-326; Osborne, Revelation, p. 605; Knight,
Revelation, pp. 212-214.
:"Ford, The Book Revelation,
282-293.
of
pp.
42Brighton, Revelation,
p. 436.

77

from
the singular devotion that he conceivesto be at the heart of
takes
that
away
syncretism
his messagein the Apocalypse. It is highly likely that John did draw upon imagery that was
basedupon Jezebelin designing his descriptive image of the harlot of chapter 17. She was a
figure that was certainly perceivedto be associatedwith many of the sametraits that Rome
had as it advocatedideasof religious diversity.
Aune doesindicate that in the Old Testamentthis type of imagery is applied to
143
21
[Jerusalem];
1:
Isaiah
23:
16-17
(Isaiah
[Tyre];
Nahum
3:
4
[Nineveh]).
It
godless cities
is of note that in the Greek translation of Nahum 3: 4144the term o taxov is associated
closely with the image of the roeveia. This would indicate a connection between these two
Jewish
in
the
the
of
scriptures.
context
concepts

I. Revelation 19:20
In the context of 19:19-21,the end of the great battle emphasizesthe ultimate
destruction of the forces of the dragon along with his minions, the beast,and the
//w orreocp'4rgsThe principal opposition in the Apocalypse is not the historical, finite
human
human
forces,
but
the transpersonal powers of
power
and
of
community
corporeal
deceived
have
them. These deceptive and malevolent powers are
that
and
motivated
evil
Ievao7reocp
forces
defeated
beast
These
by
the
through the
the
and
are
6.145
symbolised
battle
God
the
won
against Satan in the historical past, at the time of
who actually
power of
the resurrection of Christ. According to Reddish, it is at this point in the narrative that the
judicial sentence, actually issued at the resurrection, is brought to bear on those who were the
'46
God.
The performing of signs, deception, and idolatry are once again linked to
enemies of
in 19:20. There is no indication that the power to
the one who is termed a iEVBo7reocprTVs
Exception
is
because
taken
not
of the signs being false in the
perform signs was not genuine.
143
929.
17-22,
Aune,
Revelation
p.
1444
rrrr"rr"rrrr,

tpaPlcaxcov
no nllSous nopveas. ropv xaAj xar em,ae7S9iYov/ca"1
ev Tor; (pamaxo,; au"-;,

7rcalooa ein

ev to troever aurq"s xai pullas

45Boring, Revelation,p. 199.

146
Reddish,Revelation,pp. 369-370.

78

Exception
is
fact
intended
in
taken
to
the
that
the
signs
were
senseof not actuality occurring.
to lead the people into the worship of God, but in reality they deludedpeople into following
Satan.
J. Revelation 20: 10

in 20: 10 is uninterruptedtorment along with Satanand

The fate of the IJJvboneocp'rgs
14'
Collins
impress
Yarbro
Satan
According
the
to
beast.
recurring
the
rebellions of
upon the
forces
implication
The
be
irrepressible
the
to
of
of
evil
and
chaos.
the
nature
appears
reader
justice
fragile
in
that
forces
and
are
quite
states
are
creation,
peace
that the
of order and
his
definitive
defeat
Satan
implies
The
their
tension
of
and
minions
antithesis.
with
constant
in
it
is
less
irrepressible
despite
the
character
of
chaos
powerful
reality than the creative
that
148
is
is
God
Satan
forces
the
the
that
The
creator
are
crushed
and
reality
of
order.
destroyed
his
fact
in
they
through
that
the
are
ultimately
power and the sourceof
exemplified
'49
be
himself.
Satan
their deceit is shown ultimately to
K. Summary
in Revelation, his
Though Balaam is never describedspecifically as ac av&7TQOcp15T7)s
historical characterisationcertainly fits the profile of one who is describedby this term. The
historical traditions surroundingBalaam would have meant that for the audienceaddressed
by the Apocalypse there would have been a clear understandingthat John was drawing upon
traditions that associatedBalaam with the essenceof what is entailed by the term
5rgs. Though many modern readersmight miss the associationbetween Balaam
wZOMreoco
highly
Revelation
it
have
that
the
`false
of
unlikely
audience
would
appears
and
prophecy',
/ieZaoneocpr
is
fact
The
that
the
term
;, particularly associatedwith
missedthis connection.

147
Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1100.
148
Adela Yarbro Collins, TheApocalypse,New TestamentMessageSeries,22 (Collegeville MN: The Liturgical
Press,1979),p. 141.
149
Rev. 20:9-10.

79

divination at Jeremiah34:9 and at 36:8150may also have meant that the audienceof the
Apocalypse would further connectBalaam the diviner with practicesthat would have been
deemedas aberrantwithin the circles of Christianity. It is highly likely that from the cultural
have
failed to observewhat John's
they
the
audience,
would
original
not
perspective of
John
Balaam
to
to
convey.
are
meant
was offering strong counsel againstthe
references
dangersassociatedwith `...eating food sacrificed to idols' that ultimately may lead to
'5'
God).
disloyalty
He is also warning them to bewareof the
to
`fornication' (i. e.
information received from those claiming to be prophets of God and who, in reality, may
5Voneocp1s.
bear
those
the
of
who
should
actually
appellation
representmanifestations
With regardto the Nicolaitans, it is somewhatdifficult to be certain what practice
John is condemning. This is due to the fact that the information regarding the Nicolaitans is
indications
Despite
involved
Nicolaitans
in
in
this,
there
that
the
are
were
nature.
so sparse
have
form
that
utterances
would
connected them with those condemned as a
of
oracular
some
152
between
is
`teaching
Balaam'
)
Oa0o7rpocprrq;:1.
the
the connection
of
and the `teaching of
53
'
`The word oL"rws,("so, thus, in this way, ") coordinates the phrase that it
the Nicolaitans.
introduces with the statement that immediately precedes it in verse 15, by way of
interpretation or explanation. Thus, "the teaching of Balaam" is the same as "the teaching of
154
2. ) There may also be a connection between the name `Nicolaitans'
'
the Nicolaitans....

'55 3.) Reddishthinks that there is a possibility that the Jezebelmentioned in

Balaam.
and
'56
Nicolaitan
2:20 may have beena
prophetess. It appearsthat the original audience

150F. H. Colson, ed., Philo VIII, The Loeb Classical Library; 341 (CambridgeMA: Harvard University Press,
1999),p. 39, N b.
151Rev. 2: 14.
152Rev. 2: 14.
153Rev. 2: 15. Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World, p. 218; Reddish,
Revelation,p. 61; Risnen,"The Nicolaitans: Apoc. 2; Acta 6," p. 1606.
154Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 188.
155Reddish, Revelation, p. 61.

156Reddish,Revelation, p. 61; RAisnen,"The Nicolaitans: Apoc. 2; Acta 6," p. 1603.

80

been
have
Nicolaitans
by
John
the
aware
of
who
were, and therefore there was
will
addressed
his
for
him
to
to
original audiencewhat they taught.
explain
no need
There is a stark contrast between the honour given to the true prophets of God in
'57
be
`false
disfavour
those
to
to
Revelation, and the
shown
who are considered
prophets'.
John perceives of things in terms that make a clear distinction between `good' and `evil'.
The purpose of the Apocalypse is to resolve the tension aroused by a perceived social crisis.
John seeks to make the point that there is no possibility of neutrality in the conflict between
forces
labelled
forces
The
the
forces
the
of
good
are
of
evil.
rivals
of
and
the
of good and
then disposed of as an `out group' by the use of loaded negative terms such as `Balaam',
`Jezebel' and suo7reocp 6.158

John definitely exposesthe nature of the dangerfaced by his audienceas he

image
that
develops
the
that
the
of
of
enemy,
and
ultimate
source
power
of
continually
euaxreo(p
designated
demonic
between
those
The
and
as
or satanic
connection
enemy.
forces is clearly delineatedby the various imagesthat are used such as the beastof chapter
FUxreop
harlot
16,
17,
19
isuaoireocps
the
the
13, the
of
at
chapters
chapter
chapter
s
of
between
figures
in
is
that
these
There
20.
are
connection
powers
used
and
order
close
a
and
leading
the people into lroeveta.The concepts
the
deceive
signs,
through
use of
to
Zuao7reocOJ'Tvs
have
designation
been
by
figures
the
that
are
given
the
regarded
surrounding
'59
been
`magical'
have
termed
practice.
someas what would
The connection of theseterms with forbidden foreign practiceswould have struck a
have
heightened
forces
that
the
these
the
sense
and
tone
would
audience,
within
resonant
The
the
treacherous.
that
dangerous
deeply
political situation to
allowed
power
and
were
being
be
defeated
Apocalypse
the
ultimately
was
composed
would
time
and
prosperat the
157Rev. 11:3-12; 11:18; 16:5-6; 18:20; 18:24. Judgmenton `false prophets': 2: 14-16; 2:20-23; 19:20; 20: 10.
158Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: ThePower of the Apocalypse,pp. 170-171.
159Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, pp. 16-17; Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory
Magic," pp. 481-501; Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 895; Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient
Mediterranean World, pp. 44-48.; 64-65; Dunn, TheActs of the Apostles, p. 175.

81

justice would come. Thesecapabilities, so potently wielded by those who would ultimately
rvc, would receive the
be revealed as being examplesof the much derided 'wv3oneoco
due
Those
them.
that made the mistake of following thesedeceivers
that
was
punishment
160
into
fate.
follow
their
them
would also

160Rev. 20:9.

82

4. John's Beasts and Talking Statues: A Look at Revelation

13: 15
A. The Question

The question is, doesJohn intend for his audienceto perceive that he is being critical
e0'
13:
15?
The
in
`magic'
phrase:
xai
somemannerat
of

ovvar
ua To FixwTOU
avTO
=EV",

. 1eiovis at the core of our discussionon `magical practice' in Revelation 13:15.

B. Textual Issues

The stateof the text in this section indicates somevariation, with only one of these
being significant enough to make it into the apparatus of UBS4.1 There is also a very
AaA'o-O
''
9wr1etou
iva
history
that
to
textual
Fixwv
Toi
xai
relating
etou,
xai
Tov"
complicated
Swelov.
lists
Aune
because
haplography
by
the
two
other
occurrences
of
of
-rov
was caused
2
discussion.
The
in
textual
the
that
present
not
noteworthy
are
textual
variations
minor
issue
`magic'
insight
into
to
the
in
of
with
this
regard
significant
no
provide
passage
variants
this passage.
C. Is the activity of the beast magic?

Many have perceivedin Revelation 13:15 a referenceto the worship of the Roman
imperial panoply with the beastrepresentingthe Roman imperial priesthood. Massyngberde
Ford puts forward the view that this passageis referring to Josephusas the secondbeast,
is
is
It
`tentative'
this
that
only
perhapsmost
a
suggestion.
though shewould say
it
be
is
to
tentative
that
this
appears
as
without
a
proposal
appropriatethat she expresses

' BarbaraAland et al., The Greek New Testament,4' revised ed. (Mnster: DeutscheBibelgesellschaft/United
Bible Societies, 1994),p. 861.
2 Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 721.
Farrer, The Revelation of St. John the Divine, pp. 156-157;Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon
TheRevelation of St. John, vol. 1, pp. 360-361; Kiddie, The Revelation of St. John, pp. 252-256; JrgenRoloff,
TheRevelation of John, trans. John E. Alsup, Continental Commentary Series(Minneapolis MN: FortressPress,
1993),pp. 161-168;Martin Rist and Lynn Harold Hough, "The Revelation of St. John the Divine, " in The
Interpreter's Bible, ed. G. A. Buttrick (New York: Abingdon Press, 1957),pp. 587-590.
4 Ford, TheBook of Revelation,pp. 227-230.

83

indicate
interpreters
beast
Several
that
they
the
see
second
as not representingofficial
merit.
Roman central policy but somethingmuch more on a local level.5 Aune concurswith this
be
beast
to
the `communeAsiae'(cf. chapter 3 and the discussion
the
second
view considering
6
in
that follows later this chapter). Through local pressure,Christians would be compelled to
deified
Rome
in
the
to
rulers
of
on
altars
placed
all areasof the city. Long
sacrifices
offer
have
been
found
by
imperial
imperial
to
these
that
the
altars
archaeologists
verify
of
series
decreesfor their constructionwere actually carried out.7
Thompson cautionsagainstinflating the importance of the imperial cult too highly.
He says the real issuerevolves around the Christians' relation to adherentsof other cults in
Christians
forms
the
the
cult
of
emperor.
simply
rejected
all
not
of sacrifice and
and
general
8
The
Christians,
forms
forms
therefore,
to
religion.
are
opposed
all
of
of religious
all other
just
Imperial
Friesen
the
the
of
assimilation
cult.
points out that the main
not
assimilation
issue with regard to sacrificeswas not so much about worship or deification as it was about
For
It
the Asians the
of
maintaining
way
a
variety
relationships.
a
of
was
relationship.
demonstrate
in
for
them
to
allowed
emperors
reverence
a context
offering of sacrifices
familiar to them. Emperorsprovided order to society and thus fulfilled the work of the gods
9
divine
that
there
authority protected the emperors.
perception
a
was
and

Garrow seesthe characteristicsof the secondbeastas indicative of the opponentsof

John, i. e. Balaam and Jezebel(2: 14-24; cf. previous chapter)that are from within the church.
He also makesnote of the fact that the beastappearsto be a local phenomenon.1 Brighton
beast
first
beast,
that
the
the
as
representing
religious
works
under
authority
second
perceives
s Adela Yarbro Collins, "The Book of Revelation," in The Encyclopedia ofApocalypticism, ed. John J. Collins
(New York: Continuum, 2000), p. 397; Collins, TheApocalypse,p. 95; Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy, p.
447.
6 Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 729,780.
7 S. R. F. Price, Rituals and Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1984), p. 112.
"L. Thompson Leonard, TheBook of Revelation(Oxford: Oxford University Press,1990), pp. 163-164.
9 StevenJ. Friesen, Twice Neokoros Religions in the Graeco-RomanWorld series,vol. 116 (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1993),pp. 146-152.
10Garrow, Revelation,p. 89-91.

84

which represents Roman political authority. The second beast functions by inspiring the
human population to worship the first beast. He conceives of the basis for this imagery as
present in ancient Rome but also something that is still present in earthly regimes in the
historical timeline. l l Thomas perceives that ancient Rome is the source of the images that
fulfilment
full
in
future,
day
to
the
the
complete
and
with
rise,
come
of those who
will one
12
figures
fulfilment
described
in
Apocalypse.
be
This
the
the
the
of
ultimate
would then
will
in
Imperial
Christians'
to
the
the arena of loyalty.
the
cult
objections
place

The imagesthat were available to John would surely have been drawn from those that
indications
had
have
to
the
the
original
audience
and
meaning
are that this audience
would
its
hideously
immoral
Rome,
have
and
emperors,
as
and evil, as the target of
perceived
would
from
Christian
The
localized
held
by
Aune with
that
a
perspective.
view
negative
was
much
i.
designating
beast,
Asia
Minor
far
the
the
too
to
e.
community
of
seems
second
regard
j
John's
to
the
term
with
use
of
narrow a perspective correlate

-13in chapter 13 (cf.

discussion at chapter3).
An issuethat seemsalso to have a bearing on the interpretation of this passageis the
fact that in Revelation 16: 13; 19:20; and 20: 10 this same second beast (Revelation 13: 11) is
OsJoneocp
This
designation
historical
imagery
from
to
to
relates
s.
substantial
a
as
referred
Israel's past (1 Kings 22; Jeremiah 28 and perhaps also Numbers 23-24; cf. previous

first
in
the
there
In
Jewish
time
century
the
of
were
clearly
prophets
wandering
as
chapter).
14
'5
16
is
indicated
by
Josephus,
Lucian,
Didache.
in
Christian
the
context as
and
well as a

'1 Brighton, Revelation.

12Thomas,Revelation 8-22 An Exegetical Commentary,pp. 171-188.
13Cf. Note 74 page 68.
14Josephus,Ant. 20.169-171.
s Alexander the False Prophet.
1612-13.

85

Charles seesRevelation 13:15 as referring to `magical' practice and specifically links

'7
imperial
it with the Roman
cult. Thomas rejects the inferencethat John had an instanceof
`magic' in mind, basedupon the fact that the beast `actually' gives life to the image. He
did
John
instance
this
that
therefore,
not
see
as
an
of `magic', becausehis definition
assumes,
it
be
insists
`magic'
that
cannot
anything other than trickery; there can be no real power to
of
image
forces
is
This
life
to
the
therefore not `magic' to
allocated
an
of
evil.
animate
or
give
'8
it
is
because
Thomas,
real and not simply an example of trickery. This approachinterprets
the text with a bias that almost certainly did not exist in the period during which the text was
discussion
follows.
from
be
the
that
seen
will
written as
Harrington assumesthat John would have had the perception that the statuecoming to
life and speakingwas evidenceof the trickery practiced by the imperial cult to make people
think that there was actually supernaturalpower involved when in reality it was only
19
fraudulently madeto appearto speak. Once again, this is an approachbasedupon a
beyond
in
that
the
the text. This position
goes
well
evidence
contained
preconceivednotion
have
believed
it
for
beast
John
have
that
the
to
that
not
would
was
second
possible
assumes
is
This
despite
image
fact
is
the
the
that
this
speak.
clearly what the text
actually made
does
indication
he
Harrington
in
that
not
give
the
any
perceives
evidence,
says.
actually
languageof John, that the speakingof the image is indicative of deception on the part of the
from
his
image
to
He
text
does
the
that
the
assume,
understanding
seems
of
simply
priests.
impose
He
John
to
in
appears
upon
a modern perspective,which regards
speak.
not reality
this incident as nothing other than fraud.
Aune is of the opinion that this verse is in line with the world of ancient `magic' in
images
important
the
was
cult
an
of
sourceof communication with the
which
animation

'7 Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon TheRevelation of St. John, vol. 1, p. 361.
1Thomas,Revelation8-22 An Exegetical Commentary,p. 178.
19Harrington,Revelation,p. 143.

86

20
his
for
inserting
idea
does
He
the
on
reasoning
expound
not
suddenly
of `magic' into
gods.
this position, suchas the link between `false prophets' and `magic'. He may perceive this an
instanceof `magic' basedupon his understandingof some sort of `religious deviance', which
21
in
being
he perceived as
present this text He gives a number of referencesthat explore
22
`magic',
some of which are relevant and others of which are not.
various aspectsof ancient
In his discussionof this passage,he betrays an approachto the text that fails to address
John's understandingof the text sufficiently.
Reddish hasthe perceptive insight to note that, while the use of deceptive"signs" and
"miracles" was prevalent in the ancient world, and even in the imperial cult, it is not possible
instances
in
had
As
John
be
that
such
specific
mind.
noted earlier, the suggestion
to
certain
that the end time would be filled with `false prophets' or other evil figures working their
`signs' and `miracles' was a widespreadconcept in Jewish and Christian apocalyptic
literature.23 In the Sibylline Oracle 3:63-67: `Then Beliar will come from Sebastenoiand he
fiery
he
height
the
the
the
sea,
great
sun and shining
of
mountains,
will
raise
up
will raise up
dead,
for
'24
In
Mark
13:
22
he
the
up
and
perform
many
men.
signs
raise
will
moon, and
there is the following warning: `False messiahs and false prophets will appear and produce
if
lead
to
astray,
possible, the elect'
signs and omens,

Also in 2 Thessalonians 2: 9-10 `The

is
in
Satan,
lawless
the
the
apparent
one
working
of
who uses all power, signs,
coming of
lying wonders, and every kind of wicked deception for those who are perishing, because they
be
'
(cf.
4:
10
Ascension
Isaiah.
`...
he
love
truth
the
to
so
saved.
and
of
and
will set
refused

in
'25).
him
before
image
his
city.
every
up

20Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 762.

21Aune, "Magic in Early Christianity," p. 1515.
u Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 762-765.
23Reddish,Revelation,p. 259.
24J.J. Collins, trans. and ed., "Sibylline Oracles," in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,ed. JamesH.
Charlesworth,The Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday, 1983),p. 363.
u Knibb, trans.,trans., and ed., "Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah", in Book Martyrdom and Ascension
of
Isaiah, p. 162,n. i. `An allusion to the cult of the Roman emperorsand the practice of erecting statuesto them.'

87

Despite this evidence,Scherrerstill finds it difficult to believe that John would

impressive
`powerful
miracles' to the archrival and opponentof the Christian
and
attribute
26
from
This
text
the
a biasedperspective. At this point, an
again approaches
message.
images,
the
of
view
and their attributes, and cultural expectationswill
ancient
exploration of
in
images
in
helpful
the
at
a
greater
understanding
arriving
of
concepts
surrounding
prove
in
Book
Revelation.
the
these
are
appropriated
concepts
of
as
antiquity,
D. Excursus:

Images in Antiquity

I. Mesopotamia

In Babylonian culture, there were specific rituals usedto preparethe statuesof deities
for service: one such ritual was known by the title mis pi (mouth washing) or sometimespit
7
describes
Lewis
"opening
`magical'
the
the
(mouth
of
ceremony
mouth"
as
a
opening).
pi
28
for
deity.
Although
deities
to
the
the
the
act
as
that
a
receptacle
statue
enabled
act
themselveslived in heavenor in the underworld, a duplication of their personality inhabited
the various cult statueserectedfor them by mankind. When a statuewas first dedicated,the
Babylonians would perform the `Washing the mouth' and `Opening the mouth' rituals for the
29
it
be
divine
The
to
in
the
to
empowered
with
presence.
enable
statueof the god
statue order
in
identified
by
fully
the
the worshippersto
god
with
question,
then
and
was
considered
was
be actually a living being. They thought that it was able to do whatever a human being did,
30
for example, sleep,wake, or eat.
That the statueis to be identified with the god is clearly demonstratedin TuL No.
3
1
(repair)
is
'.
`When
The messageof
the
27.21 by the phrase
work of that god completed ...
indicates
incantations
that the cult image was the culmination of the efforts
induction
also
the
heaven
and earth:
of man and god,
11. In heaven he was made, on earth he was made. 13. This statue was
made in the totality of heaven and earth; 15. this statue grew up in the
forest of ashurru-trees; 17. this statue came from the mountains, the
32
19.
The
is
(both)
human!
the
statue
god and
creation of
pure place.

26StevenJ. Scherrer,"Signs and Wonders in the Imperial Cult: A New Look at a Roman Religious Institution in
the Light of Rev 13:13-15," Journal of Biblical Literature 103 (1984): pp. 599-600.
27Christopher Walker and Michael B. Dick, "The Induction of the Cult Image in Ancient Mesopotamia: The
Mesopotamianmis pi Ritual," in Born in Heaven Made on Earth, ed. Michael B. Dick (Winona Lake IN:
Eisenbrauns,1999), p. 57.
28Theodore J. Lewis, "Divine Imagesand Aniconism in Ancient Israel", Journal of the American Oriental
Society 118 (1998): p. 39.
29JeremyBlack and Anthony Green, Gods, Demonsand SymbolsofAncient Mesopotamia(London: British
Museum Press, 1992),p. 94. cf. Christopher Walker and Michael Dick, TheInduction of the Cult Image in
Ancient Mesopotamia,vol. 1, StateArchives of Assyria Literary Texts (Helsinki: University of Helsinki, 2001)..
30Eiko Matsushima, "Divine Statuesin Ancient Mesopotamia:their Fashioning and Clothing and their
Interaction with the Society," in Official Cult and Popular Religion in the Ancient Near East, ed. Eiko
Matsushima(Heidelberg: UniversittsverlagC. Winter, 1993), p. 209.
31Walker and Dick, The Induction of the Cult Image in Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 107.

32Walker and Dick, TheInduction of the Cult Image in Ancient Mesopotamia,pp. 98-99. STT 200 Incantation.

88

The image is clothed and placed in position in the temple: the whole ceremony is
3
is
incantation
incantation
filled with an aura of `magic' as
used. The dwelling place of
after
between
function
temple
true
the
of
contact
takes
as
a
point
then
of a
and serves
the statue
on
34
divine
the human and the
Some ancientsclearly believed that the imagesactually were alive as is demonstrated
by the account in Bel and the Dragon. `... "Do you not think that Bel is a living God? Do
is
drinks
day?
"
'35
There
he
translated
the
how
also
account
every
eats
and
much
see
you not
by Frayne, which though fragmentary, clearly indicates that the Mesopotamianssaw the
6'
image
be
There
to
living
their
case
of
an
appears
no
of
gods.
representations
statuesas
being literally portrayed as speakingin ancient Mesopotamia,but there is an indication that
images were installed in order to speakon behalf of human beings, as in the caseof Gudea
37
in
deeds
`opening
his
Implicit
to
image
the
the
to
installs
of
god.
pious
enumerate
an
who
image
has
during
its
is
that
the
the
undergonea
construction
understanding
the mouth' ritual
38
deity.
light
discourse
In
direct
in
the
to
associated
with
processof animation order enable
image
living
fact
Mesopotamian
the
that
the
is
known
was
viewed
as
a
culture,
of
of all that
have
into
how
insight
the
understood
might
ancient
people
valuable
provides
component
have
been
13:
15.
It
in
Revelation
John
as
a
powerful
perceived
certainly
would
of
words
belief
have
been
it
the
image
to
for
of
as
an
extension
of
conceived
speak,and would
an
sign
that the image was living.
II. Egypt
In ancient Egypt, `magic' was everywhere; it was in rituals, the meaning of
be
images
to
the
in
the
considered
upon
walls
were
carved
architecture, sculpture,even
became
9
the
idea
the
that
The
edifice
entire
alive
statues,wall-reliefs, and even
was
alive.
40
in
As
Opening
Mouth
the
the
the
the
was
case
ritual
of
of
through
performance
and active
in
life
is
is
to
to statues
in
Egypt
that
there
give
used
order
Babylon, so also
a particular ritual
have
been
is
indication
There
Mouth).
that
there
either some
must
(Opening of the
an
33Sidney Smith, "The Babylonian Ritual for the Consecrationand Induction of a Divine Statue," Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society (1925): pp. 37-60.

34Graham Cunningham, 'Deliver Me from Evil' Mesopotamian incantations 2500-1500 BC, Studia Pohl: Series
Maior (Roma: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 1997), pp. 75-76.

"Bel. 6.
36Douglas Frayne, Old Babylonian Period (2003- 1595 BC), vol. 4, The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia
Early Periods series(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), pp. 194-196.
fashioned,
he
[the
1'-4"to
iv
1'-12'
which
and v
statue] of my servant
rev.
Zariku, the leader, said nothing to him. My servant truly handed it over to
him. I fashioned a statue in his likeness. For thefuture, for time to come,
he
handed
has
his
lord,
truly
to
which
over
a
statue
what a servant
fashioned in his likeness
Lacuna
Lacuna
Joan
living
(thing)
Oates,
be
in
Babylon,
it
temple.
the
cf.
having
temple,
the
doorman,
a
may
entered
to
the
...
Reviseded. (London: Thamesand Hudson, 1986), p. 174. A central tenet in Mesopotamianreligious practice
interpreted
literally,
in
This
deity,
tenet
to
the
the
was
belief
gods.
and
order
serve
created
that
was
man
was the
like the king, was cared for, fed, clothed and so forth by his courtier.
37Irene J. Winter, -Idols of the King': Royal Imagesas Recipients of Ritual Action in Ancient Mesopotamia,"
Journal of Ritual Studies6 (1992): p. 21. Horst Steible, Die neusumerischenBau- und Weihinschri,Jlen,
Freiburger altorientalische Studien; Bd. 9 (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1991), 7.21-25,27.47-48.
38Winter, "`Idols of the King': Royal Imagesas Recipientsof Ritual Action in Ancient Mesopotamia," p. 21.
39A. M. Blackman and H. W. Fairman, "The Consecrationof an Egyptian Temple According to the Use of
Edfu," TheJournal of Egyptian Archaeology 31 (1945): pp. 84-85.
'0 Christian Jacq,Magic and Mystery in Ancient Egypt, trans. JanetM. Davis (London: Souvenir Press, 1998), p.
55.

89

intercourse betweenthe cultures of the Mesopotamianregion and Egypt or that they have had
1
in
distant
past. Blackman concludes
contact with a common civilization at some point their
42
from
did
Babylonians.
It is important to note that of
Egyptians
the
that the
not get the rite
the similarities shared,there was the offering of food to the gods and the idea that the image
43
lived
actually
In a relief, (from the eighteenthdynasty of Egypt) there is an account that records a
from
the throne of one of the ancient gods:
command

The king himself, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Makere
(Hatshepsut). The majesty of the court made supplication at the steps of
the lord of [gods]; a command was heard from the great throne, an oracle
himself,
Punt
that
the
to
the
ways
god
should be searched out: "I will
of
lead the army on water and on land, to bring marvels from God's-Land
for this god, for the fashioner of her beauty. " It was done, according to the
desire of her majesty (fem. ), in order that she might be given life, stability,
44
and satisfaction, like Re, forever.
This account suggests that the Egyptians will have seen it as a possibility that an
image, or at least his throne, would be associated with communication from the gods, since
they regarded it as the god's living representation on earth. The king had clearly gone to the
throne of the god in order to communicate with the god. In the account from Papyrus B. M.
10335, there is an instance where the gods clearly seem to be not only speaking, but also
interacting with the people and even serving as judges. And the servant Amunemuia repeated
to him (the name of) all the people of the township; and the god nodded at (the name o) the
farmer Pethauemdiamn, saying: "It is he who stole them. "45 The narrative account
46
both
`nod'
`speak'
It
is
that
this
the
and
on
several
seems
occasions.
gods
an
continues and
instance where the images are alive, speaking and moving. Maspero also gives a
information
further
in
to
this
type
with
regard
of
phenomenon
of
considerable amount
7
Ancient Egypt.

III. Jewish Concepts

Jewish concepts with regard to images must surely begin with their portrayal in the
Torah. In Leviticus 26: 1 `You will not make yourselves worthless idols or images or pillars
48i
figures,
down
bow
(Hishtafel
for
to
1' n) to them
not
stone
you
are
of
yourselves
or set up
in your land, because I am the Lord your God. ' In Deuteronomy 29: 16-18 the instructions
continue:

`You know how we dwelt in the land of Egypt and how we passedover; and
detested
things, and their idols of wood and stone, silver and
their
you saw
gold, which were with them. Beware, lest there be in you a man or a woman,
heart
day
from
family,
Yahweh
tribe
turns
this
a
or
whose
a
away
or
our God
be
in
lest
the
to
those
there
serve
of
gods
nations,
you a root bearing
and goes
bitterest fruit. '

41Aylward M. Blackman, "The Rite of Opening the Mouth in Ancient Egypt and Babylonia", TheJournal of
Egyptian Archaeology 10 (1924): pp. 47-59.
42Blackman, "The Rite of Opening the Mouth in Ancient Egypt and Babylonia", p. 59.
43Blackman, "The Rite of Opening the Mouth in Ancient Egypt and Babylonia," p. 57.
44JamesHenry Breasted,Ancient Recordsof Egypt, vol. 2 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1906), p. 116.
4sAylward M. Blackman, "Oracles in Ancient Egypt", TheJournal of Egyptian Archaeology 11 (1925): p. 251.
46Blackman, "Oracles in Ancient Egypt ": pp. 249-255.
47G. Maspero, CauseriesD'Egypte, DeuxiBmeed., Librairie Orientale 35 Americaine series(Paris: E.
Guilmoto, 1907), pp. 167-173.
48Geoffrey Stewart Morrison, "Teaching the Classical Hebrew Stem System(the Binyanim)" (Master of
Theological Studies,Vancouver School of Theology, 1995), p. 146.

90

Recent excavationssupport the biblical text's clear assertionthat no image was ever
made of Yahweh, as no image that can be certainly identified with Yahweh has been found in
is
fact
Along
Israelite
this
the
that during excavationsit is apparentother
with
stratum.
an
iconography diminishes through the course of the Iron Age I and II (1200-600 B. C.E.).49
The Jewish conceptionof idolatry is basedupon the biblical idea of monolatry: which
be
God
that
worshipped according to rituals prescribedand established
only
should
reasons
by Him-50 There was not a complete ban on all imagesas is demonstratedby the `brazen
figures
Cherubim
18:
4),
(2
Kings
the
of
embroideredinto the curtains of the
serpent'
tabernacle (Exodus 26: 1; 36:8) and in the veil of the tabernacle(Exodus 26:31; 36:35), and
the Temple (2 Chronicles 3: 14). Cherubim were carved on the walls of the Temple (1 Kings
6:29; 2 Chronicles 3:7; cf. Ezekiel 41: 18,20,25), the doors (1 Kings 6:32,35) and the
`molten sea' (1 Kings 7:29,36). There were two golden Cherubim in the Tabernacle
(Exodus 25: 18-22; 37:7-9) and in the Temple (1 Kings 6:23-28; 8:6-7; 2 Chronicles 3: 10-13).
These images seemto have beenallowed becauseof the fact that they were understoodto be
51 Faur goeson to put forward the conceptthat in Rabbinic Judaism
by
God.
an
prescribed
fall
foul
biblical
image
injunctions
idolatry
because
it
not
of
would
against
unconsecrated
52
life-giving
had not undergonethe
ceremony.
In Leviticus 26:30, there is the use of the term 1aD (corpse,carcass)in a figurative
53
idols.
This
be
indicative
to
could
perhaps
seen
as
of an awarenessof the
referring
manner
Israel
believed
images
by
held
that
that
the
their
surrounded
peoples
were alive.
concepts
There are then numerousaccountsthat are very much againstthe construction, consultation,
54
images
in
Jewish
Christian
There
the
of
early
worship
and
writings.
and
are
possession,
indicate
that
to
texts
these
certainly
seem
references
an awarenessof the beliefs and
within
Israel
images.
Habakkuk
19
2:
(`Woe
to
their
the
of
with
regard
cultic
neighbours
of
claims
to the one who saysto an article of wood to awaken,to a dumb stoneto arise! Will it teach?'
Behold, it is sheathedin gold and silver and there is no breath inside of it. ') seemsto be
intended to counter the claims made in the `Opening of the Mouth' ceremoniesof the
Babylonians and the Egyptians.
This continuesin Wisdom15:15-17, which also indicates an awarenessof the
image:
life
bringing
the
to
of
supposed
For indeed they reasonedthat all the idols of the nations were gods,
though theseneither have the ability to use their eyesto see,nor
in
draw
to
air, nor an ear to hear, nor fingers of the hand to
nostrils
feel, and their feet are uselessfor walking. For man made them, and
borrowed
having
a
spirit formed them; for no one of the nature
one
is
form
is
He
to
powerful
enough
man
a
mortal and
of
god.
49Michael B. Dick, "Prophetic Parodiesof Making the Cult Image," in Born in Heaven,Made on Earth, ed.
Michael B. Dick (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns,1999), p. 5.
50JoshFaur, "The Biblical Idea of Idolatry", TheJewish Quarterly Review69 (1978): p. 1.
51Faur, "The Biblical Idea of Idolatry", p. 1-3.
52Faur, "The Biblical Idea of Idolatry", pp. 5-15.
53Brown, Driver, and Briggs, eds.,A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament,p. 803.
54Lev. 19:4; Deut. 29: 16-18; 32: 19-22; 1 Sa. 15:22-23; 1 Ki. 16:8-26; 21:25-29; 2 Ki. 17:9-17; 21: 10-22; 23:425; 1 Ch. 10:8-10; 16:25-26; 2 Ch. 15:8; 24: 17-19; 33: 1-17; Ps. 31:6; 96:4-6; 97:7; 106:34-39; 115:1-8; Ps.
135:15-18; Isa. 2:6-9; 2: 17-22; 10:5-11; 19:1-4; 31:6-7; 40: 18-20;44:9-20; 45: 15-21; 46: 1-13; 48:4-5; 57: 11-13;
66:2-4; Jer. 8: 18-20; 10:1-16; 50: 1-3; 50:35-40; 51: 17-19; Ez. 6: 1-14; 8:7-11; 14:1-8; 16:35-42; 18:5-18; 20:744; 22: 1-5; 23:5-10; 23:28-49; 30: 10-26; 33:24-26; 36: 17-26; 37:21-23; 43:7-9; 44:9-13; Ilos. 4: 15-19; 8:2-6;
10:1-6; 11:1-3; 13:1-3; 14:7-8; Jon. 2:7-9; Mic. 1:6-7; Hab. 2: 18-19; Zep. 1:2-6; Zec. 13:1-3; 4 Ez. 16:66-69;
AdEst. 14:6-10; Wis. 14:7-14; 14:27-31; 15:13-17; Sir. 30: 19; EpJer. 6:63-73; Bel. 3-7; 1 Mac. 1: 43ff.; 3:48;
10:83-89; 13:47; 2 Mac. 12:40; 3 Mac. 4: 16; 4 Mac. 5:2f3; Ac. 7:39-43; 15:19-21; 15:24-29; 17:16; 21:25; Ro.
2:21-24; 1 Co. 5:9-11; 6:9-11; 8: 1-6; 10:6-17; 12:1-3; Gal. 5: 19-21; 1 Jo. 5: 18-21; Re. 2: 12-16; 2: 18-23; 9:2021; 21:6-8; 22: 14-16.

91

he
lawless
hands
is
dead; for he is better than
with
makes
whatever
his object of worship, as he is alive, but they were never alive.
In 1 Maccabees3:48 there is the indication that the Jews assumedthat the Gentiles
divine
in
direction
images
('And
book
to
they
the
their
seek
order
spread
out
of the
consulted
law to enquire about that which the nations consult the likenessesof their idols.'). There is
images
(3
Maccabees4: 16 `Indeedthe king
the
the
nature
speechless
of
of
even a mocking
filled
joy,
with
putting together feastsfor all the idols, with a
was greatly and continuously
from
dumb
led
truth,
the
things that are not
and
with
a
profane
mouth
praising
astray
mind
God').
Whether
to
the
to
even
one,
and
unto
speaking
aid
out
against
or
supreme
speak
able
the Jewish appraisalof Gentile customswith regard to imageswas technically correct or not,
it appearsto have beenthe perspectivethat was usedto caricaturethesepeoplesby the Jews.
Among the early Israelites,the TY173'7f 1X `... was the place in which the God of
Israel revealed himself to, and dwelt among his people.'55 There certainly appearsto have
been an oracular function associatedwith the `tent of meeting'. This perception is also
for
Hebrew
in
by
1
1D
that
the
the
term
the
root
possibility
was
some sense
substantiated
`seer'.
If
is
have
Arabic
this
the
the
to
meaning
root
case,
word
must
originally
an
related
designateda personwho servedas a guardian `... of an oracle, at a sanctuary....'56 That the
`tent
to
the
of meeting' servedas a place of receiving oracles,or communicating
entrance
in
biblical
is
three
God
apparent
passages.
especially
with
The first is Exodus 33:7 `And Moses took the tent and pitched it outside the camp, far
it
from
the
camp, and called the tent of meeting, and everyonewho was seeking
away
Yahweh would go out to the tent of meeting which was outside the camp.' In this passage,
the tent appearsto primarily, serveas a place where Yahweh was consulted; it was a place
57 The secondpassageis Numbers 11:16-17: `And Yahweh said to
divination.
for
used
Moses, gather for me seventyelderly men of Israel which you know are elders of the people
and officers over them and take them to the tent of meeting and causethem to stand there
down
I
from
I
And
take
there
and
speak
come
with
and
will
away
you
will
you
with you.
is
I
it
lift
from
they
them
the
upon
you
and
will
put
and
will
which
upon
spirit
you
of
some
bear
it
by
'
burden
the
will
not
all
and
you
yourself.
some of
The third passage is Numbers 12:4-10 where God meets with Moses, Miriam, and
Aaron at the entrance to the `tent of meeting'. It certainly seems in its earliest form the
Tabernacle served as a place of consultation with the divine rather than simply as a place of
7:
22).
It
Jeremiah
25;
Israelite
5:
to
that
(Amos
the
expect
seems
quite
reasonable
sacrifice
intended
function
having
for
temples
the
of
other
nations
as
a
similar
viewed
community
their gods as Israel's did for its God. It would also seem to follow that they would then
in
for
images
temples
those
the
the
as
central
communication
of
address
point
conceive of
between god and people, as the ark of the covenant was in the `tent of meeting', and later still
in the temple.

IV. Greek and Roman Concepts

In the cities of Asia Minor, the statuesof Roman Emperorsand gods were numerous;
in
in
buildings,
in
the
temples,
the
they were placed
streets, marketplaces,in
public
along
fountains and on gates. The statuesof emperorswere often designedto resembletraditional
58
Within
images,
this
there are numerousreports of
the
gods.
panoply
of
representationsof
in
images,
it
deemed
these
the gods were
with
was
which
strangephenomenaassociated
55Jeffers,Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, p. 215.

56Brown, Driver, and Briggs, eds., A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, p. 462.
57Jeffers, Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria, p. 219.

sgReddish,Revelation,p. 258.

92

59
form.
Some
of these accounts,such as the account of Callistratus (4th
of
some
a
sign
giving
century C.E.) regardingthe statueof Memnon, date from a time well after the time of the
60
Others,
however,
far
Apocalypse.
the
of
are
more ancient and surely cameto
composition
have influence upon the culture of those living in Asia Minor at the time that Revelation was
written.

In Ovid's (1Stcentury C. E. ) Metamorpheses Pygmalion creates a statue that later is

brought to life by the goddess Venus and even bears a child. 61 Cicero (1st century B. C. E. )
in
incident
which `the statue of Apollo at Cumae and that of Victory at Capua
records an
dripped with sweat.... '62 In an account by Dionysius of Halicarnassus ( 1Stcentury B. C. E. )
both
in
described as distinct and
image
two
temple
on
separate
speaks
occasions,
a
set up
an
loud. 63 In the first few centuries of the Common Era there are many more accounts. Plutarch
(2"d century C. E.) records an incident regarding the statue of Antony near Alba stating that
64
days,
for
it
did
though
'
There is also
`... sweat oozed
and
wiped away
many
not cease.
in
image
incident
had
two
to
that
the name of
statues
were
prostrated
which
an
another
65
it.
Plutarch records a tale of the eyes falling out of a statue of Hiero
inscribed
Antony
upon
the Spartan before his death and of the stone statue of Lysander sprouting a growth of wild
66
face.
in
shrubs and grass such an abundance as to cover up the
Pausanias (2ndcentury C. E.) records an incident where a statue that had been broken
in two by Cambyses makes the sound like that of a harp or a lyre when the string is broken
67
He
Theagenes
day
the
also
records
an
account
where
statue
sunrise.
of
at
was
every
if
it
living
being
it
fell on, and killed its
by
as
were
a
and
on
one
occasion,
an enemy
whipped
tormentor. His sons then ordered the statue to be banished by dropping it to the bottom of
the sea. In time, in order to stop a famine, the statue was retrieved and restored to its position
became
It
famine
Theagenes,
then
tradition
to
the
a
set
ended.
up
statues
of
and these
and
68
in
Often
diseases.
Rome,
to
ancient
strange phenomena associated with
cure
were said
directly
for
omens
or
and
perhaps
as
signs
even
as
responsible
seen
misfortune
were
statues
faced
different
Athena
incident
direction
the
that
turned
the
statue
of
and
a
regarding
such as
69
instance,
brought
Hannibal
In
blood.
to
statues
a
another
message
with regard to
and spat

by
dripping
blood.
Italy
Great events were sometimes heralded
his campaign against
with
by images moving as one did in the temple of Victory in Tralles where a statue turned toward
7'
his
in
indicating
battle.
victory
a statue of Caesar,
Origen seems to be aware of an association of images with demons and `magical
72 Iamblichus (4`" century C.E. ) indicates that images were designed of certain
spells'.
be
He
in
to
the
then specifies that the
as
manner
receptacles
a
of
gods.
such
and
materials
images of the gods received `a certain divine portion'73 and particularly connects these

59Edwyn Bevan, Holy Images (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1940), p. 25.
60Callistratus, Descriptions, 9. On the Statue of Memnon.

61Ovid, Metamorphoses,10: 243-297.

62Cicero, De Divinatione, 1.43.98.
63Dionysius of Halicamassus,The RomanAntiquities, 8.56.2-3.
64Plutarch, Plutarch's Lives Antony, 9.50.2.
65Plutarch, Plutarch's Lives Antony, 9.50.3.
66Plutarch, Plutarch's Moralia, The Oracles at Delphi, 397 F.
67Pausanias,Description of Greece,Attica, 1:42.3.
68Pausanias,Description of Greece,Elis 2,6.11.6-9.
69Dio Cassius, Dios Roman History, 54.7.3 (3rd century C. E).
70Dio Cassius, Dio's Roman History, 13.56.
71Dio Cassius, Dio's Roman History, 41.61.4
n Origen, Contra Celsum, VII: 64.

73lamblichus De Mysteriis Liber, 5:23; Thomas Taylor, trans., Iamblichus on TheMysteries of the Egyptians,
Chaldeans,andAssyrians, (Chiswick: Walworth for the Translator 1821),pp. 266-267.

93

74 Of particular significance to the study of the Revelation

`theurgy'.
are the
receptacleswith
C.
E.
)
(2nd
by
Suetonius
century
regarding the Emperors Gaius Caligula and Nero.
accounts
Gaius Caligula was reportedto `... talk confidently with Jupiter Capitolinus, now whispering
in
louder
his
in
to
the
the
turn
then
mouth
of
and even angry
ear
god, now
putting
and
language; for he was heard to make the threat: "Lift me up, or I'll lift you.91975
Suetoniusrecordsthis account of Nero: `For he had received as a gift from some
little
image
the
as
a
protection
commons,
against
plots,
a
of a girl; and since
man
of
unknown
light,
he
it
divinity
to
to
continued
came
venerate
as
at
once
a
powerful
and to
a conspiracy
it
day,
belief
its
the
that
to
through
three
every
encouraging
communication
sacrifices
offer
he had knowledge of the future.'76 Suetoniusalso reports the account that after Nero's death
the people producedhis statuesand his edicts as if he were still alive, and soon to return. At
be
Nero
Parthians
to
the
the
claiming
and
received
support
appeared
of
someone
one point,
77
him
Another
is
with
great
reluctance.
they
significant
event
surrendered
also reported
and
`His
foretold
Caligula:
by
Gaius
to
approaching
murder
was
many prodigies.
with regard
The statue of Jupiter at Olympia, which he had orderedto be taken to piecesand moved to
Rome, suddenly uttered such a peal of laughter that the scaffoldings collapsedand the
78
heels
workmen took to their
....
E. Summary
Dodds indicatesthat from the first century C.E. onwards there begins to be the
79
images
has
been
Egypt.
There
`magical'
of
use
outside
of
a clear
manufacture and
between
information
from
Egypt
Greek
least
ideas
5`n
the
the
and
and
world
at
of
exchange
ideas,
`magic'
This
C.
E.
to
the
B.
relates
and
cult
especially
sharing
of
as well as
century
ideas about the other world, and a fiery underworld. There certainly was a transmission of
80
ideas
from
least
this time. As Christianity emerged
`magical', mystical and religious
at
from within Judaismit tendedto absorb `magical' traditions from the surrounding Graeco81
Brighton points out that `magical' deception,spiritism, and witchcraft were
Roman world
.
82
influential
John's
layers
The
they
in
time.
trickery
and
of
society
were
very
at
all
common
by
Hippolytus
(3`d
in
his
highlighted
E.
)
Refutation
C.
is
century
of Heresies
aspect certainly
Theurgy
he
trickery
and even making a skull to
of
examples
regarding
several
where records

74 lamblichus De Mysterifs Liber, 5:23.

75Suetonius,Lives of Caesar,4:22.4
76Suetonius,Lives of Caesar,6.56.
n Suetonius,Lives of Caesars,6.57.
79Suetonius,Lives of Caesars,4.57.
E. R. Dodds, "Theurgy and Its Relationship to Neoplatonism", TheJournal of RomanStudies 37 (1947): pp.
63-64.
80Peter Kingsley, Ancient Philosophy, Mystery, and Magic (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), pp. 243-244.
6 Aune, "Magic in Early Christianity, " p. 1521.

$2Brighton, Revelation, p. 360.

94

83
talk. Lucian also recordsan accountwhere Alexander useshorsehairsto control a linen
84
into
fool
believing
in
in
his
head
`magic'.
people
order to
serpent's
In light of this tendency toward absorption, and the nature of `magic' in general,
been
Christianity.
have
it
to
threat
as
a
perceived
significant
would
clearly

The imagery (the

image made to speak) used in Revelation 13: 15 indicates a very negative attitude toward this
This
`magical'
be
in
to
practice.
symbol
appears
of
particularly
aspect
poignant
particular
the light of the attempt by Gaius Caligula to place an image in the temple of Jerusalem85and
in light of the traditions regarding Nero and his little statue of divination. 86 From an ancient
his
highly
John
have
it
that
probable
and
audience
would
perceived
perspective, seems
`magic' to be part of the whole incident regarding the `second beast' and its `image'. It is
from
have
form
that
that
a
modem
perspective
authors
perceived
some
even
of
significant
`magic' was involved. In the world of John and his audience, due to the historical
background of images in the ancient world, along with Israel's history of linking `false
between
New
Testament
`false
`magic',
the
well
as
as
connection
prophets'
with
prophets'
is
highly
intended
be
it
is
that
this
to
`magic',
section
a
charged
most probable
and
`magical
practice'.
of
condemnation

Price conceivesof Revelation 13:15 as a referenceto the attempt to establishthe cult

87
its
because
Ephesus,
Domitian
which was especially prominent
of
colossal cult statue.
at
of
He goes on to add that, `Indeed I have seenno other interpretation which fits the known
'88
The
force
for
identification
this
temporal
the
contexts.
main
proposal
of
and
geographical
importance
less
is
fact
instance
than
the
that once again the context concernsa
the
of
of
exact
following
first
Christian
the
the
The
centuries
commentatorsof
century often
cult statue.
83Hippolytus, Refutation of Heresies,4: 8:28,41.
84Lucian, Alexander the False Prophet, 12. Lucian actually usesthe term /Cyoson two occasionsduring his
account(6,21).
15 Suetonius,Lives of Caesars,6:56.
s6 Josephus,Antiquities, 18: 261-272.
i7 Price, Rituals and Power, p. 197.
88Price, Rituals and Power, p. 197.

95

is
bias
`a
in
this
that
the
their
on
passage,
a
product
commentaries
of
post miraculous
reflect
by
beast'
John
`the
believes
Price
the
'89
that
regarded
miracles
performed
as genuine
age.
90
demonic,
power.
manifestations of the supernatural,or rather
It would seemthere are a great many who hold to the perception that Revelation
13:15 is a referenceto `magical practice' whether or not there is a bias toward the nonhave
believed
believing
John
be
that
that
this
toward
could
could
an actual
miraculous or
91 It is almost certainly the casethat John is referring in a very negative
miraculous wonder.
he
`magical
15,
It
13:
in
Revelation
to
as
what
regarded
practice'.
would also seem
way,
being
Rome
divinity,
Emperors
tendency
toward
their
the
that
of
and
ascribed
or
apparent
is
heart
here.
This
in
it
the
the
to
themselves,
at
of
symbolism
used
was
perceived,
ascribing
Christian circles as being evil of the most heinous and arroganttype and clearly must be
forces.
darkest
the
of
evil
associatedwith

89Price, Rituals and Power, p. 198.

90Price, Rituals and Power, p. 198.

91Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 762-765; Reddish,Revelation,pp. 258-260; Charles,A Critical and Exegetical
Commentaryon TheRevelationof St. John, vol. 1, p. 361; Boring, Revelation,p. 161; Brighton, Revelation, p.
360; William M. Ramsay,TheLetters to the SevenChurchesofAsia (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1904),
pp. 93-113; Harrington, Revelation,p. 143.

96

5. `Key' Passages
A. Introduction
Rou
is
It is Aune's assertionthat Aeis ToayaTOU
a portion of the evidence
xai Tov
John
devised
Apocalypse
`an
his
the
that
thesis
of
was
as
extensiveand creative
supporting
in
`pagan'
to
the
the
nullify
revelatory
claims
of
order
competitors of
anti-magical polemic'
'
Christian prophets. It is important to recognisethat though defining `magic' may prove to
be difficult from a modern perspective,there was the widespreadassumptionin antiquity that
2
did
forbidden
by
by
`magic'
`Magic'
Roman
Senate
designated
the
exist
as
was
something
C.
E.
).
Elder
(23-79
Pliny
the
time
the
of
4
Ie
in
('key').
Apocalypse
Two further
Four passages the
contain the word xA
instances of this expression occur in the remaining books of the New Testament (Matthew
5
KAeisis not used in a literal sense in the New Testament but always has
52).
16: 19; Luke 11:
6
Generally
indicates
There
the
term
figurative
something.
power
over
are a
significance.
a
in
Apocalypse
by
images
the
different
the
this
and each will
created
usage of
word
number of
be examined. This expression occurs for the first time in Revelation 1: 18 and relates to the
(iou.
Each
Apocalypse,
laVaTov
be
the
i
passage,
of
employing
aller"swill
Tov"
xa1
xA To
investigate
Apocalypse
Aune's
the
the
in
that
to
validity
of
claim
was written
order
examined
in
in
`magic'
belief
some manner.
to counter
B. Examination

1:
18
Revelation
of

A notable aspectregarding the cosmologiesof many cultural and religious groups in

the ancient world was the notion that the three separateregions of the cosmoswere
1Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", pp. 481-501.
2 F. Gerald Downing, "Magic and Scepticism in and Around the First Christian Century", in Magic in the
Biblical World, ed. Todd Klutz (London: T&T Clark International, 2003), p. 86.
3Pliny the Elder, TheNatural History 30.3.
4Rev. 1:18; 3:7; 9: 1; 20: 1.
s Moulton and Geden,eds.,A Concordanceto the Greek Testament,p. 549.
6J. Jeremias,"`Avis [key]"', in Theological Dictionary of the New Testament,ed. Gerhard Kittel and Trans.
Geoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids MI: Eerdmans,1965),p. 744.

98

5. `Key' Passages
A. Introduction
It is Aune's assertionthat xXei zo9avcrou xai Troyc' ovis a portion of the evidence
Apocalypse
John
his
devised
the
that
thesis
of
was
as `an extensive and creative
supporting
in
anti-magical polemic' order to nullify the revelatory claims of the `pagan' competitors of
'
Christian prophets. It is important to recognisethat though defining `magic' may prove to
be difficult from a modern perspective,there was the widespreadassumptionin antiquity that
2
did
`magic'
forbidden
designated
`Magic'
by
the Roman Senateby
as
exist
was
something
3
(23-79
C.
).
Elder
E.
the time of Pliny the
Four passagesin the Apocalypse contain the word xllzis ('key'). 4 Two further
instances of this expression occur in the remaining books of the New Testament (Matthew
5
IGlsls is not used in a literal sense in the New Testament but always has
11:
52).
16: 19; Luke
6
Generally
indicates
There
the
figurative
term
over
significance.
power
something.
are a
a
by
images
in
different
Apocalypse
the
this
the
created
usage
of
word
and each will
number of
be examined. This expression occurs for the first time in Revelation 1: 18 and relates to the
A7E roi 3avaTovxai Tos 'i'ov.Each passage, of the Apocalypse, employing xAiswill be
investigate
Aune's
Apocalypse
in
the
to
the
that
validity
of
claim
order
was written
examined
in
in
`magic'
belief
some manner.
to counter
B. Examination

1:
18
Revelation
of

A notable aspectregarding the cosmologiesof many cultural and religious groups in

the ancient world was the notion that the three separateregions of the cosmoswere
1Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", pp. 481-501.
2 F. Gerald Downing, "Magic and Scepticism in and Around the First Christian Century", in Magic in the
Biblical World, ed. Todd Klutz (London: T&T Clark International, 2003), p. 86.
3Pliny the Elder, TheNatural History 30.3.
4 Rev. 1:18; 3:7; 9: 1; 20: 1.
s Moulton and Geden,eds.,A Concordanceto the Greek Testament,p. 549.
6J. Jeremias,"`xAe4-[key] "', in Theological Dictionary of the New Testament,ed. Gerhard Kittel and Trans.
Geoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids MI: Eerdmans,1965), p. 744.

98

`doors'
from
to
the
Passage
of
or
via
a
system
other was possible
one realm
connected.
`gates'. In antiquity, the conceptionthat heavenwas closed off by doors, doors to which
deities
A
held
had
`keys',
deities
of
are
variety
concept.
was a commonly
or angels
certain
from
liminal
the
the
these
having
separating
underworld
points
over
control
portrayed as
have
`keys'
keepers
to
that
these
living,
allowed
the
are
said
gateways
of
the
and
of
realm
however,
Kronos
Isis).?
Aune,
(Hades),
Nedu,
Pluto
(e.
states
or
them to control access g.,
has
the
the
the
Jewish
no
notion
of
in
realm
of
netherworld
mythology,
underworld
that early
in
idea
Aune
the
doors
that
the
conveyed
postulates
or
gates.
underworld possessing
Apocalypse, which conveysan image of Jesusas keybearer,is basedupon the popular
8
implication
The
`keybearer'.
Hekate
the
of Aune's
as
Hellenistic conceptionof
goddess
in
draw
for
John
to
be
Jewish
to
is
upon
order
source
material
there
that
no
could
proposal
imagery
have
Jesus
`keybearer',
this
therefore
imagery
can
only
his
and
develop
as
regarding
Hellenistic
from
source.
a
come
There are, however, severalpassagesfrom the Jewish scripturesthat would seemto
9
Isaiah
38:
10
Jewish
idea
thought.
actually
indicate that such an
was possible within early
Aars
giaov)
Greek
in
Hades'
(m
`the
translation
the
early
of
gates
of
the
expression,
contains
Savrov,
Greek
Job
38:
17
the
translation
the
phrase
The
contains
text
7rriAai
of
of
this verse.
forward
Cooper
death,
Hades').
the
yiaov
as
('gates
puts
and
gatekeepers
of
of
tvJlceoi
descent
in
`fragment'
`remnant'
7-10
24:
Psalm
of
a
a
or
a
myth,
represents
that
proposition

7Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", pp. 481-501; Ranko Stefanovic,
97-98,102.
2002),
Boring
University
Press,
Andrews
Springs
MI:
(Berrien
pp.
Christ
cites
Jesus
Revelation of
in
he
had
Hekate
have
John
his
indication
mind
when
that
composedthis
may
Aune and appearsto agreewith
imagery. Boring, Revelation,p. 84.
s Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 104.2 En. 42: 1 mentions `...the guardiansof the keys of hell, standing by the very
date
be
is
indication
to
is
that
this
early
enough
of much use in this
of
an
but
reference
large doors...'
there no
in
"
The
Old
Testament
Enoch,
Apocalypse
(Slavonic
"2
of)
trans.
Andersen,
I.
and ed.,
discussion. F.
(New
Library
York:
Bible
Reference
Doubleday,
Anchor
The
Charlesworth,
H.
James
Pseudepigrapha,ed.
"
Society
Approach,
An
Alternative
Hell:
"The
Gates
Brown,
of Biblical Literature
Colin
of
1983),pp. 91-213;
SeminarPapers 26 (1987): pp. 357-367.
9 Is. 38: 10; Ps. 9: 13,107: 18; Job 17:16,38: 17; Jon. 2:6; Wis. 16:13. Nicholas J. Tromp, "Primitive Conceptions
21
(Rome:
Orientalia,
"
Biblica
Pontifical
in
Old
Testament,
World
the
series,
et
Nether
Death
of
and the
Biblical Institute, 1969), pp. 152-154.

99

into
descends
he
demonic
forces
high
the
the
netherworld
where
confronts
god
which a
of
10
that world. `Doors' and `gates' play a prominent role in this story. In the New Testament
the phrase the 7w'taisi8oualso occurs at Matthew 16:18.11Whether thesegatesare to be
figurative
does
fact
literal
the
that such conceptsas
not
change
or
of
as
conceived
`gatekeepersof Hades' and `gatesof death' can be found within the context of the Jewish
writings.

Despite this point, which Aune fails to acknowledge,he, along with others, postulates
that the image of Jesusas keybearerin Revelation 1:18 is derived, not from Jewish sources,
but from the very famous Hellenistic conception of Hekate as `keybearer'.12 Moulton and
Milligan who recall the processionat Stratoniceawhere the priestesscarried a golden key,
the symbol of Hekate,would seemto expresssomeaccord with the ideasheld by Aune and
13
him.
However, a great many scholarsdo not seethe use of A4
those who have followed
14
Christ's
life
death.
to
than
power over
and
as necessarily a reference anything more
Thomas believes that John was so immersed in the contextual world of the Jewish scriptures
15
here
Hekate.
To add to the
could allude to
that it is not at all likely that the reference
interpreters,
Jeremias
this
that
to
passage
seems
create
among
confusion
notes
conceptual
16
Avis
has
figurative
With this in
Testament
term
the
significance.
always
that in the New
a
brought
into
have
is
issue
this
the minds of
symbolic
the
would
representation
what
mind,
John's readers? Does John expect his audience to envision the image of Hekate the

toAlan Cooper, "Ps 24:7-10: Mythology and Exegesis," Journal of Biblical Literature 102(1983): pp. 37-60.
11Joel Marcus, "The Gatesof Hadesand the Keys of the Kingdom (Matt 16:18-19)," The Catholic Biblical
quarterly 50 (1988): pp. 443-455; Brown, "The Gatesof Hell: An Alternative Approach," pp. 357-367.
1 Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 104.
13JamesHope Moulton and GeorgeMilligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament(London: Hodder and
Stoughton, 1914-1929),p. 345, s.v. KW;; Charles Diehl and GeorgesCousin, "Inscriptions de Lagina," Bulletin
De CorrespondanceHellenique 11 (1887): pp. 5-39. Numbers 6,7,14,37,41,45.
14Reddish,Revelation,pp. 41-42; Roloff, TheRevelation ofJohn, pp. 37-38; Caird, The Revelation of St. John
the Divine, p. 26; Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon TheRevelation of St. John, vol. 1, pp. 3233.
'5 Robert L. Thomas, Revelation 1-7 An Exegetical Commentary(Chicago: Moody Press, 1992), p. 112.
16Jeremias,"`xleis[key]"', p. 744.

100

`keybearer', as the backdrop for his reference to Jesus as the one having zits xAT ro ' VaTov
Pov?
xai ro

A great deal may hinge upon whether the genitives SaVaTOU

and qi8ovare objective or
keys
Death
keys
belonging
Hades'
(i.
`the
`the
Death
to
to
and
or
e.,
and
possessivegenitives
Hades'). If thesegenitives are construedas objective genitives then `Death and Hades' must
be understood in a spatial sense,as is the caseat 20: 13. If they are interpreted as possessive
(the
keys
belonging
be
to the persons
they
as
personifications,
accepted
must
genitives,
`Death' and `Hades'), as is the caseat 6:8 where ! ) Nvazos, xai

are usedas personal

is
here
be
`Death'
that
the
Aune
never
terms.
usage
must objective, since
concludes
described in ancient texts as possessingkeys, and very seldom are keys attributed to Hades
18
17).
Unfortunately, the decision regarding the usageof thesegenitives
(Pausanias5.20.3
doesnot appearto be basedupon the immediate context of this passage,as much as it is
basedupon the notions that the various interpretersbring to this text. It is not apparentfrom
the immediate context what John intended. In light of this, a determination must be made
basedupon the wider historical background of John and the culture of his audiencein Asia
Minor.
Jeremiascontendsthat the spatial idea of 9civarosis alien to the Christian scriptures.
When, varosand givsare usedtogether he, along with Kroll, indicates that thesewords are
19
in
(Revelation
13ff.
1
Corinthians
6:
8;
20:
15:
terms
55).
be
perceivedof personal
always to
With this position in mind, he goeson to indicate that in his analysis, 1:18 refers to the keys
lords
Jeremias
idea
Hades
the
that
the
Death
conjectures
as
underworld.
carry
of
which
and
"30uis likely meant to
in Revelation, regarding Christ having the xAz7 Tovavcizovxai zovq'

17'As to the key they say that what is called Hadeshasbeen locked up by Pluto, and that nobody will return
back again from there.'
'a Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 103. This would meanthat Aune interprets what is written at 1:18 as being in spatial
terms.
19Jeremias,"`xlleis [key]"', p. 746; Josef Kroll, Gott und Hlle (Darmstadt: WissenscaftlicheBuchgesellschaft,
1963),p. 10.

101

has
Christ
idea
keys
taken
that
the
the
to the underworld from the
the
risen
over
convey
2
`Hades'.
Charles
indicates
`Death'
different
inclination
and
of
a
somewhat
personifications
21
be
taken
either as objective or as possessivegenitives.
and statesthat thesegenitives may
Beasley-Murray is of the opinion that the context of 1:18 doesnot demandeither solution
22 Osbornegoesa step further and finds
a solution to this dilemma as
with absolute certainty.
being that the genitives are meant to convey both of thesemeaningssimultaneouslyto the
23 This seemsto be the most reasonablesolution, especially in light of the
audience.
usageof
theseterms in 20: 13-14,where both ideas seemto be conveyed. In one instance `Death' and
`Hades' are said to contain the dead, and then, in the next instance they themselves are
thrown into the `lake of fire' in a manner that seems to personify these images. This
has
does
John
the goddess
answer
our
main
necessarily
question
of
whether
not
explanation
Hekate in view as he composes this section, but it may assist in determining John's intentions
in using such imagery. It is perhaps useful at this point to take an aside to explore in some
depth the background of Hekate in order to understand her role within the cultural landscape
Asia
in
Roman
Minor
first
world
and
the
particular.
century
of
C. Excursus on Hekate
As noted earlier, it is Aune's postulation, along with others, that the traditions and
imagery of Hekate are the perceptual framework which John draws upon as he composes the
into
is
by
l%cu
his
the
that
the
projected
psyche
phrase
of
audience
visionary element
T x? ei
yibou24
is
If
indicate
it
Savrov
this
John
that
supposition
correct,
would
ro
perceives
xai
rou"
force
from
it
this
that
threat
goddess
of
sufficient
was necessary to counter it in a
a specific
way that would be perceptible to those reading the Apocalypse. As this goddess was
in
`magical'
it
indicate
then
practice
antiquity
the
with
would
perhaps
associated
peculiarly
level of the threat that John perceives to emanate from, so called `magic', and it may go some
he
his
definite
indicating
in
threat
that
to
the
composition of the
sought
combat with
way
20Jeremias,I'IxAeis[key]"', pp. 744-753. esp., 746.
21Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 1, pp. 32-33.
22G. R. Beasley-Murray, Revelation,The New Century Bible Commentaryseries(London: Marshall, Morgan &
Scott Publishing Ltd., 1983),p. 68.
23Osborne,Revelation,p. 96. Beale also postulatesthis as a solution. G. K. Beale, The Book of Revelation, The
New International Greek TestamentCommentary Series(Grand Rapids MI: William B. EerdmansPublishing
Co., 1999), pp. 214-215.
24Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " pp. 481-501; Stefanovic, Revelation
of JesusChrist, pp. 97-98,102; Boring, Revelation, p. 84; Moulton and Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek
Testament,p. 345, s.v. xJ41s.

102

Revelation. The assumptionthat John has this specific goddessin mind is basedupon a
number of criteria which needto be explored in order to understandwhat may be behind
John's construction.
The goddessHekate is first revealedwithin the the context of Greek literature in the
25
The exact origins of Hekate are obscure,and the focus of a great deal
by
Hesiod.
Theogony
26 Even the parentageof this goddessis not uniform acrossthe range of available
debate.
of
literature. Very often the nature and significance of Hekate have been summedup using a
few broad, sweepingstatementsthat are basedupon a disappointingly small proportion of the
has
led
This
tendency
to a very narrow perspectiveon this goddessthat
evidence.
available
fails to recognisethe rich diversity that is in reality displayed by the evidence. Until recently,
had
dark
benefactress
the
that
to
the
conclusion
she
was
come
simply
studies
of
most
There
however,
the
of
and
queen
restless
spiritual
entities.
are,
magicians
malevolent
indications that many in antiquity perceived of her in quite a positive light and not at all in
27
her
image
in
later
literature.
the dark terms that cameto enshroud
From the 5t' century B.C.E. onward there are abundantreferencesto Hekate in
8
literature and in epigraphical sources. The goddess,from an early period, had the role of
transmitting disembodiedsouls on their way to Hadesand by the Vt century she had become
in
function
to
the
the
such
a
manner
as
share
moon
of guiding or transmitting
associatedwith
disembodied souls or demonsacrossthe boundary betweenthe earthly and celestial
29 Hekate was recognisedas ruler over the souls of the dead in folk belief.30 She was
spheres.
in
frightful
disembodied
do
her
bidding.
her
to
to
to
order
send
spirits
evil
powers
use
able
She had at her commandan army of spirits which were Wenerallybelieved to be either
`avenging spirits' or those that had died violent deaths.
In relation to the position put forward by Aune, and those who are in agreement with
his position, there are lucid indications that Hekate is connected with passage through the
32
has
Clay
liminal
the
that
separate
various
cosmic
realms.
suggested that
points
various
Hekate's participation in a variety of relationships between gods and men implies that she is
intermediary
between
(guiding
Persephone
the
the
to
crucial
gods
and
men
conceived of as
3
image
literature
Hekate
by
Homeric
The
Hades).
from
the
of
generated
presents a
and
her
difficult
has
be
to
to
of
nature
picture
and
reconcile with
proven
confusing
somewhat
Some
features
Hekate
descriptions
in
the
goddess.
this
of
associated
with
are
repeated
earlier
later literature such as her role in guiding Persephone across a very important boundary. 34

25Hesiod, Theogony 411-452.

26Fritz Graf, "Nordionische Kulte, " Bibliotheca Helvetica Roman series,21 (Rome: SchweizerischesInstitut in
Rom, 1985), pp. 257-259; Theodor Kraus, Hekate, Heidelberger KunstgeschichtlicheAbhandlungen, Band 5
(Heidelberg: Carl Winter Univerittsverlag, 1960), pp. 24; 55-56; Lewis R. Farrell, Cults of the Greek States,
Hekate
Soteira,
1896),
501-519;
Sarah
Press,
Iles
Johnston,
American Classical
Clarendon
2
(Oxford:
pp.
vol.
Studiesseries,21 (Atlanta GA: ScholarsPress, 1990), p. 21.
27RobertVon Rudloff, Hekate in Ancient Greek Religion (Victoria, British Columbia: Homed Owl Publishing,
1999), pp. 1-4.
28Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism,pp. 141-142.
29Johnston,
Hekate Soteira, pp. 29-38.
30Alois Kehl, "Hekate " in Reallexikonfr Antike und Christentum, ed. Ernst Dassmann,et at. (Stuttgart: Anton
Hiersemann),pp. 310-338; JosephHeckenbach,"Hekate," in Paulys Real-Encyclopadie,vol. 7, ed. Georg
Wissowa and Wilhelm Kroll (Stuttgart: J. B. MetzlerscheBuchhandlung, 1912), p. 2774; Erwin Rhode, Psyche
(London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. Ltd., 1925), pp. 593-595.
31Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism,p. 142.
32Graf, "Nordionische Kulte, " p. 258; Kraus, Hekate, pp. 11 ff., 77 ff; Johnston,Hekate Soteira, p. 21.
33Jenny Strauss Clay, "The Hekate of Theogony, " Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 25 (1984):
pp. 27-38.
34Homeric Hymn to Demeter

103

She is also described using the term EvoWowhich expresses her connection with
35
intersect.
In popular belief the
roads and more specifially the place where three roads
intersection of roads was commonly believed to be a very dangerous place and one that was
haunted by evil spirits. 6 Farrell comes to the conclusion that it is probable that the triple
form of this deity came about as a result of her association with this type of cross-roads. 7
The connection of Hekate trimorphos (having three forms or shapes) was associated with her
threefold identity and this threefold nature is identified with a variety of figures which
38
Trivia
Luna
(Catullus
34.9).
Juno
Lucina,
She is also identified with
include
and
Selene/Luna in heaven, Artemis/Diana on earth and Persephone/Hekate in Hades. 9 Hekate
triprosopos ('having three faces') is depicted as being in the conflict on the side of the
Olympians in the Gigantomachy on the east frieze of the altar of Zeus from Pergamon. ao
Images were erected of Hekate at crossroads throughout Asia Minor where she was believed
to function as an averter of evil. Meals were brought to these images at a certain time each
41
her
and to avert evil
month to appease

According to Aune, the cosmic significance of Hekate led to conceptionsof her as

`Mother of All', `Mistress of All', and as the `Beginning and End.'42 In PGMIV 2785 if.
Hekate is identified with Selene,Persephone,Megaira, Allekto, Artemis, Mene and as the
e% xai rLkos.43 The phrasee' xai rLkosis exactly the phraseused of Christ in Revelation
21:6 and 22: 13. This phrasewill be dealt with elsewhere,but it is of significance that this
both
in
Christ
is
found
the
with
connection
risen
and Hekate. There is universal
phrase
importance being attributed to Hekate in the Orphic Hymns which were in all probability
2d
C.
in
(near
in
E.,
Asia
Minor
in
during
the
time, to the
century
early
place,
and
written
44
composition of Revelation)
It is to be noted that there is also an associationof the goddesswith placessuch as
45
in
doors and entrances antiquity. In Greece,Hekate was regardedas a familiar door-warder
before
homes46
(at least in
temples
stood
and
palaces,
and
all
private
and gate-guardian,
Athens).4 In addition, Strabo indicates that there are two temples of the Stratoniceans,the
is
is
Hekate
(at
Lagina)
famous
famous
to
there
attributed
which
and
annually
of
a
most
festival held there involving the `keybearer' (this processionis also mentioned above).48
35Johnston, Hekate Soteira, pp. 22-23, esp. N- 26; Homer, Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 2.24-25; 22.51-59.
22: 438-440.

36Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism,p. 142.

37Farnell, Cults of the Greek States,p. 554; StephenRonan, ed., The GoddessHekate (Hastings: Chthonios
Books, 1992), p. 43.
38Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " p. 485.
39Maurus Servius Honoratus, Commentaryon the Aeneid of Vergil, 4.511. `et cum superterras est, creditur esse
Luna; cum in terris, Diana; cum sub terris, Proserpina'. Jo. Tzetzae, identified the three forms of Hekate as
Selene,Artemis and Hekate. cf. M. Chantry, ed., Scholia in Aristophanem,Fasc. IVa (Groningen: Egbert
Forsten, 1994), p. 105; 594a; Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " p. 485.
oElisabeth Rohde,Pergamon: Burgberg und Altar (Mnchen: C. H. Beck, 1982),pp. 84-85; Alfred Laumonier,
Les Cultes Indigenes en Carie (Paris: E. De Boccard, Editeur, 1958),p. 350.
4'Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism,pp. 142-143.
42Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " p. 485.
43PGMIV 2836 if. aoxi7I xci rAos at,,nvrwv eov tcovvvI...
44K. Ziegler, "Orphische Dichtung," in Der Kleine Pauly: Lexikon der Antike, vol. 4, ed., August Fredrich
von
Pauly (Mnchen: Druckenmller, 1972),p. 357.
45Stefan Radt, ed., Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, vol. 3, `Aeschylus'(Gttingen: VanenHoeck &
Ruprecht, 1985), p. 435. Number 388; Aristophanes, Wasps,804.
46Aristophanes, Wasps,800-804.
47JacobRabinowitz, TheRotting Goddess:The Origin of the Witch in Classical Antiquity's Demonization
of
Fertility Religion (Brooklyn NY Autonomedia, 1998), pp. 59-60; SarahIles Johnston,RestlessDead (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1999),pp. 206-211; Farnell, Cults of the Greek States,pp. 501-519.
48Strabo,Geography, 14.12.25.

104

('key-holder')
There are numerousinscriptions commemoratingthe festival of the x?Fi'ocpoeos
h-century
49
Platonist commentson Hekate's cosmological
that is held there Proclus, a mid-5
Plato's
The
Republic,
backdrop
in
his
this
on
and
with
contextual
roles
commentary
50
is
expressesan
apparently in mind, she specifically called xAei oV os. The word x iaoxos
important concept,this word, from archaic times, was often used in a metaphoric senseto
holding
fact
the `key' to something had authority over that thing
the
that
the
person
express
Access
is
its
by
holding
to
the
the
mistress.
a
or
realm
controlled
master
one
as
or place
5'
`keys' to that realm.
The `key' was in fact one of the symbols used alongside Hekate from Hellenistic
5
times onward. The nature of Hekate appearsto have changeddramatically over the
Hekate
the
characteristics
associating
of
many
with witchcraft and the
with
centuries
into
being
5th
B.
C.
E.
Indeed,
the
after
century
up until this time no one
coming
underworld
has anything but good to say about her, as was indicated previously. 3 It is very difficult to
determine when specific attributes came to be associatedwith Hekate. It is apparentthat
there has beenan evolutionary processthat has taken place with regard to the attributes of
this goddess,and thesevary not only according to the time but also according to locality
54
where she is mentioned.
An added element of confusion exists in that Hekate was associated with a number of
be
interchangable
to
totally
seems
sometimes
with these other
and
other goddesses
is
Artemis
Ephesians,
There
the
strong
a
particularly
connection
with
of
even
goddesses.
leading to attributes being interchanged between the two goddesses. There is also an
55
Hekate's role as the regulator of entry to or exit from
interchangeability of worship as well.
56
is
highlighted
in
dead
the realm of the
ancient texts. Other passages of a literary nature,
though not specifically mentioning `keys', contribute to the image of the goddess as being in
57
Underworld.
keys
in
There
the
to
the
of
are
also
references
association
gates
of
control
58
have
In
Hades.
the
Hekate
that
stated
connection
no
with
realm
of
art she appears
with
images
her
been
have
displayed
keys
there
to
and
appears
no need to explain the
on
with
59
her
keys
images.
is
however,
The
these
on
not,
unique amongst
goddess
representation of
divine beings thought of as having custody of a variety of keys. 'Havxia, holds the `keys' of
61
holds
keys
Proteus
deep'
'60
`chambers
Zeus holds
the
`councils and wars.
of the
of the
and
,
delight.
'62
`sorrow
keys
to
the
and

At the doors or gatesbetweenthe realms a guardian possessedkeys that allowed

keys
These
be
to
representedgreat power and authority on the part of the
controlled.
access
involved
`magic'
that
Aune
out
a
major
aspect
of
revelatory
points
control over
possessor.
49Charles Diehl and Georges Cousin, "Inscriptions De Lagina, " Bulletin De Correspondance Hellenique 11
(1887): pp. 5-39; Numbers 36,37,14,37,41,45.
50Proclus, Interpretation Republic, II. 121.124-128.
sl Johnston, Hekate Soteira, pp. 40-41.

52Johnston,Hekate Soteira, pp. 40-41.

53Rabinowitz, TheRotting Goddess:The Origin of the Witch in Classical Antiquity's Demonization of Fertility
Religion pp. 35-39.
54Rudloff, Hekate in Ancient Greek Religion..
53Farnell, Cults of the GreekStates,pp. 505-507.
56Orpheus,Argonautika, 985 if.
57Virgil, Aeneid, 6:245-258; Apuleius, Metamorphoses,XI. 2; Seneca,Oedipus,568 ff; Ovid, Metamorphoses,
VII. 234 ff, Lucian, Philopatris, 1; Lucian, TheLover of Lies 14; 24.
58Orpheus,
Hymn, 1.7. (The referenceto `keys' here clearly has cosmological overtones.)
59Johnston,Hekate Soteira, p. 40.
60Pindar, Pythian Odes,8.1-4.
61Orpheus,Hymn, 25.22.
62Orpheus,
Hymn, 73.76. Aune lists others, someof which at least in their current form likely come from a time
later than the composition of The Apocalypse. Aune, Revelation 1-5, pp. 104-105.

105

63
An aspect of significance to this discussion is that Hekate was
Hades.
the gates of
"
in
Asia
during
Minor
Hellenistic
Roman
In
the
southwest
and
particularly popular
periods.
this region her `universal sovereignty' particularly her role as Mistress of the Cosmos would
have made her an obvious rival for the figure of Christ as portrayed by Christianity. 65 It is
upon the basis of her popularity in Asia Minor in particular, that consideration must be given
to the hypothesis put forward by Aune, and others, that it would seems unimaginable that his
Aeis
Savcirov
iov
have
the
conceived
of
phrase
not
as some form
audience would
Toi
xai ro
it
is
If
is
in
Hekate
the
that
to
this
the mind of John as he
case
goddess.
of reference
it
be
then
this
would
a significant boost to Aune's supposition that the
expression
composes
Apocalypse is in fact an `anti-magical polemic' intended to nullify the claims made by others
66
Asia
Minor.
within the the religious context of

D. Revelation 1: 18 and Hekate

Returning once again to the discussionof of 1:18, the vision that John reports,
indicates that this awesomefigure who identifies himself using descriptive phraseswhich are
intended to leave the readerin no doubt that he is none other than the exalted Jesus. It is to
be noted that he describeshimself not only with a seriesof divine titles ('the First and the
Last', `the Beginning and the End', `the Alpha and the Omega' and the `Living One'), but he
fact
9avrou
death
he
his
to
the
that
to
resurrection
and
and
possesss
xllei
Tov"
also refers
xai
67 In Hellenistic Anatolia, the ancient goddessHekate was a goddessof universal
yiov.
rov"
be
in
held
to
the
the
sovereign
over
whole
cosmos
and
of
popular thought
significance, and
68
The
is
Hades.
Aune
keys
to
that the people living in
held
the
perspective
of
others
and
she
this region, at the time that John composedthe Apocalypse, would have immediately

63Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " pp. 487-488.
64Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " p. 486; Theodor Kraus, Hekate:
Studienzu Wesenund Bild der Gttin in Kleinasien und Griechenland (Heidelberg: Carl Winter
Unversitatsverlag,1960),pp. 24-56; 166-168;Farrell, Cults of the GreekStates,pp. 501-519; Barclay V. Head,
Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Ionia (London: British Museum, 1892), p. 104; Barclay V. Head, Catalogue of
the Greek Coins of Lydia (London: British Museum, 1901), pp. 28. No. 20.192 No. 134.254. No. 125.355.
No. 171; F. Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinasiatische Mnzen, vol. 1 (Wien: Alfred Hlder, 1901), pp. 156-157.Nos.
111,112,113. The goddessis representedas Artemis-Hekate on coins from Ephesus(1, p. 54, no. 42; p. 60, no.
66). This identification is found on a coin minted under Domitian (I, p. 181,no. 6).
65Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", p. 485.
66Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " p. 494.
67Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 116.
68Aune, Revelation 1-5, pp. 116-117.

106

understood John as highlighting Jesus' superiority over Hekate by the use of the expression
XAEIS

Toil

S'avaTov

xal

Tau

4wou. 69

Charles, on the other hand, links thesetwo possessivegenitives with ideasthat are
contained within the context of the Jewish scriptures. This is especially the casewith Hosea
13:1470,and its immediate context, Death, Sheol and various other abstractterms, are
be
The
then
that neither death nor Hadescan resist the power of
would
meaning
personified.
the risen Christ. Charlesthen relatesthis to the early concept of Christ's descentinto Hades
and his conquest of the powers that resided there. He connects the concept of the keys to a
Jewish context based upon Targum Yerushalmi for Genesis 30: 22 and Deuteronomy 28: 12.71
The Targum here relates a tradition that is built upon certain biblical texts (Ezekiel 37: 1213). The difficulty with using this material for understanding the text under scrutiny is that
the Targums cannot be firmly dated, and it is highly likely that this Targum antedates the
72
Apocalypse.
In addition to this it is to be noted that according to
composition of the
Trebilco there is no evidence that Jewish communities in Asia knew, or followed Rabbinic
73
in
1St
the
teaching
century. This would tend to make the arguments of Charles less than
convincing.

69Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 104; Stefanovic, Revelation ofJesus Christ, pp. 97-98; Moulton
and Milligan,
Vocabulary of the Greek Testament, p. 345, s.v. x7EIS.

The

7013:14 Shall I ransomthem from the power of Sheol? Shall I redeemthem from Death? 0 Death,
where are
your plagues? 0 Sheol, where is your destruction? Compassionis hidden from my eyes. NRSV
1Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon TheRevelation of St. John, vol. 1, pp. 32-33. Targum
Neofiti, Genesis30:22 `Four Keys there are which are given into the hand of the Lord, the master of all worlds,
and he does not hand over them either to angel or to Seraph:the key of rain and the key of provision and the key
of the sepulchresand the key of barrenness.<The key of rain>, for thus doesthe Scripture explain and say:
"The Lord will open for you the good treasurefrom the heavens." The key of provision, for thus does the
Scripture explain and say: "You open your hand and satisfy all living things in whom there is good pleasure."
The key of the sepulchres,for thus doesthe Scripture explain and say: "Behold, I will open your gravesand will
leadyou from your graves,my people." The key of barrenness,for thus doesthe Scripture explain and say:
"The Lord in his good merciesrememberedRachel and the Lord heardthe voice of the prayer of Rachel and
said in his Memra to give her sons.' Martin McNamara, trans., Targum Neofiti 1: Genesis.The Aramaic Bible
Series.vol. IA (Edinburgh: T&T Clark 1992), pp. 148-149.
72McNamara,trans., Targum Neofiti 1: Genesis,pp. 44,148.
73Paul R. Trebilco, Jewish Communitiesin Asia Minor, vol. 69, Society for New Testament StudiesMonograph
Series(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 188.

107

There is a passagefrom the texts found at Qumran (which certainly predatesthe

74
death').
('gates
This phrase
'-IVVJ
Apocalypse) which containsthe phrasethe J1113
of
having
it
`death'
`gates',
indicate
to
though
that
to
conceive
of
as
was
possible
would seem
indication
is
being
`death'
Linking
instance,
in
there
the
this
no
of
personified.
certainly
ideas of their being `keys' to `Death' and `Hades' in the context of Jewish thought doesnot
idea
is
indicated
by
definite
Aune's
farfetched
be
as
perhaps
to
an
rather
statement
as
appear
that `The image of the risen Jesusas keybeareris derived from Hellenistic conceptionsof
Hekate, though few scholarshave madethe connection.'75 The evidencefor linking these
ideas, definitively, within a Jewish context, do, however, appearfar more tenuousthan the
is
far
less
from
background.
There
by
Hellenistic
Aune
forward
available
a
proposals put
intended
Asia
Minor,
John
the
indicate
that
audience
and
particularly
to
residents
of
evidence
is
links.
identify
Jewish
There
been
have
to
these
no
evidence
aware
of
a
to reach would
knowledge of either Rabbinic texts or the Qumran texts in Asia Minor during the time of the
1S`Century C.E.
It is, however, possiblethat within the context of Jewish thought that `Death' and
`Hades' may have beenconceivedof in personalterms (personification of abstractterms
ideas
is
indicate
have
but
that
there
to
such
no
available
evidence
would
such as wisdom76),
0
the
beenpart of the contextual milieu of
people of
century Asia Minor. The evidence,as
far as 1:18 is concerned,would seemto be in favour of the fact that John's audiencewould
have understoodhis referenceto the `keys of death and Hades' as in some way a referenceto
Hekate. There is, however, also meaning for those from a Jewish contextual background as
bridge
images
language
that
that
the contextual
John
will
creates
can once more use
well, and
demonstrate
his
Beale
in
is
to
that
his
there
accepts
such
a
way
point.
audience
world of

741QH XIV 24.

75Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", pp. 484-485.
76Prov. 1:20; 8: 1; 8: 12 ff.; 9: 1;

108

forward
by
but
Aune,
to
the
argument
put
counterswith the possibility
considerableweight
that instead of this passagebeing specifically composedto counter Hekate a more general
into
fact
This
be
intended.
take
the
that there were a
would
consideration
polemic could
77
`pagan
gods' that were popularly thought of as rulers of the underworld.
variety of
This possibility has somevery appealing aspectsand it certainly must be considered,
though there is not as much evidenceavailable to indicate this perspectivewould have been
1st
Asia
Minor.
The
the
contextual
environment
of
within
century
understood
readily
is
Hekate
forward
the
popularity
and
prominence
of
regarding
compelling and
evidence put
though it is not possible to prove this was definitely in John's mind, it doesseemhighly
SayaTov
ci8ov
have
brought
l
images
to
the
that
would
mind
phrase
x2
To
xai
Tov"
of
probable
Hekate for many in John's audience. The point, in the context of 1:18, may be that Jesus
in
death
but
he
death,
the
the
only
of
not
present,
controls
and those who
power
now controls
have died, whenever or wherever they may be. This appears to be the force of the double
nov)
3ayaTov
indicating
he
death
but
he
(x1l8ithat
not
only
controls
xai'
zo
appellation
zo
indicated
he
has
dead
is
by
fact
`keys'
the
the
has
the
that
to the realm
as
all
over
power
also
is
`keys
Death'
indicates
to
Having
that
dead.
the
perhaps
more about the
a
power
the
of
future.
C.
E.
for
),
(Ist
In
the
the same
time
century
with
clear
consequences
period
present
his
Christ
has
that
Paul
to
assure
audience
that
power not only over those who
sought
way
his
he
has
have
died
before
he
those
living
time
the
return,
also
power
of
who
over
at
are
78 Control over Hades perhaps indicates power over those who have died in the
past.
returns.
Jesus, therefore, takes on more power than any figure within the context of the GraecoRoman panoply of gods. From a Jewish perpective, perhaps John intends to convey the idea
that Jesus takes on powers that would have been considered the sole domain of God, thus

77Beale, The Book of Revelation, p. 215.

781 Thess. 4: 16.1 Cor. 15:32.

109

Christ.
With
John
Jesus
deity
Jesus
to a
the
a
single
expression
can
elevate
of
expressing
his
deity.
unequivocally
affirm
and
position above all rivals
E. Examination of Revelation 3: 7
`And to the angel of the church of Philadelphia write; "these things saysthe Holy one,
the true one, the one having the key of David ( Fxwvz'*v xAEiv4awb), the one opening and
"'
3:
is
hold
In
7
Jesus
to
to
no
one
opens.
and
said
closing
power
open and
and
closes
no one
have
description
is
in
This
to
a
as
virtually,
way
absolute
control.
such
close something
basedupon Isaiah 22:22 where Eliakim is appointed as royal treasurer. In the context of
Isaiah the verse had in view the royal palace in Jerusalem,but the Apocalyptist has in mind
79
is
22:
16).
A relatively close
Christ
(Revelation
the Davidic line whose representative
in
dates
is
found
Coptic
from
`magical'
text80
that
text
this
a
probably
to
exorcism
parallel
8'
is
dependent
Revelation.
Reddish
C.
E.
upon the text of
the 5thcentury
and almost certainly
indicates that the exalted Christ is displayed as possessingthe `key of David' denoting his
deny
kingdom
God.
He
in
to
then
to
the
that
to
goes
on
to
access
of
state
authority grant or
his view the passagehere should be connectedwith the statementat 1:18 where Jesushas
82
Caird
indicates
interpretation.
different
He postulatesthat
Aar; zovSaVa-rou
a
xai rou"yiaov.
John developsthe imagery in quite a different direction. Christ has openeda door in front of
the Philadelphian Christians with the expectationthat they will sucessfullytake the
for
does
Jews.
Caird
have
the
the
them
that
to
conversion
of
note
others
given
opportunity
indicative
be
Jews
but
to
the
the
their ultimate
of
this
conversion
of
not
passage
perceived
humiliation. 83 There appearsto be little reasonto commendthis perspective.

79Jeremias,11'Aals[key]"', p. 748.
80Angelicus M. Kropp, AusgewhlteKoptische Zaubertexte,vol. 2 (Bruxelles: Edition de la Foundation
EgyptologiqueReine Elisabeth, 1931),pp. 151-152;London Ms. Or. 5987.
Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 235; Victor Stegemann,Die Gestalt Christi in den koptischenZaubertexten
(Heidelberg: Selbstverlagvon F. Bilabel, 1934),pp. 19-20.
82Reddish, Revelation, p. 74.

83Caird, TheRevelation of St. John the Divine, p. 51.

110

Roloff, Beasley-Murray, and others agreewith Reddish and link this passagewith
1:18.84In support of the analysisthat there is a connection betweenthis verse and 1:18 some
yiaov
(104,218,459,620,2050,2067)
LX
with
manuscriptsreplace aui'
or with rov"Savrovxai
85 Beale goesonto develop his argumentby stating that the
ciaou
(1893).
point of the
rove
holds
judgement.
is
Jesus
Whereasin 1:18 the
the
that
power
over
salvation
and
quotation
death
judgement
his
is
the emphasisat 3:7 is upon his
over
and
sovereignty
stress on
86
into
kingdom.
Aune believes that the indeclinable word
the
authority over those entering
Davrais an objective genitive, and that the phrasehere refers to the Davidic or Messianic
kingdom, i. e., to the `true Israel.'87 Charles is in agreementwith this assessmentthat the zr7v
Aeiv Aavia has a Messianic significance, and that Christ has complete authority over
from
kingdom.
In
Eliakim
the
the
that
to,
same
way
or
exclusion
carried the keys
admission
in
Hezekiah,
Christ
level
David
house
the
time
the
the
of
so
carries
same
of
of authority
of
1:
22)
includes
(Ephesians
kingdom
this
the realm of Hades(1: 18)88
the
and
over
Hahn indicatesthat in his view the words s'xwvz17vxAziv Aaur, avoiywvxai ovoeis
4voi7FI
function.
indicates
He
to
that the
are
a
reference
an
eschatological
xai odis
xAFi(rFr,
aou',
in
3avaTov
1:
18
be
distinguished
from
mentioned
the riv XA571,
should
rove
xai
wlET Tov
Lauraas well as from the 10xAdFzoi co
M'

ri

8vvarov.He suggeststhat just as the

dead
kingdom
locked
being
by
keys,
the
thought
the
of
were
of
as
and
underworld
so also
89
future
be
locked
by
keys.
This perspectiveis based
to
considered
was the world of the
he
indicates
is
intended
describe
Jeremias
3:
7
that
Christ's
to
the
where
of
upon
work

84Rotoff, TheRevelation of John, p. 61; Beasley-Murray,Revelation, pp. 99-100; Stefanovic, Revelation

of
JesusChrist, p. 140; Osborne,Revelation,pp. 187-188;Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The
Revelationof St. John, vol. 1, p. 86.
Beale, The Book of Revelation,pp. 283-284.
96Beale, The Book of Revelation,pp. 283-284.
87Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 235.
88Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 1, p. 86.
89FerdinandHahn, The Titles of Jesusin Christology (London: Lutterworth Press, 1969), p. 245.

III

'90
`future
does
how
he
He
the
world.
over
elaborate
not
on
exactly
unlimited sovereignty
few
have
it
to
this
scholars
seem
and
considered
of enoughnote to
perspective
arrived at
be
based
it.
fact
he
It
to
the
that
appears
solely
upon
considersthis
even make mention of
in
future.
indicate
Though
to
the
to
will
over
what
come
power
pass
at
some
point
a
section
it is true that Jesusis certainly perceived of as having control of the future, it seemsmore
likely that his overall sovereigntyis the point of this passagenot simply his sovereignty over
the future.
The question is, doeslinking this passagewith 1:18 affect the supposition put forward
by Aune that 1:18 is primarily concernedwith countering a threat from Hekate to the position
is
3:
7
Beale
that
the
to
Christ?
possibly
meant
counter
view that some were
postulates
of
91
local
from
the
being excommunicated
synagogue. Reddish notes the sameissueas being at
92
in
`synagogue
Satan'
(3:
9)
the
expression
of
the forefront of this context, especially noting
The concern in this context seemsto be primarily aimed at a Jewish antagonistand there
indicate
is
in
`magical'
`pagan'
little
The
be
to
that
antagonist
to
any
or
view.
very
appears
link betweenthis passageand the one at 1:18 seemsto be part of a continuing effort on the
has
Jesus
indicate
This
that
John
to
and
sovereignty
over
everyone.
everything
would
part of
bring comfort to those who perceiveda threat from an antagonistof any sort.
A factor for considerationin this vein is the size and influence of the Jewish
during
1St
indications
C.
Minor
E.
There
in
Asia
the
Jews
formed
that
century
are
community
lived
Asia
Minor.
They
in
total
the
large
population
of
primarily
of
urban
a
percentage
93
influential
been
in
have
Baron
these
to
centres
quite
population
centres, and appear
by
in
Minor
living
Asia
Jews
1st
the
there
that
one
million
around
century. He
were
estimates
Italy
Roman
Jew.
East
Jewish
the
tenth
that
every
was
a
of
to
population
speculate
goes on
90Jeremias,"`xAls [key]"', p. 748.
91Beale, TheBook of Revelation,p. 284.
92Reddish,Revelation,pp. 74-75.
93E. Silberschlag,"The Earliest Record of Jews in Asia Minor", Journal of Biblical Literature 52 (1933): pp.
66-77.

112

was even higher with the possibility that 20% of the population may have beenJewish in the
4
Mediterranean
eastern
world. We will come back to this passageagain later after an
examination of other passages.
F. Examination

of Revelation 9: 1

At 9: 1 a `star' (some form of supernatural being)95 is given j Adis rou cpQFaros

zrs

& goov.The use of the two definite articles here makes it clear that the notion of the shaft
of
6
known
the abyss was a well
conceptto the readers. In the Greek Magical Papyri there is an
indication that a supernaturalbeing (,N4) of some sort rules over the abyss.97 Reddish puts
forward the view that John is in this section adapting the Jewish tradition of fallen angels,
with a fallen angel being given the `key' to the shaft of the abyss. The abyssrepresentsthe
reservoir of evil where the disobedientangelshave beenlocked away. By opening the abyss
98
is
a new plague of evil unleashedupon the earth.
There is a great deal of debateregarding whether John is referring to a good or an evil
being in this context. He could be referring either to the archangelUriel, who was chief
`over Tartarus', or the archangelSaraqael,who was `over the spirits who sin in the spirit'
...
(1 Enoch 19:1; 20: 1-6; 21: 1-10). Beale discussesthis issue in somedepth and makes a good
casefor this being a referencethat indicatesjudgment on an angel (cf. 1 Enoch 86:3; 88:3;
Revelation 12:4,9-10,13). In addition to the resemblanceswith falling star depictions, the

94Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, Part. I; 2nd edition,
revised and enlarged
ed. (New York: Columbia University Press,1952), pp. 170-171. cf. Trebilco, Jewish Communities in Asia
Minor; M. Stern, "The Jewish Diaspora," in TheJewish People in the First Century, ed. S. Safrai, et al. (Assen:
Van Gorcum & Comp. B. V., 1974),pp. 117-183;John M. G. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora
(Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996),pp. 259-281.
95In Jewish tradition, starswere often equatedwith some form of spiritual being. Reddish, Revelation,
176.
p.
%Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 525.
97PGMXIII.

169-170. `A god appeared; he was given charge of the abyss [of primal waters], for without/ him
moisture neither increases nor diminishes. ' 481-483. `And a god appeared and was given charge of the abyss,
and therefore without him moisture neither increases nor diminishes. ' Quotes from Betz, The Greek Magical
Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells, 177,185.

98Reddish,Revelation, pp. 176-177.

113

but
is
fallen
is
implied
by verse 1199.
this
that
a
good
angel
not
a
angel
also
conclusion
Beale, therefore, comesto the conclusion that the angel in verse 1 is either Satanor one of his
be
latter
(the
would perhaps parallel to 2 Enoch 42: 1100) In this context, then, the
minions
indication
key
is
`the
the
abyss'
as
an
of
of the sovereignty that he has over the
angel given
link
indicating
Beale
1:
18
it
demons.
to
this
that
on
goes
passage
with
must be
realm of
Christ who bestowsthis key, since he has overcome Satanand now possessesAs

ro

avcrovxai zov"jiaov(1: 18). The indication is that neither Satannor his evil servantscan
unleash the forces of the abysson the earth unlessallowed to do so by the resurrected
0'
'
Christ.
The conclusion, that the `star' that had fallen from heavenhas an evil nature, is
102
&'&iov
in
Greek
Jewish
by
the
translations of the
the use of
word
os the
scriptures.
supported
The term 6voTosis used in these translations to translate the Hebrew term Q1,1J1.103`The
'04
God's
Charles.
In 1 Enoch
Deep' was conceived as the abode of
enemy according to
18: 12 ff. and other parts of 1 Enoch this place is conceived of as a temporary place of
hosts
is
heaven.
In
`abyss'
`stars'
Job
for
the abode of the cosmic
the
the
and
of
punishment
6vcvos
The
is
23-24).
Hades
in
(41:
dragon
the
synonymous
with
concept
of
several
sea
Jewish texts (Job 38: 16-17; Ezekiel 31: 15; Jonah 2: 6). The concept that appears to be
idea
is
the
of a place of punishment where evil spirits are restrained under God's
uppermost
sovereign power.

'5

99`They have over them as king, the angel of the abyss,his name in Hebrew is Abaddon, and in Greek the name
he has is Apollyon. '
100`And I saw the key-holders and the guardsof the gatesof hell standing, as large as serpents,with their faces
like lamps that have beenextinguished,and their eyesaflame, and their teeth naked down to their breasts.'
Andersen,"2 (Slavonic Apocalypse of) Enoch," p. 166.
101Beale, The Book of Revelation,pp. 491-493.
'2Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 493.
103
Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 526.
104
Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 1, p. 240. cf. Am. 9:3;
Ps.74: 13; cf. Job 41:24 Septuagint.
105Beale, TheBook of Revelation,p. 493.

114

Once again John usespowerful images to paint a picture that makesit absolutely clear
that God is sovereignand that nothing, not even the domain of evil spirits, is beyond the
images
does
from
He
drawn
this
that
this
using
are
primarily
a Jewish
sovereignty.
reach of
does
indication
base.
This
he
the
the
threat
give
us
a
concise
not
of
source
of
contextual
is
from
it
Jewish
does,
however,
indicate
It
to
of
outside
a
context
or
not.
perceives,whether
immersed
in
Jewish
his
deeply
is
John
that
a
contextual
that
worldview
colours
perception
us
be
does
between
9: 1 and 1:18 and this connection
There
to
the
seem
a
connection
cosmos.
of
has
in
Aune
John
Hekate
he
light
that
the
of
supposition
view
as
composes
upon
could shed
1:18. The Jewish context of the &'&'o-o-os
within the Greek translations of their scriptures
between
beings
indicate
to
a
connection
an
abode
of
spiritual
and the concept of
would seem
`Hades'.
It is perhapsof note that in the Apocalypse the beastascendsfrom the abyss (11:7;
17:8) and it becomes the ultimate abode of Satan (20: 1-3), the location where the
`locusts'(9: 1-10) ascend to torment, and the `angel of the abyss' (9: 11) is their king. It is,
dwelling
demons.
Aune,
to
the
the
the
to
shaft
underworld
and
specifically
place
of
according
It is presented as if it is blocked by a door to which God alone holds the key. The door can
be locked and sealed (20: 3) as well as unlocked (9: 2a) by the one who possess the `key'
106
divine
Aune).
Aune does not seem to perceive a
to
(which represents
authority according
if
Jewish
for
is
images
here,
thought
the
there
the
of
and
realm
a connection
context outside
between 9: 1 and 1: 18 it may indeed affect the interpretation of 1: 18. If this passage fits
by
it
Aune
Jewish
then
the
that `In early
made
that
would
negate
assertion
context
within
Jewish underworld mythology, the netherworid was not thought of as having doors or
107
'
gates.

106Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 526-527.

107Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 104.

115

The link between9: 1,3: 7 and 1:18 makes it probable that Beale is correct in his
background
Isaiah
22:
is
22
the background for this imagery at 9: 1. Even
that
the
of
assertion
this, though, doesnot indicate that John does not have pagan rulers of the underworld in
108
indicates.
Beale
1:
18
There is yet one more place that John
as
also
mind, especially at
in
`key'
the Apocalypse and after an examaination of this passagethe
terminology
uses
discussionof this issuecan be viewed in light of all its usagesin the Apocalypse.
G. Examination

of Revelation 20: 1

In this section `an angel descending from heaven with the key of the abyss and a large
yy'kov
'
(Kai
in
his
hand,
il'ov
xara6aivovTa ex zou oveavoaxov'ra zrv xA 7vzrs i&00ov
chain
b2vciv
uaY
xai

am
is
imagery
)
The
portrayed.
of an angel `descending
r'v x6ea aiTov.
v

from heaven', occurs with slight variation in 10: 1 and 18: 1. The utilization of chains in the

binding of Satanand his hosts is an apocalyptic motif (1 Enoch 54:3-5; 2 Apocalypse of

Baruch 56: 13; Sibylline Oracles 2.289; Jude 6; 1 Peter2:4) derived from earlier Greek
traditions (Apollodorus, Library and Epitome 1.1.2; Hesiod Theogany718; cf. Hyginus
Fabulae 150). Aune indicatesthat the Greek mythology appearsto have been influenced by
109
The clearestparallels to the idea of the binding or
the Hittite successionmyth.
imprisoning of evil forces in the Jewish scripturesoccurs at Isaiah 24:21-22. This passage
"
0A
`host
heaven'
forces
being
bound
in
the
of
of
as
as prisoners a pit.
portrays the evil
link
`key'
`abyss'
to
the
the
appear
and
of this verse with 9: 1,111
commentators
number of
Others,however, note significant differences such as MassynberdeFord who indicates that
112
latter
descended
(xara5aivw).
fell
(7u'rT))
the former
while the

108Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 215.

109
Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1081.
110Reddish,Revelation,p. 380.
11'Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 2, pp. 140-141; Reddish,
Revelation,p. 380; Beale, TheBook of Revelation, p. 493; Harrington, Revelation, p. 199.
112
Ford, The Book of Revelation,p. 329.

116

Stefanovic points out that despitethe similarity in wording between20: 1 and 9: 1

there are differences. It is his position that the star from heavenin the context of 9: 1 is none
his
He
himself.
Satan
than
cites
as
reasoningthat the angel was seenwith a `key' to
other
lock and seal the abyss in this verse,while in 9: 1 the fallen star was given power to open the
113
it
is
best
indicates
Beale
to understand`The key of the abyss' as
that
probably
abyss.
being the sameas `the key of death and of Hades,' which Christ holds in chapter one due to
death
his
has
he
through
fact
that
resurrection (1: 18). Beale would go so far as
the
overcome
to say that the `abyss' in 9: 1-2 and in chapter 20: 1 is probably a synonym for `deathand
Hades' in 1:18 and 6:8. The context of 6:8 and 9: 1-2 shows Satanas being closely associated
in
in
Hades'.
6:
8
1-2,
20:
As
9:
1-3
`death
Satanic
the
and
and
the
so
also
of
realm
realm
with
is shown to be under Christ's authority. In this instance,then, the symbol of the `key' in the
degree
its
in
in
has
20:
1, though the
a
general
sense
a
of
overlap
with
usage
earlier chapters
14
is
different.
in
precise application eachcase
A supernaturalbeing with authority of the abyssis mentioned in PGM XIII. 169170.115In a similar vein, in a `magical' procedureheavily influenced by Judaism,there is the
Abyss,
Bythath'
XXXV.
1).
(PGM
In
Jewish
the
`I
thought,
sit
over
who
you
on
phrase call
God is not portrayed as restraining demonshimself but leavesthat to an angel that is
designatedto perform this task. This is also seenin PGM IV 3007-3086 where at lines 30243026 the `magician' prays, `Let your irresistible angel descendand imprison the demon
flying about.' The use of the definite article with a'y-tzAoc
alongsidethe word 7raea1rgT
s
(irresistable) in this context refers to a special angel whose task was to opposethe particular
116
in
`magical'
demonmentioned the
procedure. The angel of 20: 1 then `binds' Satanfor a

113Stefanovic,Revelation of JesusChrist, p. 562.

114Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 984.

"s `A
[of
for
/
him
he
the
charge
abyss
without
given
of
primal
waters],
was
moisture neither
god appeared;
increases nor diminishes. ' Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells, p. 177.
116Aune, Revelation 17-22, pp. 1081-1082. cf. Eitrem, Some Notes on the Demonology in the New Testament,
p. 17.

117

is
This
direct
`a
designated
thousand
the
years'.
restraint
as
result of Christ's
period
binding
in
light
indication
defines
1:
18
3:
7-8
Beale
this
the
of
and
and
would
resurrection.
then be that at this point Satanno longer has authority over the realm of the deadas he did
Satan
himself
is
Jesus.
the
to
of
now under the Messianic authority of the
resurrection
prior
risen Christ.
H. Summary
The initial purposeof this study was to investigate whether or not there was any
by
Aune
his
that
this
that
the
to
passage
provides
evidence
made
supports
claim
validity
thesis that the Apocalypse of John was devised as `an extensiveand creative anti-magical
`pagan'
Christian
in
the
the
to
revelatory
claims
nullify
of
competitors
of
order
polemic'
117In terms of a `magical' world view, if someonecould be labelled as a `magician'
prophets.
they themselveswould be discredited and therefore their influence would be eroded,at least
in most circles. In the context of the social conflict that took place betweenthe messengers
bearing the messageof Christ and the remainder of the Graeco-Romanworld this could
in
Christianity
became
be
the
tool
that
took
to
social
conflict
as
place
a valuable
prove
'
18
indeed
`Magic'
be
label
Minor.
discredit
in
Asia
that
to
those
was
a
could
used
successful
to whom it was appended. Downing is of the opinion that in the world where the Christian
119
belief
in
'miracle'.
`magic'
This
began
there
no
widespread
was
or
either
movement
in
his
least,
be
indicate
there
that
at
to
view
would
no reasonto combat something that
seems
first
instance.
in
the
in
threat
was reality not a
Downing's perspectivecertainly does not appearto be borne out by the evidence
from antiquity. To the contrary, despitethe widespreadprohibitions against `magic' in the
120
have
flourished.
Pliny
Elder's
it
is
to
the
writings also vehemently
said
ancientworld,
117
Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", pp. 481-501.
118
Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, pp. 4-5.
119Downing, "Magic and Scepticism in and Around the First Christian Century", p. 86.
120Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, p. 11.

118

disagreewith this assessement

as he statesthat `...it ('magic') has exercisedthe greatest
influence in every country and in nearly every age. And no one can be surprisedat the extent
he
its
it
has
by
that
its
influence
reflects
own
energies
embraced,and
when
and authority,
of
thoroughly amalgamatedwith itself the three other scienceswhich hold the greatestsway
121
in
has
been
discussed
'
From
have
this
there
to
what
chapter
the
seems
man.
of
mind
upon
beena major concernwith who, or what, held the power of death and controlled the realm of
the dead.
In light of the evidencethat has been investigated in this work, it is highly probable
that John would have beenfully aware that many in his audiencewould indeed have
indicating
Christ
Hekate.
This
Jesus
he
to
that
that
superior
was
positive
was
perceived
him
in
held
by
Christ
the
would clearly place
a position above
cosmic power
affirmation of
Due
to
the
the
and
prominent
widespread,
prevalent
positioning
of
adversaries.
any potential
her
Hades',
`keys'
it
Hekate
association
with
and
cosmic
credentials
with
along
goddess
influence.
by
her
highlighted
John
to
targeted
the
counter
that
are
probably
points
seems
It should be noted that John makesthesestatementsto counter Hekate in an
bounds
fashion
Jewish
the
the
without
going
outside
contextual
of
creative
extraordinarily
imaginative
in
drawing
from
documents
immensely
is
these
He
elements
and using
writings.
them to powerfully counter any possibility of a rivalry from Hekate or indeed from amongst
he
demonstrates
Graeco-Roman
At
the
time
the
gods.
as
the
same
of
panoply
any of
he
intensifies
deity
Christ
these
the
perceptions
rivals
also
powerfully
over
of
of
superiority
Christ
from
is
that
to
He
Christ.
of
might
thus
silence
any
potential
adversary
come
able
of
dealing
decisively
deny
in
to
Jewish
who
any
might
as
seek
as
well
with
context
outsidea
fact
fails
Despite
Christ.
Aune
fact
to
deity
the
that
the
fashion
acknowledge
that
the
of
any
John draws upon Jewish sourcesfor his conceptsof the gatesof Hades,Aune does make a

121Pliny the Elder, TheNatural History, 30.31.

119

John
has
for
Hekate in mind as he composes1:18 and the
that
accepting
strong argument
it.
This
to
would then seemto lend considerablecredenceto Aune's
other passagesrelated
supposition that John wrote the Apocalypse as an `anti-magical polemic'.

120

6. Passages That Use Ta

A. Introduction
The phrase`I am coming quickly' (eQxoAar
-raxv)occurs 5 times in the
Apocalypse (Revelation 2: 16; 3: 11; 22: 7; 22: 12; 22: 20). Aune contends that John's usage of
the term zati is yet another instance of his turning the tables on contemporary `magical'
lips
`quickly'
Jesus.
by
John,
to
the
the
the
come
promise
upon
of
risen
placing
practice
in
`quickly'
his
Aune,
the
to
to
adverb
order
make
adds
parody of `magical'
according
'
impatience
his
He
`The
is
that,
to
claims
readers.
ritual
of
magicians
well
practice obvious
known. '2 This is demonstrated, in part, due to the reality that a number of spells and
invocations of the Greek Magical Papyri incorporate a range of variations on the formula jai;
''2

3 This
impatience
).
('now,
type
same
of
now! quickly, quickly!
can also
za,%VzaXV

4
demon
invoking
it
`come'
`appear'
invocations
to a god or a
to
or to
quickly.
accompany
B. Investigation

in the current context, representswhat some scholarshave describedas an

"EQ%ouar,
`oracular' or `prophetic' present. This type of usage employs a present tense verb modified
by Taxi ('quickly'),

imparting a sense of the imminent expectation of fulfilment and a

5
heightenedsenseof urgency. Tatei is the neuter singular accusativeof the adjective rah 41
.
6
is
form
The accusativecase the most common caseused to
adverbs. The generalmeaning
by
be
it
is
has
that
that
the opposite of
perceived
noting
this
can
a
meaning
expression
of

1Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " p. 493.

2Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " p. 493. He repeatsthis assertionin a
Aune,
1184.
his
Revelation
17-22,
in
form
p.
more
recent
work.
somewhatmodified
3 PGM 111.123-124;IV. 1593f., 1924,2037,2098; VII. 248; 259; 331f; Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1184.
4 PGM 1.89ff.; IV. 236ff.; VI. 14; VII. 247ff.; 331ff.
5Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " p. 493; Nigel Turner, 'Syntax', vol. 3,
Greek
T&T
Grammar
New
Testament
(Edinburgh:
Clark,
A
1963), p. 63; F. Blass,
Moulton,
James
Hope
of
ed.
A. Debrunner,and Robert W. Funk, A Greek Grammar of the New Testamentand Other Early Christian
German edition incorporating supplementarynotes of A.
Literature, A Translation and Revision of the 9`h-10`h
Debrunner(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1961), p. 168.
6A. T. Robertson,A Grammar of the Greek New Testamentin the Light of Historical Research(Nashville TN:
BroadmanPress,1934),pp. 487-488; 294-299.

121

Qaews
(`slowly'). The double usageof Ta%ito createthe formulation raxv rani is
incantation
The
in
in
found
2a
texts.?
these
texts,
the
earliest
of
extant
originates
commonly
8
E.
C.
century
Tatei occurs in a number of ancient texts (some as early as the 9t' century B. C.E.),
9
in
`quickly',
`swiftly',
`haste'
`soon'
`swift',
`speedily'.
In
the
the
and
of
meaning
with
(5t'
40'
C.
),
by
B.
E.
Aristophanes
to
Lysistrata,
the phrase rar)
century
work

'& e"exoaar10

"
`I
dialogue
This
in
that
the
expresses
sense
of,
will
come
straight
away'.
simple
occurs
is
in
first
instances
be
the
two
to
verb
used
with
a
where Tau'
person,
one of only
appears
12
in
Greek
Jewish
Tatei
Apocalypse.
the
translation
the
the
also
occurs
early
of
outside of
13the New Testament, 14the Pseudepigrapha, 15Josephus,16and in the Apostolic
scriptures,
Fathers, 17but it is not used in conjunction with a first person verb in the manner found in the
Apocalypse: this category of usage is quite rare in existing ancient literature.

Most commentatorsthink the term radii simply reflects an expectationof the

18
imminent return of Christ. Beasley-Murray, though not acceptingthat this expressionhas
is
`magical'
Aune
that
to
practice, agreeswith
rani not simply
any relationship at all

Papyri Hawara 312:8-9. PGM 111.123-124;IV. 1593f., 1924,2037,2098; V11.248;259; 331f.

8Ulrich Wilcken, cd., Archiv Fr Papyrusforschungund VerwandteGebiete,Fnfter Band (Leipzig and Berlin:
Verlag Von B. G. Teubner, 1913),p. 393.
9 Homer, Iliad, 13:249; Plato, Statesman, 279c; Euthyphro 7b, c; Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.13.1;
Pindar, Olympian Odes 1:108; Pythian Odes, X: 5 1; Nemean Odes, I: 51; Sophocles Philoctetes 349; Xenephon,
Anabasis, 2: 3: 6,8; Hellenica 3.4.14; 5:4: 6; Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten 10799; P. Mich.
204; The Oxyrhynchus Papyri 2599; The Tebtunis Papyri 592; The Rendel Harris Papyri of Woodbrooke
College, Birmingham 151.

10Aristophanes,Lysistrata, 935.
" Jeffrey Henderson,trans. and ed., Aristophanes; Birds; Lysistrata; Womenat the Thesmophoria,Loeb
ClassicalLibrary Series, 179 (CambridgeMA: Harvard University Press,2000), Line 935.
12The other is Sammelbuchgriechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten 12.10799which datesfrom 24 B. C.E.
E.
-14C.
13Gen. 27:20; Ex. 32:8; De. 9: 12; Jud. -B 2: 17; 9:54; Jud.-A 2: 17; 2 Sam. 17:16; Ps. 36:2; 68: 18; 78:8; 101:3;
137:3; 142:7; Pr. 20:25; Qoh. 8: 11; Isa. 5:26; 8:23; 13:22; 32:4; 49: 17; 51:5; 58:8; Jer. 30: 13; 2 Mac. 3:31; 7:37;
3 Mac. 2:20; 4 Mac. 4:5; Sir. 6:7; 6: 19; 19:4; 48:20.
14Matt. 5:25; 28:7; 28:8; Mark 9:39; Luke 15:22; John 11:29; Rev. 2: 16; 3: 11; 11:14; 22:7; 22: 12; 22:20.
151 En. 97: 10.
16Josephus,TheJewish War, 7:394.
171 Clem. 23:5; Hermas, TheShepherdof Hermas, Mandate 9:7.
18Osborne,Revelation, p. 146; Reddish,Revelation, p. 77; Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy, p. 107;
Brighton, Revelation, p. 94; Stefanovic,Revelation of JesusChrist, p. 142.

122

19
five
Jesus.
Aune
Beasley-Murray
final
`coming'
that
indicative of the
argue
not
all
of
and
Eexouat
(2:
16:
15)
16;
3:
11;
22:
7,12,20;
the
cf.
carry the same
rani,
phrase
occurrencesof
by
being
different
kinds
Aune
to
two
Thus,
to
of
coming
are
referred
according
meaning.
Ipx5a-ar
(cf.
in
7,12,
20
16:
15),
22:
While
the
verb
may very well
and
this terminology.
denotethe parousia, in 2: 16 and 3: 11 it occurs amongststatementsthat anticipate a
20
judgment
final
decisive
Christ.
the
the
that
of
and
precedes
retribution
The distinction being highlighted by Aune and Beasley-Murray is that the judgement
is
imminent
importance
his
is
indicative
by
John
that
to
described
Christ
of
of
something
of
is
in
is
2:
16
to
that
The
that
a
current
situation
specific
something
urgency
original audience.
in
definite
3:
11
The
that
to
in
Pergamum.
circumstances
are
set
of
relates
a
situation
exists
in
difference
in
The
Philadelphia.
the
to
the
meaning
readership
currently of consequence
highlighted by Beasley-Murray and Aune, as opposed to the explanation given by most other
interpeters, is considerable. The references to Christ `coming' have in view an immediacy
have
their
they
to
take
the
activities:
will
of
urgent
account
an
churches
that would compel
highlights
3:
19
Revelation
Christ
this
the
the
very
soon.
risen
to reckon with
presence of
21
John
is
to
those
the
Jesus
save
are
audience.
not
who
original
wants
central point:
is
in
far
distant
future.
He
the
that
calling upon the
forecasting some event
may occur
immediately.
by
Apocalypse
being
the
to
repent
address
churches currently

Aune makesthe assertionthat from the perspectiveof his readers,John deliberately

`magical'
have
been
that
of
as
term
seen
characteristic
practitioners.
would
madeuse of a
John
Aune
that
was making use of a
Despite this contention,
presentsno conclusive proof
by
his
`magical'
been
have
2)
characteristic
as
(za
of
readers
recognised
that
term
would
his
demonstrate
by
Aune
to
to
The
supposition originate
examplesreferred
practitioners.
19G. R. Beasley-Murray, "The Eschatologyof the Fourth Gospel," Evangelical Quarterly (1946): pp. 97.108;
G. R. Beasley-Murray, "The Relation of the Fourth Gospel to the Apocalypse," Evangelical Quarterly (1946):
188-189.
1-5,
Revelation
Aune,
pp.
173-186;
pp.
20Aune, Revelation 1-5, pp. 188-189.
21Rev. 3: 19 'Whoever I love, I censureand I discipline; therefore be earnestand repent.'

123

from a time that is later than the composition of the Apocalypse. It may be that this same
type of usagewas also common in the 1Stcentury C.E., and before, but Aune is not able to
find any literary evidenceto corroboratethis supposition. Nevertheless,the rarity of the
in
Apocalypse
by
intimates
its
frequent
John
the
that special attention
usage
and
expression,
be
should given to this appellation.
It could be that interpretersutilizing a very strict definition of `magic' would
hampered
by
in
have
the
their
subtlety
understanding
of
a
number
of
references
conceivably
Revelation, including this one. It is perhaps conceivable that a meaning that would have
been easily comprehensible to a 1Stcentury audience, could be obscured by the perceptual
by
Fortunately,
Aune's
he
is
to
a
contemporary
mindset.
great
credit
parameters engaged
designated
1St
focus
the
to
assumptions
about
comprised
century
what
category
on
often able
in
hold
degree
is
he
to
to
taxonomic
that
`magic',
a
questions
abeyance
able
allows
and
as
2
by
him to illuminate passagesthat are often obscured
more modem prejudiced assumptions.

If Aune is correct in his suggestionthat John usesrani to parody either real, or

Apocalypse,
the
the
the
of
amongst
members
of
audience
we may
contemplatedpractices,
in
fully
Jesus
John
to
infer
that
order
cognisant of this
emphasise
was
then
used zaxi

for
follows
lips
Aune's
term
the
If
this
on
reasoning
putting
of the risen
one
circumstance.
Jesus,in the mannerin which he does (i. e. single usageof -raxu),John has Jesusanticipate a
double
The
the
the
than
readers.
single,
rather
usageof at then
potential problem amongst
issue
both
his
John
for
take
the
the
to
thoughts
actions
with
and
of
audience.
reflects a way
He does this in a mannerthat doesnot give credibility to any beliefs that they may hold with
forces.
John
Had
the
(i.
used
complete
the
gods
or
spiritual
to
other
of
phrase
e.
regard
power
it
have
been
Magical
Papyri)
Greek
in
it
perceived as signifying that
the
might
as occurs

22Garrett, The Demise of the Devil, p. 125,N. 100.

124

thesewords were terms that did convey a power that was permissible to those amongstthe
have
discouraged
it.
This
this
type
than
then
promoted
of
practice,
rather
could
readership.
C. Summary
What can be said is that the adverb zauswhen combined with the verb epxopat,as in
Rev. 22: 7,12,20, does function to increase the sense of urgency associated with the
23 This coming, according to Reddish,
Christ
be
should
not
simply
of
return
anticipated
in
lives
believers
Christ
in
to
to
the
the
as
refer
presence
of
way
of
a
such
generalised
4
impending
judgement.
it
From an original audience
history;
act of
throughout
refers to an
eexouai
5
is
John
demonstrate
Aune's
the
that
to
phrase
uses
position
ra
oriented perspective,
that Jesus is more powerful than any other force that his audience might call upon. Despite
the fact that Aune's initial proposal relies upon an assumption based upon materials from the
2"d and 3`d century C. E., it has provided an impetus for a more detailed examination of this
in
definitely
is
it
to
that
the same fashion as
Though
prove
used
term.
not possible
rani was
it is to be found in later centuries, it seems highly probable.

23Thomas,Revelation 8-22 An Exegetical Commentary,pp. 497-498; Osborne,Revelation, p. 782; Aune,

Revelation17-22, p. 1184.
24Reddish, Revelation, p. 424.

125

7. Spirits Like Frogs

A. Revelation 16:13, Why Frogs?
Kcd

OTcc/haroS

E? IOY

EX

TOU O'T/6aTOS T0U

7rV5vjkaTa
T0U iI' L/'O1TQQO4O'JJTOU

aeaxOVTOS

Ten

cb(X .

Xaf
&ZQTa

'x

rou

O'T/6aroS

hS TQa%o,.

Tos

9'Y7QIou

xai

ex T0U

The deceptive influence of

the three charactersthat form the evil triumvirate (the dragon, the beastand the false prophet)
in chapter 16 is portrayed in terms of three `unclean spirits', one from each of the
individuals. ' This sentence,in fact, lacks a main verb. According to Aune, the verb that
is
implied
it
`unclean
is
`to
be
that
emerge'
since
clearly
an
spirit' that
must supplied
from
figures
(dragon,
beast,
frog
the
three
these
mouth
of
each
of
emanated
and
resembleda
false prophet). The question is, why portray them as frogs? Traditional connectionsbetween
`evil spirits' and the mouth or nostrils2probably explain why these `unclean spirits' emerge
from the mouth. Reddishperceivesit as strangethat John has depicted the `unclean'
(xa. aezos)spirits as such benign creatures,as oreaxoi. It might be anticipated that a
hideous, loathsome,or dangerouscreaturemight be more appropriatethan a `frog' to depict
theserepresentationsof evil.
Charles dismissesthis imagery completely, by taking the term th azeaeoi
as a
,
inserted
into
He
text.
in
the
the
the
removal
advocates
of
subsequently
word
gloss
marginal
ws
&rpa%oI
Instead
ws
areaxovs
the
text
the
reading.
of
should
to
original
read
order restore
,
4
is,
however,
There
for
Charles.
this apparentanomaly in the
to
some
prececedent
according
5
into
Muraoka
Greek;
both
have
Aune
Jewish
and
translation of the
as
scriptures
noted, the
translatorshave abandonedthe regular caseform of the noun following 6 in several

' Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 831.

2Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 894.
3Reddish,Revelation,p. 309.
4Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 2, pp. 4748.
s Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 858. cf. Takamitsu Muraoka, "The use of CIE in the Greek Bible, " Novum
Testamentum7 (1964/1965): pp. 51-72, esp. 58.

126

instances,as at Deuteronmy 10:36and 1 Maccabees 11:1.7 It is also of note that in the text of
Symmachus,at Hosea 12:12, the words c cireaxoi(also in the nominative case)are
8
rpaxor
heaps).
is
(as
The
by
Charles,
Hebrew
DI7AD
for
that
the
suggestion
chs
substituted
is
fails
to
that
this
the
text,
to
acknowledge
sufficiently
reading very well
also
secondary
ws

is
lectio
the
the
the
manuscripts;
moreover,
reading
ancient
rQa%ol
attestedamong
difficilior due to the use of the nominative case. The substantiveintroduced by ds should
is
by
(i.
in
be
the
that
the
the
as
substantive
case
modified
clause
same
e.
cis
normally
9
Ws
aTpxovs
be
then
The
reading
would
correct
more
irvE4aaza).
B. Background

of the `Frog' in Antiquity

In ancient Egypt, the frog is associatedwith a figure known as Heqet, a deity noted
10
in
for providing assistanceto women childbirth. There were also severalother primeval
from
have
thought
to
to
the
of
chaos,
creative
matter
was
slime
where
watery
gods related
had
frog-heads.
Egyptian
A
These
of
other
gods
number
gods and
male
originated.
included
frog;
Isis,
the
these
had
one of whose emblems
with
connection
goddesses some
I
I
fertility.
frog
Prigent
however,
Egypt,
the
frog.
In
symbolised
arguesthat
primarily
wasa
John would not have drawn upon frog symbolism from Egypt since this animal signified the
12
death.
beyond
In contrast to Prigent's view, however, one can note
life that begins again
in
it
is
is
Jewish
`frogs'
the
to
and
scriptures
negative,
associatedwith
that the only reference

6 ellauva 3oirAdxaSA4 &a; c al npiural [for z&Sne(LaS].

za;
9poIoav&va

tyov
wS
4
3ap..
[for
oS
r4v
rqv] nap Td ,fei oSr37
is roAA

ao*";

s Fridericus Field, Origenis Hexaplorum, vol. 2 (Oxonii: E TypographeoClarendianio, 1875), p. 960.

9Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 857-858.
10W. S. McCullough, "Frog," in TheInterpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 2, ed. G. A. Buttrick (New York:
Abingdon Press,1962), p. 326.
11Ad de Vries, Dictionary ofSymbols and Imagery (Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company, 1974),
pp. 204-205.
Pierre Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypseof St. John, trans. Wendy Pradels(Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck,
2004), p. 471.

127

13
Thus an Egyptian sourcefor this imagery should not be
Egypt.
the secondplague of
discounted too hastily, a point which will be addressedmore fully later.
Another backgroundfor the frogs in 16:13 has been found in Zoroastrianism. Charles
Ahriman
(Angra
Mainyu)
frogs
as
agents
of
that
and servedas the
regarded
were
notes
14 Ahriman, the evil spirit who dwelt in endlessdarkness,
death.
in
was
source of plaguesand
dwelt
in
light.
(Ahura
Mazda)
The
Ohrmazd
the
who
region
of
endless
conflict with
long
between
figures
the
these
two
that
period
struggle
of
would
mythology recounts
his
defeat
Ahriman
the
and
evil servants,many of whom would then
of
ultimately end with
'5
be
be cast into hell, so that the whole universe would
renovated. `Noxious creatures' such
16
he
his
demons
Ahriman
is
There
the
frogs
attacked
of
and
when
earth.
agents
acted as
as
if
killed
demonic
in
Zoroastrian
three-headed
that
the
anyone
threat
writings
spirit
also a
Azhi Dahaka, this demon would then retaliate by releasingswarms of snakes,scorpions,and
frogs.

17

In the Graeco-Romanworld the frog was associatedwith the goddessLatona who,

being desperatelythirsty, approacheda small lake where she was hindered from drinking by
`Lycian peasants'whom she then transformed into frogs (Ovid, Metamorphoses6.343-385; 8
C. E.). An additional version of this legend was reported by Antoninus Liberalis,
Metamorphoses 35 (2d - 3`d century C. E. ), perhaps demonstrating it is more than an isolated
limited
in
The
`frog'
known
period.
a
was regarded as an animal of the
only
account
Frogs
207
[405
2.150
B.
C.
E.
];
Satire
[1St
Juvenal,
2nd
(Aristophanes,
and
century
underworld
C. EJ), as shown by the many sculptures of frogs on buildings, or implements (Pliny the

H. B. Tristram, TheNatural History of the Bible, Seconded. Rev. and correcteded. (London: Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1868),p. 280.
14Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 2, p. 47.
'5 Bundahishn(9t
C. E. but reflecting ancient Zoroastrian traditions); Jack Finegan, Myth and
Century
-10t'
Mystery (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books, 1989), pp. 65-70.
16Brighton, Revelation, p. 421. N. 418; Finegan,Myth and Mystery, pp. 66-68.
'7 Bundahishn3: 15; Vendidad,Fargard5:36; 14:5; Plutarch, TheIside et Osiride,46; Rist and Hough, "The
Revelationof St. John the Divine, " p. 485.

128

Elder, The Natural History 37.4 [ls` century C. E.]) made from a variety of substanceshaving
`magical', i. e. apotropaicsignificance. In addition, `frogs' were associatedwith Apollo as
fortune-tellers from the 1Stand 2dCentury C. E. (Plutarch, De Pythiae Oraculis 12; Morals
13.164a).18
There are someindications that `frogs' were used in mystic practicesin Egypt as is
indicated by recipesfound in PGM XXXVI. 231-25519and 320-332.0 Some erotic spells
in
frogs
along
with
materials
gathered
and snakes,
also made use of creaturessuch as
21 The dating of the material that makes up thesetexts is notoriously difficult, but
graveyards.
dated
from
4`"
to
the
taken
Papyri
texts
that
the
Magical
generally
are
Greek
are
above
the
2
in
tradition.
is
it
turn,
that
they,
E.,
earlier
C.
a
much
reflect
though
possible
century
Other explanationshave also been suggested. One of particular interest is found in a
in
C.
E.
)
`frogs'
2d
Century
(or
Daldianus,
Epheius
by
Artemidore
which
are
of
sentence
23
first
woAxovc
This
(sorcerers
thieves).
passage,
at
and altar
said to signify y)7zacxai
for
Greek
for
the
be
source
a
possible
evidence
to
piece
of
substantive
a
glance, appears
it
its
loses
however,
imagery. This text,
some of
attractiveness,as remains unique. It comes
d
be
in
C.
E.,
2
dreams
the
key
century
and can explained by the fact that
from a
to
composed
18Christian Hnemrder, "Frog," in Brill's Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World New Pauly, ed. Hubert Cancik
560-562.
Brill,
2004),
E.
J.
(Leiden:
Schneider
pp.
Helmuth
and
19`Take a lead lamella and inscribe with a bronze stylus the following namesand the figure, and after smearing
it with blood from a bat, roll up the lamella in the usual fashion. / Cut open a frog and put it into its stomach.
from
it
bronze
hang
by
Anubian
thread
it
a
reed
your
needle,
on
property
and
a
up
means
After stitching up with
black
/
the
"supreme
the
the
the
rising
of
tail
the
at
east
of
near
sun....
ox,
property
from
of
a
tip
hairs
the
of
of
him,
/
NN
body
dries
NN
bore,
blood
drips
the
frog
of
whom
so
up,
also
will
and
just
with
this
as
angels,
becauseI conjure you, who are in commandof fire MASKELLI MASKELLO" (add the other usual items).' R.
Dieter
Hans
Betz, vol. 1,2nded.
231-55,
in
PGMXXXVI.
231-55,
"
Book
XXXVI.
ed.
"PGM
F. Hock, trans., ed.
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1996), pp. 274-275.
20'A Contraceptive, the only one in the world: Take as many bittervetch seedsas you want for the number of
her
Let
in
in
her
Steep
them
the
them
woman.
steep
menses
of
a
menstruating
to
sterile.
yearsyou wish remain
its
into
bittervetch
frog
is
/
frog
that
the
the
throw
mouth
that
seeds
so
alive
And
and
take
a
own genitals.
him....
'
John
Scarborough,
frog
the
trans.,
the
where
you
captured
place
alive
at
ed.
them,
release
and
swallows
1,2"d
Betz,
Hans
Dieter
320-32,
PGMXXXVI.
in
Book
"
vol.
ed., p. 277.
ed.
320-32,
"PGM XXXVI.
21John J. Winkler, "The Constraintsof Eros," in Magika Hiera, ed. ChristopherA. Faraoneand Dirk Obbink
(New York: Oxford University Press,1991), pp. 231,242. N. 102.
u Hans Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells, vol. 1,2nded.
(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1996), p. xxiv.
2' Artemidore of Epheius (or Daldianus), Oneirocritica, 2: 15. cf. Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St.
John, pp. 471-472.

129

in
frogs
it
is
Styx:
to
the
association
with
river
an animal from the
numerousauthorsrefer
depths. 4 The work that containsthis reading is an exhaustivecatalogue,which provides
interpretive keys to the imagesthat have been seenin dreams.
C. The Frog in a Jewish Context

Though the history of `frog' symbolism in antiquity is of some interest, and may
impetus
diabolical
imagery
lent
have
by
to
the
the
additional
some
nature
of
used
ultimately
John, it is perhapspreferableto look to a more immediate and economical sourceas having
furnished the imagery in 16:13. That sourceis associatedwith the plaguesof the bowls
from
Exodus
Israelites
Egypt.
Of
the
the
the
of
plagues
of
upon
which are modelled
discussion
is
frogs
(Exodus
8:
ff.;
for
1
Psalm
78:
45;
the
the
plague
of
present
particular note
105:30; Wisdomof Solomon 19:10). In the sameway that the locusts of the Exodus account
locusts
frogs
for
Revelation
9:
1-12,
Nile
the
the
the
supernatural
of
of
model
may
a
servedas
for
demonic
inspiration
frogs
16:
Revelation
13.
This possibility
been
these
have
the
at
well
becomesall the more likely given the view of `frogs' in Jewish tradition as `unclean'
creatures.

According to Leviticus 11:10, `...everything which doesnot have a fin or a scale

...
6
xc
&aera
finds
Beale
link
between
`spirits' and
detestable
these
to
a
they are
you'.
also
Babylon's `deceptiveimmorality'. This `deceptive immorality' implies an association
betweenthe `uncleanfrogs' and idolatry, at 17:4 (4xa,aeza),and in 18:2-3 (xaerou),
deceptive
Babylon's
8.
The
14:
linked
is
sameconnection is then
nature
at
with
which also
in
is
described
21:
27:
Babylon
('unclean')
`dwelling
the
term
as
the
place of
xoivo'v
madewith
demonsand a haunt of every unclean (xacQrou)spirit and a haunt of every unclean
(xaNeTov)bird [and a haunt of every unclean beast] and hateful thing'. These Babylonian

24Prigent, Commentary on the Apocalypse of St. John, pp. 471-472.

u Prigent, Commentary on the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 471.

26Reddish,Revelation,p. 309.

130

idols.
xa,
into
&aeTa
9Teaxot
The
deceive
the
worship
of
association
people
of
spirits
...
in
4,
is
implied
17:
Babylon
holds
in
her
hand a cup filled with
idolatry
where
with
BaEAV7a/6aTWV

xa!

TA

xaaQTa

Tj;

7loevElaS

aUT

;.

The word iroeveiais here a referenceto

idolatry according to Beale, and the `frogs' are associatedwith Babylon in the sameway. 27
Beale is surely correct in theseassertions.
D. 'Unclean Spirits'

There is an extensivehistory of belief in the existenceof evil spirits and `ghosts' with
bring
disease,
in
daily life of the
to
that
about
sickness,
and
other
maladies
able
are
powers
beliefs
into
back
East.
These
Near
from
the time of the Sumerianswho
the
stretch
people
believed in three distinct classesof evil spirits, all of which were ready to torment the hapless
`wanderer'. The first type of evil spirit was the disembodiedhuman soul, which could not
find rest and wanderedfrom place to place. The secondtype of evil spirit consistedof hybrid
half-demon.
half-human
The
third group was composedof the
and
were
spirits, which
demonsor devils that were `of the samenature as the gods' and who rode upon the noxious
Beliefs
Semitic
bring
this
the
that
and
pestilence.
with
of
sort
migrated
storms
peoples
winds
wherever they travelled28
The Greek term aaruviov
originally meant `divine being' with the distinction between
29
in
So
being
aruviov
unclear early texts. By the later Hellenistic period, however,
and
S
between
aa,
wpu
distinction
term
being
the
made
there was a clear
and
with
o's
o'v,
ov
vrov
usedof an `evil spirit'.

30 In the New Testament,as

in
well as other texts written in Greek, the

27Beale, The Book of Revelation,pp. 831-832.

28R. Campbell Thompson, TheDevils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia, vol. 1, Luzac's Semitic Text and
Translation Series,vol. 14 (London: Luzac and Co., 1903), pp. XXI-XXV.
29Liddell and Scott, eds.,A Greek-EnglishLexicon, pp. 365-366. s.v. Sai to v; Eric Sorensen,Possession
and
Exorcism in the New Testamentand Early Christianity, WissenschaftlicheUntersuchungenzum Neuen
Testament2. Reihe 157 (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck,2002), pp. 75-117; JonathanZ. Smith, "Towards Interpreting
Demonic Powers in Hellenistic and Roman Antiquity, " in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Rmischen Welt, ed.
Hildegard Temporini and Wolfgang Haase(Berlin: Walter De Gruyter, 1978), pp. 425-439.
30Sorensen,Possessionand Exorcism in the New Testamentand Early Christianity, pp. 80-84; G. J. Riley,
"Demon," in Dictionary of Deities and Demonsin the Bible, ed. Karel van der Toorn, Bob Becking, and Pieter
W. van der Horst (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995), pp. 445-455.

131

aruwov
is revealedas a being that entersinto personscausing illness, with the widespread
aal,
habitation
deserted
being
the
that
the
places
were
common
of
conception
avrov
(Revelation 18:2; cf. Luke 11:24). In the first century C.E. it was a widespreadJewish31
beings
by
Christian perspectivethat such
were worshipped other nations, including the
Persiansand Babylonians, and that they were thought to be capableof performing miracles.32
33
xc
&aezos
for
The word & uuvrov
the
can also serve as an equivalent
phrase
rrv41ta.
However, Louw and Nida caution against the tendency to accept the implication that =ev"ua

AxO&aeTOV
is simply a referenceto `dirty demons'. It is important to recognisethat the term
xgaprovhighlights that such a spirit makesthe individual `ritually or ceremonially
xa
9aezov
is
in
follows
languages
that
'
It
to
then
a
equivalent
a
number
of
7rveVAa
unclean.
`a contaminating spirit. '34 Such a spirit contaminateswhatever it touchesand is thus to be
35
desire
having
to
by
those
a
maintain ritual purity.
avoided
Prigent notesthe fact that `demonic spirits' and `uncleanspirits' may be considered
in
4:
33.
is
for
Luke
These
beings
have
the
the
same
case
entities,
as
equivalent expressions
the ability to work wonders,as, for example, occurred with the `magicians' of Egypt who
36
by
Moses
they
to
Aune
the
demonic
responded
when
wonders
performed
spirits
used
is
(Sat/hoviwv)
16:
14,
the
that
genitive
used at
which an adjective used as a
plural
points out
descriptive
be
Aune
a
genitive,
or
of
apposition.
either
a
genitive
can
rightly
substantive,
31Ps. 95: 5 (Greek) 3r1 irdvres of Seoi riuv e3vmvzq 6vta,...;Deut. 32: 16-17; Ps. 106:36-37; Jub. 1: 11; 11:4-6;
22: 16-17; 1 Enoch 19: 1; 99: 7; T. Judah 23: 1-2; 1 Cor. 10:20; Rev. 9: 20; Riley, "Demon, " pp. 451-454.

32Luck, Arcana Mundi, p. 163; JamesD. G. Dunn and Graham H. Twelftree, "Demon-Possessionand Exorcism
in The New Testament," Churchman 94 (1980): pp. 210-225.
33Liddell and Scott, eds.,A Greek-EnglishLexicon, p. 365; s.v. Satvtiov;Arndt and Gingrich, eds.,A Greek.
English Lexicon of the New Testamentand Other Early Christian Literature, p. 169. s. v. Salg6vtov.
34Louw and Nida, eds., Greek-EnglishLexicon of the New TestamentBasedon Semantic Domains, vol. 1, pp.
146-147. cf. Sorensen,Possessionand Exorcism in the New Testamentand Early Christianity, p. 128; David
GeorgeReese,"Demons, New Testament," in TheAnchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David Noel Freedman(New
York: Doubleday, 1992), pp. 140-142;Riley, "Demon," p. 453; Smith, "Towards Interpreting Demonic Powers
in Hellenistic and Roman Antiquity, " pp. 425-439.
33Though Wahlen would seemto disagreewith this assessment,I do not find his argumentsin this areato be
Gospels,
Spirits
Synoptic
Jesus
Impurity
in
Wissenschaftliche
Wahlen,
the
the
Clinton
and
of
compelling.
Untersuchungenzum Neuen Testament2. Reihe 185 (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck,2004).
36Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 472. In the Greek translation of Exod. 8:3 the
to bring up frogs on the land. In the Damascus
Egyptian magicians((papuaxuiars)
use incantations(ebraordoi)
Documentat 5: 17-19 Jannesand his brother are said to have beenraisedup by Belial. cf. John 10:21.

132

in
is
in
this
the
that
context
used
an appositional manner37to clarify to the
genitive
concludes
is
`unclean
Semitic
the
terminology,
the
of
phrase
spirits',
which
precisemeaning
audience
8
be
both
&u
is
Hellenistic
John
to
term.
the
term
the
a
appears
using
primarily
while
ioviwv
Semitic and equivalent Hellenistic terminology to ensurethat his audiencedoes not
intent.
his
misunderstand
As was noted earlier, the magicians in Egypt at the time of Moses were able to
They
(of
frogs),
first
to
the
also
able
the
were
reproduce
second
plague
plague.
with
replicate
9
Jewish
traditions. Then the evil trio of the
the assistanceof demonsaccordingto some
Apocalypse go on to deceivepeople and perform signs in the context of the bowl plagues.
E. Revelation 16: 14

We will now explore the immediate context of 16:13, by analyzing 16:14. The initial
interpretation
like
frogs'
from
`unclean
introduces
the
spirits
an
explicit
of
clause eicTivwe,
aarpcviov
it
best
to
take
As
the
13.
seems
phrase
rrveu",
ua as appositional,
noted above,
verse
in
difference
between
little
(descriptive
two
the
Beale
possibilities
meaning
though
very
sees
Elsewhere,
is
demons').
`spirits
that
there
`demonic
=
are
an
appositional
or
spirits'
_
idolatrous
(Revelation
demons
9:
20;
18:
2-3;
1
between
the
and
world's
system
association
40
Corinthians 10:20-21) According to Davis, the frog plague in Egypt was in part, a polemic

37At PGMXV. 15-16, the plural genitive is also appositional. The phrase ai io'vrovnya6ps also occurs in other
cf. Adolf Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East: The
`magical' texts: PGMIV 3038-3039,3065-3066,3075.
New Testament Illustrated by Recently Discovered Texts of the Graeco-Roman World, trans. Lionel R. Al. Strachan,
G.
Adolf
Deissmann,
Publishers,
Stoughton
Bible
Studies:
Hodder
pp.
(London:
1927),
252-263;
and
2nd ed.
Contributions, Chiefly from Papyri and Inscriptions, to the History of the Language, the Literature, and the Religion
(Edinburgh:
T
ei
Christianity,
Alexander
Grieve
T Clark, 1903), pp.
Primitive
trans.
Judaism
Hellenistic
and
of
Veteris
Graece,
Testamentis
Henochi
Pseudepigrapha
Apocalypsis
Graece
Denis,
Albert-Marie
3,
vol.
273-300;
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970), pp. 236-238. However, in PGM IV 3081 the terms 1rveVAaxai atA4yjovrefer to
different types of spiritual beings. This may, however, reflect the fact that the magician wishes to be inclusive
of all spiritual beings.

38Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 895.

39Louis Ginzberg, The Legendsof the Jews, trans. Henrietta Szold, vol. 2 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins
University Press,1998), p. 350. cf. StephenD. Ricks, "The Magician as Outsider in the Hebrew Bible and the
New Testament," in Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, ed. Marvin Meyer and Paul Mirecki (Boston: Brill
Academic Publishers,Inc., 2001), pp. 136-137;JacobMilgrom, "Magic, Monotheism, and the Sin of Moses," in
TheQuestfor the Kingdom of God: Studiesin Honor of George E. Mendenhall, ed. H. B. Iluffmon, F. A. Spina,
1983),
251-265.
IN:
Eisenbrauns,
Lake
(Winona
Green
pp.
W.
A.
R.
and
40Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 833.

133

1
by
frog.
The deceptive
against Heqet, the goddess of resurrection who was represented
a
activity of the `evil triumvirate' of chapter 16, is portrayed as froglike. The rationale for this
in
from
Beale,
is
based,
frogs
Exodus,
to
the
according
part, upon the biblical
portrayal of
idols
false
demons.
behind
In
there
that
the Masoretic Text of Hosea
and
gods
are
evaluation
12: 12 there is a reference to idolatrous `altars like the stone heaps beside the furrows of the
...
field. '42 In the text of Symmachus the words d c'reaxoi are substituted for the Hebrew
Q'5)7

43
heaps)
(as

According to Beale, the substitution of `frogs' in the text of Symmachusimplies that

the idolatrous altars in Gilgal are consideredboth as unclean and as part of a deceptive
interpretation
is
first
Consistent
this
the
with
part of Hosea 12:12, in the
system of worship.
Old Greek and Theodotion, which refers to those who are sacrificing on such altars, as
Oev&7s.Perhapsit is no coincidencethat allusion is being made to the exodus from Egypt in
Hosea 12:9,13.44 Of interest also, is that in Assyria the frog was used as a substitutionary
offering in the religious

45
In a
cult

great variety of ways there seemto be connections

betweenthe `frog' in antiquity and idolatry and religious practice that would have been
from
background.
Jewish
`unclean'
to
those
perverse
and
a
regardedas
The `demons'in chapter 16 perform signs (iroroIvra avpa7a),activity which links them
further with the deceptiveagentsof chapter 13. It is of special note that these `spirits' are
beast
13:
`false
13
the
the
of
second
at
activity
or
prophet',
where his work is
associatedwith
Then again at 19:20 the activity of o 08vwreo(pvrvs
is describedin
describedas 7roi'ro-oizzr"a.
At
16:
14
`spirits',
these
the ones iroioivra 0-0/ca7a,
terms of 6 rrovioasr& o-o,
usia.
go out to

41John J. Davis, Moses and the Gods ofEgypt: Studiesin Exodus (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Publishing Group,
1971),p. 108.
42Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 833. cf. pp. 515-516 for a discussionof the metaphorical usageof animals
to denotedeception.
43Field, Origenis Hexaplorum, vol. 2, p. 960.
44Beale, The Book of Revelation, p. 834.

45E. Ebeling, "Frosch," in Reallexikon der Assyriologie und VorderasiatischenArchologie, ed. E. Ebeling,
et
al. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1957-1971),p. 118.

134

gatherthe `kings of the whole world'. Beale, along with others, arguethat the specific task
46
deceive
is
`kings
the
of the whole earth'. Beale then goes on to
of the `evil spirits' to
in
Exodus
first
`frogs
the
the
that
of
was
of the plaguesto actually affect the
postulate
plague
king. The three frog spirits of the Apocalypse then go on to assemblethe `kings of the
47
between
he
Therefore,
the frogs affecting the Pharaohin
a
connection
perceives
earth'.
Exodus and the frogs affecting the kings in Revelation. This may be stretching the evidence.
Beale points out that in the early Greek translation of Psalm 104:30, only the `kings'
48
in
is
`frogs'
Egypt.
It
by
the
quite apparent that there is some form of
plague of
were struck
in
Egypt
the narrative of Revelation regarding the seven bowl
to
the
plagues of
allusion
9 There is also a connection in 16: 13 ff. between the `unclean spirits' and
plagues.
oTAzra
that are particularly associated with the one designated as OeJongo(p'rgs. The indication in
the context of the Apocalypse is that the three figures in 16: 13 ff. are able to perform their
designated tasks, designed to deceive those not following Christ by means of `unclean
be
`magicians'
There
the
tradition
that
the
that opposed
a
connection
with
may
spirits'.
Moses and God's people at the time of the Exodus did so by the power of demonic spirits.
F. Summary

At the beginning of this discussion,an exploration of why John portrayed these

`uncleanspirits' as frogs was set as an aim. In particular, it was noted that Charles wished to
but
from
is
in
zea%oi
favour
ws
text,
textual
the
the
evidence
very
much
of retaining
excise
it. Following on from this initial exploration, an examination of the manner in which the
`frog' was conceivedof in antiquity producesa number of points. From an Egyptian

46Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 834; Reddish,Revelation,p. 310; Osborne,Revelation, p. 592; Stefanovic,
RevelationofJesus Christ, pp. 492-493.
" Beale, The Book of Revelation, p. 834. Exod. 8: 3-4; cf. Ps. 105:30.
48Beale, The Book of Revelation, p. 834.

49Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 902-903; Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation St.
of
John,vol. 2, pp. 40-48; Reddish,Revelation, pp. 306-310; Osborne,Revelation,pp. 576-593; Stefanovic,
Revelationof JesusChrist, pp. 482-493; Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypseof St. John, pp. 460-472;
Beale,The Book of Revelation,pp. 814-834; Ford, TheBook of Revelation,pp. 259-275.

135

`frog'
deities
it
the
that
was
associated
with
a
number
of
and with the
appears
perspective,
indicates
death.
Prigent
basis
beyond
Egypt
be
life
that
this
on
should
excluded as
concept of
5
imagery.
however,
It
be
for
this
must,
recognisedthat the only mention
a potential source
is
in
Jewish
in
the
`frogs'
text
the
scriptures
of
relation to the plaguesof Egypt. This is
of
is
because
`bowls'
Apocalypse
the
the
section
of
particularly reliant upon
note
of
especially
s1
from
the exodus
the plagues sequence
In Zoroastrianismand in the Hellenistic context the `frog' is related to evil, physical
transformations,death,the underworld and the demonic. This backgroundmay have
it
dark
but
imagery's
the
to
contextualisation,
seemsalmost certain that the
contributed
imagery is drawn primarily from the backgroundof the Jewish exodus from Egypt. A
I
deception
idolatry
is
think,
the
with
concepts
of
and
rightly
associated
connection made,
Babylon
Apocalypse.
The
imagery
the
the
of
the
connection to the plaguesof Egypt
of
with
leadsone to perhapsconceive of an associationbetweenthe three adversariesopposedto the
`magicians'
God's
Apocalypse
in
in
God
the
the
the time
and
opposed
who
people
people of
of the Exodus.
There is also referencemadeto a connection with o zJo1reocpjrrps,
a matter which is

I.
in
dealing
In
detail
in
the
section
view of this it seems
with
t(ieubo7reoc
addressed more
highly probable that John regardsthe deceptive forces that opposeGod's people on earth as
directed and empoweredby the spiritual forces allied with Satan. The signs and miracles,
that the agentsof evil perform, are achievedthrough the power of thesedark forces. John
doesnot deny the reality of the miracles, nor doeshe question the power behind the miracles;
in
be
deem
God
does
he
to
to
these
opposition
and
miracles
powers
and his
nonetheless,
by
be
this
triumvirate
The
type
accessed
evil
would
consideredby many
of power
people.
50Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 471.
51Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 902-903; Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation St.
of
John, vol. 2, pp. 40-48; Reddish,Revelation, pp. 306-310; Osborne,Revelation,pp. 576-593; Stefanovic,
Revelationof JesusChrist, pp. 482-493; Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypseof St. John, pp. 460-472;
Beale,The Book of Revelation,pp. 814-834; Ford, TheBook of Revelation,pp. 259-275.

136

52
is
It
`magical'
practice.
apparentthat John perceivesof thesepowers as
modem authorsas
he
God's
his
that
to
to
the
threat
people
and
seeks
warn
readersregarding their
purity of
a
following
This
the
to
out
consquences
of
point
such
powers.
would
nature, and ultimately
least
in
literary
indicate
is
John
in
that,
this
to
at
context,
seeking,
a very
seem
certainly
his
fashion,
to
audienceregarding the true nature of the conflict that they face.
warn
polemic

52Cf. Introduction on the definition of `magic'.

137

Reorientation of Imagery

8. Seals
In this section, we will examine imagery that is not directly condemnedby John, but
appears to be reoriented in such a manner as to lend it a positive aspect.
A. 'Seals' and `Sealing' in the Apocalypse

Mpeayisand its cognatesoccur 32 times in the text of the New Testament. The
concept of the `seal' along with the action of `sealing' are extraordinarily prominent in the
annalsof the Apocalypse with three Greek terms' being used to denotethis conceptualarena.
2 and its cognates,occur a total of twenty-two times in the Apocalypse,
its
a?
4;,
and
usage
_rcc
book.
In order to assistin understandingthe possible range
breadth
the
the
of
spans
of
meaning for this conceptan exploration of the history of `seals' and `sealing' will be
undertaken.
B. History of the `Seal'
1. History in Early Mesopotamia and Egypt

`For seventhousandyears the act of sealing has guaranteedauthenticity, marked

in
indicated
legal transactions,and protected goods against theft'.
participation
ownership,
Sealsservedas a legal protection and a guarantee,by marking the item sealedas the property
5
the
of
seal's owner. The protective nature of sealsimbued them with an amuletic value,
which offered an elementof protection to the rightful owner or wearer of the 'seal'. ' The
origin of sealing to mark ownership probably goesback to the very ancient custom of

xazaovppaylcm, O pQay!S, and vrpeayicm.

G2ay4c

3Rev. 5: 1,2,5,9; 6: 1,3,5,7,9,12; 7:2; 3,4,5,8; 8: 1; 9:4; 10:4; 20:3; 22: 10.
Dominique Collon, Near Eastern Seals(London: British Museum Publications, 1990), p. 11.
5G. Fitzer, "acppay(c,
" in Theological Dictionary of the New Testament,ed. Gerhard Friedrich and trans.
and ed.
Geoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1971), pp. 940-941; Beatrice Laura Goff,
Symbolsof Prehistoric Mesopotamia(New Haven CT and London: Yale University Press, 1963),
195-211.
pp.
6Dominique Collon, First ImpressionsCylinder Sealsin the Ancient Near East (London: British
Museum Press,
1987),p. 113.

138

7
instance
by
branding
One
(slaves)
them.
of
notching, slitting or
marking animals and people
this is recorded in the Aramaic Papyri found at Elephantine (28:4), where a slave is marked
8 In Egyptian, the word for `seal' sometimescan actually have the meaning of an
with a yod.
`amulet', and `sealing' was a standardfeature in what some labelled as `magical'
9
techniques.
That the gods of Egypt were closely associatedwith the protective nature of `seals'
in
describes
Amon-Re
hymn
in
the
the
that
be
creator
god
who
appears
role
a
may observed
is
his
harmful
forces
harmful
'
The
`Anything
that
under
seal.
`magician'
would
and states
of
laying
The
hand
his
divine
the
this
be
gesture
of
authority.
to
of
symbol
then unable pass
An
linked
`sealing'.
the
additional aspectof
act
of
also
with
upon a patient was sometimes
in
be
`sealed'
`magician'
order to prevent harmful
`sealing' was that a
or a patient might
forces from entering into their body. The technique of symbolically `sealing' the seven
'
in
late
1ST
is
B.
C.
E.
body
texts
the
the
millennium
of
mentioned
of
natural orifices
The use of spiritual protection and deliverancefrom diseasesappearsto have been
infection
fever
As
to
times.
from
grow
worse,
the
continued
and
as
a
an
earliest
widespread
lingered, even the sternestcritics of the traditional, or `superstitious', remediesoften turned
11one particular example of the use of a `seal' as an amulet is a
to the use of amulets:
12
The
`seal'
Hermitage
that
to
treat
in
wearing
collection
was
used
gout.
the
of
a
gemstone
king.
Sometimes
`seals'
to
to
a
of
allegiance
a
god
pledge
or
were
also servedas a symbolic

7Fitzer, "acppaytc.
", p. 940-941.
"A. Cowley, ed., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1923), p. 103.
9Geraldine Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt (London: British Museum Press, 1994), p. 109.
10Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt, p. 84.

11Roy Kotansky, "Incantations and Prayersfor Salvation on inscribed Greek Amulets," in Magika Hiera
(Oxford:
Obbink
Dirk
A.
Faraone
Christopher
Oxford University
Religion
and
Magic
ed.
Ancient Greek
and
Press,1991),p. 107.
12Kotansky, "Incantations and Prayersfor Salvation on Inscribed Greek Amulets", p. 118-119.

139

in
today
the
would wear a cross or a
much
way
people
of
adornment
means
a
as
simply worn
Jewish Star of

13
David.

Another important aspectof `seals', which were used as amulets,was that by their
deceased's
for
insuring
be
the
the
of
name
survival
they
of
as
could perceived
very existence
14 Along with the more utilitarian usesfor `seals', those used as items of
all eternity.
15
bear
Early
from
jewellery were often carved
stones.
stamp-seals
geometric
rare or precious
designs. This may have beenbecausethe technical skills required to make designsthat are
is
form
it
but
developed,
there
that
was
some
of
also
possible
yet
not
were
complicated
more
is
deity,
`seals'
deities.
The
that
what
probably
a
represent
earliest
taboo about representing
E.
discovered
3400
B.
C.
They
from
impressions
their
were
around
appearon stamp seals,or
its
in
have
been
Mesopotamia
Iran.
to
slower
evolution of
in Susa, in south-western
seems
depicting deities on sealsthan other locales. There are, however, depictions of processions
later
from
B.
C.
E.,
3300
that
temples
and
symbols
are
figures
around
approaching
of
16
Inanna
the
are also prevalent.
goddess
associatedwith
II. History of the Seal in the Persian Empire
The Persian Empire was noted for its reliance upon `seals' in the administration of its

he
been
has
that
there
Lewis
which
partly
shares,
some
scepticism,
notes
government.
but
institutions,
knowledge
he
Persian
Herodotus'
nonetheless,
of
regarding the accuracyof
indicates,
if
fully,
he
that
Herodotean
explains
understood
very
story,
concisely
single
notesa
The
by
Persians
through
in
the
story
writing.
power
recounted
exercised
the manner which
6t'
(or
Smerdis
Pseudo-Smerdis,
the
from
time
century B. C.E.) in
is
the
rule of
Herodotus
of

13JoanGoodnick Westenholz,ed., Sealsand Sealing in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the Symposium
Publications
Jerusalem
lands
No. I (Jerusalem:
Museum
Israel,
Bible
Jerusalem.
2,1993
Held on September
Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem,1995), p. 8.
14Carol Andrews, Amulets ofAncient Egypt (London: British Museum Press,1994), p. 97.
13Colton, Near Eastern Seals,p. 21.
16Collon, Near Eastern Seals,p. 43.

140

'7
Persian
the aftermath of ethnic revolts against
rule. Oroites, satrapof Sardis,who is most
Polycrates
did
Samos,
hinder
known
help
to
the
of
of
murderer
nothing
or
as
either
widely
is
He
disposing
during
time
this
conflation.
accused
of
of the satrapof Daskyleion,
of
side
the other western satrapy,and his son. There is also a connection in the minds of somewith
'
8
by
horse
Darius,
the disappearanceof a messengersent
and all.
Darius, once in power, wanted vengeanceagainst Oroetes,not least becauseof his
failure to assistthe monarchy in quelling the troubles. A military campaign was out of the
in
his
Oroetes
had
Darius
the
consolidating
still
process
of
power
and
was
as
question
his
disposal
having
Persian
Darius
thousand
therefore
at
a
spearman.
resources,
considerable
Orestes
lots,
to
using
cunning,
and
after
selection
a
process
using
one
sought overcome
Bagaeus,son of Artontes was chosento perform the task. Bagaeus,once chosen,had written
many letters which concerneda variety of matters and then sealedthem using Darius' seal,
his
letters.
He
before
Oroetes
Sardis
he
he
to
took out a
sealed
with
came
and
went
and off
19
for
it
letter and gave to the royal scribeswho attend all governors them to read.
Bagaeus' intent was to watch the reaction of the spearmanto seeif they were loyal to
the king and might possibly revolt against Oroetes. He noted that they seemedto pay special
They
to
the
themselves.
to
the
were
even
more
messageof the scroll as
attentive
rolls
regard
it was read out. Bagaeusthen gave another scroll to the scribe, which had thesewords
forbids
King
Darius
be
Oroetes'
it,
"`Persians!
to
you
guard", which, when the
written upon
before
him.
'20
Upon
lowered
the
their
heard
they
spears
seeing
reaction of the guards,
guard
Bagaeuswas emboldenedto go even further and he passedthe last roll acrossto the scribe to
from
Darius
`King
that
the
the
These
the
scribe
read
scroll:
chargesthe
words
read.
are
Persians in Sardis to kill Oroetes. ' Upon hearing these words, the spearmen drew out their
'7 D. M. Lewis, "The PersepolisTablets: speech,seal and script," in Literacy and power in the ancient world,
Cambridge
Woolf
(Cambridge:
University
Press,
1994),
Greg
Bowman
K.
Alan
p. 17.
and
ed.
"Herodotus, The Persian Wars, 3.126-128,3.126-128.
19Herodotus, The Persian Wars, 3.126-128.

20Herodotus, The Persian Wars,3.128.

141

21 In this story Bagaeusdoesnot have to be

immediately.
Oroetes
killed
able to
scimitars and
is
it
for
be
himself,
the
to
necessary
guards
able to read or write.
neither
and
reador write
The power of the written word carries the authority of the king through the ability to
22
Darius
`seal'
of
recognisethe
The implication is that in a society that was largely illiterate the `seal' performed a
lines
in
function
the
to
people
recognise
allowing
of authority and to allow
powerful
bureaucracyto function. In such a society, not even the top people neededto have the ability
to read and write. This was of crucial importance to the Persiansas they came down illiterate
from the hills in the 6thcentury B. C.E. and took over a vast empire that neededan enormous
bureaucracyin order to operateeffectively. It was through the recognition of the `seal' of an
implement
to
those
edicts were able to recognisethe sourceof authority.
that
required
official
III. History of the Seal in Ancient Israel
One of the problems that confronts us today is that much of the material that would
haveperhapsgiven a clearerpicture of the day by day beliefs of the ancient people that lived
in Israel has beendeliberately and systematically suppressed.The Jews had many practical
for
keeping
both
information
the existenceand
theological
secret,
reasons
about
aswell as
23
by
be
unacceptable. Despite the level of secrecy
the practices that were considered someto
beliefs,
Josephus
the
everything
censors.
and
not
escaped
practices
records
such
concerning
(qpeap^&)
`seal'
force
demon
involving
that
to
incident
with
a
root
was
used
a
attached,
a
an
24
to leave a man. Ancient Israel, along with the rest of the societiesof the Near East, was
25
`magic
Cryer,
society'.
a
accordingto

21Herodotus, The Persian Wars,3.128.

22Lewis, "The PersepolisTablets: speech,seal and script," p. 18.

23Joachim Jeremias, Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus (Philadelphia PA: Fortress Press, 1969), p. 240.
24Josephus, Antiquities, 8:47.

u Frederick H. Cryer, Divination in Ancient Israel and its Near Eastern Environment, Journal for the Study of
the Old TestamentSeries 142 (Sheffield: JSOT Press,1994), p. 324.

142

IV. History of the Seal in the Graeco-Roman

World

It has long beenrecognisedthat the concept of a spiritual entity possessinga human

being by infiltrating the body and securing control is a Semitic concept. This type of
demonic, or spiritual control is `largely foreign' to the Greek thought of classical and
Hellenistic times. The Greeksdid have a notion of `dangerousspirits', but even this may
26
influence.
Eastern
Near
According to Kotansky, the use of some form of
due
have been
to
apotropaic tactic againstmalevolent spiritual entities must have beenwidespreadfrom the
7
is
Greeks
It
to
the
times.
entirely
clear
what
extent
not
early
adoptedthe practices
earliest
is,
however,
borrowed
It
from the
that
their
apparent
written
charms
were
of
neighbours.
Egyptians and Phoeniciansby the colonial Greeksin the processof adapting the Phoenician
28
systemof writing to their own use.
The use of incantationsoccur in some of the earliest of the Greek writings, as in the
flow
blood
is
the
text
the
of
where
checked by the use of some form of charm (9th
example of
Century B. C. E)29 A great many inscribed gemstones have survived through the ages, and
30
items
for
they indicate the widespread use of these
amuletic purposes. `Seals' were used in
the Graeco-Roman world in much the same way that they were throughout the remainder of
the Near East.

26Roy Kotansky, "Greek Exorcistic Amulets," in Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, ed. Marvin Meyer
and Paul
Mirecki (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995),pp. 246-247.
27Kotansky, "Incantations and Prayersfor Salvation on Inscribed Greek Amulets," p. 107.
28Kotansky, "Incantationsand Prayersfor Salvation on Inscribed Greek Amulets," p. 124-125.
29Homer, Odyssey,19.455-458. `Then the staunchsonsof Autolycus busied themselveswith the
carcass,and
the wound of flawless, godlike Odysseusthey bound up skillfully, and checkedthe black blood with a charm
house
to
the
(ena,orp"),
immediately
of their staunchfather.' A. T. Murray, trans., Revised by
returned
and
GeorgeE. Dimock, Homer OdysseyBooks 13-24 (The Loeb Classical Library Series, 105; Cambridge MA:
HarvardUniversity Press, 1998),pp. 268-269.
30Kotansky, "Incantations and Prayersfor Salvation on Inscribed Greek Amulets", p. 114.

143

C. The Protective Nature of Seals

A clear connectionexists between `seals' and conceptsof protection at a level that

31
be
is
forces
To
this
nature.
sure,
spiritual
of
a
only one aspectof the use of
relies upon
`seals' and the act of `sealing', but it does appearto be one that has beenvery seriously
ignored: if not deliberately avoided in the study of acOQay's
and its cognates. This attitude, I
believe, may have severelydistorted our interpretation of many Biblical passagesand needs
to be redressed. This re-evaluation is necessary,if modem scholarsare to have a fuller
have
1St
the
the
the
people
of
century
would
understoodthe writings of
way
of
appreciation
the New Testament,and the Apocalypse in particular. Of the societiesin which divination
`magical'
`arrived
them
practices
were
prominent,
one
of
not
called
at a
so
and other
in
cause
and
of
effect
which
any way corresponds to the
stringent understanding
in
"empirically"
to
adhered
causation
of
understanding(s)

oriented societies. '32 Cause and

for
is
blurred
than
become
and
more
one
cause
a
given
effect
often perceived. This
effect
type of reasoning methodology differs markedly from our modem methods of reasoning. It
in
lead
to
wrong
conclusions
our quest to understand the meaning of
us
could very easily
different
fail
if
to
this
texts
acknowledge
reasoning methodology.
we
ancient

D. The Meaning of EcppayIS,Ecppayicwand Kasaacppayi; cw

The earliest clear attestationof theseterms occurs in the 6`hcentury B. C.E.33 There
is, very early on, a wide range of meaning for thesewords, as is clearly demonstratedby
investigating
the
the usesof ccppayis,
through
sources
and
ancient
searching
o-(Ppayrcw,
and
34
for
is
basic
`seal'
The
the
term
that
'signet.
meaning
of a
most
ocpeayis
or a
xara rco v,'iw.

11Westenholz,ed., Sealsand Sealing in the Ancient Near East: Proceedingsof the SymposiumHeld
on
September2,1993 Jerusalem.Israel, p. 8.
32Cryer, Divination in Ancient Israel and its Near Eastern Environment, p. 331.
33Aeschylus, Supplementum,947; Eumenides,828.
34Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, Comp., A Greek-English Lexicon, Rev. and Aug. by Sir Henry Stuart
Jones,with the assistanceof Roderick McKenzie with a supplement(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968,1983), p.
1742. Herodotus,Histories, 3.41.1,2; Plato, LesserHippias, 368c; Aristophanes,Ecclesiazusae,632;

144

It can also have the meaning of a stonethat has been carved (as for a ring), 35or of the
36
by
impression made a seal or signet ring. The verbal form of this word means`to close' or
8
`to enclose'37with a seal. It can have the meaning of `to authenticate'39as in using the seal
40or to certify an object41 The
word may also have all of these
asa mark of authentication,
42
It
be
impression
in
made on the mind
meanings a metaphorical sense. may used as a seal
In a figurative sense,Philo refers to the word of God as that which makes its impression upon
43
`reasonable',
the `logical', or
soul Karao eayrcwhas the meaning of to `seal up' and it is
form
in
Perfect
PassiveParticiple with the meaning of `sealedup,
the
of
a
most often used
44 This usageof xarao
Revelation
5:
1
fast,
its
at
reflects
secured'
oQayfcw
made
only
appearancein the New Testament.
A great variety of objects were sealed, in order to prevent anyone from tampering
45
detection.
Sealing was so common in the ancient world that
with the contents without
Herodotus could make the statement that `Everyone has a seal'. 46 Seals were placed upon
48
49
50
sl
47
houses,
documents,
books, money bags,
and stones, in order to make them
inaccessible. `Figurative or non-physical seals were no less important in preventing
53
S4
include,
`sealed'
'transgression',
Figuratively
things
that
`the
law',
'S2
were
access.
a

Sophocles, Electra, 1223; Strabo, Geography, 9.3.1; Plutarch, Pompey, 5.10; Aristotle, Constitution of the
Athenians, 44.1.

35Herodotus, Histories, 7.69.

36Sophocles, Trachiniae, 615; Euripides, lphigeneia in Aulis, 155; Thucydides, Histories, 1.129.
37Liddell, A Greek-English Lexicon, p. 1742.

38Euripides, lphigeneia in Aulis, 38; Aeschylus, Eumenides,828.

39Liddell, A Greek-EnglishLexicon, p. 1742.
'o Tob. 7: 14 (BA not in S).
4Herodotus,Histories, 2.38.
42Plato, Theaetetus,192a.
43Philo, Noah's Work as a Planter, 18.7.
44Liddell, A Greek-EnglishLexicon, p. 915.
45Eldon Woodcock, "The Sealof the Holy Spirit", Bibliotheca Sacra 155 (1998): p. 140.
46Herodotus,Histories, 1.195.
47Jer. 39:44 (Old Greek Version).
49Tobit 9:5 (BA and S).
494 Kings 22:4 (Old Greek Version).
so1 Esdras 3: 8 (Old Greek Version).
sl Dan. 6: 18 (Old Greek and Theodotion).
52Woodcock, "The Sealof the Holy Spirit", p. 140.

145

55
The `seal' of a person was a sign of that person's power and
'prophet'
`vision', and a
.
56
king.
Jezebelusedthe `seal' of the king on
authority: such as the power and authority of a
documents,in order to indicate the authority of the king when letters were sent to the elders
57
in
important
`seal'
documents,
`Seals'
to
Israel.
also
used
agreements,
were
or in
of
58
59
60
deed
between
of sale, a marriage contract, or a covenant.
parties, such as a
agreements
A `seal' was, in addition, usedas a security measureto prevent unauthorisedaccessto items
61
high
priest. Along with this idea of
of great sacredvalue, such as the vestmentsof the
item
If
the
associated
concept
of
protection.
closely
an
was secure,it was in a
security comes
is
be
This
the
to
where
amuletic
value
of
seals
seems
rooted.
senseprotected.
Instrumentsthat were used in `sealing' were important symbols of power.
Individuals, cities and people often had `seals'. Gods also were consideredto have 'seals'.62
In the caseof Apollo the Orphic Hymns state `you have the master seal [g00ayjja] of the
in
in
Greek
be
60
There
that
translated
'63
words
may
somemanner as `seal' or
are
cosmos.
`sealing'. It will not be possible to consider the other 57 terms in this study, but it is worth
It
to
these
similarly
that
also
refer
same
concepts.
should also be noted
words
other
noting
that along with the rather specific words that refer to `seals' and `sealing', there are other
65
`seals',
such as scarabs,ringsTMor stones. The scarabis a common
terms that can refer to

s' Job 14:17 (Old Greek Version).

54Isa. 8: 16 (Old Greek Version).
ssDan. 9:24 (Theodotion).
m Est. 8:8 (Old Greek Version). Thucydides, Histories, 1.129.1. cf. Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 457.
573 Kings 20: 8 (Old Greek Version).
SeJer. 39: 10 (Old Greek Version).
59Tobit 7: 14 (BA, not in S).
602 Esdras 20: 1 (Old Greek Version).
61Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, 15.408.
62Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 457.

63Orpheus,Hymni, 34.26; Apostolos N. Athanassakis,The Orphic Hymns, Graeco-RomanReligion series;4

Texts and Translations; 12 (Atlanta GA: ScholarsPressfor the Society of Biblical Literature, 1977), pp. 48-49.
60PGM IV. 2954. All referencesto the Greek Magical Papyri are from the book edited by Karl Preisendanz,
Papyri Graecae Magicae Die GriechischenZauberpapyri, vol. 1 and 2 (Stuttgart: Verlag B. G. Teubner, 19731974).
65PGMI. 144.

146

ingredient found in the Greek Magical Papyri66and in Demotic spells.67 The seal and the act
features
into
in
inscribing
stone
numerousinstancesamong the spells found in
something
of
Egypt.68 The so-called `magical' aspectof sealshas been largely ignored in the reference
sourcesthat are so often usedto ascertainthe definitions of Greek terms. This neglect could,
in part, be due to the lack of available materials in the past (although it also seemsto ignore
Solomon,
Testament
Josephus,
),
but
longer.
With the
the
texts
of
as
etc.
such
no
certain
discovery and publication of the Greek Magical Papyri, this imbalancehas been at least
partially redressed. Thesematerials can possibly enablescholarsto gain added insight into
the cultural situation of the time surrounding the composition of the Apocalypse.
The roots of the aversion to what some have termed as `superstitious' are deep seated,
long
In
Roman
Empire,
Tacitus
have
tradition.
the
they
extremely
records the
an
and
freedmen
infected
`four
the
thousand
of
class
who
were
with those
expulsion of
do
They
Egyptian
'69
to
apparently
were
expelled
over
something
with
superstitions.
and
0
From the reigns of Tiberius to Nero, there were scores of victims accused
Jewish worship.
of witchcraft.

The term `magic' was used as a political tool to rid powerful men of unwanted

Emperor
Roman
Augustus
Society
began
It
the
time
the
that
to
about
of
at
was
opponents.
71
`magic'
`religion
The combination of
between
differentiate
and
and science'.
`enlightenment and political ruthlessness might, in the end have laid the foundation for the

66PGM V. 213-303.
67PDM XIV. 636-69 in book edited by Hans Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including
the Demotic Spells (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p. 230; Scarabswere also often used as
Function
Daphna
Ben-Tor,
Administration.
"The
Origin
Egyptian
and
of Officials' Scarabs
official sealsof
from Middle Bronze Age Canaan*," in Sealsand Sealing in the Ancient Near East Proceedings of the
SymposiumHeld on September2,1993 Jerusalem,Israel, ed. Joan Goodnick Westenholz, Bible Lands Museum
JerusalemPublications No. 1 (Jerusalem:Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem,1995), p. 81.
68PGM 1.144;PGM 1.306;PGM IV. 2880; PGM IV. 2954; PGM IV. 3040; PGM V. 213-303; PGM V. 449; PGM
XII. 201-69; PGM XII. 274; PGM XII. 331-33; PGM XXXVI. 187-210.
69Tacitus, Annals, 2,85.
70Tacitus,Annals, 2,85.
"Fritz Graff, "Excluding the Charming: The Development of the Greek Conceptof Magic, " in Ancient Magic
(Leiden:
1995),
Meyer
Paul
Mirecki
E.
J.
Brill,
Marvin
Ritual
Power,
and
pp. 41-42.
ed.
and

147

it.
i72
Indeed,
first
Common
Era
the
the
use
now
centuries
of
were
as
we
concept of magic
books,
books73,
few
burnings
`magical'
burnings
that
to
often
of
not
of
and
a
witness many
74
being
'magicians'.
included those accusedof
The fate of ancient materials was down to a number of considerationsthat include
ink,
the
the
the
composition
things
materials
used,
of
or other mechanismto
writing
as
such
leave a mark, and the environment where the documentsor artefactswere ultimately housed.
Other factors would also contribute considerably to the preservationof documentssuch as
for
had
desire
be
Some
to
them
them
that
the
a
preserved.
composed
societies
whether
documentswere deemedto be less valuable than others and so the materials used to write
them were less durable, but sometimesthe documentswhich were fashionableto one
deemed
by
be
later
even
as
unacceptable
as
unfashionable
or
perhaps
another
audiencewould
documents
destroyed,
ignored
At
times,
or
simply
were
unacceptable
such
and
audience.
75
forgotten.
over time
These circumstancesalong with the rhetoric of the politicians and theologians alike
have left what somehave called `magic' a taboo subject. The fact remains, however, that
forces
day-tothe
to
spiritual
of
were
very
a
part
culture
much
and
related
certain practices
day life of the ancient world and to ignore this is to createa distorted image of that world.
`Seals' were a part of this era permeatedwith a fear of harmful spiritual influences and a
desireto conciliate or repel spiritual influences. The utilitarian usesfor `seals' are clearly
documented,but Poradawould go as far as to say that more important than theseutilitarian
functions, was the `seal's' use as an amulet. Theseamulets were meant to provide protection
76
it
is
If
fortune
this
true
that
to
the
bring
amuletic value was more
wearer.
to
good
and

72Graff, "Excluding the Charming: The Development of the Greek Conceptof Magic, " pp. 41-42.
73Acts, 19:19.
74Hans Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press,1986),p. xli.
?sActs 19:19; Suetonius,Augustus,31,3
76Edith Porada,ed., Ancient Art in Seals(Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980), p. 3.

148

important than the `seal's' utilitarian uses,then surely, in the interpretation of passageswhere
this term is used,the questionthat should be askedis what would the initial audiencehave
its
from
the
use of o,o aylcwand cognateswhen it was used in its original
understood
context?
E. Use of Seals in the Biblical Contextual Milieu

Gorelick has done a study that classifies the usesof sealsinto two categories:
bureaucraticand non-bureaucratic. He usesthesecategoriesto analyzethe usageof sealsin
both the Jewish scripturesand in the New Testament. His findings are that in the Jewish
is
being
bureaucratic
50%
50%
the
split,
with
usages
while
are nonusage
scriptures
bureaucraticpersonalusages. In the New Testament,however, 100% of the time, the terms
he
bureaucratic
is
This
designate
describe
terms
to
to
as
category
usage.
what
used
are used
instancesthat have to do with the designationand delegation of authority and the protection
includes
law,
It
the
sealings
of
or official acts of a witness and as a
property.
of government
Nonto
the
to
of
government
sale
and
contract
or
purchase
property.
signature an official
bureaucraticusagesare those of a personalnature that are unrelatedto the control of the
include
This
category
would
usagessuch as sealsemployed as votive
political economy.
77
burial
heirloom
items,
or
or as gifts and pledges.
offerings, amulets, or ornaments,as
Gorelick doesnot find any of theseusesin the New Testamentwritings.
He also divided the referencesto `seals' into categoriesof `functional' as opposedto
`metaphorical'. In the Jewish scripturessuch conceptswere used 30 times with 66.6% (20)
being functional while 33.3% (10) were metaphorical. In the New Testamentthe concepts
functional,
31
41.9%
(13)
being
times
`sealing'
while 58.1% were
with
used
were
about
hypothesis
because
differences
in the period
Gorelick
the
that
the
offers
are
metaphorical.

77Leonard Gorelick, "Introduction Ancient Sealsand the Bible: an Overview," in Ancient Seals and the Bible,
ed.Leonard Gorelick and Elizabeth Williams-Forte (Malibu CA: Udena Publications, 1983), pp. 2-3.

149

when the Jewish scriptureswere written the Israelites were a nation and required all the
bureaucratictrappings of nationhood. In the time of the New Testament,the early Christians
had little money, lesspower, were not organisedinto a nation, and therefore had no need to
78
useseals to exert economic or political control.
Gorelick also notesthat there is a difference qualitatively betweenthe metaphoric
New
differ
Testament:
in
image
those
Jewish
the
in
they
the
and
of
scriptures
or
usage
is
because
from
life
this
He
that
metaphoric
references
stem
experience.
postulates
content.
It is obvious that the consciouseventsexperiencedby the authors of the Jewish scriptures
differed from those of the authorsof the New Testament. This experiential difference caused
the authors of the New Testamentto develop protective methods,which included symbols in
79
indicates
language.
This
investigate
that
types
we
should
of
metaphoric
art and particular
by
New
Testament
ideas
the
the
the
authors
of
as they use references
conveyed
very carefully
how
important
is
to
to
theseusagesmight relate to
It
`sealing'.
attempt
ascertain
not
only
to
but
background
terms,
to attempt to ascertainthe very specific
these
the general
of
does
find
he
Gorelick
Despite
that
the
not
stating
any amuletic usages
author.
perspective of
he
does
is
Testament
New
in
there
that
the
`seals'
accept
a protective element to the usage
of
in
New
Testament.
the
terminology
this
of
The amuletic character of the seal in antiquity appears to be beyond question. In
PGM I. 144-148 there is a description of an engraved stone, put on a string and placed around
in
instance
be
incantation.
Though
this
to
the stone is not
an
the neck as part of what appears
described as a `seal', it does function as some form of `seal' or `amulet'. In PGMI. 306 there
is something described as the oc apla'Eou" (God's signet) which is symbolically used in an
invocation as part of a ceremony. In PGMIV. 3040-3041 the `seal of Solomon' is used in a

78Gorelick, "Introduction Ancient Sealsand the Bible: an Overview," pp. 2-3.

"Gorelick, "Introduction Ancient Sealsand the Bible: an Overview," pp. 2-3.

150

by
demons.
This `is the name of a famous amulet in
help
those
to
possessed
spell
80 In a love spell a person is to `seal' a label with one's `own ring'. 8' The
antiquity.
concept
is
integral
importance
if
love
in
in
is
`sealing'
this
the
act
as
of
another
spell
also used
of
82 In PGMXII. 270-350 there is a formula for creating
being
a ring for
effective.
spell
from
Greek
Magical
Papyri
Graeco-Roman
The
Egypt and contain
are
success and victory.
hymns,
from,
formulae,
The
date
texts
and
rituals.
mainly, the 2d century
spells,
a variety of
B. C. E. to the 5th century C.E. and they represent but a small fraction of what must have once
been a vast body of documents that many have considered to pertain to practices and beliefs
83
forbidden.
that were

In the New Testament,there appearsto be no clear and immediately obvious

indication that the terms `seal' and `sealing' are used in any fashion other than in the
traditional fashion that theseterms have beenused throughout the ancient world. It therefore
investigate
to
whether or not usagessuch as those cited above might prove
seemsappropriate
to be of relevancein our efforts to understandJohn's employment of theseterms in the
Apocalypse.
F. Revelation 5

85
both
the verb xaragoeayicw8'and the noun goeayis. 5: 1 `And I
This section contains
having
hand
been written upon
the
the
throne
the
of
one
seated
upon
scroll
a
right
sawupon
the inside and the outside sealedwith sevenseals.' The noun is anarthrousat 5: 1 (o-Po
ayThw
Frrrci)due to the fact that the `seals' are mentioned for the first time here and are therefore
further
10
in
The
times86
the Apocalypse
are
mentioned
the
to
seven
seals
unknown
readers.

8Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells, p. 96, n. 394.
11PGM iv 2954.
22PGM
xxxvi 189.
83Betz, "Magic and Mystery in the Greek Magical Papyri", p. 248.
80
1.
in
5:
occurs
xaraTcOQayiiw
5
1,2,5
9.
in
4
is
and
times
at
verses
chapter
goeayi used
86
6Rev. 5:2,5,9; 6: 1,3,5,7,9,12; 8: 1.

151

87
instances
have
in
definite
the
those
the anaphoric
noun will
and each of
article. According
to Beale, the phrase`sealedwith sevenseals' is an obvious allusion to Ezekiel 2:9-10, and
there also appearsto be the merging of the themes from Isaiah 29: 11 and Daniel 12:4,9,
where a book cannot be read due to the fact that it is `sealed'. Thesetexts are brought
together becausethe wording is almost identical and the mutual theme of a `sealed' book,
that concealsdivine revelation associatedwith judgment, is a common subject matter.88
The motif of `sealingwith sevenseals' is a very common contrivance in the world of
89
`Jewish magic'. The Jewish Aramaic incantation bowls use this expressionon several
90
occasions The efficacy of the use of the divine name in this type of seal is attestedin the
91
Incantation
Bowl
51.6-7
texts The implication of `sevenseals' is
text of
of these
illegitimate
impossibility
the
of
any
personbeing able to accesswhat has been
apparently
`sealed' in such a manner. This is particularly the casewhen `sealed' by God or using the
92 At 1 Enoch 89:71 a book is `sealed' after being read to God,
God.
nameof
and then the
book
involve
(89:
76-77;
90:
17)
this
to
of
appears
a sceneof
unsealing,and reading
judgement.93 In 4Q550 a scroll is spokenof as being `sealed' with the `sevensealsof the
'
Darius.
ring of
According to the Gospel of Peter 8:33 the tomb of Jesuswas sealedwith `sevenwax
seals' as one part of measuresto safeguardthe tomb. A Roman prescription demandedthat a

e7Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 322.

88Beale, The Book of Revelation, pp. 337-338; Dan, 12: 14 (Theodotion). : c(pQmygoov R',mlov; 12:9
ro'
ilyo;
Isa. 29: 11: of tl -o, ro A,8Atouroe"eqpQdyrotcvou
(Theodotion): eo'oQay1a-tevoi
of
To' ou ... eocoQylorar7 Q.
Cf. Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 346.

89Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 346.

90CharlesD. Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Dissertation Series,Number 17 (Missoula MT:
Societyof Biblical Literature and ScholarsPress,1975), pp. 40,80,81,82,83.
91Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, p. 116. `...with the great seal of the Lord the Universe
of
[whose] knot cannot be untied and whose seal cannot be broken.'
2Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 346.
93Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 346.

152

94
In the text of 4 Baruch 3: 1095(First to Second
will should be sealed with `seven seals'.
Fv
Century C. E. ) the earth is spoken of as being `sealed' with `seven seals'(6 acpQayio-as
0-e
airria gpeayimv).

The question posedin 5:2b is `Who is worthy to open the scroll and to break its
ros
imply
does
is
being
but
it
that
The
'
not
simply
a
question
of
ability
asked,
word
seals?
L
in
both
Scott
is
2
is
`qualified'.
3
that
points
out
verses
and
ios
who
meansrather,
e8rivaro
terms
that
these
term
the
to
the
and
connote moral and physical ability as
equivalent
`5D1.96
The reasonfor opening the scroll is not so that it
Hebrew
for
term
the
translations
be
in
in
but
the
that
be
eschatological
events
contained
within
can
set
order
may read,
7
book
that
the
the
Prigent
this
as
contents
of
point
well,
noting
makes
are not what
motion.
is of primary importancehere. The most important factor here is that the Messiah alone is
98
document.
Van Unnik notes that this section is not
deemedto be `worthy' of opening this
holds
decisive
book
but
in
independent
the
the
a
scene
within
place
someseparateor
be
left
is
described
book.
The
cannot
out or missed
point of what
structureof the whole
9
becoming
unintelligible.
without the sequel
Chapter 5 depictsthe scroll and the indespensablecondition for its opening, which in
100
follow.
Seer
This chapteris not only important
that
turn determinesthe visions of the
from a structural point of view, but also as the starting point for the understandingof the
1'
A number of scholarsperceive the scenedepicted here as
book.
Christology of the

94Gaius, Institutes of RomanLaw 2.147; Justinian, The Elementsof RomanLaw 2.10.2-3; Aune, Revelation 1-5,
342; Harrington, Revelation,p. 84.
3This text is also known by the names of The Things Omitted from Jeremiah the Prophet and by its Greek title
Paraleipomena Jeremiou.

%Robert Balagarnie Young Scott, The Original Language of the Apocalypse(Toronto: The University of
Toronto, 1928), p. 20.
97Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 347.
Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 246.
W. C. Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", in Melanges Bibliques en hommageau
R P. Beda Rigaux, ed. Albert Descampsand R. P. Andre de Halleux (Gembloux: Duculot, 1970), p. 445.
10Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", p. 446.
101
Traugott Holtz, Die Christologie der Apokalypse desJohannes(Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1962), p. 27.

153

indicating the enthronementof Christ.102Van Unnik, however, disagreeswith this

in
his
focal
is
indicates
the
this
that
view,
point of
section to be found in the
assessmentand
34ros
is
found
be
look
into
4ios
He
(worthy).
that
to
to
the scroll
out
when
none
points
word
the seer weeps (5:4). Later in verse 9 the Lamb takes the scroll and opensits `seals' (chapter
6ff.). In verse 12 a great chorus of heavenly creaturessayswith a loud voice: `Worthy is the
Lamb who was slain'. In eachof theseinstancesit is the issue of `worthiness' which is the
103
be
by
is
Jesus
Christ
had
done.
to
the
motivated
work that
central point and this said
In the Odesof Solomon (Late 1Stto Early 2"d Century C.E.) at 23:5-9 there is a letter
that has a `seal' which they were not allowed to loosen becausethe power which was over
104
the `seal' was better than they were. It should be noted that there are differences between
the `seal' on the scroll in the Odesof Solomon and the `seals' on the scroll in chapter 5 of the
Apocalypse. In the Odesof Solomontext, the `seal' itself possessesa certain power that is
frightening and strong, but this samecharacteristicis not found in the Apocalypse. The issue
105
'
is
is
in
`who
Apocalypse
worthy?
of prime importance the
Van Unnik perceives that there are two themes that are central to the context of
Revelation 5 and he formulates this into a single question: `why has this idea of "worthiness"
been
"for
"
opening
so closely connected with this mysterious
as the conditio sine qua non
book in the hand of God? ' He believes that the answer to this question cannot be found
in
be
Judaism
that
the
the other part of the
solution
and
sought
the
of
must
contexts
within
Hellenistic
Christianity,
the
the
theological
of
conceptions
world. In
environment of early
have
is
it
texts
that
to
line
some
examine
this
necessary
no direct
of reasoning
pursuing
first
its
literary
This
Apocalypse
the
at
seem to be a detour but
genre.
may
to
or
relationship
102
Lohmeyer,Die Offenbarungdes
Holtz,Die ChristologiederApokalypsedesJohannes,p. 27; Johannes
Johannes,
HandbuchzumNeuenTestament;16(Tbingen:J. C. B. Mohr (P. Siebeck,1926),pp. 51 ff.

103
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", p. 447-448.
104
JamesH. Charlesworth,trans. and ed. "Odes of Solomon" in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,ed. James
H. Charlesworth,vol. 2; The Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday 1985), pp. 725,755-756.
105
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", p. 450.

154

it will assist in elucidating the wider context, the world of ideas in which the term 3 oscould
106
books.
in
be used, especially connectionwith
In the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies there is an introduction which is an `Epistle of
Peter to James'( 4th century C. E. ). In this writing Peter pleads with the head of the Church in
Jerusalem not to communicate the books of his preaching to anyone of the Gentiles or the
Jews `before that man has been tested, ' but the writing may be passed to them `if anyone has
107
A similar expression is to be read in the 4 Baruch 4: 4
found
been proved and
worthy'.
into
keys
Sun
before
the
the
Jeremiah
the
tosses
the
of
sanctuary
safe-keeping
with
where

is
for
keys
have
been
The
that
Jerusalem.
the
the
the
removal
of
people
motive
ovx
captureof
108Here the object under consideration is
Aal
(4
Baruch
4.5).
not
euez jaev a'oi rov cp at arias
failure
fulfill
due
duties
the
to
keys
to
the
their
but
taken
book
that
of
people
away
are
and
a
109
been
found
In eachof these casesthere
have
'worthy'.
deemed
to
not
therefore they are
in
is
`worthiness'.
form
In a number
to
be
test
that
order
ascertain
to
of
applied
some
appears
judgment
highlight
Papyri
the
that
Magical
there
texts
Greek
of the one who
are
of the
'
10
judged
be
books'
be'
`magical
In
to
these
to
one
must
use
test.
order
the
worthy'.
applies
'
lt
into
hands
just
the
They are not allowed to come
of
anyone. Near the end of 4 Ezra (Late
1` Century C.E.) the seeris told to make public twenty-four of the books that had been
"
12
for
`...
keep
that
the
but
to
were written only
wise among your people.
seventy
written,
In Revelation 5 everything hinges upon the opening of this hermetically `sealed'
drama
in
for
be
God's
It
judments
the
in
`seven
of
opened
the
must
order
seals'.
scroll with
106
Van Unnik, '"Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", p. 451.
107
Pseudo-Clementine,Epistle of Peter to James,I: 1-2.
108Robert A. Kraft and Ann-Elizabeth Purintun, trans. and ed., ParaleipomenaJeremiou, Texts and
Translations;1 Pseudepigraphaseries; 1(Missoula MT: Society of Biblical Literature, 1972), p. 20; J. Rendel
Harris, TheRest of the Wordsof Baruch: A Christian Apocalypse of the Year 136 A. D. (London: C. J. Clay and
Sons,Cambridge University PressWarehouse,1889), p. 51,4: 4.
109
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", p. 452.
" Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", p. 452; PGM, IV. 739-740; XI. a 715.
111
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", pp. 452-453.
112
4 Ezra, 14:45-46; Bruce M. Metzger, trans. and ed. "The Fourth Book of Ezra" in The Old Testament
Pseudepigrapha,vol. 1; The Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday 1983), p. 517,555.

155

for
idea
but
The
6
that
to
secret
revelations
were
not
meant
everyone,
only
unfold.
chapter
for the `worthy' is an idea that is found at various placesin the literary works from the time
113
illustrate
here
few
from
diverse
To
Testament.
this
taken
New
are
a
the
point
examples
of
follows:
is
Cherubim
divine
in
On
42
`For
its
this
Philo
the
as
a
mystery
and
wrote
sources.
lessonis for the initiated who are worthy to receive the holiest secret,even those who in
is
free
from
The
heart
true
the
piety
which
and
genuine,
all
ornament.
practise
of
simplicity
deadly
for
is
those
the
the
others
who,
under
spell
of
curse of vanity,
not
sacredrevelation
have no other standardsfor measuringwhat is pure and holy, but their barren words and
114
'
phrasesand their silly usagesand ritual.
Van Unnik suggeststhat in 1 Timothy 6: 1-5 the issue of those who are `worthy',
in
true
those
piety a sober and not extravagantmanner are the only people
who serve
namely
115
is.
Barnabas
9:
9
`He
the
hear
the
of
scripture
to
secret
and
real
sense
reads,
what
allowed
knows this who placed the gift of his teaching in our hearts. No one has heard a more
116
'
14:
1
Barnabas
At
know
by
but
I
from
that
lesson
are
continues
you
worthy.
me,
excellent
`...
But
they
to
the
that
to
were
not
the
worthy
was
given
people
receive
covenant
of
speaking
117
'
`Worthiness' is lost due to wickednessand sin, which breaksthe
it becauseof their sins.
bond with God. In the caseof Christians, that bond has beenrestoredthrough the sufferings
"'
8
is
`allegorical
is
faithful
him
`worthy'
the
to
to receive
explanation.
of Jesusand whoever
A passage from Josephus' Jewish War 11.138 describes the novitiate among the

Esseneswhom is testedfor a three year period to ascertainwhether or not he is `worthy' to

1" Van Unnik, -Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", pp. 452-453.
114
F. H. Colson and G. H. Whitaker, trans., Philo, vol. 2, ed. Jeffrey Henderson,Loeb Classical Library series;
227 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press2001), p. 35.
115
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", p. 453.
116
Kirsopp Lake, trans., TheApostolic Fathers, ed. G. P. Goold, The Loeb Classical Library series,24. vol. 1
(CambridgeMA: Harvard University Press 1985),p. 373.
'17Lake, trans., The Apostolic Fathers, p. 391.

118
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", p. 454.

156

be enrolled

19
into the society! Festugieredrew a parallel betweenthis text

and the much

later rule of the `Iobacches'(found in an inscription in Athens dated by the mention of the
120
).
in
C.
E.
In the writings of Iamblichus, regarding the
178
deathof Herod Atticus
Pythagoreans(4thcentury C.E.): no one was permitted to be a disciple, unlesshe had been
first tried, and `...if they appearedworthy of sharing in his teachings....' 121The similarities
betweenthe terminology in thesedisparatepassagesare striking, with the account of
122
being
Josephus
the oldest amongtheseexamples. There is also another very interesting
is
inhabitants
Josephus,
in
to
the
the
which
addressed
of
of Jerusalemas he
writings
passage
123
inhabitants
Romans.
This passageseemsto
to surrenderto the
tries to persuadethe
indicate that the recital of God's works can only be properly given to those who are `worthy'.
A similar concept is expressedin the Hermetic treatise Poimandres (1Stto 3Idcentury C.E):
`And now, why do you delay? Seeingthat you have received all, why do you not make
boon,
those
the
to
are
worthy
who
of
so that mankind may through you be
yourself a guide
124
savedby God?'
There are also a number of other `Gnostic' sourcesthat use similar terminology cited
by van Unnik. A typical theme in eachof thesetexts is that they all speakout regarding
`secret', `divine revelations' or `instructions', which can only be received by the person who
is `worthy'. Thesedoctrines and revelations are not meant to be revealedto all men, but only
119
H. St. J. Thackeray,trans.,JosephusTheJewish War Books I-11,ed. G. P. Goold. The Loeb Classical
Library; 203 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press 1997), pp. 376-377.
120
JeanFestugi8re,La Revelation d'Hermes Trismegiste,vol. 3, EtudesBibliques (Paris: Librairie Lecoffre J.
Gabbaldaet Cie, Editeurs, 1953),p. 110.
121lamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 17.72;John Dillon and JacksonHershbell, Iamblichus On the Pythagorean
Wayof Life Text, Translation and Notes, ed. Hans Dieter Betz and Edward N. O'Neill, Texts and Translation 29;
Graeco-RomanReligion series 11 (Atlanta GA: ScholarsPress,1991), pp. 96-98.
122
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5," p. 454.
123'For myself, I shudderat recounting the works of God to unworthy ears;yet listen, that you may learn that
you are warring not againstRomansonly, but also against God.' Josephus,TheJewish War, 5.378; 11.St. J.
Thackeray,trans.,JosephusTheJewish War Books V-VII, ed. G. P. Goold. The Loeb Classical Library 210
(CambridgeMA: Harvard University Press 1997),pp. 120-121.
124
Corpus Hermeticum, Poimandres,26; Arthur Darby Nock and A. J. Festugiere,eds., Corpus Hermeticum,
de
1945),
France
(Paris:
Les
Belles
16;
Lettres,
Richard Reitzenstein,
Universites
Des
1,
Collection
p.
vol.
PoimandresStudien zur Griechischgyptischen und Frhchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig: Druck und Verlag
von B. G. Teubner, 1904),pp. 336-337.

157

to those who have beendeemedas `worthy'. Van Unnik notes that the concept of being
`worthy' is not simply a technical term that is used in connection with the `mysteries' of the
`mystery-religions', but a term that is used in a more general senserelating to any divine gift
in general. The factor which is typical in all of thesetexts is that they all speakabout `secret,
divine revelations, instructions' which can only be received if a person is 'worthy'. 125
An awarenessof the conception of `worthiness' is generally known to be a feature of
the world in the time and spacesurrounding the New Testamentera, as is revealed in an
ironical statementof Hippolytus, 126and in the writings of Irenaeus.127The Acts of Thomas
utilize this word in a variety of combinations such as: `worthy to be ministers of Christ, to
inherit the heavenly glory, to receive the Holy Spirit or Christ, or true richness,to be worthy
128
in
'
God
the
sacraments. This body of material would seemto make it
of
or partaking
imperative that the word `worthy' be consideredin its wider contextual framework. It is a
word that is used in connectionwith a very high, divine objective, which cannot be attained
by just anyone. This word is usedto describea person who is able to receive what may be
grantedbecauseit has becomemanifest by such a person's life and works that he possesses
129
divine
in
be
him.
this
that
the merits order
gift can entrustedto

125
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5," pp. 455-456; Esther de Boer, The Gospel of
Mary: Beyond a Gnostic and a Biblical Mary Magdalene, Journal for the study of the New Testament.
Supplementseries;260. (London; New York: T&T Clark International, 2004); Carl Schmidt and Violet
Macdermot, The Books ofJeu and the Untitled Text in the Bruce Codex,Nag Hammadi studies; 13. (Leiden: E.
J. Brill, 1978); Carl Schmidt and Violet Macdermot, Pistis Sophia, Nag Hammadi Studies; 9. (Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1978).
126`These
constitute the astonishing mysteries of Elchasai, those ineffable and potent secrets which he delivers
to deserving disciples. ' Hippolytus, The Refutation ofAll Heresies, IX. 10; Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium
haeresium, ed. Miroslav Marcovich, Patristische Texte und Studien ; Bd. 25 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1986),
'... zois 4iorsAaSrar"s. '
p
1360.
27Irenaeus,Against the Heresies,1.25.25;Dominic J. Unger
John J. Dillon, trans.

and
and ed. "St. Irenaeusof
Lyons Against the Heresies"in, eds. Walter J. Burghardt, Tomas Comerford Lawler, and John J. Dillon,
vol. 1;
Ancient Christian Writers; The Works of the Fathersin Translation; 55 (New York: Paulist Press 1992), p. 89;
Philo, TheSpecial Laws, 1.43;Philo, On Dreams, I. 117; Philo, On the Changeof Names, 79-80,104; Col., 1:10;
I Thess,2: 12.
128
Albertus Frederik JohannesKlijn, TheActs of Thomas:Introduction, Text, Commentary,2nd revised ed.,
Supplementsto Novum Testamentum;vol. 108 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2003), pp. 69-70.
129
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", p. 457.

158

`Worthiness' is not an attribute that actually entitles a personto something divine, but
it is the correct inner attitude, which is demonstratedthrough deedswhich enablea person to
form
has
Some
brings
test
this
type
this
of
severe
usually
occurred
which
gift.
receive
of
factor to light. Theseconnotationsare suggestedby the way authors from Hellenistic, Jewish
from
A
backgrounds
Christian
this
the Wisdomof Solomon
use
word.
passage
and
demonstratesthat the ideasthat go together with worthiness did already exist in pre-Christian
times and that theseideaswere not strictly confined to initiation into the mysteries. Within
the context of the Apocalypse,John appearsto be using this terminology as an implicit
forms
human
`religiosity',
forms
all
of
piety. No one is found that
of
and
of
criticism of all
in
Only
`Lion
`seals'
those
the
the
the
all
entire
universe.
amongst
of the tribe of
can open
130
is
found
be
'worthy'.
to
Judah,the root of David'
In the context of Revelation 5 the idea conveyedby the imagery seemsto indicate the
in
by
Christ
he,
Jesus
He,
has
the
the proper
universe.
and
only
occupied
unique position
break
`seals'
The
`seals'
in
be
to
the
this
this context
to
scroll.
of
auspicious
able
credentials
insure that the contentsof the scroll can only be releasedby the one who is deemedto be
`worthy' to take them from the hand of the `one seated on the throne'. The recognition of
Jesus as the one who is `worthy' to open the `seals' of the scroll has wide-reaching
be
firm
deity
Christ.
Hurtado
it
in
to
the
a
affirmation
of
of
seems
and
states
ramifications
these terms `... it would be difficult to imagine a more direct and forceful way to express

130
Van Unnik, "'Worthy is the Lamb' The Background of Apoc 5", pp. 457-459. An example of this can be seen
in the Wisdomof Solomon3: 1-8 (1" Century B. C.E.), 'But the souls of the righteous are in the hand of God, and
torment will not take hold of them. In the eyes of the foolish they are imagined to have died, and their departure
but
from
departure
be
ill
their
they are at peace. And yet in
be
their
to
treatment
ruin,
and
us
to
an
wasthought
the eyesof men they were punished,their hope is filled with immortality; and having been disciplined a little
they will receive a great good, becauseGod put them to the test and found them worthy (aZous)
of himself; like
burnt
he
he
furnace
tested
them
in
offering
and
as
a
whole
sacrificial
acceptedthem. And in the
gold a smelting
time of their visitation they will be revived and run like sparksthrough straw; they will judge the nations and
'
Lord
them
the
over
unto
eternity.
will
rule
the
and
rule over
people

159

131
None other is `worthy' of such an affirmation and the `seals' are
'
Jesus'divine status.
divinity
belong
Jesus
Christ
that
to
the
of
rights
of
alongside of God.
usedas a symbol
Jesus,and Jesusalone has the authority to unleashthe plan of God for the `judgment,
132
'
fell
is
final
In
John
to
the
over
evil
victory
one
stroke
and
able
redemption,
place
risen
...
Christ on a level above all possible contenders. This would include competitors for
force
the
emperor,
other
gods,
or
any
spiritual
or power. The `seals'
allegiance such as
insure that only the rightful heir to the position of power is able to open the scroll. All others
declared
levels
by
the power of this
of
obeisance
are
mere
pretenders
such
who might claim
forceful imagery.
G. Revelation 6 and 8: 1

The imagery from the previous chapter continues as the `Lamb' begins to open the
`seals' of the scroll that he had taken from the hand of the one seatedon the throne. The
is
`seven
breaking
the
open
of
a
series
of
seals'
unique to the Apocalypse, but
metaphor of
there is some late evidencefor a seriesof sevenbeing usedto narratethe events that will
133
in
inauguration
is
It
the context of the chapters
before
the
just
the
of
eschaton.
occur
following on from the revelation of chapter 5, of the deity of Christ, that the full force of
John's argumentbegins to take shapeas he develops his argumentthat only Jesusis `worthy'
He
faithful
obedience.
will ultimately prove victorious over all who would
of worship, and
deity
(i.
forces)
to
the
have
either
e.
emperors,
gods,
to
claim
other
or
spiritual
a
pretend
or
the right of judgement.
The opening of the `seals' demonstratesthe authority of JesusChrist in his role not
134
is
judge.
5:
2
The
is
but
'Who
at
question
as
asked
also
worthy to open
only as redeemer,

131Larry W. Hurtado, Lord JesusChrist Devotion to Jesusin Earliest Christianity (Grand Rapids MI: William
B. EerdmansPublishing Co., 2003), pp. 592-593.
132
Hurtado, Lord JesusChrist Devotion to Jesusin Earliest Christianity, p. 592.
"' Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 392; Sanh.,97a; Meg., 17b.
134
Beale, TheBook of Revelation,pp. 339-340.

160

the scroll and break its seals?' According to Sweet and Caird this question concernswho in
135
Those suffering may have begun
has
the created order
sovereignauthority over this plan.
to wonder if the reign of Christ really extendsover all things, including those situations
in
find
disadvantage
Christians
themselves
situations
of
and even being
where many
faith.
Beale,
Revelation
6:
1-8
intended
According
8:
1
due
to
their
to
to
and
are
martyred
be
does
indeed
John
Christ
to
even
rule
over
what
appears
a
chaotic
that
world.
even
show
disastrous
have
brought
indicate
death
the
far
that
that
to
many
of
events
and
as
goesso
136
for
both
judicial
by
Christ
`redemptive
'
brought
destruction are
and
about
purposes.
H. Revelation 7 and 9: 4

At Revelation 7:2 there is the introduction into the Apocalypse of the term oxppar';to
describean object usedto place a mark upon the foreheadsof those that are the `servantsof
God'. Not until 14:1 is it made obvious that the name of the Lamb and the name of His
Father are written upon the foreheadsof those deemedto be faithful (though the term
(7:
3,4,5,8),
(7:
2;
9:
4),
The
is
terms
and
o Qayicw
o peayis
o peayicw not used).

are used in

this chapter and in 9: 4 in an eschatological sense according to Aune. This same sense is to
be found in Ezekiel 9: 4-6 (cited in Damascus Document 19: 12); Psalms of Solomon 15:6 (rr
iuwAe
is
4
Ezra
`Sealing'
here
6:
5;
8:
53.
(o-werov
indicate
&ou),
9
to
used
as);
Tos
oTpzr v rov
`divine protection', as is made apparent by 9: 4, where the demonic locusts are told not to

137
foreheads.
God
`seal'
have
their
the
harm those who
of
on

1" J. P. M. Sweet, "Maintaining the testimony of Jesus:the suffering of Christians in the Revelation of John," in
Suffering and Martyrdom in the New Testament:StudiesPresentedto G. M. Styler by the Cambridge New
TestamentSeminar, ed. William Horbury and Brian McNeil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981),
Divine,
72-73.
St.
John
Revelation
The
the
Caird,
pp.
122-124;
of
pp.
6Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 370.
" Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 452.

161

In the Coptic-Gnostic tractate TheApocryphon of John the protective function of

`sealing' is made explicit. 138According to Aune, `The protective, or apotropaic, function of
`magical sealing' is a motif frequently encounteredin ancient texts, in inscriptions, on
139
In one instancean inscription on an Aramaic
amulets, and other materia magica'.
Incantation bowl reads,`...that seal with which the First Adam sealedhis son Seth to protect
140
'.
In the Acts ofAndrew (3`dcentury C.E.) 27 there is a text with
him from d[emons],
similarities, where sevendemonswill not attack Andrew becauseof the seal on his
forehead.141The inscription on a Christian amulet readson the obverseside, `Seal of the
living God, guard him who wearsthis Holy, holy, holy, Lord Sabaoth,heavenand earth are
full of thy glory. ' 142
Aune statesthat in the `Jewish scripturesand in early Judaismthere was the
`Anthropomorphic' notion that Yahweh, like earthly kings, had a `seal" (Job 9:7; Sirach
17:22; Testamentof Moses 12:9; Apocalypseof Moses42: 1).143Ysebaertalso statesthis
in
he
`Jewish
to
then
on
note
a
connection
what
calls
goes
sameprecept, and
superstition'
144
`magical
Aune comesto the conclusion
power".
where there are accountsof rings with
that the idea of `...sealing people with a seal or a signet ring of God is a metaphor drawn from
the world of ancient magic, where sealing functions either to protect the person sealedor to
138
Apocryphon of John 31:22-25 `And I raised him up' and sealedhim in the light' of the water with five seals,
in order that u death might not have power over him from this time on.' Frederik Wisse, trans., ed. The
Apocryphon of John," in Book TheApocryphon ofJohn, ed. JamesM. Robinson (San Francisco: Harper 1990),
122.
39Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 452-453.
140
Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, 16.13.p. 54.
141
Dennis Ronald MacDonald, TheActs ofAndrew and the Acts ofAndrew and Matthias in the City of the
Cannibals, ed. William R. Schoedeland Dennis Ronald MacDonald, vol. 33 Christian Apocrypha Number 1,
Text and TranslationsChristian Apocrypha Series(Atlanta GA: ScholarsPress, 1990), pp. 140-143.
142
Erwin R. Goodenough,Jewish Symbolsin the Greco-RomanPeriod, vol. 2, Bollingen SeriesXXXVII (New
York: PantheonBooks, 1953),p. 231; Erwin R. Goodenough,Jewish Symbolsin the Greco-RomanPeriod, vol.
3, Bollingen SeriesXXXVII (New York: PantheonBooks, 1953), fig. 1054. For other amulets containing the
`sealof God' seeGustaveSchlumberger,"Amulettes Byzantins Anciens Destinesa Combattre Les Malef ices &
EoXowvo;," RevueDes
Maladies," RevueDes EtudesGrecques5 (1892): p. 84; Paul Perdrizet, "Ecppozytr
EtudesGrecques 16 (1903): pp. 42-61.
143
Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 453.
144
J. Ysebaert,Greek Baptismal Terminology, vol. 1, GraecitasChristianorum Primaeva(Nijmegen: Dekker &
Van De Vegt N. V., 1962),pp. 246-247. cf. Josephus,Jewish Antiquities, 8:47; Gilt, 68a; PGM, IV. 3039.

162

control the evil spirit that is sealed.' He then goeson to indicate that the languageof
`sealing' and `signet rings' occurs frequently in the context of `ancient magic' where it is
frequently difficult to decide whether the contextual origin for the symbolism is derived from
`Jewishmagic' or 'Graeco-Romanmagic'. This difficulty arisesdue to the enormous
influence exertedby `Jewishmagic' upon 'Graeco-Romanmagic'. '45
Aune is of the opinion that the referencesto the `seal of god' are actually referring to
the `name' of the god in a mannerthat is perhapsreminiscent of the manner in which the
inscribed
`materia
`amulets'
upon
magica'
such
as
and `papyri'. He
namesof gods are
146
voaa
9eJs.
implement
One
lend
that
that
example
of
an
may
postulates
acPeayis
=
=
has
been
by
is
Kraabel.
It
the Wilshere jasper ringstone
this
to
published
perspective
support
(ca. 3`dcentury C. E.), with the divine namesIALI 2AQ AL 1)NI (i. e., Iao, Sabaoth,Adonai)
lines
in
(AI
in
three
written reverse

OA. INfl'A.

147So called `magical' formulas

are

148
for
in
in
`magical'
`Jewish
It is the
texts'.
effect
magical
commonly written reverseorder
instance
jasper
in
Wilshere
Aune
the
the
that
of
ringstone the name is
supposition of
inscribed in reverseorder not for `magical' affect but in order to be used as a stamp, which
149
highly
probable.
seemsto be
Thesethree divine names(lao, Sabaoth,and Adonai) do occur frequently in the
GreekMagical Papyri-150Aune indicates that these three Hebrew namesfor God, as used
'51
`magical
the
three
deities.
practitioners' were regardedas
separate
within the context of
The name `Iao' is of particular importance as it representsa Greek transliteration of a
145
Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 453. cf. PGM, VII. 583 'A Phylactery' that speaksof'the powerful name and seal of
the great god'. PGM, 1.3066exIcoyeayIa &o5 (I adjure [you] by the seal of god). PGM 111.226pxica,o-e,
[a 9lefo5l.
o'cpeayi
146
Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 453.
147
A. T. Kraabel, "Jews in Imperial Rome: More Archaeological Evidence from an Oxford Collection", Journal
ofJewish Studies30 (1979): pp. 50-56.
148
JosephNaveh, "Lamp Inscriptions and Inverted Writing", Israel Exploration Journal 38 (1988): pp. 37,4041.
149
Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 453.
ISO
PGM, 111.266-267;IV. 1485-1486,1534-1535,1561,1621,3053; VI1.1220,1311,1595-1596.
151
Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 453.

163

for
God, 111111.152
In the Testamentof Solomon (1Stto
form
the
name
covenant
shortened
of
3`dcentury C.E.) a `seal' delivered to Solomon, from God through Michael (Testamentof
Solomon 1:6-7) allows him to compel demonsto build the temple. The theme of the Ring of
Solomon is picked up in the Aramaic Incantation Bowl texts and is referred to as the
X: )5i

153
'it
(the
King
Solomon),
-)D'
ni
1n1'7V'7 Xnf11la1
1
the
sealing of
as
i

KJ1711v

(the signet ring of King Solomon)'54

Aune refers to the the `ring of Solomon' in JosephusJewish Antiquities 8:47, but in
'"
is
by
in
to
that
this
context never specifically referred
appellation.
reality the ring

It is the

`root' (eicav)that is referred to as being `prescribed' by Solomon and what is touted as

156
is
(understanding
in
the
Solomon.
this
context
ovvForsxai o-ocpia
and wisdom) of
paramount
This distinction is important, as the purposeof the Jewish Antiquities is to illustrate the
in
Jewish
this caseparticularly those of Solomon. This
the
people,
and
positive aspectsof
Aune
be
the
this
to
overstating
of
perhaps
case
at
point.
case
a
goes onto refer to
appears
`amulets' or `magical gems' which depict Solomon as a mounted warrior that is about to
157
figure
his
female
spear. The `amulets' of this type are made from
with
pierce a supine
hermatite and have the inscription Wokopwvaround the rider, and oxpayisao on the
158
Aramaic
Incantation
Bowls
include
Jewish
The
a number of pertinent parallels.
reverse.
In text 3.4 the formula used is '5X XZV'r X?.l Xm111a1Xan X15XZ i 1mv/111S9
(in the
God
El),
Shadda
48.4-5
the
the
XDSrn nun5v-r
and
with
seal
of
the
great
at
great
nameof

132
David E. Aune, "Iao," in Reallexikonfr Antike und Christentum, ed. Ernst Dassmann,et al. (Stuttgart:
Anton Hiersemann, 1996), pp. 1-12.
'" Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Text 7.17-18, pp. 31-33.
134
Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Text 47.41, p. 108.
issAune, Revelation 6-16, p. 454.
'56Josephus,Jewish Antiquities, 8.49.
'57Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 454.
"g Campbell Bonner, Studiesin Magical Amulets Chiefly Graeco-Egyptian, vol. 44, Humanistic Series(Ann
Arbor MI: The University of Michigan Press, 1950),pp. 208-209; Armand Delatte and Philippe Derchain, eds.,
Lesintailles magiquesgreco-egyptiennes(Paris: Bibliotheque nationale, 1964), nos. 369-373,376-377, pp. 261264.
159
Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Text 3, p. 21.

164

xnprivai..

'Zw'K"T

Xnprv]

i'i 1811160(sealed with the signet ring of El Shaddai and

...

161
Solomon...
).
King
sealed with the signet ring of
The difficulty with equating the usage of the imagery surrounding the `seal' from the
texts of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls with that of the Apocalypse is the late date of these
162
).
C.
E.
The question that arises is did the usage remain
Bowl texts (4th to 7th centuries
largely the same in the period from the time of the composition of the Apocalypse, to the
time when the Aramaic Incantation Bowls were composed? Additionally,

the question of

far
is
have
Asia
Minor
reached
as
as
also relevant? However,
would
whether such a usage
is
Apocalypse
`seal'
Revelation
from
7 and 9: 4
that
the
the
is
the
context
of
of
what apparent
has the affect of protecting those who bear it from the power of the forces of the bottomless
163
does
demonstrate
Aramaic
the
This
therefore
striking
similarities
with
usage
pit.
Incantation Bowls.

Beale points out that the reasonthat God `seals' his servantsis debated. He gives
harm,
for
from
(2)
(1)
`for
three main alternatives:
protection from
protection
physical
demons,and (3) for protection from losing their faith and hencetheir salvation.'1M Reddish
have
background
the
for the
that
to
the
there
passages
provide
that
several
potential
are
notes
imagery in chapter 7. In Genesis4: 15 God places a mark upon Cain in order to protect him
from those who might kill him. In Exodus 12:1-28, the Israelites place a mark upon their
doorpostsand lintels as protection againstthe tenth plague in Egypt. The closest parallel

160
Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Text 48, p. 110.

161There
in
'sealed
Incantation
Texts,
the
the
with
great seal of the Holy One',
other
variations
of
a
number
are
Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Text 19.19, p. 62. 'By the seal on which has been carved and
days
days
days
Creation.
from
(first)
the
Name
' Isbell,
the
the
the
six
of
Ineffable
of
world,
of
the
engraved
Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Text 17, pp. 56-57. The effectiveness is this type of `sealing' is the
Solomon
King
`...
the son of David, with the great
51.6-7.
the
signet-ring
text
and
with
of
the
of
emphasis of
be
[whose]
knot
be
broken.
Universe
' Isbell,
seal
cannot
Lord
the
whose
cannot
untied
and
of
seal of the
Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, p. 116. The protective function of the 'seal' against plagues is
displayed in 31.2-4. Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, p. 83.

162
Naveh and Shaul Shaked,Amulets and Magic Bowls, p. 9.
163
Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypseof St. John, pp. 281-282; Beale, The Book of Revelation, p. 409.
164
Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 409.

165

appearsto be in Ezekiel 9: 1-11, where God sendsone man who marks the people of the city
who are to be savedfrom death,while six others go behind and kill any who have not
165
receivedthe mark.
Of note is the fact that 2cpeayi5took on the specialisedmeaning as a synonym for
`baptism' at a very early date.166According to Charles,there is however, no allusion to
baptism in the context of chapter7, and the other passagesrelated to it, though he does
indicate that baptism did combine the two ideasconveyed in this context. It marked the
baptisedas God's or Christ's `property' and it securedthe one having been baptisedagainst
`demonic powers.' 167The theme of spiritual protection seemsto be commonly acceptedby
168
be
to
the main point of this contextual pericope. Upon
the commentatorssurveyedabove,
this at least there seemsto be some level of agreement.
I. Summary of Usage in 7 and 9: 4

The idea of a mark providing protection is an idea that has a history within the
backgroundof the Jewish scripturesas has beenpointed out above. The theme of protection
from spiritual forces is taken up later in the Greek Magical Papyri, the Aramaic Incantation
Bowls and in other items such as `seal' rings. Aune indicates that at the very least there may
be a connection betweenthis type of usageand the Apocalypse. This argument is perhaps
in
`worthiness'
by
the
that
of
concepts
use
of
used
are
chapter 5 and also found
strengthened
in the context of the GreekMagical Papyri, Gnostic texts, and others cited above, but it must
be noted that similar conceptsare also found within the context of the Jewish scriptures.
It is certainly the casethat the `seal' was an image used in later times in documents
in
Bowls,
Papyri
Magical
Aramaic
Incantation
the
Greek
the difficulty is in
and
the
suchas

16$
Reddish,Revelation, p. 145.
166
Hermas,Sim., 9.16.14; 2 Clem, 7.6; 8.6; Acts of Thomas,2.26-27, 'baptism and chrismation'.
167
Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 1, p. 197.
1687:
2; 3,4,5,8; 9:4.

166

discerningwhether the sameor a similar situation existed regarding the understandingof the
`seal' in Asia Minor in the 1Stcentury C. E. It would seemlogical to expect that these
in
known
Asia Minor at this time. It also seemsreasonableto
in
likelihood
conceptswere all
have
images,
his
John
that
constructed
and his discussion,in such a way as to
would
suppose
devices
imagery
in the face of
the
to
out
utter
uselessness
of
point
relying
upon
such
usesuch
the absolute power demonstratedby God and the risen Christ.
J. Revelation 10: 3 and 4

Revelation 10:3-4 `And a great voice cried out just like a lion's roar. And when it
cried out the seventhundersspoketheir own voices. And when the seventhunders spoke, I
heard
I
heaven
to
and
a
voice
out
of
saying, seal up what the seven
write,
waspreparing
thunderssaid, and do not write them.'
John is told to oyes roov`the messageof the seventhunders' at 10:4 and told not to
169
in
`to
Caird
Aune
down.
this
it
translates
context.
as
conceal'
o"oeapoov
concludes
write
that since God's prophet is orderednot to write down what the seventhunders say, but to
`seal' it away, `this can only mean that God has cancelledthe doom of which they were a
170
`seal
Beale
the
that
to
out
metaphor
of
points
up' refers throughout all
symbol.
fulfillment
delaying
has
been
literature
`sealed' and
the
the
to
that
of
of
which
apocalyptic
is
in
This
Daniel,
the
the
case
the
especially
context
of
to
and since Daniel
not
cancellation.
12:4-9 is alluded to in Revelation 10:5-7 it seemsprobable that this is John's intended
171
Horn
here.
also makesthe point that the messageof the seventhunders was to be
meaning
172
future.
in
revealedat somepoint the

169
Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 562.
10 Caird, The Revelation of St. John the Divine, p. 126.
171
Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 534. cf. Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 331.
12F. W. Horn, "Die siebenDonner: Erwgungenzu Offb 10," Studien zum Neuen Testamentund seiner Umwelt
17(1992): p. 226.

167

Aune quite emphatically states that this is wrong. He reasons that this is the case in
in
is
John
fact
the
there
due
that
to
the
a
situation
where
uses
expression
o peayicw
part
it
be
be
`sealed.
'
In
down
the case that
this
that
must
context
can actually
nothing written
be
kept
by
it
down.
`something
'173
that
should
secret
not
writing
only
can mean
o-(peayicw
This certainly seems to be the interpretation that fits the context most precisely and considers
immediate
but
the
the
the
the
also
practical
application
of
word,
context.
of
meaning
not only
K. Revelation 20: 3

20:3 `And he cast him into the Abyss and closed and `sealed' (&a-coyroev)it above
him, in order that he might not deceivethe nations until the thousandyears were completed.
Afterward it is necessaryto releasehim for a short time.' The terminology in this section, to
174
in
is
found
3a),
bind' and `to cast' ('bind' vs. 2b, and `cast' vs.
combat myths.
often
Ouranoswed Gaia, who had two monstrouschildren, which Ouranosbound and cast into
Tarturus.175In early Judaismthere is a similar tradition that involved the binding and
176
imprisoning of evil angelsor demonsuntil the day of judgement. There is in addition a
tradition within Judaismof God `sealing' the abyssesof the earth so that no one can open
177
them.
In the Prayer of Manasseh(2dCentury B. C.E. -1st Century C.E.) a similar sceneis
178
his
`seals'
`by
'
God
the
disclosedwhere
abyss
powerful and glorious name.
closesand
Aune suggeststhat John is making use of `a traditional formulation of this protological
179
be
There
form
to
it
in
'
appears
some
sense.
of variation
eschatological
an
scene, and using

173
Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 562.
174
Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1082.
'75Apollodorus, Library and Epitome, 1.1.2.
1761Enoch, 10:4-6; 21: 1-10;Jubilees, 5:6; 10:4-11; 2 Baruch, 56: 13; Testamentof Levi, 18:12; Jude, 6; 2 Peter,
2:4.
'774Q511,30:33.
"g JamesH. Charlesworth,trans. and ed. "The Prayer of Manasseh"in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,ed.
JamesH. Charlesworth, vol. 2; The Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday 1985), pp. 625,
635.
179
Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1083.

168

bound
The
Hypostasis
Archons
`that
in
Gnostic
text
the
the
theme
this
of
where
angel
on
180
1
into
below
'
down
Tartaros
According to Aune, there
him
the abyss.
Yaldaboth' and cast
in
from
Jewish
"bound"
`many
the
of
magic,
which
evil
spirits
are
world
parallels
are also
(11Dx 'sar) and "sealed" (01111htam) so that they cannot harm people. ' Aune also notes
181
beings
be
in
for
`magical
to
the names of evil
texts'.
that it is common practice
recited

The pairing of the terms `bind' (n(q) and `seal' (qpeayfcw)occurs here in the context of
'
82
in
Aramaic
Incantation
Bowls.
2-3
the
texts
the
20:
Revelation
of
and also
Prigent indicatesthat in his view the `sealing' guaranteesthe restriction of Satanto
183
his own domain, the abyss. Beale notes that `sealing' may denotean absolute
incarceration at times, but it can also representthe general idea of `authority over'. This is
does
in
God
6:
17
`seal'
Daniel
the
of
not protect in every
and
the term's primary meaning
Revelation
7:
3;
9:
4)
`seal'
(cf.
those
this
Apocalypse
in
receiving
since
the
are still
sense
184
tormented. The issueonce again seemsto revolve around the concept of `authority' and
the `seal' is used in this context as a symbol signifying that the authority of Satanis
have
been
`seals'
to
This
type
seems
regarding
of
understanding
quite
same
restricted.
frequently associatedwith restricting the influence of spiritual forces in antiquity and it
is
fully
This
John
this.
that
highly
cognizant
usagewould then
of
probable
seems
demonstratethe absoluteauthority held by God and the risen Christ over these evil forces.
L. Revelation 22: 10

While the speakeris not explicitly identified, the following command is delivered to
John: `And he said to me, do not sealup the words of the prophecy of this book, for the time

180
Bentley Layton, trans., "The Hypostasisof the Archons (11,4)," in Book The Hypostasis of the Archons (11,4),
Harper
1990),
(San
Completely
Revised
Francisco:
168.
Third,
Robinson,
ed.
M.
p.
James
ed.
181
Aune, Revelation 17-22,1083. cf. Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Text 27.2-3 p.79. `....
Bound and sealedare (3) the demon,the devil, the satan,the curse,and the e[vil] lilliths'.
182
Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Text 27.2-3, p. 79;
'83Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 566.
184
Beale, The Book of Revelation,pp. 985-986.

169

is near.' It is likely that the speaker is the interpreting angel, whom John had attempted to
worship in verses 8 and 9. The phraseology that is used here is a conscious allusion to the
motif of Daniel 8:26; 12:4,9, which is the only apocalypse in which the author receives a
divine command to `seal up' his writing until the end. '85 Gruenwald, however, claims that
the motif of `sealing' a revelatory book in order to preserve its secrets until the eschaton is a
186
literary
Jewish
Apocalypses.
Aune points out, though, that
common
convention among
'87
in
in
form
in
Revelation.
There are, however,
Daniel
this motif occurs only
and
explicit
188
in
Era.
4
three closely related passages
In the Gospel of The Egtians (120-150 C. E.) it is claimed that Seth wrote a book
and placed it in the mountain called `Charaxio' in order that it might remain hidden until the
89
'
The theme of concealed revelation is also to be found in the Testament of
end of time.
Moses (is` Century C.E.), where Moses entrusts Joshua to preserve his revelation, place it in
190
jars
jars
day
in
designated
John
clay
of recompense.
and place the clay
a
place to await the
is told specifically to reveal the words of his book becausethe `time is near.' The indication
is that the words of this prophecy are meant for the the current audience and were not simply
for those in the far distant future. John is therefore to make his words known to this audience
191
heed
They are not to be `sealed' for
has
been
so that they can take
of that which
revealed.
a future audience.
M. Summary
Seals have been used for a wide variety of purposes and their usage was also
widespread throughout Asia Minor. Seals have been used for a period of over seven
issAune, Revelation 17-22,
p. 1216.
186Ithamar Gruenwald, Apocalyptic
Geschichte
des
Mysticism,
Arbeiten
Merkavah
zur
antiken Judentums
and
und des Urchristentums ; 14. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1980), p. 12.
'a' Aune, Revelation 17-22,
p. 1216.
168
4 Ezra, 12:37; 14:5-6; 14:45-46.
'$' Gospel
of the Egfptians 68: 1-9.
190Testament Moses 1: 17-18.
of
'' Stefanovic, Revelation
ofJesus Christ, pp. 606-607.

170

thousand years. They have served functions that ranged from the guaranteeing of
authenticity, to serving as items of importance in rituals of power, to being closely associated
with spiritual protection. Seals served as marks of authority for kings and even gods. There
has been an association between `seals' and what some would term as `magical' practice, and
certainly Aune believes that this is relevant to the discussion of this item within the context
of the Apocalypse.
Gorelick has done some work regarding the comparison of the usage of seals in the
Jewish scriptures and in the New Testament and he found that in the New Testament there
are no indications of the personal usage of seals, and that the usage in the New Testament
was more often a metaphorical usage than in the Jewish scriptures. He specifically cites the
reasoning for the differences in usage as based on the life experiences of the early Christian
community and he postulates that they would have felt a need to develop symbols that were
related to protective methods. Given these factors which focus upon this protective element,
it seems highly likely that John will have been fully cognizant of the cultural mileu
surrounding `seals' amongst the general population and it seems highly probable that he has
constructed his discussion so as to counter any tendency to rely upon sources of protection
that he does not deem as acceptable. This would almost certainly include reliance upon
amulets or incantational protection. His reasoning for not finding amulets as acceptable
appearsto the source of their power and the control of their power rather than upon the
reality of such power's existence.
The issue of being `worthy' (chapter 5) appearsto provide additional evidence that
John may have been aware of the role that this terminology was playing amongst certain
communities within the ancient world and with his symbolism he can both elevate Christ and
show him as the source of `worthiness' for his followers. John combines this symbolism
with the imagery of `seven seals' which almost certainly has connections with the area of
171

`Jewish magic' and with matters of earthly power. The issue of `worthiness' is also common
to religious movements which saw this element as an important prerequsite to the disclosure
of secret information. John indicates that there is only one who is `worthy' and therefore he
nullifies claims by other groups of their significance.
The `seal' served in a variety of quarters as a protective device, and in chapter 7 and
in 9: 4, the imagery of the cipeaylsis used to indicate the protection of God for the faithful.
There would be no useful protection from any other source or device and therefore no need to
seek or rely upon any source or device, such as the `seal of Solomon'. The absolute authority
of the risen Christ and of God is most adeptly expressed with the imagery used by John and
therefore it is both unhelpful and perhaps even a dividing of allegiances to rely upon
anything other than the protection which is supplied by God through Jesus Christ. The `seal'
of the one true God is all that is necessary or desirable for the faithful followers of Christ.
The term to `seal' is used in the senseof `to conceal' or keep something from being
revealed at 10:4. The terminology for `sealing' is used in the senseof `to restrict' or even
curtail the power of a spiritual entity such as Satan at 20: 3. In order for John's audience to
understand his imagery he would either need to explain in some way that he is using this
imagery in a manner different from its everyday usage, in other words redefine the terms, or
it would be anticipated that his audience would understand these images in the context of
their everyday usage. In the Apocalypse, John does not appear to have redefined the terms.
He simply re-orients them to indicate that the source of any legitimate power behind these
symbols can only come from the source of the risen Christ and God. In so doing he
delegitimises any other usagesof these items or symbols and shows that in truth they are
powerless in the face of the true source of power in the universe. It is my opinion, that
without overstating the case, Aune is correct in citing the materials from the Greek Magical

172

Papyri and other similar sourcesas being of importancein understandingthe imagery

surrounding`seals'that John usesin the Apocalypse.
Such imagery is perhapsonly one facetof the multi-facetedapproachthat John uses
in order to convey the absolute power and authority of the risen Christ. John uses this
approach to encourage his audience to repent for their failures and to remain faithful in all
circumstances to God and to Christ. The usage in this section of the concepts of the `seal'
and `sealing' demonstrates that there is no need to rely upon any device, power or authority
other than that wielded by the risen Christ. No other object, or power will be able to
withstand or overcome the will of Christ as he holds the authority to unleash the will of God.

173

9. Beginning and End Passages

be dealt with under the heading of beginning and end
Three expressions %%i11
'
passages. David Aune focuses on these passagesas part of the evidence that John wrote the
Apocalypse as a polemic against 'magic'.
A. The Beginning and the End
The first of these phrases,

al-06

xz

TO

iA

`the beginning and the end') occurs 2

3
in
Apocalypse,
times the
though there are textual variants that would also place it in
Revelation 1:84 John's usage of this phrase and its kindred phrases is not something of
slight significance for him. The assertion of the sovereignty given expression in this context
is at the core of a major theological thrust of the Apocalypse. The use of phrases of this type
answers the question of who is, in reality, in control of the universe. The answer is the God
5
is
initiator
its
who the
of the world as well as
consummator. The origin of the expression r
aeXTxai -rd rD osis the focus of a considerable degree of controversy. Thomas indicates that,
in his view, the origin of the phrase is based on the passagefrom Isaiah 44: 6 where the early
Greek translation of the Jewish scriptures contains what he perceives to be a similar reading.6
There are, however, significant differences between the two readings.7 Aune is of the
opinion that the phrase `the beginning and the end' is derived from Hellenistic religious and
philosophical traditions!

According to van Unnik the phrase `the beginning and the end' is

17QZ xai ro 41o; ('the beginning and the end'), trL 4u ra A pa xai rd `l1, ('I am the Alpha and the
Omega'), eym 4u rreiwros
am the first and the last').
xai
sros('I
2Aune, "The Apocalypse
of John and Graeco-Roman Revelatory Magic", pp. 481-501.
3 Rev. 21: 6; 22: 13.
4 Those
2329
2351 Andreas it"" cop(* Beatus.
that include the reading aipxi xai riAos are H* fam 1611 18-42050
Those that include the reading 4 m
fam 1611232'cop". These readings are scribal insertions that
xa; rd
have been influenced by the use of this
phrase in similar contexts in 21: 6; 22: 13. In both of these instances
however, both of the words
are articular as in the second instance. Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 51.
s Reddish, Revelation, 404.
p.
6 Thomas, Revelation 8-22 An Exegetical
Commentary, p. 448.
The reading of the Old Greek Translation at Isa. 44: 6 is Ei
rre&rocxai a?w i vi rav"ra. The reading in the
Apocalypse is 4
a
xal
rd
TD
K.
.
9Aune, "The Apocalypse
of John and Graeco-Roman Revelatory Magic", p. 489.

174

drawn from Hellenistic religious and philosophical sourcesthat havea cosmologicalrather

9
than a temporal emphasis
In the carbonized text of the Derveni papyrus that was discovered in Macedonia
dating from ca. 350 B. C. E., there is an Orphic poem, that likely dates from a much earlier
time. In this passageat col. 17, line 12 it reads: Z4
r

'
Fx
ZFVs
dto;
xecpaj
tciooa,
irvra

1(`Zeus is the beginning, Zeus is the

"
fulfilled
by
Th-a:,
Zeus.
').
things
middle, all
are

This text is very similar to the passagein Pseudo-Aristotle De mundo 7, Zeusxecp' ZFVs
Aras 3' ix irvra Tirvxrar ('Zeus is the beginning, Zeus is the middle, all things have
1FOoTa,
exrjv re
been made by Zeus'). 12 This text is alluded to in Plato Laws 4.715e -4.716a, &o;
...
vrwv
ana
e
xai zMevziv xai loaa z v
rwv
,v (`god.. holds the beginning and the end and
13
Further reference to this phrase may be found in the
the middle of all things which exist').
following works: Josephus,Jewish Antiquities 8.280; Against Apion 2.190; Philo, On Noah's
Work as a Planter 93. It is also to be noted that in the Greek Alagical Papyri, Hekate is
14
iap
is
by
held
The
that the issue at
referred to as
commentators
most
view
xai romlossT...
the heart of the discussion here is the sovereignty of God, and not an issue of combating
`magical' practices, or ideology. '5
Massyngberde Ford considers the issue being addressedby this phrase to be centred
upon the creative power of God. This view appears to be basedupon the assumption that the
16
`the
beginning
is
found
The phrase that occurs in the
Isaiah
48:
12b.
phrase
and the end'
at
early Greek translation of the Jewish scriptures is tym Flu, 7re&ros,xai Eyw eitci eis r66-al va (I
9 W. C.
van Unnik, Net godspredikaat 'Net begin en het einde' bij Flavius Josephus en de openbaring van
Johannes (Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uitgevers Maatschappij, 1976), pp. 57-59,66.
10Gabor Betegh, The Derveni Papyrus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004),
pp. 36-37.
" Aune, Revelation 17-22, 1126.1
p.
12Walther Kranz
and Hermann Diels, Die Fragmente der T'orsokratiker : Griechisch und Deutsch, 6. verbess.
Aufl ed., vol. 1 (Berlin: Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1951), p. 8. Lines 19
-20.
13Aune, Revelation 17-22,
p. 1126.
14PGM 2836.
is Aune, Revelation 17-22, 1126;
Thomas, Revelation 8-22 An Exegetical Commentary, p. 448; Reddish,
p.
Revelation, p. 404; Osborne, Revelation, 738; Stefanovic, Revelation ofJesus Christ, pp. 578-579.
p.
16Ford, The Book Revelation, 363.
of
p.

175

am the first, and I am forever). The phrasein the Hebrew text t1`1ri x'1K9Kil

Tt)'1' 18 (` I

am the first also the last') bearsmore resemblanceto the phraseusedby John though there
are significant differences. It would certainly appearthat the early Greek translator of the
Jewish scriptures is interpreting this section in a temporal senseand not simply as being in
terms of creative power.
The main vision conveyedby John throughout the Apocalypse is that God and Jesus
are sovereign rulers of the universe and nothing occurs outside the realm of their power. If as
Yarbro Collins postulatesthe issuethat John is seekingto deal with in his Apocalypse is one
of the assimilation to the surrounding culture, then the issue of absolute sovereignty is of
has
John
importance.
createda literary environment in which the tension between
central
is
heightened
to
ought
exist
and clarified. Distinctions are drawn
what existed and what
betweenthe rule of God and the rule of Satan,betweenthe rule of Christ and the rule of
Caesarusing symbols representingthe rule of each. The goal of the Apocalypse is to
'
7
is
delineated
between
intolerable
hopeful
tension
that
faith.
the
clearly
reality and
overcome
There appearsto be evidencefrom both Jewish and Hellenistic sources,that John
in
j
Qx
his
drawn
have
the
usage
upon
of
phrase
xai z rpos. None of these sources
could
that demonstrably predate the Apocalypse clearly indicate a `magical' context, as none of
these sources has been categorised as `magical'. The issue addressed by John's usage of this
issue
be
is
John
insure
the
to
to
primarily
of
sovereignty.
that his
seeking
appears
phrase
God
Christ
in
destiny
Jesus
that
the
of
and
are
control
audience understands
of the universe.
In light of this, it might be seen as a phrase that could be used to demonstrate that a
dependence upon any and all supernatural powers outside of those completely in alignment
is
be
disloyalty.
highly
Jesus
Christ,
It
God
the
and
of
would
with
probable that John
will of
might perceive such a reliance as totally unacceptable.

17Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse,p. 141.

176

B. Alpha and Omega

A1l(pa
;
The next phrase to be examined is Eyw e%uu
TT
xai z 11,18which occurs 3
times in the Apocalypse (1: 8; 21: 6; 22: 13). Twice this phrase refers to God (1: 8; 21: 6) and
is
irregularity
13).
There
in
(22:
Greek
Christ
it
the
text with regard to
to
a
certain
once refers
19
3,
AAcpa
is
is
f2
this expression as
spelled out, whereas
not. The reason for this is that the
into
did
later
for
11
`Omega'
time
than the
come
existence
until
a
not
much
name
In
litteris
`De
Apocalypse.
the
the
poem
monosyllabis Graecis ac Latinis'
composition of
(No. 13 in the second edition of Ausonius's work Technopaegnion), the last syllable in each
in
is
included
lines
1)
twenty-seven
the
a
name,
or
sound.
ends
monosyllabic
amongst the
of

having
letters
to
Greek
thirteen
a monosyllabic name, or sound represent them. The name
`Omega' was not coined by grammarians until the 7th century C. E. and it is only after this
21
inserted
into
be
Apocalypse.
time that it begins to
manuscripts of the

Since alpha and omegaare the first and last letters of the Greek alphabet, this divine
title emphasizesthe sovereigntyof God in ways that are similar to the expressions`the
beginning and the end (21:6; 22: 13), and `the first and the last' (1: 17; 2: 8; 22: 13). In Jewish
('truth')
by
Hebrew
MR
Rabbis
term
the
the
understood
was
as a
alphabetic symbolism,
in
fact
because
is
beginning,
God
the
K was the first
indicate
that
middle
and
end,
way to
22
letter,
last
letter.
However, there are
letter of the Hebrew alphabet,73the middle
and TI the

'$ `I
Omega'.
the
Alpha
the
and
am
"Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 51.
20Arthur E. Gordon, TheLetter Namesof the Latin Alphabet (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), p.
22; R. P. H. Green, ed., The WorksofAusonius (Oxford: Clarendon Press,1991), pp. 181-182. This is the case
ascan be seenfrom the metre of this poem.
21EberhardNestle, "Alpha und Omega,Sanund Sigma," Philologus 70 (1911): pp. 155-157; Bruce M. Metzger,
Manuscripts of the Greek Bible (New York: Oxford University Press,1981),pp. 6-7 N. 13; Aune, Revelation 15, p. 51.
221.Epstein, The Babylonian Talmud: Seder Mo'ed (London: The Soncino Press, 1938), p. 501 N. 506; E.
Lohmeyer, "A und 0, " in Reallexikonfr Antike und Christentum, ed. Theodor Klauser, et at. (Stuttgart:
HiersemannVerlags - GMBH., 1950),pp. 1-4; Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 57; H. St. J. Thackeray, trans.,
Josephus,The Life Against Apion, ed. G. P. Goold, The Loeb Classical Library Series,vol. 186 (Cambridge
MA: Harvard University Press 1997), p. 369; N c.

177

is
n
difficulties
this
viewpoint
as
not actually the middle letter in the Hebrew
with
some
3
alphabet.
In later Jewish writings, the rabbis would write about keeping the law in its totality,
from X to Jl, which are the first and last letters of the Hebrew Alphabet 24 The idea of such a
has
dominion
God
beginning
but
he
is
has
that
the
the
that
over
and
simply
end,
not
phrase
25
from
beginning
lies
in
between.
the
to the end, and all that
sovereignty over the entirety,
Another viewpoint with regardto the identity of the origin of the phrase`I am the Alpha and
the Omega' is that put forward by MassyngberdeFord who postulatesthat it standsfor D"11K
(Uriur) and 0" on (Thummim)respectively. The idea behind this is that the lots used by the
high priest to determinethe will of God also had the meaning of `all encompassing'26
Though MassyngberdeFord gives no explanation as to where this concept originates
there is an indication that it might be due to the explanationsgiven by Philo of the High
27
Priest's breastplate. Somehave proposedthe view that X and Jl were embroidered into the
in
breastplate
High
Q'7
Priest
0'`11K
the
bag
1
the
the
the
and
carried
of
containing
cloth of
in
`enlightenment'
`truth'
in
the
the
and
much
same
way
as
symbols
used
and symbolising
28
is
indication
Egypt,
images
In
there
Egypt.
that
an
ancient
ancient
were worn by
ancient
the judges of Egypt when passing judgement as an indication of the veracity of their

0
'
in
had
judges
been
too, earlier times
decisions. These
priests. Though this view has some
be
have
been
this
asked,
would
meaning
accessibleto the audience
the
must
appeal, question
is
highly
This
John?
by
speculativeand would certainly need
suggestion
addressed
be
in
is
to
that
consideredentirely plausible.
solid
order
more
substantiation
231]is
letters.
22
letter
13a'
total
a
of
out
of
the
actually
24Shabbath55a; 'AbodahZarah 4a.
25Reddish,Revelation, p. 37.
26Ford, TheBook of Revelation,p. 379.
27Philo, Allegorical Interpretation 3: 132. TheSpecial Laws I 16:88-92. Moses11,23:112-113;24: 125. Brown,
Driver, and Briggs, eds.,A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament,s.v. irlix
28Brown, Driver, and Briggs, eds.,A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament,s.v. 0-11it
29Diodorus Sicily, Book 1,48: 10-13.
of
30Aelian, Historical Miscellany, 14.34.

178

Eyt Fiat r

tApaxai r

fl has generally beentaken as a referenceto the first and

last letters of the Greek alphabet,but there is anotherpossibility suggestedby Stanford. He

is
deal
in
Hellenistic
literature,
later
forward
that
there
the
a
of
evidence
good
view
puts
Greek literature, papyri, and in inscriptions, for the use of the sevenvowels in `magical' and
liturgical ceremonies,especiallythose associatedwith Serapisand Gnostic type liturgical
31 Stanford is of the opinion that it is highly likely that An is an abbreviatedway
ceremonies.
2
Greek
In
Magical
Papyri,
the
to
the
the seven
of
all
seven
vowels.
chanting
of referring
33
divine
The
is
the
name.
seven-lettered
name
referred to in
vowels commonly represent
PGM XXI. I I ff where it is said to be pronounced `[in] harmony with the seven [vowel
forms
'34
to]
the
twenty-eight
the
according
of
moon...
pronounced
sounds,which are
35
divine
function
Further, the sevenvowels often
unequivocally as a
name. This
be
influence
Egyptian
in
`magic',
divine
the
can
used,
perhaps
under
of
name
a
seven vowel
36
be
deity:
Oh,
I
`I
AEHIOT
`magician'
to
the
the
am
pretends
am
method where
AEHIOTf]37

12

'38
by
7
The
first
imitate
[you
I
`Lord,
the
vowels;....
saying]
recorded
or

instance of a chant using the seven vowels to praise the gods is found in the writings of
39
in
his
1"
B.
C.
E.
On
Style
Alexandrian
the
This
Demetrius, an
philosopher of
century
essay
have
John
fails
this
to
group of seven vowels in
why
would
abbreviated
elucidate
explanation
divine
form
John
Why
to
this
fashion.
an
of
refer
abbreviated
would
name? If this
such a
form
divine
here
is
the
the
an
abbreviated
of
name
as
context would seem to
used
expression
31W. B. Stanford, "Two Notes: The Significance of the Alpha and Omega in Revelation 1:8," Hermathena 98
(1964): pp. 43-44.
32Stanford, "Two Notes: The Significance of the Alpha and Omega in Revelation 1:8," p. 44.
33PGM XIII 39 `...you will write the great namewith the sevenvowels.' Translation from Betz, The Greek
Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells, p. 173.
34Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells, p. 259.
33PGM XIII. 39; XXI. 11-14.
36Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 57.
37PGM 111.661.
38PGM XIII. 207.
39Kieren Barry, The Greek Qabalah (York Beach ME: Samuel Weiser, Inc., 1999), p. 37.71. 'In Egypt the
hymns
in
praise of the gods, employ the sevenvowels, which they utter in due succession;
priests, when singing
listen
f
in
letters
it
is
to
lyre.
that
to
' W. Rhys
preference
so
euphonious
men
ute
these
and
the
and
sound of
Roberts,ed., Demetrius on Style (Hildsheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1969),pp. 104-105.

179

indicate that this name actually refers to the ancient God of the Hebrews as well as to Jesus
Christ. I fail to seehow this furthers John's purposehere.
According to Aune, the phrase,`I am the Alpha and the Omega', has close
40
does,
however,
first
He
`magical'
that
the
concede
revelation.
occurrence
associationswith
4'
is
found
in
John.
Occasionally
AD
is
in
Apocalypse
the
associationwith
of
of this cipher
2
in
`Abrasax
AD'.
in
Greek
Magical
Papyri
As
divine
the
name
as
previously
name
another
divine
is
AD
the
that
the
supposition
as
a
name
under
sevenvowels,
used
statedsometimes
3
divine
in
individually and various combinations collectively symbolise the
name. The
divine name most frequently used in the Greek Magical Papyri is IA1) (`Iao') and it is also
frequently used in conjunction with AD in sequencesof vowel permutationsand functions as
4
divine
Farrer
juxtaposed
being
other
names.
a
series
of
argues
with
vocesmagicae, often
in
but
John,
he
form
Tetragrammaton,
is
Greek
the
the
the
was
mind
IAD,
of
of
that
which
it
instead,
it,
he
by
Jew
to
to
he
too
so
referred
write
and
a
meansof
of
much
saysthat was
Omega.
'45
Alpha
the
`I
the
and
riddles such as am
This supposition seemshighly unlikely as it would not seemto be easily decipherable
by John's audiencein Asia Minor. There doesnot appearto be either a Jewish or a
invented
have
John
for
to
the expression
Hellenistic precedent such a usageand
appears
himself. The phrase wv xai 'v (`the one who is and who was') was a formula popular
eyw
from
4u
derived
wv
It
Jews.
the
(`I
Greek-speaking
phrase
was
ultimately
am
amongst
Jewish
Greek
in
translation
the
is')
scriptures,which was a
the
of
early
the one who
'11N
I
(Exodus
3:
14).
`I
i
The
il'i
1X
IVIR
Hebrew
am'
who
am
the
phrase
translation of
Magical
is
in
Greek
Papyri
6
divine
(
the
title
this
used
as
a
which
v)
shortenedversion of
40Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", p. 489; Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 57.
41Lohmeyer, "A und 0, " p. 1.
12PGM V. 363,367; cf. IV. 528.
43Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 57. PGM IV. 1182-1183-'1 call upon you with your name aw ev i2ot atop vecda
' cf. PGM IV. 992-993, PGM.3240-3241.
....
44Aune, "lao", p. 1-12.
43Austin Farrer, A Rebirth of images (Westminster: Dacre Press, 1949),pp. 261-283.

180

Vw
in
in
PGM
LXXI.
3-4;
XII.
111;
found
XIII. 1020,
is
association
close
with
as
name often
1048.46

In the Gospel of the Egyptians 11143,8-44,9 the unpronounceable name is composed

(in
Coptic
being
Greek
text),
the
a
with
each
written twenty-two times (one
vowels
of
seven
time for each letter in the Semitic alphabet), in the order IHOTEAD.

Bhlig, Wisse, and

Labib speculate that this combination of vowels might possibly mean 7'ov F(omn')A (xai) R,
,
7
Omega'.
For an example of a single letter (N) being used
i. e., `Jesus is the Alpha and the
for the name of God in a `magical' context, see the text of Incantation bowl 19.2.8 In a text
49
is
God
Qi
All
XNNNNN
/.
the
expressed
as
of these
name
of
of a similar nature

later
Apocalypse
it
is
difficult
from
`magical'
the
text
the
than
of
contexts,
are
and
examples,
if not impossible to prove that this type of usagedid not develop at a time later than the
Apocalypse.
the
of
composition
C. First and the Last

o
ioxaros
The next phraseto be consideredis yweiut o new-To;
which occurs in
xai
(1:
17;
2:
13).
Aune
in
8;
22:
Apocalypse
the
points out that the phrase `I
various permutations
beginning
`the
Last'50
the
the
First
the
along
with
phrase
and
end's' are also used
the
and
am
52
juxtaposed
`I
These
Alpha
titles
the
the
divine
are
am
with
phrase
and the
predicates.
as
Omega' in order to emphasize the absolute power and sovereignty of God (1: 8; 21: 6), or of
53
develop
define
the others. The origin of the formula
Christ (22: 13), and each serves to
and
eyw Eiur o newton xai o'Foxaros ('I am the first and the last') is usually said to be from Jewish

46Aune, Revelation 1-5, pp. 30-31.

47Alexander Bhlig, Frederik Wisse, and Pahor Labib, trans. and ed., Nag Hammadi Codices 111,2and IV, 2:
TheGospel of the Egyptians: TheHoly Book of the Great Invisible Spirit (Leiden: E. J. Brill 1975), p. 173.
48Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, pp. 60-61. Text 19.62. K 0<l>in.
49Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, p. 79. Text 27.72. p. 79.
S0Rev. 1:17b-18; 2: 8; 22: 13.
51Rev. 21:6; 22: 13.
52Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", p. 489.
53Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1126.

181

55
44:
(c.
f.
Greek
Isaiah
654
Isaiah
41:
4;
48:
12).
This
based
translation
of
on the early
sources
formula is, however, also found in Greek literature, and has a Hellenistic character.56 Aune
does,however, concedethat John has most likely drawn his usageof this phrasefrom Jewish
forms
in
in
its
Isaiah,
in
Greek literature
it
three
times
various
and
since
sourcessince occurs
57
divine
this phrase is not usedas a
predicate. Also the usagein the Hellenistic sourcesis not
58
by
John.
of a very similar nature to that used
Thomas is of the opinion that even the contention of Aune that the phrase `the Alpha
from
literature
has
derived
Greek
is
Omega'
title
and
close associationswith
a
and the
`Hellenis-Roman Revelatory Magic' is incorrect. He basesthis opinion upon his view that
flavor,
have
does
OT
in
`too
the book as a whole,
the
titles
as
strong
an
the
verses
the rest of
for this to be true.'59 Reddish concurswith this view by Thomas attributing the use of A and
in
influence
God
Isaiah 44:6, `I am the first, and
for
God
the
the
to
of
words of
1) as symbols
I am the last'. There is also the casethat within later Jewish writings the rabbis spoke of
keeping the Law in its entirety as keeping the Law from K to f1.60 Aune rejects the view that
Hellenistic
from
Judaism
drawn
to
is
a
and
rather
points
source for
this phrase
primarily
John's appropriation of this term and points out a multitude of Hellenistic connectionsto the
61
beginning
the
`I
the
end'.
and
am
phrase
It is a feature of John's style that he uses a juxtaposition of varied elements that are
drawn from both Judaism and Hellenism. He does this, however, without being mechanical

54typ
first
I
('I
g
these').
the
and
am
after
am
Tair
AzTd
'd
neCrosxai
ssAune, Revelation 1-5, p. 101;Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic, " p. 489;
Reddish,Revelation, pp. 37-38.
sbHomer, Hymn to Apollo 21. Hesiod, Theogony34. Theognis, Elegies 1.3-4. Unnik, Het godspredikaat `Het
begin en het einde' bij Flavius Josephusen de openbaring van Johannes,pp. 74-76; Aune, "The Apocalypse of
Johnand Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", p. 489.
s' Aune, Revelation 1-5, pp. 101-102.
58Hesiod, Theogony34. Theognis,Elegies 1.3-4. M. L. West, ed., Hesiod Theogony(Oxford: The Clarendon
Press,1966), pp. 112,166.
59Thomas,Revelation 8-22 An Exegetical Commentary,p. 81, n. 67.
60Reddish,Revelation, p. 37.
61Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", p. 489; Aune, Revelation 17-22, pp.
1126-1127.

182

in his use of theseelementsand blends easternand western traditions in new and exciting
62
is
Christian.
This
to
ways that use thesevaried elements convey a messagethat uniquely
in
John
is
that
serve
well
reaching
an
audience
would
made up of
combining of elements
background
both
Judaistic
from
as well as those that were steepedin Hellenism.
a
people
Perhapsit is a more likely scenariothat John was awarethat his use of theseexpressions
background
Hellenistic
the
chord
with
people
of
a
as well as those
would strike a resonant
from a Jewish background. There is a historical and innate tendencyamong the Jewish
from
Hellenism
Minor
Asia
to
combine
elements
with their culture in a way
community of
that is unacceptableto John. This type of blending is demonstratedvividly in Sardis where
in
discoveries
the synagoguecomplex show a remarkableaccommodationby the
made
recent
Jewsof that City to the surrounding culture. Their use of sculptured Lydian reliefs in the
itself
impression
Jews
had
Synagogue
long
the
that
the
this
the
gives
of
city
a
structureof
63
Hellenistic
history of accommodationto their
surroundings.
Despite all the examplescited with regard to the usageof AD in `magical' texts it is
in
borrowing
Magical
Papyri,
from
Greek
the
that
are
particular,
certainly possible
Revelation rather than John alluding in some way to a `magical' tradition by his use of the
term. It is after all the casethat the phrase Eyw Fiui r

4Acoaxai T Y2,occurs for the first

M
in
later
John.
Clearly
this
Apocalypse
in
time the
phrasewas
used a `magical' context as
of
is demonstratedby the referencesabove,but the question of whether John had this type of
did,
intended
debatable.
he
he
If
highly
is
to put a stop to such usage,he
in
and
usage mind
indicate.
Evidently,
been
the
have
would
examples
cited
above
to
as
unsuccessful
appears
therewas a connection betweenphrasessuch as `I am the first, and I am the last' and `the
beginning and the end' within Hellenism. There is also a history within the Jewish context,
62Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", p. 489.
63D.G. Mitten, "A New Look at Ancient Smyrna," The Biblical Archaeologist 29 (1966): pp. 36-68; Colin J.
Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia, The Biblical ResourceSeries(Grand Rapids MI: William B.
EerdmansPublishing Company, 1986,1989), p. 137.
64Lohmeyer, "A und 0, " p. 1; Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", p. 489.

183

including their scriptures,whereby the phrase `I am the first and I am the last' would strike a
resonantcord within their cognitive reality.
It is possible that John developedthe phrase`I am the Alpha and the Omega' solely
basedon these `non-magical' contexts, but clearly later usagewould show that some at least
be
in
that
this
could
an
expression
used
a powerful fashion in `magical'
viewed
phraseas
it
been
has
both
Certainly
the
that
the Jewish scripturesand the New
case
much
of
material.
Testamenthave beenused in a variety of ways in both `magical' texts and in other texts that
depart significantly from the intent of the author.65 There is nothing in the context of
Revelation, or in the contemporaryculture of Asia Minor that would indicate unequivocally
g1)
AA
in
that John has usedthe expression yc' F%ur
a fashion that is meant to
Td
oaxai Tb
counter some `magical' concept specifically surrounding this material.
If as Aune has indicated the Apocalypse was written as an `anti-magic' polemic then
further evidence is neededto say assuredlythat there is a link in the intent of John to use this
in
The
`magical'
than
to
any
a
general
manner.
practice
more
variety of
phrase counter
indicate
to
this
that either the
to
the
origin
of
expression
would
seem
explanationsas
found
in
be
John's
deity
God
Christ
is
the
to
view
of
of
of
and
or a vital piece of
explanation
the puzzle is yet to surface. If one looks at the emphasisof the Apocalypse as a whole, the
issueof the sovereignty of God and of JesusChrist is clearly apparentthroughout the text.
John appearsto be once again challenging anything that would in any way dispute the
God
Risen
Christ. This would clearly include
the
total
of
and
sovereignty
absoluteand
`magical' practice.

63Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells, pp. xliv-xlvi.

184

10. `White Stone' Passages

A. Introduction
In Revelation
our

2: 17, John wrote: `vrxior: Mo-(o our

ov lFUx v xar 87TITVV

MO-0i
To ,uvva -o xex7reufcevouxai

ov ovo a xaivov yeyea evov3 ouaFko2evat izi o Aa avwv.'

In this context, both the image of the `manna' and the image of the `white stone' present
o
first
images
difficulties.
is
The
interpretative
in
these
of
clearly
pvva
anchored
significant
Jewish tradition, but there is significant debateabout its function in this context.' The second
image ( jpov Awvxi'v),has been the subject of a very diverse set of proposals and the
difficulty

is to discriminate among the many alternatives.

Heiner suggests that an important

is
in
discussion
these
the
to
symbols
whether the point of the symbol of
of
consider
question
the `manna' is not somehow explicable in terms of a local phenomenon that would cause the
3
in
in
Pergamum.
be
This
the minds of the people of
two images to
connected some way
investigation into the contextual background of the

jcpovt vxrvwill examine the usage of

the term k(pos in antiquity while also exploring the context of 2: 17. The aim of this study is
to understand ;lj(pov 2 wAv in relation to the broader context of the Apocalypse and not to
focus too narrowly upon one particular aspect.

B. The Term

coos

'j(posis rare in the Greek translation of the Jewish scriptures4and in the New
Testament,' but it is common in other ancient Greek writings. In its most literal form this
6
denote
a gem. ?P&oc may be applied
word is translatedas a `pebble' but it can on occasion

1Colin J. Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background" (Thesis,The Victoria University of Manchester 1969),pp. 206-208.
2 Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 177.
3 Heiner, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", pp. 206-208.
4Ex. 4:25; Qoh. 7:25; Lam. 3: 16; 4 Mac. 15:26; Sir. 18:10.
s Acts 26: 10; Rev. 2: 17.
6Philostratus,The Life ofApollonius of Tyana 3:27; cf. Pindar, Olympian OdesXI1I.46. It is a word that can be
by
Pindar.
the
sea
the
usedof
pebblesof

185

to uses such as `tablets of stone'. It is used most commonly in the senseof a `vote' and can
be used to denotea resolution (Pindar, Olympian Odes7:87) or even of a place of voting
7
945).
In other instancesit may be used of a `token' or
Tauris
(Euripedes,Iphigenia in
`ticket' of various sorts and semantically comesvery close in meaning to the Greek word
8
`tessera'.
It may also be used of the stone on which the list of
Latin
`ovioAov' and the
term
9 Sometimesit is used of a precious stone that is
is
mentioned alongside
victors chiseled.
such materials

'
as gold.

designation
for
be
in
'Wcpos
as
a
stones
employed
used
also
may
mosaics;
in
literature,
is
to
this
addition
ancient
classical
also attestedin Jewish
usage,
significantly,
tradition. It is usedof the `small stones' that were employed in the playing of board games,it
The
Histories
36.4),
(Herodotus,
II.
to a treasury account, stonesused in
to
counting
can refer
but
indicated
`magic',
`soothsaying',
all
and
above
else,
as
calculations,
above,
astrological
this word is usedof the stonesused in voting (Herodotus, The Histories VIII. 123.2), but it
`vote'
(Aristophanes
Wasps
`voice'
675).
be
In
Greek
the
the
to
as
well
or
of
used
also came
translations of the Jewish scripturesthe word primarily indicates a `little stone' or a `pebble'
is
it
`sharp
foreskin
4:
2511
in
the
to
the
Exodus
used
of
stone'
cut
used
while at
circumcision.

12

C. Alternatives

for the Source of the Imagery Behind Revelation 2: 17

As noted above,there is considerabledebatesurrounding the meaning of this imagery

is
impossible
17.13
Osborne
declares,
`It
2:
Revelation
to know for
within the context of

7Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 242. N. 283.
8Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with SpecialReferenceto Their Local
Background", p. 210.
9Pindar, Olympian OdesVII. 86.
10Philostratus,Life ofApollonius of Tyana, 111.27.
11Ex. 4: 25 `xai 11aoo-a
IencpwQa jcpov7reelaTFtcev
vio am-;...,
zrt" a,xpovo"riav-rove

12Georg Waldeck Braumann,"yfiq o;, " in Theological Dictionary of the New Testament,ed. Gerhard Friedrich
Co.,
Rapids
1974), pp. 604-605.
(Grand
MI:
Wm.
B.
Eerdmans
Publishing
Bromiley
W.
Geoffrey
and
" William Hendriksen, More than Conquerors (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Book House, 1990), p. 68.

186

14
for
imagery.
is
best
is
'
is
The
the
the
these
source
problem
of
not,
as
certain which
often
the case,that there is nothing with which to relate this imagery, it is the fact that there are
have
that
practices
could
contemporary
possibly contributed to John's
such a great number of
15
difficulty
is
The
being
discriminate
between
this
to
to
expression.
of
able
use
choice make
the various possible alternatives. Hemer suggeststhat the more important possible
be
headings;
`comprehensive'
the `white
can
placed
under
seven
alternative suggestions
following:
be
the
of
one
stone' may
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.

A `jewel' in Old Testamentor Jewish Tradition.

The judicial calculus Minervae, the casting vote of acquittal.
A token of admission,membershipor recognition.
An amulet with a divine name.
A token of gladiatorial discharge.
An allusion to a processof inititation into the service of Asklepios.
Simply as a writing material whose form or colour was significant. 16

Each of thesecategorieswill be discussedin order to determine if they contribute

information that provides insight into determining the sourceof the imagery for the ; rjcov
AEvxiv in 2: 17.
I. A `Jewel' in Jewish Tradition

Under the first of theseheadingsat least three different suggestionshave beenput

forward. The first suggestion,for consideration,is that John is alluding to the rabbinic
down
`precious
came
that
and
pearls'
tradition
stones
eachmorning with the manna from
'7
in
desert.
The merit that this solution offers is that it would
heavenwhen Israel was the
difficulty
The
`white
`manna'
the
the
stone'.
with
with this
explain the collocation of
is
it
difficult
is
to ascertainhow
is
the
the
and
allusion not apparent,
point of
suggestion that

14Osborne,Revelation, p. 149.
15Roland H. Worth Jr., TheSevenCities of the Apocalypse and GrecoAsian Culture, (New York: Paulist Press,
1999),pp. 143-153.
16Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia in Their Local Setting, pp. 94-96.
17Yoma75a. Rabbi Dr. Leo Jung, "Yoma," in TheBabylonian Talmud, SederMo `ed,ed. Rabbi Dr. I. Epstein
(London: Soncino Press, 1938),p. 364.

187

Gentiles among the audiencewould have been able to gain any sensefrom such an allusion,
dueto its obscurity.18
Another possible suggestionis that this stone may in some senserefer to the
High
The
Priest.
`white stone' has been identified with three possible
the
of
ornamentation
19
High
Priest.
The first of these suggestionsis that this stone
ornamentson the regalia of the
Urim
in
to
the
and Thummim found in a pouch on the High Priest's
refers some way
breastplate. The Urim and Thummim have provoked a tremendousamount of speculation
21 The Jewish scripturesuse this
biblical
scholars.
amongst
phrase,in some form, only seven
2
times. There are, however, a number of other placesthat allude to the use of Urim and
Thummim, though a description of the physical form is never provided.23 One of the factors
information
the
to
of
absence
regarding the use of this object is that the Urim
contributing
have
from
to
Thummim
vanished
appear
usageamongstthe Jewish people at somepoint
and
24
history.
during their
Van Dam has producedan exhaustivestudy of the Urim and Thummim that surveys
the history of interpretation and the treatment of the terms as they occur in a variety of
Speculative
theories associatethe Urim and
translations
and
other
accounts.
versions,
Thummim with the gemson the shoulderpicesof the ephod, with precious stoneson the
25
breastpiece
itself.
breastpiece,
Possibleearly indications of such
high-priestly
or with the
been
found
in
documents
have
discoveredat Qumran in 4Q376:
an understanding
Frag. I col. 13 [...] for the Urim

18Hemer, TheLetters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 96.

19Worth Jr., TheSevenCities of the Apocalypseand Greco-Asian Culture, p. 145.
20Fred D. Howard, 1,2, &3 John, Jude & Revelation, The Layman's Bible Book Commentary
series,vol. 24
(Nashville TN: BroadmanPress,1982),p. 63.
21Edward Lipinski, "Urim and Tummim, " VetusTestamentum20 (1970): pp. 495-496.
u Exod. 28:30; Lev. 8:8; Num 27:2 1; Deut. 33:8; 1 Sam.28:6; Ezra 2:63; Neh. 7:65.
23Victor Horowitz, "True Light on the Urim and Thummim", TheJewish Quarterly Review 88 (1998):
pp. 263274.
24The Talmud attributes this cessationto the time when the `Former Prophetsdied ' Sotah 48a.
...
25Cornelis Van Dam, The Urim and Thummim(Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns,1997), pp. 16-17.

Frag. 1 col. II (= 1Q29) i they will provide you with light and he will go out
fire;
it
tongues
the stone of the left side which is at its 2 left side
of
with
with
will shine to the eyesof all the assemblyuntil the priest finishes speaking.
And after [the cloud (?)] has beenremoved 3 [...] and you shall keep and d[o
26
he
[that]
tells you.
al]l
The shining of the stonesis a referenceto the two engravedstoneson the shoulderpiecesof
27
the Ephod of the high priest The referenceto the Urim in 4Q376 would appearto indicate
if
identification
between,
between,
Urim
the
not
and Thummim and the
a close relationship
two stones. Another instanceof possible associationwith the stonesof the breastplateis to
be found at 4Q16428where the Urim and Thummim are once again associatedwith the
29
light.
giving of
Donald Guthrie arguesthat the Urim and Thummim of the High Priest bore a name
30
disclose.
The
to
the
not
permitted
earliest written referenceto the
was
priest
which
tradition that the nameof God was inscribed upon the Urim and Thummim is to be found in
1
28:
30.3
Exodus
This sametradition is carried through history.
Targum Pseudo-Jonathanat
Van Dam askswhether this interpretation arosefrom the needto have the enabling divine
for
divine
inspiration
The
High
Priest.
the
the
words
of
presencewould be
presenceprovide

26Martinez and Tigchelaar, eds., The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, vol. 2, pp. 742-743.
27 Exod. 28: 9-12.
cf.

284Q 164 14all your battlements[of rubies]. Its interpretation concernsthe twelve [chiefs of the priests who]
s
illuminate with the judgment of the Urim and the Thummim [...without] 6 any from among them missing, like
the sun in all its light. t, 54:12And a[II your gatesof glittering stones.]'; trans. from Florentino Garcia Martinez
1(Grand
Rapids
Dead
Sea
Scrolls
Study
Edition,
The
MI: William B.
Tigchelaar,
C.
J.
Eibert
vol.
eds.,
and
EerdmansPublishing Co., 2000), p. 327.
29Van Dam, The Urim and Thummim,p. 17.
30Donald Guthrie, TheApostles (London: Pickering & Inglis Ltd., 1975), p. 390.
31Van Dam, The Urim and Thummim,p. 23. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan,Exod. 28:30: `You shall put into the
ephodof judgment the Urim-the words of which are enlightening and make public the hidden things of the
houseof Israel, and the Thummim-which fulfills the oracles of the high priest, who, through them, seeks
instruction from before the Lord. On them is clearly inscribed the great and holy Name through which the three
hundredand ten worlds were created,and which was clearly inscribed on the foundation stone with which the
Lord of the world sealedthe mouth of the great deep from the beginning. And everyone who brings this holy
Nameto mind in the hour of affliction is saved,and hidden things are revealedto him.... ' Martin McNamara
Aramaic
in;
The
"Targum
Pseudo-Jonathan:
Exodus"
Bible:
The Targums,vol. 2
M.
Maher,
trans.
ed.
and
and
(Edinburgh: T&T Clark 1994),pp. 241-242.

189

indicated by the inscribing of the Name on the sourceof that revelation, or perhapsit was an
32
dispel
`magical'
Urim
Thummim
notions regarding the
attempt to
and
If the inscription of the Name onto the Urim and Thummim somehowwas seento
is
`magic' at work, as suggestedby Van Dam, then this
that
there
the
obviate
accusation
could prove very interesting in the presentstudy. The implication would then seemto be that
the inscription of the name of God on the stone would possibly allow the Urim and
Thummim to be usedby the High Priest without his being subject to a chargethat `magic'
3
was the sourceof the revelations. The difficulty with this imagery being the background
for the `white stone' is that there in no conclusive evidenceto indicate that John would have
beenaware of such an inscription being upon the Urim and Thummim, whatever their form.
Trench proposedthat the Urim was a diamond with the holy name of `Yahweh'
34
it
inscribed upon
Plumptre provides a compelling refutation of Trench's view: 35 it is in
fact doubtful whether the diamond was even known in the time when the Jewish scriptures
AMA
inconsistently
The
term
was
were written.
applied during the early period; the first
clear application of the term to what today is understoodto be a diamond occurs in
36
by
Manilius
(1st
Century
926
C.
)
4:
E.
Epiphanius of Salamis (or
Astronomica
Constantiensis; ca. 315-403 C. E. ), in De duodecim gemmis, gives a description of the attire
diamond
lay
Priest
High
to
the
and
refers
a
which
on his chest whenever he entered into
of
7
The evidence regarding the form and function of the object, or objects,
the Holy of Holies.

32Van Dam, The Urim and Thummim,pp. 23-26.

33Van Dam, The Urim and Thummim,p. 24.
34Richard Chenevix Trench, Commentaryon the Epistles to the SevenChurches in Asia, 2"d
ed. (London:
Parker,Son, and Bourn, West Strand, 1861), pp. 132-133.
33E. H. Plumptre, A Popular Exposition of the Epistles to the SevenChurchesof Asia, 4th
ed. (London: Hodder
and Stoughton, 1891),pp. 126-127.
36Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background",p. 212. N. 211.
"`From the
little
left
from
top
the
the
two
on
shields were joined together, two
of
shoulders,
where
and
right
emeraldshung down. In the middle of thesewas the Manifestation [he deldsis = Urim] which was the aforesaid
diamond,light blue in appearance.On the uppersideof the shoulderswere the aforesaid twelve stones. Three
timesa year, as has beensaid, (the message)was manifestedto the people by meansof the gold plate [on the
high priest's turban]. And if they were found in sin and if the people did not walk in the commandmentswhich

190

describedby the phraseUrim and Thummim are in some sensescontradictory and the dates
S`
from
later
1
time
than
the
the
considerably
a
of
century C.E. These factors call
accountsare
into question the reliability of argumentsbasedupon this evidence.
There is also difficulty in the fact that the Urim and Thummin appearsto comprise
two objects rather than a single entity, though Van Dam comesto the conclusion that the
38
hendiadys.
be
intensivi
Houtman concludes
that are a
plurals are to understoodasplurales
that this interpretation is supportedby the text of Exodus 28:30 where the Urim and
Thummim appearto be reducedto the single denominator UE)k1n.39 Kitz disagreeswith this
form
Urim
Thummim
to
the
and
a
of cleromancy, and in such
relates
assessmentand
4
be
insists
instanceshe
there must more than one object
The discussionabove considersonly a small proportion of the debateregarding the
form, location, and number of objects that are designated by the appellation Trim

and

Thummim. ' The possibility certainly exists that this object, or objects, may have been the
background for John's imagery regarding the `white stone', but if it is, the connection is now
lost to us. Another possible parallel is the reference to the use of the `new name' in the
41
)
C.
E.
8:
14
Though this text would possibly provide a
(2d
B.
Testament of Levi
century
for
it
`new
for
the
tradition
giving
of
allowing
a
name', still would not explain the
source
a

God had given, the colour of the stone became black and from this they knew that the Lord had sent death.
When he sent them to war, it became red.... And if it became bright like snow, the people knew that nowhere
was there sin and then they celebrated. ' Trans. from Van Dam, The Urim and Thummim, pp. 27-28. cf. J. P.
Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus... Ser. graeca v043 ((1864).

38Van Dam, The Urim and Thummim,pp. 136-139.

39C. Houtman, "The Urim and Thummim: A New Suggestion", VetusTestamentum40 (1990): pp. 229-232.
40Anne Marie Kitz, "The Plural Form of'rim and Tummim", Journal of Biblical Literature 116 (1997):
pp.
401-410. Others would also arguethat there must be more than one object composing that which is designated
as `Uriur and Thummim'. Edward Robertson,"The 'Urim and Tummim; What Were They?", Vetus
Testamentum14 (1964): pp. 67-74; Edward A. Mangan, "The Urim and Thummim", Catholic Biblical
Quarterly 1 (1939): pp. 133-138;Lipinski, "Urim and Tummim, " pp. 495-496; Erica Reiner, "Fortune-telling in
Mesopotamia",Journal of Near Eastern Studies 19 (1960): pp. 25-35; Victor Hurowitz, "True Light on the
Urim and Thummim, " TheJewish Quarterly Review 88 (1998): pp. 263-274. Hurowitz also notes that this is the
by
is
`...
that
divination
form
through
sanctioned
various biblical authors...'
expressly
physical
means
only
of
11Testamentof Levi 8: 14 `But the third shall be granted a new name,becausefrom Judah a king will
arise and
shall found a new priesthood in accord with the gentile model and for all nations.' If. C. Kee, trans., and ed.,
"Testamentsof the Twelve Patriarchs," in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,vol. 1, ed. James11.
Charlesworth,The Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday, 1983), pp. 775,791.

191

imagery behind the context of the

Azvxi7'v.
An additional difficulty with this proposal is
jcpov

that in the context of the Testamentof Levi this `new name' is a referenceto the priesthood of
42
the Maccabees.
It is highly probablethat some of theseexplantationswould not have been advanced
be
fact
that
they
from
to
that
the
exclude
any
scholars
a
priori
reference
some
consider
apart
3
Hemer notes that it is right to approachthis passageby
background.
from a non-Jewish
looking for a connection in Jewish materials as its primary background. This is especially
important in this context due to its proximity to the `manna'. Unfortunately, in this instance,
this background doesnot give any clear direction, as no distinctive referencecan be found.
Despite the reluctanceon the part of many commentatorsit is necessaryto allow for the
his
imagery
from
drawn
Jewish
has
John
of
a
source
outside
strictly
that
a
possibility
as
context
II. The Judicial Calculus Minervae, the Casting Vote of Acquittal
The secondexplanation for John's use of `&ov ) uxrv'comes from a legal context.
It was the ancient practice of jurors to signify guilt or innocenceby casting black or white
C.
into
(Ovid,
Metamorphoses
(1St
E.
)
15.41-42;
century
an
urn
pebbles,respectively,
Plutarch,Alcibaides (46-120 C.E.) 22.2; Aeschylus Eumenides(5`hcentury B. C.E.) 737-756).
This imagery, at first glance,appearsunsatisfactory as it doesnot explain the `new name'
inscribed upon the `white stone', as the pebblesused in this procedurewere not inscribed.
Another obvious difference is that in Revelation it is the individual who is given the stone,
45
in
hardly
have
to
jury
neededsuch a system order count votes
would
man
and a one
Hemer does, however, mention severalconsiderationsthat would favour this explanation: (1)
The future `conqueror' might well have to prove his faithfulness in the face of judicial
42Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 212.
43Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", p. 212.
44Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, pp. 96-97.
" Worth Jr., TheSevenCities of the Apocalypseand Greco-Asian Culture, p. 143.

192

him
then
to
these
the assuranceof Christ's power to
would
words
convey
condemnation,and
46
human
court.
override the flawed verdict of a
in language
(2) Grimm and Thayer point out the connection between vrxvand r"jcpos
7A
that deals with the courtroom setting.
successfullitigant is describedas vrx6oas
(Theophrastus, Characters (372-287 B. C. E) 17.8) and the `prevailing' vote is wxreros
a'
17eams
(3`d
C.
E.
)
3.3)
Aethiopica
(Aeschylus,
(Heliodorus,
century
and
vi4
rt jpos
Eumenides 740). (3) The use of

jcooswith the meaning of `vote' is the most common

is
is
It
least
for
there
this
an
explicit
context.
at
not
possible that the
where
word
meaning
local, contemporary setting supplied a clear and implicit setting that allowed the reader to
ljopos,
if
is
but
this
the case, this setting still
between
two
the
meanings
of
natural
;
choose
alludes us.

(4) A further instanceofjcpos occurs in the non-forensic setting of the proverbial

`vote of Athene' in Philostratus's account of the sophist of Pergamum(Philostratus, Lives of
Sophists(231-237 C.E.) 2:568). Hemer considersit possible that Philostratus may have been
he
has
form
local
to
to
since
a
propensity
of
popular
association
cultivate
referring some
48
indicators
Further
links
to
his
in
point
and
strong
cultural
religious
writings
colour
betweenPergamumand Athens, and this is especially the casewith regard to the cult of
Athena.49 Under the Attalids, there cameto be a major centre of the cult of Athena at
Pergamum,here surnamedNicepherus(cf. indicating a link with Nike Apteros at Athens).
Another link betweenPergamumand Athens is the fact that there were altars to `unknown
(2d
Greece
Description
17:
23;
Pausanius,
C.
E.
)
1.1.4;
(cf.
Acts
Athens
of
century
gods' at
DiogenesLaertius, Epimenides(3`dto 5thcentury C.E.) 1.110; Philostratus, The Life of
Apollonius of Tyana (215 C.E.) 6:3) and such an altar has also been found at Pergamum(cf.
46Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 97.
47JosephHenry Thayer, A Greek-EnglishLexicon of the New Testament:Being Grimm 's Wilke's Clavis Novi
Testament!,trans., rev. and enlargeded. (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1886), s.v. j(pos.
48Hemer, TheLetters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 97.
'9 Hemer, TheLetters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 97.

193

Deissman,Paul50). There is the possibility that Athenian traditions were adopted into
Pergamenepractice, especially in relation to the cult of Athena. Hemer, in cautiously
suggestingthis connection,readily admits that the evidence,as it currently stands,is not
sufficient to prove that this is behind the imagery in 2: 17; but he suggeststhat it merits
further investigation at least.51 Hemer is in fact so tentative in indicating how this relatesto
that the exact nature of his supposition remains vague.There seemsto be
the ;/jcpovAevxrv
little to commendhis proposalas it currently stands.
(5) The explanation,relating the f oovAevxrjvto an indicator of acquittal accordswell
with the context of 2: 16 (which refers to making war with the sword `of my mouth'); Isaiah
11:4 (judging with righteounsess) and Isaiah 49: 2 (making his `mouth like a sharp sword').
These biblical concepts, relating to justice, stand in contextual relationship with ideas such as
52
('right
ius
Brighton puts forward this conceptual
the proconsul's
of the sword').
gladii
imagery
behind
being
the
at 2: 17.53 This perception still leaves open the question of
mileu as
how the

)svxIqv
`new
it
the
with
name'
written
upon
precisely fits into the context of
(pa,

2: 17. The pivotal issue of the `name' is left untouched, as the entire focus is directed toward
the issue of acquittal. Though this group of explanations might fit one aspect of the
descriptions, John has included the `new name' and this is a crucial part of the imagery.
III.

A Token of Admission, Membership,

or Recognition

The next proposal is that the `white stone' may be someform of tessera('token')
which may have servedas an indication of admittance,or as a token of recognition.54 Efird
for
into
tokens
that
were
used
admission
contends
such
a given society or group; the
connotation in this context would then be that the

Awvxi7'v
denotes
admission into God's
jcpov

50Adolf Deissmann,Paul a Study in Social Religious History (London: Hodder and Stoughton Ltd., 1926),
pp.
287-291.
51Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", p. 214.
52liemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 97.
53Brighton, Revelation, p. 78.
54Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 98.

194

55
hardships
from
freed
the
of persecution. Mounce notes that small tesseraemade
new age,
from materials such as wood, metal, or stone were used for a variety of purposesin the
in
he
that
this context the
proposes
ancient world and

Aeuxiv
for
token
serves
as
a
jcpov

56
banquet.
Others,
have
heavenly
Johnson,
the
to
such
as
speculatedthat John's
admission
imagery here is meant to denote`admission emblems' used by Christians entering their own
57
insure
feastsand festivities to
privacy. The theory behind this suggestionis that in some
way the token would allow a person,or group, to recognisesomeonewho presentedsuch a
token as worthy of either admission or perhapssome other form of reward or assistance.All
based
desire
highly
find
to
more
upon
a
theories
speculative
and
are
a suitable
these
are
of
background for the imagery usedby John than by the evidencethat is currently available.
Hemer lists a variety of other options such as the tesserahospitalis (T. Maccius
Plautus,Poenulus (254-184 B.C.E.) 958,1047-1049,1052) where two parties would break in
half a tesseraand then eachwould retain a severedhalf. They, or their descendants,would
later be able to recognisetheir pledge by reuniting the two complementaryhalves. The wide
divergenceof dates,along with the diversity of the provenanceof the attestations,suggests
that this practice was widespread. There is, however, no evidenceto suggestthat the token
in
it
inscribed,
for
Pergamum.
The idea of a
that
that
matter,
used
or
was
or
was either white
does,
is
however,
the
through
that
sign
pledged
use
of
a
secret
seem
personalrelationship
58
here.
Swete
here
is
the
the
that
to
argues
general
sense
context
actually
very appropriate
Asvx'v
favour
is
divine
&ov
that
it
the
symbolises
a
pledge
which
carries
with
very clear:
knowledge of such an intimate nature of God, and Christ, as is only possible for the one

" JamesM. Efird, Revelationfor Today (Nashville TN: Abingdon Press,1989),p. 57.
56Robert M. Mounce, WhatAre We Waiting For? A Commentaryon Revelation (Eugene OR: Wipf & Stock,
Pub., 1992), p. 10. cf. Harrington, Revelation,p. 62.
s' Alan Johnson,Revelation,The Expositor's Bible Commentary series(Grand Rapids M1: Zondervan
Publishing House, 1996),p. 46.
58Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 98.

195

59
possesssingthe pledge. This explanation then leavesthe audiencein the position of having
to infer the meaning behind the giving of the `new name'. Thus it seemsimprobable that
John has developedhis imagery in such a way as to leave such a crucial issueto the
imagination of his audience.
Bousset60and Charles61cite a passagefrom Epitome62in which Titus, the Emperor,
This instanceis then related to the
dispensesfree items to those who retrieve a ov14RoAov.
term kopos by these authors. Charles goes on to indicate that the idea present in Revelation
2: 17 is that the o hoAovindicates that the one possessing it has received a ticket of admission
63
feast.
Hemer notes that although there were other instances of such things
heavenly
to the
TM
be
isolated,
for
to
too
they
and perhaps
appear
obscure
our purposes. It should
occurring,
in
o
be
the
the
that
passages
cited
regarding
also
ovp kovthey were not inscribed with a
noted
but
that
admission,
grant
rather granted the bearer the object described, such
would
message
`silver',
`gold'
`clothing',
`food',
or
vessels, `horses', `cattle', `slaves' or `pack animals'.
as
This is perhaps of some considerable importance for the current argument since this proposal
implies that the

`white
`manna',
in
the
the
the context of the
connect
would
stone'
with
(pos

heavenly feast, as opposed to that which is provided by an earthly ruler, such as the Roman
Emperor. 65 This explanation still leaves the role of the `new name' hanging uncomfortably
without any substantive contextual explanation.

It is certainly possible that some form of local custom existed at Pergamumthat might
haveserved as the backgroundfor this type of imagery; but if there was, it has yet to be

59Henry Barclay Swete, TheApocalypseof St John (London: Macmillan and Co. Ltd., 1906), p. 40.
60Wilhelm Bousset,Die OffenbarungJohannis (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht, 1966), p. 214.
61Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 1, p. 66.

62Dio Cassius, Epitome (2"d to 3`d century C. E. ) 66.25.5. ccpatetayQ Plva AlxQt vmeves
rd 9eareov iQQr'2rrel
a
&QrroTavrs
oriQas
&u&ou
47reveyxeiv
exovra
lla,
6v
TIv
rrvac
robs
arrrwv
e7et
Ir9c
r lcev
oi/LoAov
xai
T
...
e1uyiyea4L vov.

63Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 1, p. 66.
64Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 98.
65Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", p. 215.

196

66
clarified. The most promising prospect,that something of this nature is being used as the
backgroundfor this symbol, is to be found in a 2"d century C.E. inscription from Pergamum
7
for
fees
describes
to
the
which
admission an unidentified association. The extant section
in
`entrance-fee'(`&i ,gAvowv')to the sons of those who have been
dispensation
grants a
membersfor five years. This right of entrancewas evidently a very expensiveand highly
instance
In
distinction.
an
such as this, Hemer proposesthat there may well have
restricted
beena token of membership,and that this type of example, in turn, would fit well into the
background of 2: 17.68Once again the proposal is highly speculativeand the issue of the
`new name' is not adequatelyaddressedby this proposedsolution.
An additional explanation put forward as a possibility by Hemer is the `tessera
frumentaria' which was distributed by the Emperors among the poor in Rome and entitled
them to a regular supply of corn (cf. Suetonius, (2nd century C. E. ) The Deified Augustus 40.2;
42.3; Nero 11.2). Even Hemer readily admits that any connection with this imagery would
be of a purely conjectural nature.

69 Moffatt

puts forward the possibility that the imagery here

initiation
form
to
of
custom but likewise is unable to offer any relevant
some
may relate
70 Though there is a certain amount of appeal to these proposals,
evidence.
none of them fits
the context of 2: 17 particularly well.
IV. An Amulet with a Divine Name

Aeuxvof 2: 17 must be interpreted in

Aune makesthe observationthat the r"jcpos
is
that
written on the stoneand not simply as an isolated
secret
name
a
connectionwith

66Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", p. 215.
67H. Hepding, "Die Inscriften", Mitteilungen des deutschenarchologischenInstituts. AthenischeAbteilung 32
(1907): p. 294.
68Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", p. 215.
6' Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background",p. 215.
70JamesMoffatt, "The Revelation of St. John the Divine, " in TheExpositor's Greek Testament, W.
ed.
RobertsonNicoll (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1910), p. 359.

197

image.7' This brings us to the most widely espousedproposal for the background of the
imagery of 2: 17: that the stonerefers to an `amulet' that has been inscribed with a secret
72 A number of commentatorswill
form.
nameof some
not consider this possibility, because
73
that
rules out such an option. This type of methodology would
of a predeterminedmindset
seemto be at odds with exegeticalmethods that are open to the possibility that John did use
imagery drawn from a context outside of Judaism,and would certainly have the potential to
taint any results in favour of thesepredeterminedparameters. A more sensibleapproach
for
be
based
to
to
to
all
allow
possibilities
and
weigh
each
on its own merit.
would seem
?Fvx'v is analogouswith a
A number of commentatorshave arguedthat the r"jcpov
`pagan' amulet inscribed with the secretname of a patron god.74 Arndt and Gingrich cite a
text that has similarities with 2: 17 at Artemidorus Oneirocritica (2"d century C.E.) 5.26,
75
inscribed
is
hung
Sarapis
bronze
with the name of
around the neck. Other
plate
where a
in
be
found
described
by
Hemer
texts
a
variety
of
may
as `literature of
similar examples
description
is
for
447-458
In
PGMV
'76
'magical'
a
given
making
a
ancient magic.
stone. It

71Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 190.

'2 Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 190; Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation St. John,
of
The
Book
Revelation
Beasley-Murray,
(Grand Rapids MI: William B. Eerdmans
G.
R.
66-67;
1,
of
vol. pp.
Publishing Co., 1983), pp. 88-89; Isbon T. Beckwith, TheApocalypse of John (New York: The Macmillan
Company, 1919), p. 461; Roloff, The Revelation of John, p. 52.
73Hendriksen, More than Conquerors,p. 68. Commenting upon the supposition put forward by R. If. Charles,
that the `...true sourceof the symbol is to be found in the sphereof popular superstition. This needsno answer.'
MosesStuart, "The White Stoneof the Apocalypse," Bibliotheca Sacra 3 (1843): pp. 461-477; esp.470. it is
somewhatimprobable, however, that John, who almost never appealsto Grecian objects and modesof
in
in
instance.
have
Thomas,
Revelation 1-7 An
the
such
an
appeal
made
present
should
representation,
Exegetical Commentary,p. 199. `It is also doubtful that the Lord would look to a pagan source for Isis
he
has
in
the
warned so strongly againstworldly relations (Smith), '
where
message
symbolism
same
74Aune,Revelation 1-5, p. 190; Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John,
Ileitmtlller,
Wilhelm
461-463;
Apocalypse
The
Namen Jesu.";
Beckwith,
66-67;
1,
pp.
ofJohn,
vol. pp.
Im
Eine sprache-und religiongeschichtliche Untersuchungzum Neuen Testament,Forshungenzu Religion und
Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments;2 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht, 1903), pp. 234-235; Bruce
M. Metzger, Breaking the Code (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1993), p. 36; Lohmeyer, Die Offenbarung des
Johannes,p. 25; Bousset,Die OffenbarungJohannis, p. 215; John Tickle, TheBook of Revelation (Liguori MO:
Liguori Publications, 1983),p. 36; Eduard Lohse, Die Offenbarung desJohannes,Texte zum Neuen Testament,
Band I1 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht, 1966), p. 28.
?sArndt
Other
A
Greek-English
Lexicon
Testament
New
Early Christian
Gingrich,
the
and
of
eds.,
and
Literature, s.v. j&pos,
p. 892.
76Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", p. 217.

198

was inscribed on the back, with the `magical' name of Sarapis,in order to keep the name
hidden from view. 77
As a historical backgroundfor why the namesof gods were kept hidden, there are a
number of well-known traditions that createdsuch customs. In an ancient Egyptian tradition,
the sun god Re had a true namethat remained secretuntil it was revealedto the goddessIsis,
78
who then gained power over the god. According to Aune, `magical amulets' would
image
have
on the obverseside and a `magical text' on the reverse. This would
an
normally
then mean that when the amulet was worn, the image would be visible while the text ('often
containing secretmagical names') would be concealedfrom sight. He goes on to note that
while the exact nature of the `amulet' at 2: 17 is left unspecified, it would seemto be a reward
for those who persevere,and that it provides a permanentguaranteeof protection to its
79
is
Of
some
with
striking
note,
similarities, a passagefrom the Testamentof
possessor.
Job (ist century B. C.E. -1S` century C.E.)80according to which the three daughtersof Job are
8'
[cpuAaxr'e4v].
There are a number of points of correspondence
given a protective amulet

77'On jasperlike agate engrave Sarapis seated, facing forwards (?), holding an Egyptian
a
royal sceptre and on
the sceptre an ibis, and on the back of the stone / the [magical] name [of Sarapis?], and keep it shut up. ' Morton
Smith, trans. `PGM 447-58', in Hans Dieter Betz, ed., The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, 2nded. vol. 1
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996), p. 109.

79Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, Methuen's Handbooksof Archaeology (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd.,
1973),p. 21.

79Aune, Revelation 1-5, pp. 190-191.

80R. P. Spittler, trans. and ed., "Testamentof Job," in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,ed. JamesIf.
Charlesworth,The Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday, 1983), p. 829.
t 46:7-47: 11. `And he openedthem and brought out three multicoloured cords whose appearance
was such that
no man could describe,since they were not from earth but from heaven,shimmering with fiery sparks Iike rays
of the sun. And he gave each one cord, saying, "Place theseabout your breast,so that it may go well with you
him,
daughter,
Kasia,
"Father, is this the inheritance
life.
"
Then
to
days
the
other
named
the
said
all
of your
for
brothers?
Who
has
better
than
that
unusual cords? We cannot gain a
of
our
any
use
which you said was
living from them, can we?" And their father said to them, "Not only shall you gain a living from these,but
thesecords will lead you into the better world, to live in the heavens. Are you then ignorant, my children, of the
valueof thesestrings? The Lord consideredme worthy of thesein the day in which he wished to show me
mercy and to rid my body of the plaguesand the worms. "Calling me, he furnished me with thesethree cords
andsaid, `Arise, gird your loins like a man. I shall question you, and you answer me.' "So I took them and put
themon. And immediately from that time the worms disappearedfrom my body and the plagues,too. And then
my body got strengththrough the Lord as if I actually had not suffered a thing. I also forgot the pains in my
heart. And the Lord spoketo me in power, showing me things presentand things to come. "Now then, my
children, since you have theseobjects you will not have to face the enemyat all, but neither will you have
worries of him in your mind, since it is a protective amulet [(puAaxrreiv]of the Father. Rise then, gird

199

betweenthe passagefrom the Testamentof Job and 2: 17. One is that the object being given
is seenas a reward of great value. The secondis that the ultimate sourceof both objects is
the Lord. It is possible that a third point of correspondencebetweenthe objects is that they
is
This
form
to
the
them.
one
possessing
protection
certainly the casewith
of
provide some
the multicolured cords given to the daughtersof Job, and there is perhapsthe implication of
in
is
implied
2:
17.
This
in
the phrase`upon the stone a new
the
of
perhaps
context
protection
knows
it'.
been
the
that
has
one
no
except
one
who
receives
written
name
Amulets were not unfamiliar items to the Jewish people and appearto have been
82 Trachtenbergindicates that the Jewish peoplesliving in
in
widely used certain contexts.
the Biblical period would have certainly been familiar with the merits associatedwith such
later
by
in
the rabbinic
Their
this
accepted
was
was
very
extensive
and
period
use
objects.
83 Penny and Wise even go so far as to describethe era of the SecondTemple as a
authorities.
`magical time'. They note that the difficulty for historians in recognising this fact is that the
84
flourished
`Magic
'
Alexander
Jews
indirect.
that
is
the
among
also
observes
evidence
...
beliefs
determined
by
despite
the
of
such
and
condemnation
and
strong
practices
and this was
85
the religious authorities.
Amongst the documentsfound at Qumran, there are a number of texts consideredto
86
be of a `magical' nature. Naveh and Shakedalso note numerousamulets and `magic bowls,
87
from late antiquity. Spoercontendsthat amulets were known to the people who followed
the Jewish faith in antiquity and that there was a regular profession of `enchanters'(Isaiah

for
be
in
die
before
I
to
those
that
coming
are
who
able
see
my
may
soul,
them
you
order that
yourselveswith
Job',
864-865.
Spittler,
God.
"
R.
P.
`Testament
of
pp.
the
of
creatures
you may marvel over
822 Mac. 12:40. Here the objects describedas `consecratedobjects' [iepwua]seemto have been intended to act
Hebrew
3:
20
the
Isa.
In
term Wn5.
using
are
mentioned
once
again
amulets
asa protective amulet.
83JoshuaTrachtenberg,Jewish Magic and Superstition (Philadelphia: University of PennsylvaniaPress,2004),
4 132.
Douglas L. Penney and Michael 0. Wise, "By the Power of Beelzebub an Aramaic Incantation Formula from
Qumran (4Q560)", Journal of Biblical Literature 113 (1994): p. 627.

asAlexander, "Incantations and Books of Magic", p. 342.

a64Q560; 4Q186; 4Q318; 4Q534.
87Naveh and Shaul Shaked,Amulets and Magic Bowls.

200

3:3; Ecclesiastes 10: 11) in Judah. He says that the term LJll5 is used to designate an
88
Naveh even goes so far as to indicate that the `roots of Jewish
20).
3:
`amulet' (Isaiah
found
in
Second
Temple
be
'
literature...
the
the
to
period
of
and even earlier. He
are
magic
`magic'
`astrology'
be
found
in materials
the
to
evidence
of
of
and
note
particularly makes
from Qumran. He even designates the fragments of 4Q560 as the remains of a `magic
book'. 89

A passagewith somecorrespondingparallels (i. e. `white stone') is found at PDMxii

6-20.90 `Magical' proceduresthat give instructions about making amulets, along with other
`magical' materials, occasionally point out the importance of inscribing secretnamesupon
91
In some spells in the Greek Magical Papyri, unspeakablenamesare
items
these
2 The Paris Magical Papyrus, dated to around 300 C.E., makes mention of a
mentioned.
list
inscribed
that
tin
to
secret
contains
powerful
names,
a
sheet
a
of
on
and
was
eiov
cpuAaxz?
3
demon-possession.
Reik goes
the
be hung around the neck of a personwho was
victim of
into some detail regarding the apotropaicnature of `phylacteries' and considersthem to have
94
influences.
The
Persian
Greek
being
term
into
under
of
protection
as objects
come
23:
5,
`safeguard',
is
Matthew
`means
the
of
carries
meaning
used
at
or
which
of
ppvAaxT1QIov,
88Hans H. Spoer, "Notes on JewishAmulets", Journal of Biblical Literature 23 (1904): pp. 97-105.
89JosephNaveh, "Fragmentsof an Aramaic Magic Book from Qumran," Israel Exploration Journal 48 (1998):
9`A252-261.
iron
bring
is
bring
You
the shapeof a grape
which
stone
of
and
you
a
white
a
ring
to
praise:
ring cause
[which] grows / as a fresh plant in the water, there being [a] daimon with the face [of] a falcon ... together with
his snaketail, there being a nemesheaddress(?) in (?) the ... eye whose face goes to the .... Write / this name on
it saying, "ABRAXAM PHILEN ...CHNI ...," put a limb of a lion under it together with a piece of gold, put
...
them under it; and / make ... it. JanetH. Johnson,trans., PDMxii. 6-20, ed. Hans Dieter Betz. The Greek
Magical Papyri in Translation, vol. 1,2"d ed. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press 1996), p. 152.
91PGMI. 144-146 `And engraved on the stone is: Helidoros as a lion-faced figure, holding in the left / hand a
its
And
is
biting
in
him
tail.
a
on the exergueof the stone
a
circle
serpent
around
and
celestial globe and a whip,
is this name (conceal it). ' E. N. O'Neil, trans., PGML42-195, ed. Hans Dieter Betz. The Greek Magical Papyri
in Translation, vol. 1,2"d ed. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press1996), p. 7., p. 7. cf. Aune, Revelation
1-S,p. 191.
92PGMXIII. 763-764, "Come to me, you from the four winds, ruler of all, who breathedspirit into men for life,
human
it
be
by
845
`whose
hidden
mouth
is
cannot
uttered
name
unspeakable
and
name not
whose the
......
Hans
Dieter
PGMXI11.734-1077,
Betz. The Greek Magical
Smith,
Morton
'
trans.,
ed.
eventhe gods can utter...
Papyri in Translation, vol. 1,2d ed. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press 1996), p. 191.
93Folio 33 Great Magical Papyrus 3014-3017. Deissmann,Light from the Ancient East: The New Testament
Illustrated by RecentlyDiscovered Textsof the Graeco-RomanWorld, pp. 255-256.
94Theodor Reik, Pagan Rites in Judaism (New York: Farrar, Strausand Co., 1964), pp. 120-132.

201

95
is
that
this
there
though
perception perhaps
are some who would argue
protection',
96
by
it
Tefillin
The
term
to
the
the
applying
use of protective amulets
of
meaning
stretching
Vt
during
in
C.
E.,
Mediterranean
the
been
have
the
century
even
world
widespread
would
7
from
Babylon,
be
At
the
the
there
to
time
Jews.
the
return
of
of
exiles
appears
a
among
is
in
is
It
that
toward
circles.
stated
an
amulet
amulets official
changeof attitude
98
from
is
it
`not
if
an expert'.
unacceptable
If 2: 17 is to be understoodas indicating some form of divine protection, similar to an
indicate
it
that the name written upon the
then
amulet, would

Aevxp
is
that of God or
jcpo;,

100
The issueof whose name is on the
2:
9).
in
(cf.
Philippians
3:
1299
Christ, as is the case
; vjcpo;,
AEvxivis at the core of this discussionand the position that suggeststhat an `amulet' is
101
in
falls
by
here
the view taken this regard. According to
behind the imagery
standsor
Aune, the `new' name is probably given in contrast to the great variety of `old' `pagan'
found
beings
for
written upon amulets
are
whose names
various supernatural
namesgiven
102
in
the
'
These
vocative, though at times
usually
`magical
epithets
are
and
names
gems.
and
103
invocations
deity.
be
Jewish
to
a
they are in the nominative case,and may regardedas
disposal
(cf.
had
`powerful
Matthew
have
their
to
at
many
names'
exorcists are purported
12:27; Luke 9:49; 11:19; Acts 19:13; Josephus,Jewish Antiquities 8.45-49; Justin, Dialogue,
85; Irenaeus,Against Heresies,2.6.2). It was also the casethat Christians used the name of
95Arndt and Gingrich, eds.,A Greek-EnglishLexicon of the New Testamentand Other Early Christian
Literature, s.v. cpvAaxTw'etov,
p. 868; Goodenough,Jewish Symbolsin the Greco-RomanPeriod, pp. 208-211;
Louw and Nida, eds., Greek-EnglishLexicon of the New TestamentBasedon Semantic Domains, vol. 1,6.195,
176-177.
T. Schrire, Hebrew Amulets (London: Routledge& Kegan Paul, 1966), p. 13.
97cf. Isa. 3:20; 2 Mac. 12:40.
Sabbath 60a; Schrire, Hebrew Amulets, p. 13.
he
God
in
the
temple
and
of
my
will never go out of it and I
the
`I
a
pillar
Rev. 3: 12 will make
one conquering
God,
Jerusalem,
the
God,
the
the
him
my
new
the one
of
city
the
name
of
and
of
my
name
will write upon
'
from
God,
heaven
the
one.
my
name,
new
down
and
my
out of
coming
10Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", p. 217; Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 191.
Special
Reference
101
Asia
Churches
Seven
Letters
to Their Local
to
the
with
Study
the
of
Hemer, "A
of
Background", p. 217, N. 214.
102
Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 191.p. 191; cf. Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets Chiefly Graeco-Eg ptian, pp.
167-179.
103Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets Chiefly Graeco-Egyptian, p. 167.

202

Jesusin the performanceof healings and exorcisms (Acts 3:6; 4: 10; 9:34; 16:18; Justin 2
Apology 6.6; Dialogue, 30.3; 76.6; 85.2; IrenaeusAgainst Heresies,2.32.4; Epideixis 97;
Origen, Contra Celsum 1.6,25,67; 3:24; Acts ofJohn 41; Eusebius,Demonstatio Evangelica
3.6; Amobius, Against the Heathen 1.46'L""

u' The Divine Institutes, 2.16; 4.27)104 From

a

very early time within Christian tradition the `purely magical effect of the name of Jesus' has
beenwidely accepted,according to Eitrem and others.105
Aune notes that a surprisingly large number of early `Christian magical amulets' have
beendiscovered and documented,though there are not any that can be dated as far back as
106
interpretation
C.
E.
The
is that the one who knows the name
2"d
this
the
sense
of
century
can call upon Christ to saveand to protect; and in the context of the Apocalypse the power of
Christ is exalted over the power of all rivals. Even Hemer, who does not accept this
explanation, concedesthat it fits the context of 2: 17 well, and correspondsto ancient ways of
107
he
is
here.
The theory that the
this
thought, though questionswhether
quite the thought
`white stone' is some form of `amulet' addressesthe concept of permanence,as stone is a
very durable writing material and the colour of the stone fits in with conceptsregarding
purity and victory (the issueof the colour will be discussedlater in this chapter), along with
the `name' inscribed upon the stone. No other theory, regarding the origin for the
background,for the imagery of the `white stone' addressesall of theseareasof importance in
fits
2:
17
the
the
that
context
of
as well as that of the amulet.
a manner
Some issueshave, however, not yet been addressedregarding this explanation of the
backgroundfor k(pov )1evxivin 2: 17. One is that somemight expect the stone to be pierced
104
Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 191.
posEitrem, SomeNotes on the Demonology in the New Testament,p. 31; Clinton E. Arnold, Power
and Magic
TheConcept of Power in Ephesians(Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books, 1992), p. 54; Aune, "Magic in Early
Christianity", pp. 1546-1547.
106
Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 191; Delatte and Derchain, eds., Les intailles magiquesgrdco-egyptiennes,pp. 283287; Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets Chiefly Graeco-Egyptian, pp. 208-228; Robert W. Daniel and Franco
Maltomini, trans. and ed., SupplementumMagicum, vol. 1 (Opladen: WestdeutscherVerlag, 1990), pp. 55-112.
Nos. 120-136;Aune, "Magic in Early Christianity", pp. 1545-1549.
107
Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background",p. 218.

203

in some manner in order to allow it to be attachedto the body. It is the casethat some
amuletswere worn in little leather amulet bagsthat were worn around the neck or shoulders.
It is also noteworthy that certain stoneswere believed, probably from very early times, to
possess`magical' qualities in themselveseven without the carving of an inscription. It may
be that people thought that thesepowers could be reinforced by carving certain imagesor
symbols upon them. A deity who could give worshippers protection or desirable gifts might
be sought as adornmentsof such stones,and therefore their imagesor nameswould be
inscribed onto such objects.108
V. A Token of Gladiatorial Discharge
To move on to the next category proposedby Hemer, upon dischargefrom the
gladiatorial arenaa tesserawas supposedlygiven exempting the gladiator from the obligation
109
in
life
his
the
to risk
arena. Many examplesof such tokens survive, and are
again
documented. They take the form of elongatedrectangular tablets composedof bone, and
they bear the name of a man. They are also often incised with the letters 'SP' with the day
andthe year being incised in sequenceon the four facesof the object. Most of the examples
documentedbelong to a period from the 1Stcentury B. C.E. to the 1stcentury C.E. and they
110
interpretation
The
from
Rome.
of tesserais very difficult, but this type is most often
come
interpreted in light of the words of Horace."' l This connection seemshighly speculative, as
the connection betweena tesseraand a `foil' is not readily apparent.

108
Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets Chiefly Graeco-Egyptian, pp. 5-6.
109
Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 99.
11Theodorus
Mommsen, ed., Inscriptions Latinae Antiquissimae, vol. 1, Academiae Litterrarum Regiae
Borussicae(Berolini: APVD Georgium Reimerum, 1863), pp. 195-200. Tessera717-716.
111
Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, p. 99. Horace, Epistles 1:1:1.3.
`You, of whom my earliest Muse was told, of whom my last shall tell - you Maecenas,seek to shut me up again
in my old school, though well testedin the fray, and already presentedwith the foil. ' 11.Rushton Fairclough,
trans.,Horace Satires, Epistles and Ars Poetica, ed. G. P. Goold. Loeb Classical Library series(Cambridge
MA: Harvard University Press 1955),p. 251.

204

Those that advocatethis explanation for the imagery at 2: 17 give as the explanation for
112
i.
Spectatus,
`approved'
'SP'
the
term
the
tessera
the
e.
engravedon
or'tested',
as being
the meaning, and this might be fairly regardedas `a new name.' The idea would then be that
this is some form of technical term with the meaning being that of `discharged'. 13
According to Ramsay,this analogy would be an extremely strong one, if it were correct.114
However, according to Mommsen 'SP' standsfor spectavit ('he observes' Perfect, Indicative,
Active, Third person, Singular; an active verb) rather than for spectatusi. e. `approved'
(Perfect, Passive,Participle, Masculine Nominative, Singular). Mommsen has entirely
eliminated the idea that 'SP' is a title and thus this deprives the tesseraof their most striking
115
A
have
been
Various
theories
the
with
jcpov vxq7'v.
postulated for the
point of analogy
meaning of `SP' but none of them makesout that a new name was given to the proven
into
He
life
to
the
tessera.
was
simply
allowed
retire
a
private
gladiator with
after a
successfulcareer,insteadof being compelled to risk his life and his reputation when his
strength and skills

116
were waning.

Hemer agreesthat the objections to this theory are decisive and that the gladiatorial
tesseracannot be seriously advocatedas the background at 2: 17.117This analogy fails
fact
indeed
due
that,
though
this
to
the
was
a tesserathat was inscribed with a
essentially
inscribed
hint
is
that
the
there
name
on the tesseracould have been associatedwith
no
name,
118
the granting of a `new name'.

112
Cicero, De Oratore 1:27: 124;In C. Verrem. 1:10:29.
"' Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", pp. 220-221.
114William M. Ramsay,"The White Stone and the `Gladiatorial' Tessera", The Expository Times 16 (19041905):pp. 558-561; Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto
Their Local Background", p. 220.
115
Mommsen, ed., Inscriptiones Latinae Antiquissimae,pp. 195-200.Tessera717-776; Ramsay, "The White
Stoneand the `Gladiatorial' Tessera",p. 558.
116
William M. Ramsay,TheLetters to the SevenChurches,ed. Mark W. Wilson, updated ed. (PeabodyMA:
HendricksonPublishers, 1994), p. 22 1.
117
Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia in Their Local Setting, p. 100. p. 100.
11$
Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background",p. 221.

205

VI. Allusion to a Process of Initiation

into the Service of Asklepios

Another theory, also put forward by Ramsay,appealsto an obscurepassagein the Hymn

19
Aristides (b. 117 C.E.) was given a new name by the
to Asklepios, by Aelius Aristides!
have
during
This
Aristides
his
to
Asklepios,
said
a
vision.
god
was
cured
of
probably
god
diseaseand guided him in life by ordering him to devote himself to oratory. Asklepios
120
The evidencefor this comes at the
him
Theodorus.
favoured Aristides and gave
the name
his
in
before
Aristides
Asklepios
Hymn
the
to
attributes
rhetorical
the
which
success
end of
Imperial family to the encouragementthat he received from a ovv3T,
aa (a `token' or a `sign',
121
him.
in Latin a tessera)which he had with
The nature of the avv a, which Aristides had received from Asklepios, is not explained.
The obscurity of this symbol is likely to have been deliberate; there existed a secretbetween
Aristides and Asklepios that was known only to him and a small select group. He, and he
into
by
initiated
the
this
the
been
the
tesserawas not
had
and
meaning
of
god
service
alone,
for
it
initiated
Ramsay,
into
According
just
those
to
the
be
to
was
only
to revealed
everyone.
All
know
be
to
the
the
to
others
were
sign.
to
word
and
remain
allowed
samemystery
ignorant of its existenceand its meaning. Ramsaygoeson to maintain that Aristides gives a
hint regarding the purposeand effect of the vvgwjm;it is somethingthat addressedhim in an
had
him
that
the
singled
god
out to gain
earnestand rousing way and servedas proof
distinction as an orator. It thus servedas a motivator and a call to action and gave him the
122
function.
his
he
god ordained
that
was performing
assurance
Ramsaynotesthat Aristides doesnot directly connect the oivtca

with the `new name'

hardly
`there
he
indicates
be
but
doubt
by
him
that
the
can
bestowed
any
god,
that was
on
1" Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", p. 222.
120
Ramsay,TheLetters to the SevenChurches,p. 228.
121
P. Aelius Aristides, An Address Regarding Asklepios; CharlesA. Behr, trans., P. Aelius Aristides The
CompleteWorks,vol. 2 (Leiden: E. J. Brill 1981), p. 250; Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurches
222.
Background",
Local
Their
Reference
to
Special
p.
Asia
of
with
122
Ramsay,TheLetters to the SevenChurches,p. 229.

206

that the name and the sign stood in some close relation to one another,and were given to him
123
importance
has
led
Asklepios
Pergamum
The
Hemer
'
the
time
cult
of
of
at
the
at
same
....
to include this example as one that must be consideredas being behind the symbolism of the
it
Hemer,
According
Apocalypse.
Jtwwxrv
in
to
the
probably offers the most satisfactory
jcpov
it
in
likely
have
been
for
to
sharp
contrast
with
a
pagan
practice
and
sets
passage
our
analogy
however,
does,
'
He
in
Pergamum.
go on to qualify this statement,noting that the
current
inferential.
is
both
't24
`circumstantial
for
this
and
custom
evidence
This proposal has the appealof the attachmentto Pergamum,which was strongly
for
local
The
is
the
Asklepios,
thus
symbolism.
context
a
problem
giving
associated with
that the symbolism only fits if one infers that the `name' is somehow associated with the
be
inaccurate.
indeed,
idea
is
The
totally
link
This
may
attested
and,
very
weakly
ovvS,ua.
by
is
be
known
John
to
the
addressed
audience
commonly
that such a practice could
also not
in
difficulty
lies
difficulty
Another
the
demonstrated.
encountered
adequately

of connecting

is
AsvxV'v.
4(pov
Overall,
then,
this
9
the
ultimately weak; with the
proposal
the ovv, as with
be
it
for
information
the
level
viable
a
explanation
cannot
considered
available,
of
current
background of John's imagery at 2: 17.
VII.

Simply as Writing

Material

Whose Form or Colour was Significant

The use of stone as writing material may be of special importance with regard to

Pergamum,as it is consideredto be the sourceof the writing material known as parchment.

The validity and power of somethingthat was written was in some way dependentupon its
laws
important
factor,
being
things,
Permanence
such
as
with
of
a
city,
an
was
permanence.
125
John
bronze.
Ramsay
be
that
durable
trying to
perceives
as
may
materials
written on such

123
Ramsay,TheLetters to the SevenChurches,p. 229.
Special
124
Referenceto Their Local
Seven
Churches
Asia
Letters
to
the
Study
with
"A
the
of
Hemer,
of
Background",p. 222.
125
Ramsay,The Letters to the SevenChurches,pp. 212,222-223.

207

draw a contrast betweenthe durable writing material for which Pergamumis famous, and an
126
AEux'v.
in
form
durable
the
the
of
surface
;t coov
writing
evenmore
The colour of the writing material itself is also of note. Beale indicates that the white
have
the
the
saints
who
not compromised or
the
righteousness
of
stoneportrays
colour of
The
because
this
they
are
acquitted.
associationof
of
righteousness,
themselves
and
soiled
`white' with righteousnessand with admission to a banquet is expressedat 19:8-9, according
12'
Awxo;
is
is
in
difficulty
this
that.
The
Beale.
actually
not
used
correlation
with
to
in
is
banquet
Apocalypse.
Aeuxs
the
the
to
the
context
of
used
admission a
connection with
in the Apocalypse to signify purity and righteousnesssuch as at 3:4-5,18,4: 4, and perhapsat
19:11. At 6:2,11, and perhapsat 7:9,19: 11,14, the word appearsto be associatedwith the
idea of `conquering'. The associationof this word with `righteousness'and `conquering' fits
into
does
however,
Hemer,
too
17.
2:
against
reading
caution,
correctly,
much
the context of
drawing
too close an anology with the
the
the
stone
and
of
of
colour
the symbolism of
128
in
it
is
Revelation.
elsewhere
the
used
as
white
colour
symbolism of
D. Whose Name?
With regardto the backgroundof the

Azvxrv,
in
the
that
matter
seems
crucial
jcpov

inscribed
is
Is
it
the
is
the name of
stone.
upon
the
discussion
question of whose name
the
JesusChrist, or is it the nameof the recipient of the `white stone'? Aune thinks that it is
129
God,
Jesus.
Hemer,
and/or
likely that this passagerefers to the secretname, or namesof
in
has
it
John
both
that
that the name
mind
is
possible
considers
and
though, quite uncertain,
does,
however,
He
indicate
it
is
Christ.
he
title
that
believer
that
belongsto the
of
a
new
and
being
be
the
that
the
of
to
the
person
name
possessing
upon
the
emphasis
primary
perceives

126William M. Ramsay,"Pergamusor Pergamum",in A Dictionary of the Bible, ed. JamesHastings (Edinburgh:

T&T Clark, 1900), p. 751.
In Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 253.
102.
Setting,
Their
Local
in
128
Churches
Seven
p.
ofAsia
Hemer, The Letters to the
129
Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 190.

208

"oos
)
;

130Beale, on the other hand, draws a link between 19:12-16 and 2: 17. He uses
x'v.

fact
knowing
is
for
basis
the
that
this
the
a
name
perspective
more than mere cognitive
as
function. It relates as well to experiential accessto the characterand power that are
is
in
He
by
that
there
the Apocalypse to suggestthat
proposes
nothing
represented a name.
131
he
his
Christ cannot reveal
confidential name to whomever wills.
Beale goeson to note that there is striking verbal parallelism between 2: 17 and 19:12
that points to just such a revelation (... ovoa yeyeauuevov oieis of v

...

voAa

17...,
o
2:
in
both
17;
texts with only the addition of
written
-IA
olev
xatvv ysyeauazYov oaeis
is
idea
`a
having
been
He
17).
2:
this
that
the
of
phrase
general
name
proposes
at
xaivv
Christ
known
knows
The
his
making
except'.
concept
of
one
character or
no
written, which
book
(e.
in
is
found
in
him
believe
7:
3-4132;
9:
4133;
the
those
to
g.
elsewhere
who
cf.
power
14: 1; 14: 3). This would then mean that if Christ's name in 19: 12 is not a secret name known
is
17
2:
be
but
him,
to
then
the
that
to
revealed
others,
name
at
must
something other
one
only
than a secret name for each believer; it must be a name that the whole Christian community
knows together. 134

Fekkes disputesthis view and arguesinsteadthat the purposeof the `new name' on
the kopo;,Ae

has nothing at all to do with empowering the recipient with some form of

`magical protection' or `spiritual power' over their enemies. He notes, rather, that the
for
be
in
`eschaton'
for
there
is
the
the new
would
protection
when
no
need
promise
Jerusalem. He notes that John offers no formula of immunity from either the sword or
is
to remain steadfastin
10),
(13:
that
the
evil
only safeguardagainst spiritual
and
captivity
130
Hemer, "A Study of the Letters to the SevenChurchesof Asia with Special Referenceto Their Local
Background", p. 233.
131Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 257.
'32Rev. 7:3-4 `saying, do not damagethe earth or the seaor the trees,until we seal the servantsof our God
upon
their forehead. And I heard the number of thosehaving been sealed,one hundred forty-four thousand,sealed
out of every tribe of the sonsof Israel.'
133
Rev. 9:4 `And it was said to them in order that they might not damagethe grass of the earth nor any green
thing nor any tree, exceptthe men being without the seal of God upon the forehead.'
134
Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 257.

209

faithfulness to JesusChrist. He indicates that the crux of the argumenthere hinges upon the
term xaivswhich would indicate a future expectation for the fulfillment of the promise in
line with the other things promised to be xarvssuch as the `new heavens',the `new earth',
for
He
Jerusalem'.
`new
the
this with the texts of Isaiah 62:2,135
connects
the
reasoning
and
is
15,136
65:
this
especially the casewith this verse due to its proximity to the
and
and with
16-20.137
65:
of
renewal prophecy
However, Beale is likely correct here and the name of Christ at 19:12 is not a secret
but
is
in
Christ
2:
is
17
known
to
therefore,
the
to
revealed
others;
name
only
not a
name
different secret name for each believer but a name that the whole Christian community
138
This interpretation of the `new name' is consistent with an Armenian
knows together.
final
believers
2:
17
interprets
from
Christ
to
that
the
that
clause
of
will
mean
receive
version
his
in
holiness
`the
the
numbers of the saints who
and
mingle
name
of
writing
with
a stone
hold my name. ' 139According to Similitudes at 1 Enoch 69: 14-19140a secret name is spoken
in
If
hidden
has
the
this
tremendous
used
an
created
world
when
oath.
power
over
of which
is
be
by
to
to
this
the
the
then
open
attached
used
power
name
one
revealed
were
name
knowing the name.

"' Isa. 62:2 `And the nations will seeyour righteousnessand all the kings your glory, and he will call you by a
'
designate.
Yahweh
the
will
of
mouth
new name which
136Isa. 65: 15 `And you will leave your name for a curseto your chosen,and the Lord Yahweh will put you to
death,but to his servantshe will give anothername.'
137Jan Fekkes III, Isaiah and Prophetic Traditions in the Book of Revelation,Journal for the Study of the New
TestamentSeries,93 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994), pp. 129-130.
138Beale, The Book of Revelation,pp. 257-258.
2 (London: Bernard Quarich
139
Apocalypse,
Concerning
Text
Hoskier,
Charles
the
the
in
Herman
vol.
I
of
arm
Ltd., 1929), p. 74.
140`His name was (then) Beqa, and he spoke to Michael to discloseto him his secretname so that he would
in
it
in
he
his
that
order that they shall tremble before it
call
oath
up
an
so
would
memorize this secretnameof
(and)
hidden
the
(then)
to
the
things
all
these
the
He
children
of
people,
revealed
and this power of
the
and
oath.
in
Michael's
itself.
Evil
One
The
hand.
this
These are the
is
it
for
oath
strength
placed
and
this oath,
power
before
by
The
heaven
the
suspended
the creation of the
they
oath:
was
sustained
are
secretsof this oath-and
hidden
from
is
founded
it
the
the
By
forever!
the
places of the mountains come
upon
water;
earth
world; and
beautiful waters, from the beginning of creation; and forever! By that oath, the seawas created; and he put
down for it a foundation of sandwhich cannot be transgressedat a time of its anger, from the beginning of
do
depths
firm;
by
they
And
the
forever!
that
stand
still
and
are
made
oath
not move from their
creation; and
Apocalypse
forever!
'
Isaac,
(Ethiopic
"1
(of
Enoch,
beginning
" p. 48. This
from
creation);
and
of)
the
places
indicating
'secret
in
the
this
this
name'.
power
vein
same
sectioncontinues on

210

MassyngberdeFord notes that to the Jewish people, and to the ancient world at large,
the name of an object or a person,was more than a mere label; it was indicative of an
141
link
Aune
that
the
of
which
was
named.
makes
a
essence,or personality,
essentialpart of
betweenRevelation 2: 17 and 3: 12 where Jesusindicates that he will write on 0 vrxwv...rd
12
Christ
imagery
links
19:
He
this
the
then
appears
under
with
where
of
ovopaaov Toxarvv.
him
in
Beale,
to
upon
a
manner
unknown
name
written
similar
an
with
warrior
a conquering
indicating that the associationof the name of Jesuswith his people is a common thread
implications
following
In
Apocalypse.
the
the
the
section,
of a name
running throughout
fully.
It
be
Revelation
seemsprobable that the
more
explored
will
within the context of
name on the

'42
Jesus.
God,
Azvxi7'v
to
the
and/or
secretname of
refers
jcpov

E. The Power of a Name in the Apocalypse

In the Apocalypse, as in the Jewish scriptures,placing the divine name in a location

in
location,
be
divine
that
those
consequently
and
the
who
will
also
that
presence
means
his
latter-day
his
kingdom.
the
`new
Christ's
presence
and
of
pleasure
name' receive
receive
Even Beale admits that the `magical background' of secret incantational divine names may in
in
the
this
the
true
the
sense
of
contrasting
point,
especially
at
meaning
enhance
some way
143
hard
deities'.
It
`pagan
to
that
Christ
conceive of ancient peoples,
seems
of
with
power of
deity,
in
deity
that
the
the
of
to
of
a
with
power
not,
some way
name
accustomed associating
idea that they are being promised a name that is above all
in
the
this
passage
perceiving

144
fundamental
to
the
term
The
practice
of
what
was
some
out
of
names
as
calling
others.
`magic', and Christianity held the samebelief in the `magical' power of the name of Jesusas

galFord, The Book of Revelation,p. 398.

142
Aune, Revelation 1-5, p. 190.
143
Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 258.
144
Eph. 1:2 1; Phil. 2:9-10.

211

is
by
throughout
the
the
that
the
the
world
ancient
period
of
encompassed
rest
permeated
145
Origen,
Arnold,
Eitrem
Aune.
time
to
the
of
according
and
synoptic gospelsuntil
F. Summary
The imagery of the

)iwwxi5v
is
the subject of an extremely wide and diverse set of
jwv

highly
hypotheses
these
are
speculative
and
a
number
of
are based
proposals,many of which
interpretive
different
from
that
those that
parameters
are
perhaps
preconceived
upon a set of
his
by
held
The
been
the
have
author
and
original
audience.
word
would

is
(po- rarely used

in the context of the New Testamentand in the Greek translations of Jewish scriptures, but it
is widely used in other ancient Greek literature. The diversity of usagein these sources
in
determinitive
background
its
to
to
little
the
conclusion
as
coming
a
of
assistance
provides
2:
17.
Apocalypse
in
the
at
usage
This then leavesopen the field for a very wide and diverse set of proposals as to the
in
for
imagery
Apocalypse.
The
background
the
this
the
main
proposals
probable source of
146
by
headings
Hemer.
A
that
be
number of these
are
proposed
seven
under
can
grouped
imagery
Jewish
to
to
that
those
carefully consider the
attempt
are
related
as
such
proposals
in
link
between
`manna'
the
the
that
some
way
perceives
a
author
and the zjr"jcpov
possibility
)1euxi but none of these proposals provides a satisfactory explanation for this imagery. A
based
for
imagery
Jewish
highly
this
are
source
theories
a
upon
advocating
number of
in
deep
be
to
John
that
that
seated
preconception
rooted
a
appear
connections
speculative
form
imagery
from
drawn
have
outside
some
of orthodox, Jewish
any
upon
would not
background. These commentators set these parameters as preset boundaries in their search
for an interpretive key, thus insuring that their own conceptions of orthodoxy are maintained.

'45Arnold, Power and Magic The Conceptof Power in Ephesians,p. 54; Eitrem, SomeNotes on the
Demonologyin the New Testament,p. 31; Aune, "Magic in Early Christianity," pp. 1546-1547.
1'6Hemer, The Letters to the SevenChurchesofAsia in Their Local Setting, pp. 94-96.

212

There are a number of proposalsregarding a variety of imagesdrawn from the

background of the people living in Asia Minor (i. e., judicial vote for acquittal, a token of
discharge,
token
an allusion to a
a
of
gladiatorial
admission, membershipor recognition,
in
1s`
C.
E.
do
demonstrate
into
Asklepios)
initiation
the
that
the
century
of
service
processof
have
however,
difficulties
These
17.
2:
to
each
significant
proposals,
some similarities
information,
the
them,
that
them
of
with
current
state
unsuitable as
make
associatedwith
behind
John's
imagery
for
the
composition.
sources
Even outside of the group that seemsdeterminedto find a solution to the contextual
background for the

be
Aeuxl'v
from
bias
17
Jewish
2:
there
to
seems
sources,
a
clear
of
jc ov

by
is
designated
beyond
be
in
the
that
the pale of
that
some
area
as
might
against any solution
designate
`magical'
For
in
being
by
the
that
practices.
as
some,
some
an
arena
possibility
develops
his
imagery
he
`white
is
in
John
the
the
of
as
mind
of
amulet
question of whether an
is
hinges
the
is
written
name
upon
upon
whose
primarily
which
a
question
stone',
)Fvx,q'v. If the name is that of the believer the notion is that the

jc ov

Aevxi
jcpov
v cannot be a

Christ,
is
God,
is
but
if
the
then
this
the
that
the
risen
of
or
of
to
name
amulet,
an
reference
background.
probable

The most promising backgroundfor the imagery used by John in Revelation 2: 17 is

have
background
imagery
Such
that
would
provided comfort,
provides a
that of an amulet.
John
feeling
If
has
for
independence
imagery
those
used
vulnerable.
such
assurance,and an
in a positive fashion, it is important for interpretersof the Apocalypse to re-evaluatetheir
Christians
their
how
John
perceived
conflict with what
early
other
and
perceptionsregarding
he,
his
definition
John's
Perhaps
`magic'.
and
what
of
audience,would
somewould term as
haveconsideredto be `magic' differs markedly from the stereotypical views that are often
displayedin the commentsof modem interpretersof the Apocalypse? It appearsthat
items
have
his
John
normally associatedwith
perceived
audience,would
nor
perhaps,neither

213

items
because
Such
their
of
associations.
and
unacceptablepractices,as offlimits simply
because
been
have
they
were perceived to expect
of
as
unacceptable
conceived
practicesmay
In
from
that
other words, the sourceof the
objectionable.
considered
was
a source
assistance
for
important
is
the
than
mechanism
accessingthat power or assurance.
assistance more

214

11. Angel Standing in the Sun

A. Introduction
At Revelation 19: 17 the phrase xai zRov Eva 'yeAov eo-rTaFv rC, jAmp is used by the

'
is
highly
The
for
this
introduce
use
to
report.
of
phrase
vision
unusual,
and
a
new
author
this reason should invoke some level of interest. The vision is of an `angel' standing `in' or
`on' the sun, calling to the birds in midheaven', which is imagery that presentssigns of
`birds'
`wild
feast
17-20
39:
Ezekiel
the
to
animals'
and
are
called
where
upon
similarity with
In
Ezekiel
`princes
`the
Lord
God'
`the
the
blood
the
earth'.
flesh
of
and
mighty',
the
of
and
(1111' ']ZX) is the one speakingto the creaturesand calling them to the feast, yet in the
Apocalypse, it is this mysterious figure of an angel `standing in the sun'. Bauckham, along
imagery
is
drawing
Ezekiel
here
John
the
that
the
upon
host
of
opinion
are
of
of others
with a
2
differences.
There are, however, those who relate the
in chapter 19, despitethe noticeable
`magical'
type
here
practice.
to
of
some
usage
B. Survey of Commentators on Revelation 19:17
Fva
eo,
idea
iv
`original
indicates
the
that
Charles
underlying xai ei?ov
ayyeAov rika
rid
'5AIi is unknown' and he gives as a possible explanation the idea that the angel is using the
from
deliver
in
`midheaven'
to
the summons
the
which
as
a
platform
sun
central position of
3
is
in
is,
indication
`standing
The
the
that
sun'
a good vantagepoint
birds
to the
of prey.

' David E. Aune, Revelation 17-22, Word Biblical CommentarySeries,vol. 52c (Nashville: Thomas Nelson
Publishers,1998), p. 1063.
2Richard Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993), pp. 208-09, G. R. BeasleyMarshall,
(London:
Morgan & Scott
Series
Commentary
Bible
Century
New
The
Murray, Revelation,
Commentary
Interpretation
Series
Revelation,
(Louisville
Boring,
Eugene
M.
282,
1983),
Publishing Ltd.,
p.
KY: John Knox Press,1989),p. 200, G. B. Caird, The Revelation of St. John the Divine, Black's New Testament
CommentarySeries (London: Adam & CharlesBlack, 1966), p. 247, R. 11.Charles,A Critical and Exegetical
Commentaryon the Revelationof St. John, vol. 2, The International Critical CommentarySeries (Edinburgh: T
Series,
Sacra
Pagina
Revelation,
J.
Harrington,
Wilfrid
138,
vol. 16 (Collegeville MN:
1989),
&T Clark,
p.
The Liturgical Press,1993),p. 191, Mitchell G. Reddish,Revelation,Smyth & Helwys CommentarySeries
Stefanovic,
Revelation
2001),
370,
Ranko
Inc.,
Publishing
Helwys
&
p.
Smyth
GA:
ofJesus Christ
(Macon
(Berrien Springs MI: Andrews University Press,2002), p. 554, Robert L. Thomas, Revelation 8-22 an
Exegetical Commentary(Chicago: Moody Press,1995), p. 393.
3Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon the Revelation of St. John, vol. 2, p. 138.

215

from which to deliver the invitation to the birds of the air to come to the feast. Aune, on the
in
`magical'
Sepher
Ha-Razim
hand,
there
that
preserved
are
several
procedures
notes
other
4.31-674that allow the `magician' to seethe angel of the sun. Without theseprocedures,this
5
insinuates
bright
Aune
by
thus
is
the
that this passagemay
the
rays
of
sun.
angel concealed
in some way be related to `magical' practice, so that John's description of the angel in this
form
Another
is
`magic'.
of
polemic
against
perspective
put
some
context constitutes
forward by Beasley-Murray.

He first notes that at 8: 13 an eagle is depicted as flying in

be able to hear its cry.

to
the
(midheaven)
this
that
earth
allows
entire
and
/awo-ovgaYVjza
Similar to Charles, he then links 19: 17 with 8: 13, suggesting that the same reasoning applies

6
depicts
Boll,
the
this angel as standing
that
author
to both passages.
alternatively, suggests
in the sun primarily for literary effect and he finds a connection betweenthe eagle and the
Syrian
bases
He
this
tradition
the
`messenger
(as
an
ancient
upon
according to
sun').
of
sun
in
for
(=angel)
deliver
his
be
the
to
the
to
it
stand
on
sun
eagle
order
appropriate
which would
7
message.
To turn for a moment to the issue of an angel being associated with the sun: Aune
he
Sepher
the
in
Jewish
tradition,
with
sun
are
closely
associated
and
angels
cites
that
notes
9
(W13W)
is
is
`Sun'
Ha-Razim 2.148 -151,8 where an angel whose name
mentioned. Loisy
in
Sepher
Ha-Razim,
the
it
is
the
the
angel
of
as
sun
such
that
angel,
who speaks
an
suggests

4Mordecai Margalioth, ed., SepherHa-Razim (Jerusalem:Louis M. and Minnie Epstein Fund of the American
Academy for Jewish Research,1966), PP. 97-99.
s Aune, Revelation 17-22, P. 1063.
6Beasley-Murray, Revelation, 159,282.
7Aune, Revelation 17-22, P. 1063,Franz Boll, Aus Der OffenbarungJohannis, Stoichela: Studien Zur
1(Leipzig:
Heft
Griechischen
Wissenschaft;
Druck und Verlag B.
Der
Und
Weltbildes
Antiken
GeschichteDes
G. Teubner, 1914), PP. 38-39.
8 `I beseechthee 0 great angel who art called "sun," who ascendthe stepsof the firmament, who watch the
before
bring
King
the
Kings
kings,
words
my
and
will
request
of
that
my
perform
of
will
you
children of men,
N
N,
is
in
I
He,
be
the
son
of
to
of
trouble and has a
who
Blessed
case
concerning
One)
pray
(Holy
whom
the
bad case ' Michael A. Morgan, "SepherHa-Razim", in Textsand Translations 25 PseudepigraphaSeries 11
...
(Chico CA: ScholarsPress,1983), P. 56.
9Aune, Revelation 17-22, P. 1063. W73W UNIPI151Tai1 'jx513i1(`the great angel called the sun'),
Margalioth, ed., SepherHa-Razim, p. 89.

216

to the birds of the air in 19: 17.10 The `angel of the sun' is also mentioned in Hekhalot
tradition in: 3 Enoch (5`hto 5t' century C. E. ) 14:4,11and at 17:4 `Galagall'el, the Prince, who
is in charge of the orb of sun, and with him are 96 angels, mighty and honored, who make the
12
s`
day.
Raqia'
'
In
3
Baruch
365,000
(1
through
to 3`d century
every
parasangs
sun's orb run
C.E. ) 6: 1-3 the sun is described as a man sitting upon a chariot `wearing a fiery crown' and
13
by
2 Enoch 11:4 also makes mention of the `sun's
`forty
the chariot is pulled along
angels'.
14
fire'
In
Sepher
Ha-Razim
`100
4: 8-9 it
that
the
accompany
on
sun.
angels
chariot' and
is
lovely
bridal
firmament
filled
(fourth)
light
the
the
`Within
the
chamber
of
sun,
with
reads:
him
fire,
(the
lead
him
The
surround
girded
strength,
of
with
sun)
angels
and
and all aflame.
15
'
during the day.

If the issueof this `angel of the sun' relatesto problems that John either foresees
becoming prominent or are already of some considerableconcern to him, then in using this
imagery in the way that he doeshe can draw attention to his perceptions. This would then
demonstrates
in
issue
Jesus
Christ
the
that
him
this
authority
to
of
a
manner
address
allow
interest
beliefs.
There
in
`angelic
lending
to
was
an
such
credence
any
without actually
beings' within the context of Jewish writings that may have been a matter of concern for
John as noted in the sourcescited above. Writings that are from a time later than the 1`
beings'
interest
in
`angelic
interest
indicate
in
E.
C.
and
pronounced
even
a
very
an
century
for
benefit.
beings
In
Christian
one's
own
some
such
groups, such as the
the manipulation of
10Alfred Loisy, L'apocalypse De Jean (Paris: Minerva GMBH, 1972), p. 343.
11'These are the namesof the princes who guide the world: Galgalli'el, who is in charge of the orb of the
...
in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,
Enoch",
Apocalypse
(Hebrew
"3
Alexander,
trans.
S.
of)
'
P.
ed.,
sun;...
York:
Doubleday,
(New
Reference
Library
1983),
Bible
Anchor
The
Charlesworth,
H.
James
pp. 266-267.
ed.
12Alexander, "3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of) Enoch", pp. 266-269.
136: 1 `And taking me, he led me where the sun goes forth. 2 And he showedme a chariot drawn by four horses
fiery
The
it.
And
drawn
by
forty
the
crown.
a
chariot
fire
sat
a
chariot
man
wearing
upon
was
and
underneath
large
3
before
And
I
bird
the
behold,
mountains.
sun,
as
nine
And
as
along
runs
said to the angel,
a
angels.
"What is this bird?" And he said to me, "This is the guardian of the world. " H. E. Gaylord, trans. and ed., "3
(Greek Apocalypse of) Baruch," in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,ed. JamesH. Charlesworth, The
Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday, 1983),p. 669.

14F. I. Andersen,trans.anded.,"2 (SlavonicApocalypseof) Enoch," in TheOld Testament

Pseudepigrapha,
York:
(New
Doubleday,
Reference
Library
The
Anchor
Bible
1983),
Charlesworth,
H.
James
p. 120,Rec.
ed.
FJj.
3Morgan, "SepherHa-Razim", p. 67.

217

Testament
Solomon
Christ
be
the
to
that
edited
of
and
appears
preserved
relegatedto a
one
16
is
Such
is
the
that
a
position
antithetical to the position put
angels.
on a par with
position
forward by John in the Apocalypse. At 19:10 John indicates a sensitivity to the issue of
`Angel Worship' by commandingJohn not to worship him, but to only worship God. The
Hekhalot literature and other Jewish literature mentioned above indicate an extraordinary
interest in angels,an interest that may well have beenunacceptableto some within the
context of Judaism.
In Luke's Gospel,Jesusis quoted as saying that `there will be signs in the sun' (kai
Fv
Fo-ovraio?)Eia

17
his
at the time of
return. This section is closely associatedwith the

it
is
19:
17,
Revelation
`angel
to
Christ,
that
and
seems
plausible
propose
as
an
of
return
`sign'.
Beale
that
the
in
notes
the
a
well
qualify
as
angelic appearance
might
sun'
standing
in
in
fashioned
language
formula
19:
17
have
the
introductory
same
are
used
the
and
a
and
formula
1
18:
this
that
type
in
the
deal
used
at
and
of angelic appearance
with
common
great
in
Apocalypse.
the
introductory
used
elsewhere
proclamation are not
and

19:17

18: 1-2
!
ETov

yyzAov
ov

xai
...

ecpcvziaqex i-Ic 1S avzou, xai Fxpa4sv

Fv jatvey tpwvo1lEywv(" I saw another
illumined
the
was
earth
angel ... and
from his glory, and he cried out in a
great voice, saying")

Fva
y-pAov
eo-rwra
ev Tip 'Amp xai
Fhov
ixeaEvfev] cpcwvvyaV Azytov ("I saw
,
one angel who was standing in the sun,
in
he
out
a great voice,
cried
and

saying")

16Clinton E. Arnold, The ColossianSyncretism(Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books, 1996), pp. 239-40, Chester
1922),
(Leipzig:
J.
C.
Hinrichs',
50.
Solomon
Testament
The
p.
McCown,
of
Charlton
17Lk. 21:25 (without parallel in the Synoptic gospel traditions).

218

The unique verbal resemblance between these two points of introduction

suggest,
intention
Beale,
to
to correlate them. The likelihood that such a correlation is
according
an
intended is enhanced by the fact that each is directly followed by an announcement
of
judgement,

which is associated with birds (cf. 18:2 and 19: 17b). 1

It might rightly be askedwhether there is not some greater significance to the image
is
`angel'
45Aios
17
19:
than
that
the
the
using
as a platform for this great proclamation. The
at
is
sun not normally a place associatedwith prophecy or as a proclamation point for angelic
beings. If the author of Revelation is troubled by practices associatedwith `magic' as has
been suggestedby Aune,2 someconsiderationshould be given to the idea that the Greek deity
Helios is often referred to in the Greek Magical Papyri at IV. 1167-1226,IV. 1928-2005,
VII. 1017-1026, XIII. 254-261. Some of thesetexts such as XIII. 254-261 are unmistakably of
Jewish background, and it is to be noted that a Greek prayer is transliterated into Hebrew in a
formulaic fashion that is very much reminiscent of `magical spells' in SepherHa-Razim.3
This could perhapsindicate a borrowing of ideasand conceptsfrom Hellenistic sourcesby
is
identified
Helios
Judaism.
in
this text. One difficulty with
as
an
archangel
within
some
this evidence is that according to Alexander, SepherHa-Razim cannot have been composed
before 312 C.E. and it is even likely that it was not composedbefore the end of the 4`h
4
This
E.
C.
raisesthe question of whether the traditions presentin texts such as
century
Sepher Ha-Razim and the Greek Magical Papyri have traditional roots that could extend into
late
I"
C.
E.
An exploration of how the sun was perceived in
the
as
century
a period as early
the ancient world could provide somevaluable insight into this question.

' G. K. Beale, The Book of Revelation, TheNew International Greek TestamentCommentarySeries (Grand
Rapids MI: William B. EerdmansPublishing Co., 1999), pp. 964-65.
2 David E. Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", New TestamentStudies 33
(1987): p. 494.
3 Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells, p. 179. N. 64, Margalioth,
ed.,
Sepher Ha-Razim, pp. 12,99, Morgan, "SepherHa-Razim," p. 71 N. 21.
' P. S. Alexander, "Incantations and Books of Magic", pp. 34849.

219

In order to unravel the meaning of a given text it is first important to have an

background,
Hellenistic
Jewish
both
begin
the
the
to
to
environment
and
of
understanding
influences
have
been
by
in
how
together
two
the
those
cultural
woven
author
understand
facets
his
Both
to
the
audience.
to
perspective
of the cultural processare
convey
order
hope
intended
have
if
the
to
any
of
unravelling
meaning of a text with all of
are
essential we
its subtle nuancesand cultural inflections. Yarbro Collins has producedan approachto
Revelation which intimates the necessityof balancing any treatmentof the background of the
Apocalypse betweenthe Jewish and Hellenistic traditions. It is her thesis that the actual
in
interpretation
but
that
the
behind
that
the
of
will
assist
passage,
passage
a
situation
is one that is createdby a `... complex interaction of
Apocalypse
behind
the
situation
inherited tradition and environment. It is true that an apocalyptic work reflects elementsof
identified,
but
its
is
these
tradition
author
primarily
with
which
reflections are
the religious
the
thought-worlds
the
of
other
of
ethnic,
through
experience
author's
or cultural
modified
'S
his
in
environment.
groups
C. The Ancient Near Eastern Background

There is a long and widespreadhistory of the sun being regardedas a deity acrossthe
Khepri,
by
Re,
Atum, Aton,
In
Egypt
East.
the
Near
as
went
such
names
sun
god
Ancient
judge,
described
In
this
all-knowing
as
creator,
and
all-seeing.
Amon-Re,
god
was
where
and
Utu)
(Sumerian
justice,
the
Shamash
as
was
widely
worshipped
the
patron
of
Mesopotamia,
downtrodden.
The
existence
those
and
of
maltreated
were
who
protected
who
god
(a
Beth-shemesh
in
Jewish
the
pre-Israelite
scripturessuch as
topographical names
'
from
Palestinian
is
date.
If
indicate
there
soil
that
on
an
sun
cult
present
early
a
settlement)
inscription
E.
from
C.
for
B.
Lachish
12th
Puech
is
century
a
of
the proposed restoration
s Adela Yarbro Collins, "The History-of-Religions Approach to Apocalypticism and the "Angel of the Waters"
(1977):
367-81.
39
Quarterly
Biblical
Catholic
The
pp.
"
(Rev 16:4-7),
Noel Freedman(New York:
David
Dictionary,
in
Bible
The
Anchor
"Sun",
ed.
Toorn,
der
Karel van
Doubleday, 1992), pp. 237-39.

220

is
7
for
in
$m.
there
temple
Iron
Age
Palestine.
epigraphical
evidence
also
a
correct
of
early
The Nabataeans are reportedto have worshipped the sun, building an altar on top of the
house where they poured out libations daily and burned frankincense.8 In Syria sun worship
increased steadily throughout Greek and Roman times.
D. A Jewish Context for Sun Worship and Angel Adoration

Taking into considerationthe popularity of the solar cult acrossthe Ancient Near East
its absence amongstthe Jewish population would be truly incredible. The prophets of the
`Yahweh-alone party' complain about the practice of worshipping the `whole host of
I
10
document
Israel's
heaven' and
the practicer as existing amongsttheir people.12
recorders
Moreover, a number of polemical referencesindicate that accusationsof such a practice were
(Deuteronomy
4:
19;
17:
3;
Jeremiah
these
8:2; Job
amongst
people
absent
not
certainly
31:26-28). Furthermore,we may note that the `Josianic Reform' was directed against the
23:
1113).
Kings
The
(2
Josiah,
just
before
the
reforms
of
which
occurred
sun
the
of
cult
Babylonian exile, were short-lived. Ezekiel witnesseda sceneof priests worshipping the sun
in the courtyard of the temple (Ezekiel 8: 1614).Worship of the sun is also attestedby
15
Palestinian sealsof the monarchic period.

7 Emil Puech, "Origine De L'alphabet", RevueBiblique 93 (1986): pp. 180-82.

= Strabo, Geography 16.4.26.

9 Henri Seyrig, "Le Culte Du Soleil En Syrie A L'6poque Romaine", Syria: Revue D'art Oriental
et
D'archeologie 48 (1971): pp. 337-73.

1Jer. 19: 13. Zeph. 1:5.

12 Kgs. 21: 3. `And he rebuilt the high placeswhich his father Ilezekiah destroyedand he erected altars to
Baal and made an Asherah as King Ahab of Israel had made and he worshipped all the host of heavenand
&v4ut
has
I
Greek
Note
'
translation
the
the
that
phrase
oevnmo'
irpooaex'v'
rouuo'Qavov".
served them.
12Morton Smith, "Helios in Palestine," Eretz-Israel 16 (1982): pp. 199-214.
132 Kgs 23: 11 `And he removed the horseswhich the king of Judahhad dedicatedto the sun at the entranceto
in
by
Nathan-melek,
Yahweh
the
the
the court of the temple, and
was
chamber
of
eunuch,
which
the temple of
fire.
'
he
burned
the
with
sun
the chariot of
14Ezek. 8: 16 `And he causedme to come to the inner court of the temple of Yahweh and behold, at the entrance,
between the porch and the altar were about twenty-five men with their backsto the temple of Yahweh and
facing eastward, and they bowed down to the sun.' The Greek translation of this passagehas nQooxvvocn
#To
15N. Avigad, "win", in EncyclopaediaBiblica (Yerushalayim: Instituti Byalik, 1958), pp. 68-86. esp. pl. 3,
Stanley A. Cook, The Religion ofAncient Palestine in the Light ofArchaeology (London: Published for the
British Academy by Oxford University Press,1930), pp. 49-53 and pls. VI-IX, X11,XIII, XV. Even after the
Exile, some, such as van der Toorn consider sun worship to be one of the pagancults that was popular among

221

In Daniel 3: 62 of the early Greek translation of the Jewish scriptures the sun and the
16
Greek
God.
In
Malachi
3:
20
translation
the
to
of
early
of
praise
upon
called
are
moon
Jewish scriptures the promise of salvation to God's people is said to be rd voAa4aou?llios
ixatoovyw xai mat; e'vtar"; rrreevrvavzov. This, according to Rudolph, helps to explain why a
in
found
has
been
the
the
the
the
remains
of
synagogue at
planets
and
sun
of
mosaic
'?
Levine dates the synagogue to the 4th century C. E. and indicates that
Hammath-Tiberius.
is
is
due
that
this
to the publication
this
and
notes
complicated,
partly
symbol
the meaning of
'8
Helios.
The sun god along with his
features
Ha-Razim
to
the
that
Sepher
angel
a
prayer
of
in
feature
is
the
art of synagogue mosaics and may represent a
common
a
chariot
19
in
liturgical
from
Roman
the synagogues.
calendar
development
art that came to represent a
Morton Smith is also of the opinion that the Temple Scroll20 furnishes evidence that the Dead
21
Sea sect worshipped the sun. This, I assume, is due to the fact that he deems they held this
by
fact
it
despite
Taylor
this
in
the
that
composed
actually
was
not
group.
esteem
some
scroll
has an extended monograph on the subject of biblical and archaeological evidence for the
22
for
is
Taylor
in
Though
Israel.
that
the
proven
all
not
the
case
sets
sun ancient
worship of
indicate
has
been
his
that
there
to
the
would
certainly
seem
monograph
to
establish,
out
from
Jews
the
the
through
period
to
all
pre-exilic
way
worship
amongst
sun
of
accusation
times.
rabbinic
early
Jews, (Philo, Spec.Leg. 111. cf. Maimonides, Mishneh Tora, Seper HaJla'a, Shebu'ot xii 3). Toorn, "Sun," p.
238.
16

ebAor

TB,

'kor

xai o-eAivv, Tv xvetov....

17Kurt Rudolph and Trans. Dennis Martin, "Zielios", in TheAnchor Bible Dictionary (New York: Doubleday,
1992), pp. 123-25.
18Lee I. Levine, TheAncient Synagogue(New Haven CT: Yale University Press,2000), pp. 572-75. `I Ioly
(witness),
leader
in
trustworthy
the
the
sun's
rays,
reliable
who of old
of
good
mariner,
east,
Helios who rises
heaven),
(of
brilliant
heavens),
holy
Lord,
(of
the
the
the
of
axis
the
order,
wheel
ruler
mighty
didst establish
Leader, King, Soldier. I, N son of N, presentmy supplication before you, that you will appearto me without
(causing me) fear, and you will be revealedto me without causing me terror, and you will concealnothing from
desire.
'
I
Morgan,
Zia-Razim",
71.
"Sepher
that
truthfully
p.
tell
all
me
me and will
19Rachel Hachlili, "The Zodiac in Ancient Jewish Art: Representationand Significance", Bulletin of the
228
(1977):
61-77.
Research
Oriental
Schools
pp.
of
American
20Yigael Yadin, The TempleScroll, vol. 1-3 (Israel: Israel Exploration Society, 1977-1983).
21Morton Smith, "The Caseof the Gilded Staircase",Biblical Archaeology Review 10 (1984): pp. 50-55.
22J. Glen Taylor, Yahwehand the Sun, Journal for the Study of the Old TestamentSeries, 111 (Sheffield: JSOT
Press, 1993).

222

Other authors also indicate that they find solar elementsin the worship of the
3
Jerusalem temple. Philo ascribessun-worship to the Therapeutae24
and Josephuswrites in a
25
Josephus
Essenes.
Essenes
description
to
in
his
the
the
that
goes
on
say
of
of
vein
similar
is
deep
foot
hatchet
dig
the
the
`...
trench
a
mattock
such
nature
with
of
a
which they
they
a
their
them,
that they may not offend
the
to
mantle
about
and
wrapping
neophytes
present
the rays of the deity, sit above it. '26 Moving on, Smith remarks that the only gods one goes
from
i.
those
that
that
to
visible
vantage
are
point, e. heavenitself, and
to the roof worship are
likely
have
been
have
been
The
bodies.
the
to
to
most
sun
seems
worshipped by
the celestial
27
it
However,
Smith.
Morton
to
Qumran
seemsprobable that
the
community according
in
is
It
this
Morton overstates
caseconsiderably.
of note a different vein that Scholem
between
Qumran
the
traditions
that
the
termed
are
and
often
material
as
similarities
observes
8
books.
Smith discernsthat such materials must have played roles
`magical' in the Hekhalot
29
development.
in
the
importance
sect's
of
It is the case that `angels' or `spirits were often thought of as being in charge of
indicates
in
`sun'
Knibb
to
the
that
this
applies
reasoning
and
various created elements30
1
in
is
Isaiah,
`angel
Ascension
In
the
there
the
of
sun'
a passage that has
Revelation.
of
an

23F. J. Hollis, TheArchaeology of Herod's Temple(London: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1934), pp. 125,32-39,
209, F. J. Hollis, "The Sun Cult and the Temple at Jerusalem", in Myth and Ritual.. Essayson the Myth and
Ritual of the Hebrews in Relation to the Culture Pattern of the Ancient East, ed. S. 11.l Tooke(London: Oxford
University Press, 1933),pp. 87-110, Julian Morgenstern, "The Book of the Covenant", Hebrew Union College
Annual 5 (1928): pp. 1-151,Julian Morgenstern, "The Gatesof Righteousness",Hebrew Union College Annual
6 (1929): pp. 1-37.
24Philo, ContemplativeLife: 89.
25Josephus,TheJewish War II: 128-129.
26Josephus,TheJewish War II: 148. Thackeray indicates in the footnote that 'the deity' is a referenceto 'the
in The Loeb Classical Library series, vol. 203
"Josephus,
Jewish
War
I-11",
Books
Thackeray,
J.
the
St.
H.
sun'.
(Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press,1997), p. 379.
27Smith, "Helios in Palestine",pp. 199-214.
29Gershom G. Scholem,Jewish Gnosticism,Mekabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition (New York: The
Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1960), pp. 16-19,29-30,48.
29Smith, "Helios in Palestine," p. 199.
301 Enoch 60: 12-22; 65:8; 75: 1ff.; 80: 1 ff.; 82: 10 ff.; 2 Enoch 19:1-4;Jub. 2:2; Sibylline Oracles 7:33 ff.
31M. A. Knibb, trans. and ed., "Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah," in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,
York:
(New
Doubleday,
162.
1985),
Charlesworth
H.
James
p.
ed.

223

32
be
21:
6
(Syriac)
2
Baruch
In
Apocalypse.
there
the
may
an
striking similarities with
indication of a similar belief expressedregarding beings who are involved in the rule of God
33
beings
fire'.
More
`flame
being
generally,
angelic
play a
and
constituted of
and as
Ascension
Isaiah,
2
Judeo-Christian
in
the
such
as
writings
of
of
prominent role a number
34
Enoch, and Jubilees. The writer of Colossiansrefers to the worship of angels35in a way
belief
held
living
Jews
the
led
that
there
has
to
the
such
a
among
at
was
view
some
that
36
Colossae
However, Stuckenbruckdeals with this issue in some detail and concludes that it may
indicate
is
first
There
it
to
that
there
be
evidence
substantive
appear.
may
as
simple
as
not
for
Colossae,
that
that
Jewish
matter,
venerated
else
angels
or
anywhere
at
sect
some
not
was
in
during
be
the
period which Colossianswas
in a way that could construedas worship
indicate
Colossae
forward
that
the
the
to
He
at
may
problem
an
view
goeson put
written.
'
`humility
within
experienced
a
was
visionary
angels,
worship
of
which
and
on
emphasis
7
is
indeed
it
If
heavenly
the
this
case,
the
would
perhaps
they
realms.
entered
while
medium
imagery
links
he
indicated
has
this
Aune
to texts such as
form a connection with what
when
38
knowledge
local
indicates
hand,
that
Arnold,
the
the
Ha-Razim.
of
other
cults of
on
Sepher
issue
being
in
the
the
is
of
nature
understanding
addressed
clear
of
gaining
a
Colossae crucial

32Ascen. Isa. 4: 18. `The the voice of the Beloved will reprove in anger this heaven,and this earth, and the
desert,
hills,
the angel of the sun, and that of the
the
the
trees,
the
and
the
and
and
cities,
and
and
mountains,
in
There
be
has
Beliar
this
world.
that
will
and
acted
openly
a resurrection and
appeared
moon, and everywhere
from
f
him,
it
Beloved
to
days,
in
the
rise
in
ire
and
those
cause
will
will
consumeall
and
their
judgment
midst
a
"Martyrdom
'
Knibb,
Ascension
been
had
if
become
they
and
of
created.
they
not
as
will
the impious, and
Ascen.
Isa
Revelation,
between
by
There
and
as
noted,
162.
of
resonances
number
"
course,
a
are,
of
Isaiah, p.
in
Isaiah",
The
Jewish
Roots
in
Ascension
Monotheism
"Worship
the
of
of
Stuckenbruck,
and
Loren
Gladys
S.
Lewis,
Supplements
R.
Davila,
C.
Newman,
James
Carey
and
to the
Monotheism,
ed.
Christological
1999),
70-89.
Brill,
63
(Leiden:
E.
J.
Series,
Study
pp.
for
vol.
the
ofJudaism
Journal
332 Apoc. Bar. 21:6.
34A. Lukyn Williams, "The Cult of the Angels at Colossae", TheJournal of Theological Studies 10 (1909): pp.
413-38.
33Col. 2: 18.
36Williams, "The Cult of the Angels at Colossae," pp. 413-38.
37Loren T. Stuckenbruck,Angel Venerationand Christology, WissenschaflicheUntersuchungenZum Neuen
111.19.
1995),
(Tbingen:
J.
C.
B.
Mohr
(Paul
Siebeck),
70
2.
Reihe;
pp.
Testament38Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1063.

224

in Colossians, and he perceivessyncretism and `magical' practice as likely to be contributing

39
in
Colossians.
factors to the problems addressed
It seemscertain that there either is concern on the part of Paul that some within his
in
he
found
to
engage
or
potentially,
going
activities,
already,
which
were
audience
yy
lwv.
&pqoxxeiq
issue
included
The
this
may relate to some form of
and
T
ii
unacceptable,
finds
This
is
Paul
tendency
toward
that
unacceptable.
syncretism
a phenomenon
syncretism
40
documented
Asia
Minor.
There may have also
been
the
has
within
communities of
that
been concern, on the part of John, that such a syncretism would take place within the
Christian communities of Asia Minor that he addresses.Just the fact that accusationsof such
be
John
have
in
to
that
the
to
sufficient
concerns
would
explain
appears
existed
syncretism
Jesus'
Revelation
Hurtado
`that
the
Apocalypse.
of
says
of
presentation
exalted status is
the
heavenly
first-century
in
Christian
the
Jesus
texts
particular,
worship
among
of
unexcelled
...
is the author's way of claiming the highest validity for the reverenceof Jesus.'41
The emphasisis such that Jesusis elevatedto a position that is worthy of worship, but
Christ
be
is
to
to
the
to
than
risen
and to God: any
afforded no one other
this elevation
beings'
`angelic
is resoundingly
to
that
possibly
exist
elevate,
might
particularly,
tendency
is
issue
for
`worship'
Apocalypse
The
is
the
the
of
of
a
concern
author
as
repudiated.
42
fact
he
24
by
that usesthe term npoa-xvvew times On two separate
demonstrated the
his
`worship'
John
the
apprehension
regarding
of
marks
possibility
of an angelic
occasions
43
do
by
`worship
God'.
The word
that')
being ('you must not
giving the clear commandto
down
it
does
`bow
have
`to
3:
(irpooxvve(v)
9,44
to'
but
John
the
by
as
can
meaning
of
at
used

39Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism,pp. 107-09.

40Clinton E. Arnold, Power and Magic (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books, 1997), p. 24.
41Larry W. Hurtado, Lord JesusChrist Devotion to Jesusin Earliest Christianity (Grand Rapids MI: William B.
EerdmansPublishing Co., 2003), p. 594.
42Rev. 3:9; 4: 10; 5: 14; 7: 11; 9:20; 11:1,16; 13:4,8,12,15; 14:7,9,11; 15:4; 16:2; 19:4,10,20; 20:4; 22:8,9.
43Rev. 19:10; 22:9.
"This is an allusion to Isa. 60: 14 and perhapsalso to 49:23. David E. Aune, Revelation 1-5, The Word Biblical
CommentarySeries,vol. 52 (Dallas TX: Word Books, Publisher, 1997),p. 237.

225

in
it
is
Apocalypse
designating
the
the
time
term
used
as
a
of
most
an act that is only an
God
to
or to the risen Christ as when John prostrateshimself before the
appropriate response
angel at 19:10 and 22:9.
E. Greek and Roman History of Helios

In Greece,the sun was an object of only marginal veneration though it did enjoy
45
6
life
is
Socrates
have
to
said
offered a prayer to the sun. The
respect as a symbol of
Greeks were aware that the sun was an object of worship for those whom they deemedto be
47
An accountof the origin of the god Helios is given in the Homeric Hymn to
barbarians
Helios where a description is given of his appearanceand some of his attributes. The
function of the sun-god,for the Greekswas primarily as a witness to oaths48and as a patron
49
in
law
The
justice
the
a
manner
characteristic
of
ancient
east.
universal presenceof
and
of
the sun brings the promise of protection and security. Offerings were accompaniedby prayer
50
to Zeus, the earth, and the sun. According to Aeschylus, the sun is the all-seeing witness to
5'
the trials of Prometheus. The sun was also a god associatedwith healing, especially
52
blindness
blindness,
The
and
could
also
send
as
a
penalty.
cult of Helios came to
regarding
be associatedespecially with the island of Rhodes,where it is said that this land was allotted
to him as his shareof the lands of the earth and he took a bride of the nymphs and had
53
island.
children that ruled over cities on the
A temple to the sun was found on the island and `sun festivals' were held there with
festivities.
the
There was an
sacrifices,
processions
and
as
part
of
competitions,
games,
interest
in
influence
the
the
of oriental sun worship and
sun
of
greater
under
emergence
,s Rudolph and Martin, "Helios", p. 123.
" Plato, Symposium 220d.

47Plato, Laws, 10.887e;Cratylus 397c-d.

48l lomer, Iliad 3.279.
49Rudolph and Martin, "Helios", p. 123.
soHomer, Iliad 3.267-286.
31Aeschylus, PrometheusBound 5.88ff.
52Rudolph and Martin, "Helios", p. 123.
Pindar, Olympian Odes7.

226

ideas
in
hand,
(especially
Stoicism)
the
teachings
one
and
new
philosophical
on
astrological
be
deities
hand.
Helios
to
to
regarded
as
equal
a
number
of
other
came
such as
the
other
on
Apollo who was an oriental sun-god,along with Pluto, Dionysos, Sarapisand Mithras. The
larger
in
Rudolph
began
to
role
popular
religion
and
a
much
especially notes an
play
sun-god
2d
Ist
In
`magical'
the
texts.
the
there
centuries
of
and
new
era,
was a
with
association
`solarization'
taking
the
the
sun
with
a
sort
of
place
among
of
gods with
veneration
growing
Apollo and Dionysos coming to be associatedwith Helios. The Roman emperorsbeganto
(37-41
C.
E.
)
Caligula
Nero
(54-68
E.
),
C.
then
Sun'
titles
`New
to
their
with
starting
who
add
he
in
his
front
first
the
had
to
the
and
minted
palace
of
coins
sun
placed
a statue
even
54
by
image
the
the
sun.
emperor
crowned
rays
of
of
an
carrying
F. Angel Standing in the Sun and John's Christology

The context of Revelation 19:17 is one in which the absolute lordship and authority of
Jesus Christ is being presentedwith vigour. Beale describeshis commentary on 19:11-21
Faithfulness
Isis
Promises
by
Reveal
His
Sovereignty
Will
`Christ
to
heading,
and
with the
55
People'.
Aune
in
His
Order
Vindicate
Former
Allies
to
Babylon's
entitles the
Judging
56
In
Warrior
Conquests'.
Divine
His
`The
11-21
`On
19:
a
paper
as
and
entitled
on
section
Religio-Historical
the
Problem
of
the

Understanding of Apocalypticism',

Betz indicates that

discover
is
to
texts
to
to
what the
attempt
apocalyptic
the most appropriate approach
determined
in
how
have
the
these
way
questions
which
are
and
underlying questions
disparate traditions have been used. Betz also suggests that since Apocalypticism

is a

`novum' over against prophecy, the underlying questions contained within apocalyptic texts
57
by
factors
Judaism.
have been shaped
outside of

saRudolph and Martin, "Helios", pp. 123-24.

ssBeale, The Book of Revelation,p. 948.
56Aune, Revelation 17-22, p. 1040.
51Hans Dieter Betz, "On the Problem of the Religio-Historical Understandingof Apocalypticism". Journal for
Theology and the Church 6 (1969): pp. 134-56.

227

As noted previously, Yarbro Collins has produced an approachto Revelation which

intimates the necessityof balancing any treatment of the background of the Apocalypse
between the Jewish and Hellenistic traditions. It is true that an apocalyptic work reflects
its
is
identified,
but
tradition
the
these
author
with
which
primarily
religious
of
elements
`thought-worlds
through
the
the
author's
experience
of
modified
are
of other
reflections
58
in
his
'
In
environment.
order to unravel the meaning of a given
groups
cultural
or
ethnic
text it is first important to have an understandingof both the Jewish background, and an
facets
Both
Hellenistic
the
the
of
cultural processare
environment.
of
understanding
in
text.
to
a
understand
order
essential
Taking note of the various cultural influences is important, but it is also vital to give
eiva
a
immediate
eozwra
ev
kov
to
the
the
context
phrase
of
xai
sPov
ya
proper consideration
borrowed
Hellenism
Jewish
from
rAup.
To
them
that
and
carry
with
elements
culture
note
zw
in
Near
Asia
Ancient
East,
Minor,
background
the
the
of
context
of
gives a better
the cultural
hope of understandingthe imagery of John in this instance. This study demonstratesthat
history
long
is
of accusationsof sun worship amongst the cultures of
and embattled
there a
influence
felt
East
keenly
Near
that
this
Ancient
and
within the context of the Jewish
was
the
heartland. The Jewish scripturesmake it apparentthat there was an ongoing conflict
indications
issue.
As
Jews
Jewish
this
that
there
noted
above
are
regarding
certain
amongst
Qumran,
Therapeutae
Essenes,
have
held
the
the
the
the sun
one
at
as
and
may
such
groups,
in very high esteemor even paid homageto the sun as a manifestation of God in some
manner.
Given the range of evidenceamong Graeco-Romancultures that have a propensity to
is
in
it
`sun',
John
the
that
would
seem
a very powerful way
of
possible
allow adoration
Christ
It
be
the
rivals.
over
of
any
perceived
authority
and
all
should
above
all
underlining
3eCollins, "The History-of-Religions Approach to Apocalypticism and the "Angel of the Waters" (Rev 16:47), " pp. 367-81.

228

Near
is
Eastern
the
to
tendency
affecting
phenomenon
this
sun
a
widespread
adore
noted
Graeco-Roman
that
there
including
Judaism
was a particular
cultures
and
and
cultures,
is
backdrop
that
the
time-frame
the
between
the
the
sun at, or near,
emperor and
association
for much of the imagery of the Apocalypse. Considering all the available evidence it is
imagery
John's
identify
to
to
connect
which
point
with
at
one
specific
perhaps not possible
19: 17. If due considerationis given to the comments of Betz and Yarbro Collins above, this
involved.
factors
due
be
the
to
the
of
various
complexity
should perhaps anticipated
It seemshighly probable, though, that John has tapped into the long and fraught
imagery
for
his
here
he
backdrop,
Jewish
of
reference
as
history of the
or
point
people as a
has throughout much of Revelation. This, combined with the situation that was current in i
va
47eAov
imagery
his
have
the
Minor,
Asia
C.
E.
regarding
use of
made
would
century
E -ira iv TypjAi

a grand and compelling vision of the power and sovereignty of the risen

Christ. He is displayed as having authority over all possible challengersby having the `angel
The
in
Christ
in
and
glory.
use
the
of sun
might
of
the
coming
proclaim
sun'
standing
in
`magical'
Judaism,
Rome,
by
practice are all shown
or
imagery
the emperorof
other gods,
by
Christ.
level
the
less
the
be
than
commanded
of
authority
to
The use of the image of an `angel' in particular, would seemto indicate that John is
drawn
imagery.
being
back
by
This
influenced
Jewish
the
case,
we
are
once
very powerfully
in
is
interested
image
that
the
creating
a
polemical
author
very
much
the
to
supposition
again
frame
the
that
within
cultural
were
present
practices
of
that would addressunacceptable
frame
have
is
It
that
that
his
for
of
reference
may
certainly
possible
audience.
reference
literature
in
in
`magical'
Hekhalot
ideas
that
those
or
even
included such
are present
as
by
demonstrated
Greek
Magical
texts
the
those
that
such
as
are
traditions
as
such
textual
have
images
is
that
would
significant and powerful
Papyri. This passage constructedusing
influenced
in
by
Judaism
Hellenism.
The
both
for
one
and
grounded
audience
an
meaning

229

be
able to understandthe primary point of this section, which is that
would
entire audience
Christ is sovereign. With this imagery John can cut acrossthe cultural boundariesand unite
his audience in this central messageusing this one powerful image.
This material doesnot prove that John had the intention of composing an `antiby
it
but
does
Aune
in
certainly
as
proposed
above,
not
any way indicate
magical' polemic
intent.
left
in
his
We
this
are
perhaps
a position of being unable to prove the
that
was not
is
from
there
text,
this
and
yet
much within this text that would also seemto commend
point
this perspective. There is little to commend the viewpoints that do not seeany relationship to
Helios, or sun worship. Without this perspectivewe seemto be in position of accepting that
imagery
know
John
Aune
do
information
this
yet
why
and
gives
not
used
us
some
we simply
being
lead
to
this
as
us a greaterappreciation of
phrase
very much aligned
that can perhaps
with the context of the rest of this section.

230

PAGE
NUMBERING
AS ORIGINAL

12. Seven Thunders

A. Introduction

At Revelation 10:3-4, the text reads, `And a great voice, like a lion's roar cried out.
) spoke their own voices (rs eavrwv
And when it cried out seventhunders (ai Z'=r eovra,
Fwrr
eovral)
I
(at
I
to
thunders
And
the
was
spoke,
preparing
write,
and
seven
when
(pwvs).
hrr
QovTal)
(ai
heaven
thunders
the
heard a voice out of
seven
said,
saying, seal up what
'
do
them.
not write
and
This passageengendersa variety of questions for scholarssuch as: (1) from where
terra
Qovrat
intelligible?
(3) What is
imagery?
(2)
Is
draw
the
John
this
does
messageof at
the purpose of the imagery?
B. Source of the Imagery

This passagecontainsan articular referenceto the seventhunders (ai enr Qovral),

it
implies
`seven
thunders'
immediate
that
the
are
a
well-known
problem:
an
poses
which
entity.

There is no specific mention made of these `seventhunders' either in the Apocalypse

2
imagery
John's
leaves
to
This
the
Jewish
source
in
as
of
a
us
with
mystery
the
scriptures.
or
here, and therefore his intended meaning. It appearsin the context that the `seventhunders'
interrupting
him.
is
It
to
the
even
angel,
perhaps
also
powerful
are somehow responding
3
interpreted
by
being
`seven
is
thunders'
the
the
somehow
that
of
angel
message
possible
imagery
leaves
deepens
this
the
and
us no closer
This perhaps
obscurity surrounding
in
intention
John's
using such an expression.
regarding
Horn attemptsto prove that the articular usagehere is not to some well-known
be
`abortive'
however,
finds
Aune,
Horn's
to
that
attempt
noting
conception.
apocalyptic
1G. Mussies, The Morphology of Koine Greek as used in the Apocalypseof St. John a Study in Bilingualism, ed.
W. C. van Unnik, vol. 27, Supplementsto Novum Testamentum(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1971), p. 188.
2 Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 330; Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 559.
3 Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 559.
4 Horn, "Die siebenDonner: Erwgungenzu Ofib 10", pp. 215-229.

232

in
`undoubtedly
themes
the ancient world
used
and
motifs
more
apocalyptic
many
there were
identify
is
failure
form.
'5
Horn's
The
documentary
in
that
to
the
have
point
than
survived
indicate
did
does
imagery
for
that
background
such
concepts
not
not necessarily
such
exact
exist. On another note there are also a number of other anaphoric usesof the article with a
indicating
in
for
first
Apocalypse,
time
the
the
that
that
such
appears
phrase,
a
noun
or
noun,
6
it
is
intention
feature
The
be
the
this
question
remains,
author.
of
of
a construction may a
John for his audienceto understandsomething specific from this articular usageor is this
intend
Does
for
his
John's
John
form
part?
on
anomaly
of grammatical
simply some
hrr
Aeovrai
known
that
to
to
the
concept
was
to
widely
a
specific
phrase
at
audience relate
his audience?
Some have perceivedthis use of the article in associationwith the `seventhunders' as
`thunder'
based
Psalm
29,
times
`speculation'
form
seven
speaks
of
as a
upon
which
of
some
7
God's
In
theory
such
a
are a number of other
with
of
word.
parallel
representation
parabolic
8
`thunder'.
is
Psalm
God
29
the
Jewish
in
with
compared
the
voice
of
where
scriptures
cases
having
Canaanite
it
is
in
interest
that
a
origin or as
is also of some
widely regardedas either
it
is
influenced
by
Canaanite
of note that Baal was associated
being strongly
mythology, and
is
by
There
that
this
the
ancient
`seven
thunders'
mythological
suggestion,
some,
with
.9
s Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 559.
&0-1'y
3;
11:
6 Rev. 6: 4, i' iv ste'% 9: 1,4 xllels ro5 cp7r'Tos 7"1S
ItaeTuciv /wv, 19,4 xq&ur* t4
rois
avvov;
3u-4x, V; aL'rov".Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 559.

7 Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 330; Otto Betz, "cpcwvi9wvbw, crop wvtw, crpgwvos,
,
Gerhard
Testament,
New
Friedrich
in
Dictionary
"
(Grand
Theological
Rapids
the
ed.
of
oujxgxlwrlatc,
ovcpwv(a,
is
`thunder'
296.
The
1974),
Publishing
Company,
Eerdmans
often renderedby the
word
B.
p.
MI: Wm.
Hebrew term 51p and is frequently followed by the term i11fl' or by 13'i115K. Ford, The Book of Revelation, p.
159.
*2 Sam. 22: 14; Job 37:2-5; Ps. 18:13; Isa. 29:6; 30:30-3 1; Jer. 25:30; Amos 1:2.
911. L. Ginsberg, "Ugaritic Studies and the Bible", The Biblical Archaeologist 8 (1945): pp. 52-53; 11.L.
(1969):
in
Cord
Hebraic
Hymnody",
Eretz-Israel
Strand
"A
the
pp. 45-50; Theodor 11.Gaster,
of
Ginsberg,
"Psalm 29", TheJewish Quarterly Review 37 (1946-1947): pp. 55-65; Frank M. Cross, "Notes in a Canaanite
Psalm in the Old Testament",Bulletin of the American Schoolsof Oriental Research 117 (1950): pp. 19-21;
John Day, God's Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 5761; P. C. Craigie, "Psalm XXIX in the Hebrew Poetic Tradition", Vetus Testamentum22 (1972): pp. 143-151; B.
Margulis, "The CanaaniteOrigin of Psalm29 Reconsidered",Biblica 51 (1970): pp. 332-348; Aloysius
Fitzgerald, "A Note on Psalm 29", Bulletin of the American Schoolsof Oriental Research215 (1974): pp. 61-63;
kanaantischen
dem
29
Auslegung
Ps
Iluntergrund
"Zur
Bezge", Zeilschr{l fur
Strauss,
auf
von
seiner
Hans

233

10
erTa
eovrar.
is
Fisher
is
behind
that
there
the
a common
notes
tradition
phraseal
1
in
Northwest
Semitic
divine
the
thundering activity
the
area.
of
wording
association of
However, such imagery doesnot commonly appearto be associatedwith the number seven
in this region. Care must be taken to insure that the entire contextual framework is held in
focus and not simply to focus too narrowly upon a single conceptual notion.
Aune points out that there is a late rabbinic tradition that indicates that the voice of
Yahweh was heard at Sinai as `seventhunders' (Exodus Rabbah 28:6). This passageis
interpreted using Job 37:5 ('God thundersmarvellously with his voice...') as a connection is
Exodus
20:
18
J1'217i1(`voices,
thunders')
the
at
the
where
one
sounds,
word
with
made
into
languages
(Exodus
into
dividing
these
is
seventy
and
seventy
voices
voice perceived as
12
This sametradition is also found in other Jewish sourceswith a variety of
9).
Rabbah 5:
13
Betz postulatesthat the rabbinic traditions regarding voices of thunder
details.
differing
29:
3-9
Psalm
the
based
and
related voice of
speculation
associated
with
upon
are
speaking
14
God at Sinai. There is no substantiveevidencethat leadsus to the conclusion that these
indeed
have
been
known
been
known,
have
or
at all,
either widely
rabbinic traditions would
his
to
John,
audience.
to
or
Die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft82 (1970): pp. 91-102; R. Tournay, "En Marge D'une Traduction Des
Psaumes", RevueBiblique 63 (1956): pp. 172-181. It is perhapsworth noting that within Judaismthere have
been instanceswhere ideasbasedon foreign conceptshave been appropriatedand reformatted in such a way as
indigenous
beliefs.
combat
to possibly
10Day, God's Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea,p. 59; John Day, "Echoes of Baal's SevenThunders and
in
Seraphim
Isaiah
Vetus
VI",
111
9
Identity
XXIX
Habakkuk
in
the
Psalm
the
of
and
and
Lightning
Testamentum29 (1979): pp. 143-151. On the issuesrelating to the number seven in Canaanitetexts cf. W. Roth
Wolfgang M, "The Numerical Sequencex/x +1 in the Old Testament", VetusTestamentum12 (1962): pp. 300312; Menahem Haran, "The Graded Numerical Sequenceand the Phenomenonof Automatism" in Biblical
Testamentum
(Leiden:
E.
J.
Brill,
Vetus
1972),
1971,
Volume
Uppsula
Supplements
to
Congress
in
pp.
Poetry",
G.
W.
Anderson,
Testament,
Old
Sayings
Wolfgang
M,
Numerical
in
W.
Roth
cd.
et al., vol. 13,
the
238-267;
Supplementsto Vetus Testamentum(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965).
11Loren R. Fisher, ed., Ras Shamra Parallels, vol. 1, Analecta Orientalia CommentationesScientificae de
Rebus Orientis Antiqui 49 (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1972), p. 23. cf. Alberto R. W. Green, The
Storm-God in the Ancient Near East, cd. William Henry Propp, Biblical and Judaic Studies from the University
2003).
8
(Winona
Lake
IN:
Diego;
Eisenbrauns,
San
California,
vol.
of
12Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 560.
13Louis Ginzberg, TheLegendsof the Jews, trans. Henrietta Szold, vol. 1 (Baltimore: The JohnsHopkins
University Press, 1998), p. 173; Louis Ginzberg, TheLegendsof the Jews, vol. 5 (Baltimore: The Johns I lopkins
University Press,1998), pp. 194-195;Louis Ginzberg, TheLegendsof the Jews, vol. 6 (Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins University Press,1998), p. 39.
14Betz, "(pwvrj,cpwvtw,aucpwvt(o,ovcpwvo;,a-ucpwv(a,
av t )vtlatc", p. 296.

234

Aune indicates that a parallel found in the 'Graeco-Roman magical tradition' is no

'5
drawn
from
these rabbinic traditions. Powerful divine
less distant than the speculations
beings used lightning, thunder, and earthquakesto punish the `nations of impious people' in
16
Firm
fleovrat
is
The
traditions.
a more specific way of rendering the phraseat
phrase
at
such
both
have
`the
Gnostic
tradition
hrr c;
`Magical
texts'
texts
a
of
and
sevenvoices' and
pwvat.
it appears to be a relatively ancient tradition. Aune speculatesthat this usagemay indeed be
based upon Psalm 29. The phrase`the sevenvoices' occurs in the Coptic-Gnostic treatisesas
loanword
Greek
is
There
the
or
cpwvai
which
preserves
9wv5.18
ntz mphnai or ntz mph6ne'7
be
for
`lightning'
for
`thunder'
to
for
terms
terms
avoided
and
other
and
tendency
specific
a
19
is
`seven
in
languages.
The
in
be
their
voices'
usually a
phrase
place some
to
used
function
frequently
form
(avgrovw)
Greek
the
as
some
to
which
of
vowels
seven
reference
0 Sometimesreferenceis made to this name in the form of Af21 as
divine
name.
mysterious
22
to
the
sevenvowels.
reference
abbreviated
an
At PGMXIII. 39 there is an instruction to write `...the great name with the seven
is
11-14
`...
'
PGMXXI.
At
to
(r
reference
made
your
ia rail enrrawvais).
1cdyao'vo,
vowels
(Qp(ovs)...
harmony
'
The
lettered
in
is
the
sounds
with
seven-vowel
seven
seven
name which
divine name is occasionally used in `self-predictions as is the caseat PGAM111.661and at
God,
Tetragrammaton,
`ineffable'
transliterated
the
the
was
times
of
using the
name
other
is
Aune
Greek
keep
hidden
that
the
the
the
to
opinion
command
alphabet.
of
of
seven vowels

Lords
Pole
('The
's Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 560. The '7rolloxeaToQes
of I leaven).
roVoveavou'
16PGM IV. 681-684.
17Pistis Sophia 1.1,1.10,2.86,4.143; The Books ofJeu 2.42,2.44,2.45,2.47; Gospel of the Egyptians 111,42;
IV, 52,62-63
18Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 560.
19Louw and Nida, eds., Greek-English Lexicon of the New TestamentBased on Semantic Domains, vol. 1,
14.15-14.16,p. 170.
20Albrecht Dieterich, Abraxas: Studien zur Religionsgeschichtedessptern Altertums (Leipzig: 1891), pp. 22.
24.
21cf. Refer to section on An in this document.
22Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", pp. 489-491.

235

the messageof the `seventhunders' might reflect the view that the `ineffable' name of God
3
down.
be
written
should not
A phrase, in a variety of forms that has some similarities with the passages currently
eovvnc,
Revelation
is
6:
1(c
(10:
3-4),
at
which
occurs
(pwvrt
(Pwv}
under consideration
8eovrj; 1zz-fdA%);and 19:6 (cis (pwv4vpovrwv iorwQ)v). This
6eovr ); 14:2 (th cpcov4v
,
,
being
in
for
is
the
the
of
a
supernatural
articulate
speech
metaphor
a
always
expression
Apocalypse.

Within the contextual environment of Jewish tradition an `angel of thunder'

25
however,
324)
It
be noted
4:
Adam
2;
Testament
2:
4;
Jubilees
14:
(3
Enoch
should,
of
exists
is
in
form
from
Apocalypse
instances
there
the
the
in
the
above,
a
qualifer
cited
that
each of
indicate
in
Ws.
This
that
to
these
each
of
seem
conjunction
would
the
subordinating
of
instances the `voice' is like thunder, not that it is thunder. It is also of note that in each of the
in
is
Such
describes
`thunder'
the
an
adjectival
manner.
voice
of
an
attribute
examples given
hrr
eov-rai
in
`thunder'
10
the
the
acts
as
main
noun
of
chapter
where
the
with
at
case
not
`seven'
instances
the
both
in
the
the
adjective
of
subject
modifying
serving
of
as
with
clause

clause.
If the ai hrra eovraiis being used to describethe vocalisation of some heavenly
in
being
is
importance
that
understandingwhy John might
being the nature and statureof
of
terra
Qovrai
Beale
Smalley
the
that
imagery.
to
the
come
conclusion
at
and
use such
26
beings'
being,
Prigent
`heavenly
`declarations'
the
or
of
some
generic
goes as
represent
imagery
due
the
to
that
the
far as to speculate
of Psalm 29 the at eirr
possible reliance upon
27
eovraimight be `a metaphorical allusion to a divine proclamation'. If this unidentified

23Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-RomanRevelatory Magic", p. 491; Aune, Revelation 6-16, p.
560.
242ndto 5thCentury C. E.; S. E. Robinson, trans. and ed., TestamentofAdam, ed. James11.Charlesworth. The
Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary, vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday 1983), pp. 989-995.
25Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 560-561.
26Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 533; StephenS. Smalley, TheRevelation to John (Downers Grove IL:
Intervarsity Press,2005), p. 261.
27Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 330.

236

in
line
it
be
God
the
is
indeed
to
with
rare,
would
speaking
portray
meant
revelatory voice
28
in
Jewish
scriptures.
though usual usageof such a phenomenon the
In early Judaismthe term `voice' is commonly used as a circumlocution for the name
degree
frequency
in
the
Unidentified
a
of
God.
with
are
mentioned
voices
revelatory
of
C.
E.
],
B.
C.
E.
1s
13:8 ;
[2"d
1
Enoch
to
(Greek
Judaism
century
literature of early
century
29],
13;
Apocalypse
Abraham
[
1$
6:
3;
E
7:
C.
9th
to
Ezra[2"d
to
Apocalypse
of
Greek
century
of
30],
9: 1; 10:1,3; 19:1; TestamentofJob[I" Century B. C.E. - 1stCentury
C.
E
2"a century
32],
C.
E.
2(Syriac
31],
Century
Apocalypse
5`h
[2"d
2:
1-4
Sedrach
to
)
Apocalypse
1;
3:
C. E
of
34],
33],
C.
28:
[ls`
Century
E
8;
Philo,
8:
1;
Pseudo-Philo
E.
C.
Century
2"d
[early
o) Baruch
36
35],
in
Unidentified
the
C.
E.
46-49).
Century
[1St
voices
also
occur
revelatory
Decalogue
Graeco-Roman world.

37

eovrat
hrr
`signify,
Holy
the
C.
)
Century
E.
4`h
the
(3`d
that
to
Victorinus
at
says
8
it
is
for
Ford
Massyngberde
that
uncommon
not
an angel,
notes
Spirit of sevenfold power'.
the
Yahweh.
She
the
that
identified
be
of
voice
angel
with
of
its
associates
to
with
voice,
or
Yahweh
the
that
10:
3-4,
voice
of
with
the
deity
associate
connections
and notes
the
at
39
is
Farrer
that
the
in
that of
29,
in
Psalm
voice
suggests
`thunder'
and rabbinic sources.
28Num. 8:89; Ezek. 1:28; Dan. 4:31-32; 8: 16.
29M. E. Stone,trans. and ed., "Greek Apocalypse of Ezra", in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,ed. JamesH.
1983),
Doubleday,
561-563.
(New
York:
Library
Bible
Reference
Anchor
The
pp.
Charlesworth,
30R- Rubinkiewicz, trans. and ed., "Apocalypse of Abraham", in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,cd. James
Doubleday,
1983),
York:
(New
681-683.
Library
Reference
Anchor
Bible
The
pp.
Charlesworth,
H.
31Spittler, "Testamentof Job", pp. 829-834.
32S. Agourides, "Apocalypse of Sedrach",in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,ed. Jamesl I. Charlesworth,
605-606.
1983),
Doubleday,
York:
(New
Library
Reference
pp.
Bible
The Anchor
" Albertus Frederik JohannesKlijn, trans. and ed., "2 (Syriac Apocalypse of) Baruch", in The Old Testament
Library
(New
York:
Doubleday,
Reference
Bible
Anchor
The
H.
Charlesworth,
James
Pseudepigrapha, ed.
1983), pp. 615-617.
34Harrington, "Pseudo-Philo", P. 297-299.
35F. H. Colson and G. H. Whitaker, trans., Philo, vol. 1, ed. G. P. Goold, The Loeb Classical Library
(Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press 1991), pp. ix-xx.
36Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 561.
37Aune, Revelation 6-16, pp. 561-562. cf. Plutarch, De Defectu Oraculorum, 419b-c; Vergil, Aeneld, 3:93;
Herodotus, 1.159.3.
38Robert Ernest Wallis, trans., ed. "Commentary on the Apocalypse of the BlessedJohn", in Book Commentary
Cleveland
Arthur
York:
John,
Alexander
Coxe
(New
The
Blessed
Roberts
Apocalypse
the
ed.
and
of
on the
Christian Literature Company 1888), p. 353.
39Ford, The Book of Revelation, pp. 162-163.

237

Christ on the basis of similarities between4: 1 and 10:4.0 It should be noted that these
it
be
Prigent
that
cautions
would
unwise to attempt too much
similarities are not convincing.
41
is
in
is
in
identifying
It
written
vague
something
which
such
a
manner.
perhaps
precision
from
heaven'
John
12:
28-29
`voice
is
that
the
to
at
note
referred to both as
appropriate
42
'angel'.
It seemsreasonableto speculatethat whatever
`thunder' and as the voice of an
a
eonai
intended
is
be
the
to
conveyed
source
ultimately
perceived as either
message at rr
God, or the Risen Christ, whether it is somehow conveyed through an alternative sourceor
not.
C. Intelligibility

$nz
Ai
BQovrai
the
of

There is a degreeof debateas to whether the information of ai eirri pona; is

intelligible or not. 0. Betz indicates that the reasonit is not recorded is `probably becauseit
implausible
indicates
'43
Aune
be
that
seems
such
a
suggestion
since John
understood.
cannot
4
just
been
he
had
heard.
have
down
Charles
the
to
on
point
of
writing
what
suggests
appears
that it is not written down becauseit belongs to the ineffable things which human lips may
5
because
but
it
is
According
12:
4),
Corinthians
(2
to
comprehensible.
not
not
not utter
Smalley, the messageis heard and understood,but John is prevented from writing it down.46
There appearsto be no reasonwhatever to conclude that the a1enzp=at' produced a
indication
in
is
If
in
there
that
that
any
was
some
something
way
unintelligible.
message
these versesis not articulate, it is the shout of the `mighty angel'. The only reasonJohn
hrr
is
geovrai
because
he
hears
from
he
is
to
record
what
not
specifically
a1
appears
7
it.
commanded not to record

40Farrer, The Revelation of St. John the Divine, p. 127.

41Prigent, Commentaryon the Apocalypse of St. John, p. 330.
42Beale, The Book of Revelation,p. 533.
"s Betz, "cpwvrj,cpwvkw,a pwv&O,al pwvo;, wcpwv{a, a pwvi c nc," p. 296.
44Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 562.
45Charles,A Critical and Exegetical Commentaryon The Revelation of St. John, vol. 1, p. 261.
" Smalley, TheRevelation to John, p. 261.
41For further details on the issuedof the material being `sealed' seethe section dealing with `sealsand `scaling'.

238

D. Purpose of the Imagery

The probable purposeof the at Frrreovraiseemsto be that John intends to make it
clear that there was a messagefrom a divine source revealed to him, a portion of which he
48
keep
secret. Whether the device of the `seventhunders' and their `sealing' is
was told to
it
deeper
for
has
it
is
difficult
to be certain. It
some
effect,
or
whether
significance,
only
used
described
by Paul at 2 Corinthians 12:4 `that no mortal
to
that
may reflect a situation similar
is permitted to repeat.'49 Caird indicates that the ai hrr eovral`...conveyed an articulate
he
been
he
have
down,
had
do
to
allowed
could
written
so.'50
statement, which
E. Understanding of Thunder Communication in the Ancient World
A matter of someimportance in the present study is to try to ascertainhow someone
living in Asia Minor during the 1stCentury C.E. would have understoodthe phraseat inTa
eovzaiin the contextual framework of the Apocalypse. There were a variety of ways
from
divine
humanity
`thunder'
in
the
to
communication
was
understood
as
world
whereby
in
An
John
these
the
that
understanding
of
may
prove
message
exploration
useful
antiquity.
intended to convey to his audience. I will undertakethe listing of the various ways that the
in
`thunder'
was
perceived
antiquity, and where necessaryexpand upon relevant
concept of
points.

(1) In the Jewish scriptures,and less commonly in early Judaism, the voice of God is
51
`thunder'.
Occasionally,
is
(2)
the
with
of
angels
voice
associatedwith the
equated
often
52 (3) The '211)M (literally `daughterof a voice') is heavenly
'thunder'.
a
voice
sound of
53
Zeus
is
by
(4)
In
Hellenistic
is
thunder.
tradition,
sometimesthought to
that accompanied

48Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 562.

+' Metzger, Breaking the Code, p. 67.
Caird, TheRevelation of St. John the Divine, p. 126.
51Exod. 19:19; 1 Sam.7: 10; Job 37:2,4,5; 40:9; Ps. 18:13; 29:3; 68:33; Isa. 30:30; Jer. 10:13; Amos 1:2; Sir.
43: 17; Sib. Or. 5.344-345.Also note previous discussionsabove especially related to the traditions surrounding
Psalm 29.
523 Apoc. Bar. 11:3-4; 14:1; SepherHa-Razim 2.43-44. cf. John 12:28-29.
53Aune, Revelation 6-16, p. 561.

239

indicating
lightning
by
`thunder'
to
or
as a positive response
acceptanceof
respond prayer
54
the prayer. (5) Hellenistic divination encompassedthe usageof brontologia (or
brontoskopia) and the brontomantela that formed part of the Roman divination practices
S5
Etrusca.
This type of divination was practiced by the Greeks,the
Disciplina
based on the
56
Jewish
Romans and at least somewithin a
context.
As noted by Scherrer,it has long been recognisedthat chapter 13 of the Apocalypse is
directed
language
Roman
Imperial
from
the
`thinly
against
cult
using
polemic'
veiled
a
S7
If this is to be accepted,and I think it should be, then it is of note that certain
7.
Daniel
58
by
Emperors.
There
the
the
that
appropriated
with
were
gods
were
associated
symbols
imperial
in
been
have
the
there
to
cult
whereby
a
certain
amount
of
eclecticism
was a
appears
59
from
imagery
the gods. Contrived religious wonders were not uncommon in
borrowing of
least,
Scherrer,
in
Apocalypse
to
the accusationis that
the
at
the ancient world and according
based
is
He
imperial
that
even
notes
on the
the
cult guilty of using such contrivances.
is
from
there
wonders
a correspondence
antiquity regarding stagedcultic
evidence available
between such stagedcultic wonders and the imagery ascribedto the minions of the dragon.
He recognisesthat machines,which produced thunder, were among the devices used in

54Iliad 2.353; 9.236; Odyssey20.101-104; Pindar, Pyth. 4.23. cf. Martial, Epigrams 6.10; 7.99; 8.39; 9.3; 9.11;
9.91.
5sAune, Revelation 6-16, p. 561.
"6 Auguste Bouche-Leclercq,Histoire de la Divination dans l'antiquitd, vol. 1 (Bruxelles: Culture et
Civilisation, 1963), pp. 198-204;Franz Cumont, Astrology and Religion among the Greeksand Romans(New
York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1960), pp. 33-34; Michael Owen Wise, "Thunder in Gemini: An Aramaic
Brontologion (4Q318) from Qumran," in Thunder in Gemini And Other Essayson the 1listory, Language and
Literature of SecondTemplePalestine, ed. Michael Owen Wise, Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha
Supplement Series 15 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1994), pp. 13-50.
s' Scherrer, "Signs and Wonders in the Imperial Cult: A New Look at a Roman Religious Institution in the Light
599.
"
13-15,
13:
Rev
p.
of
S8Suetonius,Gaius Caligula, 52; Plutarch, Moralia, 780F; Martial, Epigrams, 7.99; 9.39.
39ii W. Picket, "An Aspect of the Emperor Cult: Imperial Mysteries", Harvard Theological Review 58 (1965):
pp. 331-347.

240

theatrical presentationsas well as by Gaius Caligula in some form of interaction with the
60
gods.
On another note, the use of brontologia was not something that was unknown in
Israel, this phenomenonwas found among at least some within a Jewish context, though it
should be mentioned that there was certainly opposition as well within the Jewish community
to practices of this type. This was merely one aspect of a Jewish interest in astrological ideas
61 Josephusindicates that the sevenbranches the
Judaism.
Temple
Second
of
menorah
within
in the temple at Jerusalemsymbolise the sevenplanets (i. e., the sun, moon, and the five
62
loaves
`circle
Zodiac'.
table
representthe
on the
of the
visible planets) and that the twelve
There is a whole list of signs cited by Josephusthat, to the observantat least, should have
63
indicated the impending disasterthat was to befall Jerusalem. Some writers of the Second
M)
Temple period, such as Artapanus (3dto 2"d century B.C.E. ascribethe teaching of
63
Pseudo-Eupolemus
Egyptians,
Abraham,
(prior
to
to
to
the
to the
and
according
astrology
66)
67
Phoenicians
Egyptians.
C.
E.
Abraham
B.
The
taught astrology to the
1stcentury
and the
book of 1 Enoch credits the giving of information regarding astronomy to Enoch through the
68
beings.
conduit of angelic
`Striking testimony to the Jewish use of astrology' in the SecondTemple period has
been discovered among the texts from Qumran. At least four astrological works have thus

60Scherrer, "Signs and Wonders in the Imperial Cult: A New Look at a Roman Religious Institution in the Light
Pollux,
Onomasticon,
600-610.
Refutation
4.28-41;
Hippolytus,
13-15",
4.130; Plutarch,
13:
Rev
p.
cf.
of
Moralia, 780F; Heron of Alexandria, Die Automatentheater,20:4; Dio Cassius,Roman History, 59.28.6.
61Sepher ha-Razim, Preface 15-16. cf. JamesH. Charlesworth, "Jewish Interest in Astrology during the
Ilellenistic and Roman Period," in Aufstieg und Niedergang Der Rmischen{felt, ed. Wolfgang I {aase(Berlin:
Walter De Gruyter, 1987),pp. 926-956.
62Josephus,TheJewish War, 5.217. cf. Josephus,TheJewish War, 5.214.6.289-291; Wise, "Thunder in
Gemini: An Aramaic Brontologion (4Q318) from Qumran," pp. 14-15.
63Josephus,TheJewish War, 6.288-315.
64J. J. Collins, "Artapanus," in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,ed. JamesI I. Charlesworth, The Anchor
Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday, 1985), p.889-891.
bsArtapanus, Fragment 1. cf. Eusebius,Evangelica Praeparatio, 9.18.1.
66R. Doran, trans. and ed., "Pseudo-Eupolemus,
" in The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,cd. James11.
Charlesworth, The Anchor Bible ReferenceLibrary (New York: Doubleday, 1985), p.871-878.
67Pseudo-Eupolemus,Fragments; cf. Eusebius,Evangelica Praeparatio, 9.17.2-9; 9.18.2.
681 Enoch 41-44; 72-82.

241

70
69
in
(1)
4Q186,
identified:
text
far been
written a cryptic script; (2) An
a physiognomic
Aramaic text, 4Q561, which is also a physiognomic text; (3) 4Q534 which appearsto predict
(4)
fragmentary
Qumran
includes
Noah
the
birth
and
elements71;
the
physiognomic
and
of
72
brontologion.
is
text 4Q318 which the surviving portion of a
F. Summary
Revelation 10:3-4 leavesone with a variety of questions whose answersdetermine the
Most
John
this
to
commentatorsagreethat the sourceof this
at
point.
ascribed
message
imagery lies in the associationparticularly of the voice of God with Thunder. This seems
influenced
be
initially
by
29
Psalm
to
to
to
a
passage
which
appears
especially relate
Canaanite mythology, perhapsassociatedwith Baal. This associationof conceptsrelating
thunder with the voice of God is also found in rabbinic sourcesand an associationof `seven
by
Aune.
`Graeco-Roman
traditions'
the
noted
as
magical
thunders' with
Most commentatorsagreethat in some way Psalm 29 servesas the backdrop for the
imagery as used in Revelation 10:3-4. There is some indication that the idea of the
for
God.
At
is
the
`voice'
times
times
name
of
as
a
circumlocution
an
at
used
expression
is
identified
God.
Farrer
for
God
intermediary
based
and
with
postulates
an
as
angel acts
irrra
povrai
is
Jesus
the
texts
that
the
of
of
source
comparison
at
precarious
very
upon a
Christ. Despite all efforts to identify a specific source for the expressionat e7rrapovratit
it
is
due
be
the
to
that
to
the
to
obscurity
reference
not
admit
of
possible
prudent
seems
into
immediate
However,
taking
the
consideration the context of the
source.
certain of

69Wise, "Thunder in Gemini: An Aramaic Brontologion (4Q318) from Qumran", p. 15.

70John M. Allegro, Qumran Cave 4: 1(4Q1 58-4Q186), Discoveries in the JudaeanDesert of Jordan; 5 (Oxford:
Clarendon Press,1968),pp. 88-91.
71Florentino Garcia Martinez, Qumran and Apocalyptic, ed. Florentino Garcia Martinez and A. S. Van Der
Woude, vol. 9, Studieson the Texts of the Desert of Judah(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992), pp. 1-44; JosephA.
Fitzmyer, "The Aramaic "Elect of God" Text from Qumran Cave IV", The Catholic Biblical Quarterly 27
1965): pp. 356-370.
72Wise, "Thunder in Gemini: An Aramaic Brontologion (4Q318) from Qumran", pp. 13-50.

242

Apocalypse and all the data available it seemssafe to assumethat the source of the ai hrra
eovrai in the Apocalypse, is ultimately either God, or JesusChrist.
Though 0. Betz makesthe claim that the at anTAeovzaiare not written down due to
the fact that they are unintelligible this assertionseemswholly unfounded. A number of
F7rrA,
6eovrat
including
for
the
the possibility
message
of
not recording
at
reasons are given
that somehow it relatesto the ineffable name of God, or that the things revealed are things
that human lips may not utter such as those referred to in 2 Corinthians 12:4. The purpose of
for
is
by
by
John
imagery
merely
effect, and by others to indicate
cited
some as
the
created
his
in
Revelation.
he
has
John
that
saw
that
not revealedall
The understandingof `thunder' communication in the ancient world takes a number
have
but
been
Judaism,
known
to
forms,
to
would
most
almost
certainly
unique
some
of
John's audience. It is possible that, as is indicated by Scherer, at chapter 13 where there is a
thinly veiled polemic againstthe Roman Imperial cult, perhapssomething similar is taking
terra
eovrai
indicate
10.73
This
the
that
representthe voice
at
would perhaps
place at chapter
by
God
the emperorsas
to
the
true
perpetrated
counterfeit pretences
as opposed
of the one
they lay claim to someform of divinity. It would then be the casethat John usesat hr a
BQovraiin relation to true deity, as opposedto that which is a pretence,and that God is the
,
destiny.
of
all
ultimate controller

73Scherrer, "Signs and Wonders in the Imperial Cult: A New Look at a Roman Religious Institution in the Light
599-610.
13-15",
13:
Rev
pp.
of

243

13. Conclusion
Did John composeRevelation as some form of `anti-magical polemic' as argued by
Aune? Without question,there is a great deal of evidence that supportsthe notion that the
`magical' worldview of antiquity was widespreadboth temporally and geographically.
Though many of the literary sourcescurrently extant, designatedas `magical', date,
it
C.
1St
E.,
highly
from
later
the
time
than
century
seems
a
probable that
compositionally,
'
No
time.
that
type
this
the
at
ancient culture, or period,
of
was
widespread
material
much of
incantations,
divination,
devoid
literature,
been
have
to
such
as
and
practices
of
such
seems
have
brontologia,
held
to
the
theurgy,
sorcery,
appear
use
of
astrology,
commonly
exorcism,
in
Empire,
Near
East,
Roman
Ancient
the period previous to, and
the
the
and
across
Despite
invectives
Apocalypse.
the
the
strongly
worded
composition of
contemporary with,
in the Torah and other Jewish materials, it is apparentthat eradication of `magical' practices
Jewish
the
beliefs
totally
community.
within
successful
were never
and
As Christianity emergedfrom Judaism, it not only absorbed`magical' traditions from
from
it
but
`magical'
traditions
the surrounding
Judaism,
to
also continued absorb
within
2
Graeco-Roman world. However, investigations into the nature of the pressuresfaced by
John's audiencehave long beenplagued by prejudice and misunderstandingamong those
imagine
Judaism
the
by
that
early
were
somehow
and
church
uncontaminated
the
would
who
lived
in
developed.
Publications
by
Garrett,
they
world
and
cultural
which
a
of
affects
Arnold, Aune, Alexander, and others surely indicate that the impact of `magic' upon New
Testament texts must be given more careful consideration.
Along theselines, the presentwork has investigateda number of motifs associated
influence
`magical'
their
the
and
upon John's Apocalypse.
world of antiquity
possible
with

1Aune, Apocalypticism, Prophecy and Magic in Early Christianity, pp. 349-350.

2 Aune, Apocalypticism, Prophecy and Magic in Early Christianity, pp. 381-382.

244

In doing so, we have focusedon terms and motifs that occur in both Revelation, and sources
from antiquity associatedwith `magic', often uniquely associatedwith `magic'. The
`magic'
highly
John's
lead
to
that
to
the
relationship
was
conclusion
comparisons explored
it,
he
hand,
hand,
he
the
the
condemned
while
unequivocally
on
other
one
complex: on
be
traditions
that
could
and
easily
a
number
of
motifs
espouses,
construedand
even
conveys,
interpreted againsta formative `magical' background; even John's theological worldview was
framed by the `magical' world in which he lived!
1.

Open Condemnation
John strongly condemnscertain practices and practitioners in the Apocalypse in a

fashion that is undeniable. Such condemnationis perhapsnot surprising, but it is quite

informative as the developmentof theseimages expressa great deal regarding the particular
his
finds
John
that
these
of
worthy
condemnation.
and
associations
practices
aspects of
A. Sorcery Passages in the Revelation

It is of significance that the Book of Revelation usesthe term cpaQ,

t axeIa more than
dangers
for
his
in
The
New
Testament.
Seer
book
to
the
perceive
great
appeared
any other
he
be
from
the
to
that
and
practices and procedures
cpaeacxeia
which
considered
audience
by
being
in
this
terminology
most
scholars
are
certainly
the
considered
as
with
associated
include
incantations,
These
`magic'.
the
name magic, the use of
use
of
practices
arena of
Jesus
forces
God
Christ.
This
than
or
other
reliance
upon
spiritual
and
conceptual
amulets,
is
arena then connectedwith those who are associatedwith the appellation `false prophets' to
form a very negative backdrop for unequivocal condemnation.
B. The False Prophet in the Context of the Apocalypse
John draws upon the imagery of the `false prophet' when he renouncesboth practices
draws
he
John
known
individuals
threat
to
the
the
perceives
as
a
upon
church.
and
filled
be
figures,
time
the
the
that
thus
preceding
with
end
such
would
expectation

245

heightening the tension for his audience. By using familiar, defamatory figures from Israel's
biblical past, John attemptsto define the nature and the scopeof the threat he perceives to be
facing the church.
It is of note that Balaam, in particular, is associatedwith the use of deception in
leading the people of God into `immorality' and compromising worship. There were
he
Balaam
to
traditions
was a multi-faceted characterwho was
and
related
contradictory
held
he
having
been
God,
times
was
as
the
more
while at other
power of
reliant upon
interested in what would benefit himself personally. He is a figure often associatedwith
`magical' practices and even with the `magicians' of Pharoahduring the Exodus. Then John
introduction
foreign
in
biblical
is
the
tradition
Jezebel,
with
of
who associated
moves onto
Greek
in
Certainly
forbidden
translation
the
the
ancient
of
practices.
with
religion along
Jewish scriptures she is integrally linked with cpaecaxov(cf. p. 66) and with the appointment
imagery
highly
FVBoneop
It
labelled
that
the
probable
of
as
c. seems
of those who were
invading
dangers
John
the churches.
thought
is
the
were
Jezebel also usedto expose
which
In Revelation 13 the secondof two beasts,is specifically referred to as i/evaonpoCprs
(16: 13; 19:20; 20: 10). This designation once again functions as a link between the readers'
imminent circumstances and the `false prophets' from Israel's past. This figure performs
Garrett,
have
In
lead
that
with
we
agreement
noted a
astray.
many
signs and wonders
longstanding and widespread connection in the Jewish (and early Christian) traditions
between `false prophets' and `magic'.

&EUoireocp1rgs
he
designates
link
John seeksto
as
those whom
with immorality of the
harlot
tolerate,
by
the
that
base
those
such
type,
or
practices
with
participate,
connecting
most
dangers
imagery
in
by
Such
Rome's
17.
the
to
was
posed
used
order
unmask
of chapter
in
is
Greek
There
the
translation of the Jewish
agenda.
also
a
connection
tolerant syncretistic
face
deceptive
Rome
between
The
be
of
and
would
ultimately
nopveia.
(pcieiuaxov
scriptures

246

facade
behind
be
defeated,
this
the
power
would
according to the author of the
and
exposed,
Apocalypse.
C. John's Beasts and Talking Statues (Rev. 13: 15)
In Revelation 13:15 the writer introduces beastswho are endowed with what appears
to be miraculous powers to perform signs and wonders, as well as the ability to `give breath'
to an image, that is able to speak,are introduced. Many commentatorshave maintained that
John was referring in someway to the element of trickery often associatedwith practitioners
however,
is
deception,
The
Their
`magic'.
text assumesthat the
misleading.
of
placement
of
image
life
bring
happen,
to
to
the
the
will
actually
ability
and
while the
signs and wonders
is
deception
only associatedwith the sourceof the power to perform such
element of
forces
in
instance
is
Satan
The
the
the
this
and
power
sourceof
of evil. There is a
wonders.
in
blurred
Roman
imperial
that
to
the
they
the
the
agenda
of
regime
often
clear connection
line between the various religions and promoted a religious tolerance that was unacceptable
to John. It would seemhighly probable that the churchesof ancient Asia Minor perceived the
both
by
be
highly
John
to
that
unacceptable
were
an
attack
on
and
practices
events portrayed
dangerous. This audiencewould have recognisedthat John had createda thinly veiled
demonic
behind
Rome
kind
it
the
the
society
of
power
and
of
promulgated.
caricature
2. Motifs in Revelation

We have also seenthat in a number of passages,the text of Revelation may be compared

to motifs and traditional elementswhich in antiquity were being associatedwith `magic'.
Here, despite John's deliberaterejection of what he openly associateswith `magical'
language
builds
his
has
the
on
own
arguably
reflects
even
matrix
which
and
practices,
sanctionedthem.

247

A. References to `Keys'
yiaou
functioned for John as a
Aune claims that the phrasexAei rov ,+ava7-ov
xai row
from
in
instance
Christ,
influence
Hecate.
imagery
The
to
this
to
competitors
counter
means
influential
in
this
and
prominent
goddess
antiquity was noted at crossroads,
associated with
buildings.
in
She
doorways
and on public
was, particular, associatedwith having
gateways,
by
dead,
Christian
be
the
the
to
the perogative of
was
claimed
community,
which
over
power
Jesus Christ. Though a number of figures that have a strong connection to this role in
Hellenistic culture, Hecateappearsto have beenthe most well-known, and prominent of such
figures, particularly in Asia Minor. Even Beale, who is opposedto Aune's contention that
the Apocalypse is an anti-magical polemic, concedesthe weightiness of the evidenceput
forward by Aune with regard to Hecate. It appearsthat John wants to demonstratethat Jesus
is superior to all rivals, in every arena,and in this instanceover this popular figure.
B. PassagesThat use Tax6
Aune contendsthat John's usageof the term rau ' was intended as a parody of
language that would have been associatedwith `magical' texts. As such, the word functioned
`magical'
have
to
that
overreliance
practices
undermine
on
would
way
a
either been
subtly as
for
his
The
in
temptation
of
audience.
usage
especially
were
a
zaxv,
or
employed,
first
is
tense
a
extremely rare and should therefore be
with
person,
present
verb
conjunction
formula
Rq
is
75
It
investigated.
the
that
is
also
perhaps
relevant
raT6
carefully
Taxi
,
formulas
in
incantational
Greek
found
Magical
Papyri
the
as
part
of
along with
commonly
`magical'
have
been
is
It
Aune's
that
texts
practices.
commonly
associated
with
other
in
has
John
familiar
to
that
term
order
strike at the conscienceof
made
use
of
a
supposition
those who had been less than faithful in their devotion to Christ. This interpretation is likely
John's
explanation
more
other
adequately
no
addresses
usageof this unusual
as
correct
construction.

248

C. Unclean Spirits Like Frogs

From the perspectiveof Jewish tradition, `frogs' are perceived to be unclean

creatures. However, it is the associationof `frogs' with the plaguesof Exodus that prompts
John to use them here in the Apocalypse. John's use of this imagery succeedsin linking
-these opponents with the ancient enemies of God's people in Egypt, namely Pharoah's
blood
display
flesh
These
than
and
and
powers and abilities
magicians.
enemies are more
-that are beyond the capabilities of mere mortals. The same power that allowed a deceptive
'veil to remain over the people of Egypt in the context of the plagues is now at work against
the church.

3. John's Reorientation of Imagery

John's view of `magical' practices did not causehim to condemn categorically all
things that might be associatedwith such practices by a modem mindset. He appearsto
he
in
indicate
images
to
things
reorients
order
condemn certain
outright, while other related
that reliance on them, if JesusChrist, or God, is the sourceof the power behind them, is
acceptable. It is this reorientation of imagery that is perhapsmost surprising, and it provides
a way to ascertainmore precisely what John perceivesto be unacceptablein regard to
practices and imagery often associatedwith `magic' in such imagery.
Seals and Sealing in the Apocalypse
-A.

One such concept is that of the `seal'. John takesthis concept, and reorients it so that
the only acceptableand trustworthy sealsare those that are demonstrably associatedwith
God. Sealshave beenused throughout history as symbols of power, authority, protection,
inconceivable
have
It
been
that John could have
ownership,
as
amulets.
and
would
virtually
,
issued a blanket condemnationof all sealsin a mannerthat would have been affective in
,eradicating reliance upon them. There was simply too much history for such a condemnation
-to have beenaffective in achieving John's goal. Rather than attacking such imagery in a
249

he
it
fashion,
John,
approach,
and
subtle
creative
appears,choosesa more
negative
his
in
imagery
to
central messageregarding
this
a
as
convey
such way
powerfully reorients
he
demonstrate
imagery,
By
the
Christ.
divinity
this
can
reoriented
using
the authority and
of
he
`seals',
God,
Christ
that
the
other
empty
all
other
seal
and
can
of
and
of
position
powerful
God,
Christ
of their significance.
and
of
B. Passages about `the Beginning and End'
Aune postulates that the background to passages that refer in some manner to `the

beginning and the end', `the first and the last', and `the alpha and the U' are evidence in
is
is
`anti-magical'
There
Apocalypse
his
the
that
polemic.
an
an
supposition
support of
`magical'
between
the
with
and
various
practices.
gods
ancient
such phrasesand
association
he
backgrounds
is
that
John
these
and
usesthese
that
It is perhaps the case
aware of
Christ
indicate
the
in
to
of
over
superiority
all
powerfully
more,
once
order,
expressions
in
Magical
Papyri
Greek
in
the
and
other
are
present
phrases
such
certainly
and
rivals
be
`magical'.
to
that
are considered
materials
C. White Stone
Aune and a number of other commentatorsrelate the `white stone' of 2: 17 to the
doubt
fact
Despite
in
that
the
scholars
of
such a correlation,
a
number
`amulet'
antiquity.
the
that
the
context
to
addresses
and
alternative
them
an
able
postulate
are
none of
distinctiveness of the imagery in way that is wholly convincing. In a world where the power
John
it
for
his
that
to
those
taken
chooses
plausible
promise
seems
granted,
was
of
of amulets
them
to
themselves
to
to
than
convince
rid
of
the
seek
amulet
rather
ultimate
audience
form
them
without any
of replacement.
reliance on
D. `Angel Standing in the Sun' (Rev. 19: 17)

The context of Revelation 19:17 is one in which the absolute lordship and authority of
JesusChrist is presentedwith vigour. In order to unravel the meaning of a given text it is

250

helpful to explore both the Jewish background, and an understanding of the Hellenistic
facets
is
long
There
Both
the
of
cultural
process
are
essential.
a
and embattled
environment.
history of sun worship amongst the cultures of the Ancient Near East. The Jewish scriptures
demonstrate
Jews
Jewish
that
there
was
an
ongoing
sources
conflict
amongst
and other
issue.
this
regarding

This tendencyto adore the sun is a widespreadphenomenonaffecting virtually all

Near Eastern cultures, along with Graeco-Roman cultures. There was a particular association
between the emperor and the sun at, or near, the time of the Apocalypse. It seems highly
history of the Jewish people as a
has
into
long
fraught
John
tapped
the
that
and
probable
backdrop, or point of reference for his imagery here. This, combined with the situation that
his
imagery
have
C.
E.
in
1St
Asia
Minor
the
made
use of
century
regarding
would
was current
ba
rp

Pf
ayrAov

zo-rC1Ta

iv

To

iq a grand and compelling vision of the power and sovereignty of

the risen Christ.

It is certainly possible that the frame of referencemay have included such ideas as are
like those in the Greek
in
literature
`magical'
Hekhalot
in
traditions
textual
even
or
present
Magical Papyri. With this imagery John can cut acrossthe cultural boundariesand unite his
image.
this
powerful
audienceusing
E. Seven Thunders (Rev. 10: 3-4)

The imagery of thunder speaking is of such an unusual nature as to warrant special

is
deal
debate
Though
there
the
ultimate sourceof such
a
great
of
regarding
attention.
imagery most would agreethat in some way this imagery is intended to convey that the will
'nrA
between
eovzai.
There
behind
is
the
a
number
God
are
of
connections
message
of
at
of
is
Baal.
Canaanite
Whether
John's audience
that
29
mythology
with
associated
Psalm and
improbable. There is however, a
highly
been
have
of
such
matters
aware
seems
would
been
have
degree
that
the
the
of
probability
will
aware
of
connection
audience
reasonable
251

between thunder and communication from a deity. There was also an association of thunder
by
in
divinity
Roman
Asia
Minor,
the
who
expressed
emperors,
especially
of
claims
with
links
This
`magical'
the
thunder
to
of
along
with
possible
as
gods.
were worshipped
from
it
be
Greek
Magical
Papyri,
divination
the
the
material
or
means
whether
of
practices,
indication
be
John
to
there
that
thunder,
would
seem
an
employed this
with
associated
imagery precisely to dissuade any from relying upon such things.

It has only beenpossible to examine a small number of the numerous motifs that
likely have a connectionwith `magical' practices, in the Apocalypse, yet even these
demonstratea significant associationwith such practices. These images are numerousand
indicating
Apocalypse,
the centrality of concernsassociated
the
within
arranged
centrally
leads
This
that
to
the
certain practices and
emphasis
conclusion
motifs.
with such
he
John
that
to
very creatively sought to counter
significant
concern
and
associationswere of
in
highly
indeed
Apocalypse
John
did
It
the
that
probable
write
such a manner
them. seems
influences
be
he
deemed
identify
to
that
unacceptable.
and
to
practices
as
Whether or not he would have identified thesepractices, as `magic' in every instance
is perhapsopen to question dependingupon how `magic' is defined. Perhapsit is the case
important
intended
is
John
that
to
than the labels that can
the
convey more
that
message
be
by
John
produced
modem
condemnedany and every practice that
scholars.
conveniently
does not recognisethe sovereign, divine authority that is vested in JesusChrist as the son of
God. In the ancient world, reliance upon unacceptablespiritual powers would have been
designatedusing terms associatedwith `magic' such as is the casewith the term (pa gaxetac.
There is no need for reliance upon any other power, or authority, outside of the direct
Lordship of JesusChrist, and indeed any such reliance is ultimately deemedto be immorality
be
For
John
least
it
dependence
with
eternal
punishable
condemnation.
at
will
any
such
and

252

it
be
be
in
be
to
the
and
considered
unacceptable,
would
unacceptable
and
considered
would
category of cpa axEia.
Aune's suppositionthat the Apocalypse is essentially an anti-magical polemic is
is
far,
but
deal
too
there
that
the
taking
a
argument
great
of anti-magical polemical
perhaps
be
best
for
deal
Apocalypse
to
the
the
explanation
seems
a
great
of the
within
material
imagery that has for so long proven so difficult to interpret for scholars. Aune's approach
long
ideas
that
to
that
should
continue
unveil
of
exploration
avenues
undisclosed
unlocks new
fascinating
in
this
work.
complex and
will assist understanding

253

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