Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Acknowledging Difference
in Education, Language and History
Milton A. GEORGE,
Sergio Saleem SCATOLINI
& Solomon Arulraj DAVID
Editors
The authors are responsible for any picture which they may have included in their
articles. The websites referred to are in the public domain, and their addresses are
provided for information only. The publishers and editors disclaim any responsibility for
the content.
[2]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Foreword
Dr. Sergio Saleem Scatolini
Rustaq College of Applied Sciences, Oman
IVX
138
3961
6292
93110
[I]
111125
126142
143170
On the Cure of a Postcolonial Malady:
Teaching national languages in a context of linguistic diversity
Ibrahima Dieme
Arciv-Cheih Anta Diop University of Dakar, Senegal
171182
La colonialidad en el patrimonio, la memoria social y la identidad
Dr. Alexis Oviedo
Universidad Andina Simn Bolivar, Sede Ecuador
183203
[II]
204226
Hamlet: The religious handicapped
A.S.M. Shamim Miah
University of Buraimi, Oman
227237
Education Leadership:
A professional guide for educational leaders in 21st century schools
Dr. Mehmet zcan
Afyon Kocatepe University, Turkey
238253
Change and Development:
Economic development and preservation of the environment
Oman as an example
:
Salim Hamood Al-Amri
University of Buraimi, Oman
254279
Ibn Tufayls View of Education in Hayy Ibn Yaqzn
Dr. Sergio Saleem Scatolini
Rustaq College of Applied Sciences, Oman
280302
[III]
FOREWORD
Dr. Sergio Saleem Scatolini
Rustaq College of Applied Sciences, Oman
I hate how I don't feel real enough unless people are watching.
Chuck Palahniuk, Invisible Monsters
I
We are the same and the other.
(Levinas, p. 39)
[IV]
II
Abraham is at the same time, the most moral and the
most immoral, the most responsible and the most
irresponsible. (Derrida, 1991, p. 72)
Binary oppositions have occasionally led to ideological struggles where
different groups of us try to keep the others at bay or, with some luck, to
overcome them. Moreover, people are made to believe in those homo
homini lupus oppositions to the point that questioning them would amount
to disloyalty, treason, or a sin. These dynamics are present even in our
religious systems. In fact, aspects of them have projected or objectified
this binary thinking to an absolute degree. As a result, even the divine is
meant to share our dichotomous or polychotomous visions of the world.
In the words of Feuerbach, Such as are a mans thoughts and
dispositions, such is his God (1957, p. 12).
Socio-political ideologies, which we all implicitly or explicitly have and
surrender to in differing degrees, do something similar with the social
realm. They classify it into sets of people whose position we judge as
being with us, against us, or indifferent to us, or about whom we
temporarily hold our judgement. The totality of reality is thus rent by the
centripetal claim that Levinas (1979) called egoism which is implicit
in the establishment of homes, home countries, and homies. However,
these homes reveal the social realm as both necessary and dangerous
dimensions of human life. In this way, in our daily lives, we sway between
considering the other as a who and a what.
[V]
Seen from this perspective, the labor system and the economy are realms
where human beings are approached primordially as whats, as objects in a
habitat where some provide goods and services, and others acquire them
for a price. When we pay for someones time or are paid for ours, human
beings become commodities. The whos behind the faces of those who
populate the labor market and our economies are lost sight of. We lose
sight of them, and we are lost sight of. Humanity is not seen; it is hidden,
either because it is intrinsically concealed, or because it is extrinsically
effaced. And we accept this. If we did not, we would have to change. We
would have to internalize that we are our brothers and sisters keepers
(Genesis), and we would have the right to expect that they be ours, too.
This is why it is easier like an almost spontaneous reaction to
envisage the economy, the labor market, the religious landscape, the
education system and, sometimes, even married life as a struggle for
supremacy rather than as a collaborative process for mutual affirmation
and acknowledgement. The message is quite simple: I can increase only if
you decrease. Growing together is not possible, too hard, or less fun. For
if we are both equally big, then nobody is really big. Big means bigger:
bigger than thou.
Most of us if not all of us have been breastfed on this binary,
oppositional philosophy, including the haves as much as the have-nots.
The propertied class and the class of the proletariat present the same
human self-estrangement. But the former class feels at ease and
strengthened in this self-estrangement, it recognizes estrangement as its
own power, and has in it the semblance of a human existence. The class
of the proletariat feels annihilated, this means that they cease to exist in
estrangement; it sees in it its own powerlessness and in the reality of an
inhuman existence (Marx & Engels, 1845).
III
Religion as risk, which is ready to give itself up, is the
nourishing stream of the arteries; as system, possessing,
assured and assuring, religion which believes in religion is
the veins blood, which ceases to circulate. And if there is
nothing that can so hide the face of our fellow-man as
[VI]
specifically power structures, explain why one persons miopy and anothers
are not the same. Since these structures often predate our birth, the ethical
question is not why we created them, but why we have kept them in place.
Why have we opted for shortsightedness instead of greater vision? It is at
this point that social engineering becomes a moral issue. It is at this point
that we must critically revisit our views of language, education, history (as
storytelling and history writing), and religion and worldviews. They are
partially responsible for much of our short-sightedness, whereby the other
becomes a blurred something betwixt and between: present and absent,
absent although present.
IV
Human life possesses absolute meaning through
transcending in practice its own conditioned nature, that
is, through mans seeing that which he confronts, and
with which he can enter into a real relation of being to
being, as not less real than himself, and through taking it
not less seriously than himself. (Buber, 2004, p. 199)
[VIII]
V
Lautre comme lamour est par excellance ce qui fait tre.
(Paraphrasing Blondel, cited by Rojas, 2013, p. 61)
The wish for better futures that include the other functions as the backgrop
to the contributions in this book. They tackle aspects related to sameness
and otherness, as well as to othering, isolation and alienation.
Paraphrasing Levinas (1979, p. 85), we could say that to welcome the other is
to question my, our, your, his, her, and their own claim. The other is neither one of
us, nor one of them. Otherness is a dimension of existence reflected on
everybodys face. It is not even the religious god, which (not Who, since
it often is an ugly idol) is little more than projection. The haves turn their
god into a feudal lord; the havenots imagine it as a celestial Robin Hood,
Batman or Wonderwoman; and middle class atheists obliterate it as the
final affirmation of the equality which they deem to have obtained.
However, the other as I see it is what we are and are not. It is
precisely in this not-being-yet that the power, or the generative force, of the
other resides. By radically questioning our imagined completeness and
sameness, it opens our imagination up to new futures, to new phases of
our own evolution, to become otherwise, wiser in other ways.
The choice is ours. Are we going to reproduce the same injustice and
oppressive binary relations of the past, and their religions of purity
through the expurgation of the other? Or are we, instead, going to choose
the otherwise, the wisdom of creative otherness beyond the dogmas of
mandatory alienation (i.e. otherness without othering)? If we opt for the
latter, we shall have to dare to encourage one another in our homes, at
school, and in the media so that we welcome the other without the feeling
that we must overpower it/him/her before it/he/she overpowers us? We
[IX]
must also decide not to become the kind of other that others need to
overpower in self-defense. In short, the contributions in this book would
like us to imagine that the other like love is, first and foremost, what makes
us be.
So here I am, in the middle way, having had twenty years
Twenty years largely wasted, the years of l'entre deux guerres
Trying to use words, and every attempt
Is a wholly new start, and a different kind of failure
Because one has only learnt to get the better of words
For the thing one no longer has to say, or the way in which
One is no longer disposed to say it. And so each venture
Is a new beginning, a raid on the inarticulate
With shabby equipment always deteriorating
In the general mess of imprecision of feeling,
Undisciplined squads of emotion. And what there is to conquer
By strength and submission, has already been discovered
Once or twice, or several times, by men whom one cannot hope
To emulatebut there is no competition
There is only the fight to recover what has been lost
And found and lost again and again: and now, under conditions
That seem unpropitious. But perhaps neither gain nor loss.
For us, there is only the trying. The rest is not our business.
T.S. Eliot, East Coker (No. 2 of 'Four Quartets'). Retrieved on September 26, 2015, from
http://www.davidgorman.com/4Quartets/2-coker.htm.
References
Cassirer, E. (1944). An Essay on Man. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Buber, M. (2004). Between Man and Man. London and New York: Taylor & Francis eLibrary.
Derrida, J. (1991). The Gift of Death, trans. Wills. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Feuerbach, L. (1957). The Essence of Christianity, trans. G. Eliot with an intro by K. Barth
and a foreword by H. R. Niebuhr. New York: Harper Torchbooks.
Levinas, E. (1979). Totality and Infinity. An essay on exteriority, trans. Alphonso Linguis. The
Hague, Boston, & London: Martinus Nijhoff.
Marx, K. & Engels, F. (1845). The Holy Family or Critique of Critical Criticism. Against Bruno
Bauer and Company, trans. Richard Dixon (1956). Frankfurt am Main. See:
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/holy-family.
Rojas, E. (2013). El Hombre Light. Una vida sin valores. Buenos Aires: Booket.
[X]
[1]
Introduction
Scholars in political economy and the sociology of knowledge have
incessantly been arguing that the schools in modern industrial and
capitalist societies are more likely to offer different types of educational
experience and curricular knowledge to the students in different social
classes. Max Weber and Karl Marx, for instance, argued that there have
been identifiable and socially meaningful differences in the school
knowledge made available to literati and peasant, aristocrat and laborer.
Their arguments can be refuted that they generally considered previous
societies while developing such discourses. However, in my view these
insightful perspectives cannot be totally ignored. Recent scholarship in
sociology of education has put forth some evidence-based discourses that
the students from different social class backgrounds are usually exposed
to qualitatively different types of educational knowledge. Students from
higher social class backgrounds are generally exposed to legal, medical, or
managerial knowledge, while those from the working classes may be
offered a more "practical" curriculum, such as, clerical knowledge and/or
vocational training, etc. (see: Rosenbaum 1976; Karabel 972; Bowles and
Gintis 1976). It is generally argued that such social class differences in
secondary and postsecondary education are a conserving force in modern
societies, an important aspect of the reproduction of unequal class
structures (see: Karabel and Halsey 1977; Apple 1979; Young and Whitty
1977).
Jean Anyon (1981), too, argues that it is no surprise that schools in
wealthy communities are better than those in poor communities, or that
they better prepare their students for desirable jobs. It may be shocking,
nonetheless, to learn how vast the differences in schools are - not so
much in resources as in teaching methods and philosophies of education.
She conducted an ethnographic research in the elementary schools in
New Jersey that served either working class, middle class, or affluent
communities. Anyon concluded that differing curricular, pedagogical, and
student evaluation practices emphasize different skills and contribute to
the development in the children of certain potential relationships to
physical and symbolic capital, authority and control, and the process of
work. Thus, schools serve as sorting mechanisms, with lower class
students being taught through skills and drills methods that prepare them
[2]
for future wage labor, which is more mechanical and routine. Insofar as it
denies the human capacities for creativity and planning, such work is
degrading. Moreover, when performed in industry, such work is a source
of profit for others. Conversely, students from higher social classes are
provided with classroom experiences through which they develop human
capacities related to analysis and planning and become prepared for the
work in society that requires these sorts of skills. In fact, their schooling
helps them develop the abilities necessary for ownership and control of
physical capital and the means of production in the society. Therefore, the
schooling experience, which differs qualitatively by social class, may
contribute to the development of certain types of economically significant
relationships in the children from each social class, thereby contributing
to the reproduction of the system of class relations in society. Likewise,
while focusing on school knowledge, Basil Bernstein, Pierre Bourdieu, and
Michael Apple argued that knowledge and skills leading to social power
are generally made available to the advantaged social groups but are
withheld from the working classes to whom knowledge and skills are
provided only to assume a role in future life to implement the policies
made by others. Likewise, Bowles and Gintis (1976) argue that students in
different social-class backgrounds are rewarded for classroom behaviors
that correspond to personality traits allegedly rewarded in the different
occupational strata---the working classes for docility and obedience, the
affluent classes for initiative and personal assertiveness.
For Pierre Bourdieu, the schools are the space where practices tend to
legitimize social difference and social inequalities and where the regulation
of access to resources is ideologically constructed. He argues that
institutionalization of education has allowed for the regulation of
knowledge and the agents who are in power tend to assert social control,
social selection, and symbolic domination. The materials produced for
education (e.g. curriculum/textbooks) and educational practices (e.g.
pedagogy/evaluation) are all used to reproduce a regime of social
hierarchy (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990). Swartz (1997) sums up Bourdieus
main arguments regarding the central functions of the education system
and school knowledge as the reproduction of uneven social relations.
First, the education system performs the function of conserving,
inculcating, and consecrating a cultural heritage. This is its internal and
most essential function. Schooling not only provides the transmission of
[3]
Theoretical framework
This research study has employed Jean Anyons treatise of social class
and school knowledge as the framework. Anyon (1981) argues that while
ones occupational status and income level contribute to ones social class,
they do not define it. She determines social class on the basis of a series of
relationships to several aspects of the process through which goods,
services, and culture are produced in society. For instance, agents of the
affluent classes have more access to economic and cultural capital and
greater control over the structure of power and authority. Similarly, as
compared to social roles of many middle class and most working class
agents, social roles of those in affluent classes include the cultural capital
related to independent thinking, creativity, and decision-making
capabilities.
Based on these understandings, Anyon conducted an ethnographic
research and provided a richly detailed description of differential, social
classbased constructions of epistemological standpoints within the
different schools which served to the students from contrasting social
backgrounds. She primarily asked three questions to the fifth graders at
each school: 1) What is knowledge? 2) Where does knowledge come
from? 3) Can you make itand if so how? Students from the working
class schools viewed knowledge as a set of procedures handed down to
them by authority. In contrast, students at the affluent schools looked at
knowledge as something that they could create through reflection and
critical thinking (Anyon, 1980, 1981). Moreover, the schools of wealthy
communities were better than those of the poor communities, in regards
to resources, teaching methods, and philosophies of education. The
student composition of these schools and the micro-political contexts
(e.g. teachers perceptions and core beliefs about students capabilities and
their sense of responsibility towards their learning) were deeply related. In
predominantly low-income schools, teachers emphasized their students
deficits and generally instilled a low sense of responsibility. Conversely,
when a larger proportion of students were from affluent classes, the
teachers accentuated their intellectual assets and felt more accountable for
what their students learned. Therefore, evidently the teachers sense of
responsibility for student learning is connected to their beliefs about
students intellectual abilities through a set of organizationally embedded
[5]
Methodology
Data on the nature and dissemination of school knowledge were gathered
in an investigation of curricula, teaching-methods, classroom
management, and pupil evaluation practices in six secondary schools
generally differentiated by social class. The methods used to gather data
were classroom observation; informal and formal interviews with
students, teachers, and principals; and assessment of curriculum and other
materials in each classroom and school. The ethnographic data to be
reported here were drawn in 2007-08, and primarily from grade 10 or
equivalent in each school. For this research, we picked two schools from
each stream of education, e.g. elite-English-medium schools, public
Schools, and Islamic madaris. To begin, our main criterion to differentiate
these schools was the level of the majority of parents economic capital
and occupational status (which was used as an indicator of their social
class).
Islamic Madaris
The madaris personnel explain that their students largely belong to the
underclass, poorest of the poor and underprivileged segments of society.
More than 50% of parents are skilled, semi-skilled, or unskilled workers.
In addition, about 10% of the students are orphaned and handicapped,
and the madaris provide them complete support for survival. Regarding
income, the madaris personnel clarified that most families may live below
the poverty line with a monthly income of less than 5,000 rupees or a
daily income of less than 1 U.S.(1) dollar. At the time of this study (200708) such families comprised 34.46 % of the total population in Pakistan
(Government of Pakistan, 2008, p. 18). A large majority of students
received the basic amenities from madaris for free, which included
[6]
Public Schools
Like madaris, the public school personnel explain that their clientele
mostly belong to the poor and underprivileged segments of society. More
than 50% of the parents hold blue-collar jobs. A few parents may belong
to the lower-middle class. In regards to income, the school personnel
explain that most families appear to live below the poverty line, with a
monthly income up to 10,000 rupees, which also is less than 1 U.S. dollar
a day. As mentioned above, such families comprised 34.46 % of the total
population in Pakistan (Government of Pakistan, 2008, p. 18). The public
schools charge a meager amount of 7 rupees as the tuition fee every
month and provide textbooks for free. In this way, the poor and workingclass parents can easily afford to educate their children in these schools.
[7]
Discussion
A Brief Overview of the Curricula, Pedagogical Styles, and
Physical Facilities
The comparative curricular analysis will attempt to locate major patterns,
the nature of their content and design, and what intellectual faculties they
are capable of promoting. Regarding pedagogy, I have attempted to
understand the extent to which teachers go beyond simply transmitting
textbook knowledge to create new epistemological possibilities. It is
generally argued that examination systems wield prominent impacts on
teaching, learning and other aspects of the educational praxis (see:
Hughes, 1993; Smith, 1991; Shepard, 1993; Vallette, 1994). Likewise,
Morris (1990) argues that due to their wide use, tests (particularly highstake tests) can exert an influence on teachers and students with an
associated impact on what happens in classrooms. Pierce (1992)
acknowledges that the style of tests has a great impact on classroom
pedagogy, curriculum development, and educational policy (p. 687).
Therefore, in our analysis, we also have included students evaluation
patterns and their probable effects on their class-work.
The three types of schools in this study teach curricula that are designed
by different organizations and prepare their students for different
standardized examinations that are supervised by different examining
bodies. For instance, Tanzim-ul-Madaris, the main controlling organization
of the madaris under study, generally determines the syllabi, collects
registration and examination fees, and prepares and distributes the
question papers to the madaris where students take their exams. The
madaris still exclusively aim their education at disseminating faith-based
knowledge and have retained their traditional curriculum, known as Darse-Nizami. It was devised by an 18th century Islamic scholar, Mulla
Nizamuddin, who insisted upon the supreme pedagogical value of the
classical Islamic knowledge. Hence, most of the books in Nizami curriculum
are canonical texts written either in Arabic, Persian, or their translations in
Urdu. Such books contain out-dated topics, which, in many respects, are
unable to meet the challenges of the modern life. For instance, the book
titled Sharh-e-Aqaid (The Principles of Beliefs) contains discourses on
theology and was written some eight hundred years ago. It was written in
[8]
what they see as ideologically acceptable text enters into the classrooms.
During this research study, we observed that the textbooks, even those of
modern subjects, are heavily loaded with doctrinal material. It appears that
the process of Islamization of education, which was initiated during the
decade of 1979-89 by the National Education Policy of 1979, has
persisted and been reproduced over the years without any obvious
change. The textbooks that we observed were either written in 2002 or
before; and since March 2002; the curricula had not been revised.
It appears that the traditional examination system in the public schools
also greatly affects the curricular design, patterns of the textbooks, and
eventually what happens in the classrooms. As the students are mainly
evaluated through the written responses of lengthy essay-type questions in
the standardized exams, the textbooks and exercises after each lesson are
designed to facilitate this process. The post-lesson questions do not pose
any academic challenge to the students or inspire their analytical or
reflective capabilities. Instead, they generally require the reproduction of
textbook content, sometimes without the slightest deviation. The
following questions, which have been taken from post-lesson exercises of
different textbooks, support these arguments:
connect to other learning topics, or the rationale behind their rules and
procedures. Instead, the teachers generally valued passivity and did not
allow an assertive behavior from their students. Hence, in this type of
entirely controlled study setting, the students are left only with the option
of being content with whatever has been bestowed on them, rather than
developing their creativity through independent thinking. Moreover,
students everyday performance is evaluated on the basis of accuracy in
reproducing the textbook knowledge, which is generally specified by the
teacher. The madaris and public school teachers also rarely adopt
strategies to expand or transform the curricular contents or generate new
epistemological possibilities. When they do happen, such rare efforts are
confined only to limited areas. For instance, the madaris personnel usually
initiate reasoning to analyze the current socio-political issues in the light
of religious teachings or to find ways to refute alien philosophies, heretical
beliefs, and interpretations of other sects of Islam. However, they
generally perceive the revealed knowledge as the most authentic, reliable,
and unlikely to be questioned or modified. Hence, they encourage
students to memorize it without even the slightest deviation from the
scriptures. Likewise, the public school teachers tend to integrate the
Quranic knowledge into the content as well as the praxis of apparently
secular and modern curricula of even scientific subjects, such as biology,
physics, and chemistry. In so doing, they argue that their initiative of
Islamizing the school knowledge resolves the fundamental
methodological issues in education and provides accurate, authentic, and
effective ideas and plans to reform present-day academic life of the
Muslims.
In contrast to both Islamic madaris and public schools, the elite school
teachers primarily believe in the creation of knowledge through empirical
and deductive processes. They also believe that any kind of knowledge
can be questioned or analyzed, including faith-based knowledge. They
argue that reflection over revealed knowledge would be helpful to ensure
an in-depth understanding of the Quranic messages. In general, the elite
school teachers take on various methods to go beyond the curricular
contents and develop classroom environments that are conducive for
advanced learning. Their pedagogical practices mainly aspire to develop
students intellectual and analytical capabilities, equip them with necessary
skills to reason out the solution to a problem, conceptualize rules by
[15]
which components may fit in a system, and then apply these rules to solve
relevant puzzles. During classwork, we observed that the elite school
teachers encourage students to explore knowledge, interact meaningfully
with learning materials, construct meaning, and test their concepts and
hypothesis, while taking responsibility for their own learning. The teachers
also raise questions in order to engage students to do independent
research and discover the appropriate answers themselves. In addition, it
is common during the classwork for teachers to challenge and probe
students to produce arguments that are logically sound and of higher
academic quality. When the teachers allocate homework assignments, they
expect the students to observe the same high standards of creativity as
they do during the class work. Moreover, the teachers attempt to improve
the social scenario of the class by building confidence and responsibility
among students, responding to individual differences, and promoting
ethical behavior and moral virtues. They involve students in determining
appropriate classroom rules, which promotes students feelings of
ownership, commitment to the rules and procedures, and sense of shared
responsibilities. Hence, the students have a chance to understand why
they have particular set of rules and why they do things in certain ways. In
short, the elite schools provide their students the kind of schooling
experience that is meant to prepare them to excel in the future roles.
As regards physical and academic resources, both Islamic madaris and
public schools showed an obvious scarcity. For instance, only a few
classrooms had sufficient furniture; although two to four electric fans
were provided in the classrooms, on most occasions half of them were
out of order; also, not a single classroom had a heating system and there
was no adequate system for clean and filtered drinking water in these
schools. The academic facilities included only the provision of
blackboards and white chalk as teaching aids. The library facilities were
also deficient and substandard. The available volumes, based on student
enrolment, were extremely inadequate and covered a limited variety of
topics. Most of them were very old and some even worn out. The daily
newspapers, which had been purchased for the library, were mostly seen
in the staffroom and, thus, completely inaccessible for the students.
Conversely, the elite schools provided outstanding and relatively more
diverse physical and academic facilities, which could easily be compared to
any of the prominent educational institution in the world. The classrooms,
[16]
libraries, science labs, etc. had state-of-the-art facilities. The students also
had unlimited access to computers and internet, which they mostly used
for educational purpose.
Islamic madaris
The study of Islamic fiqh (jurisprudence) in madaris under observation
was, in fact, the reproduction of traditional faith-based knowledge,
elaboration of major textbook concepts, and an effort to disseminate
sectarian interpretations of core Islamic concepts including the Sharia
laws. The teacher rarely attempted to connect the fundamental concepts
to prevailing social circumstances. However, during the classwork, he
raised some questions to promote the students creative dispositions; but
this was done in a limited way, for instance, simply to challenge the
interpretations of other sects of Islam. During a one hour and 30 minutes
lecture, which was the longest that we observed, the teacher strictly
controlled the classroom time and space and incessantly warned students
to stay attentive. He did not let any student leave the classroom or
interrupt his lecture by asking a question to get further understanding. At
certain points, I observed the students appeared worn-out with the
regimented control and the flow of superfluous one-way knowledge, but
did not have the courage to record their uneasiness. During the lecture,
the teacher completely ignored the bells to switch class. It is a customary
practice in current madaris that if a teacher delivers a lecture on an
[17]
to use their prior learning. The classwork is mainly the inculcation of the
teacher-specified knowledge, and the students have little liberty to make
decision or have choices. In general, three different languages (i.e. Arabic,
Persian, and Urdu) are taught in madaris. Arabic is predominant because
the Quran, hadith, and other prominent religious literature were developed
in this language. Hence, a certain level of competency in Arabic is
essential to properly understand this central faith-based literature. Persian,
which, before colonization, was socially and academically necessary in
Muslim India, still forms an integral part of the curriculum. However, in
madaris Arabic and Persian are taught as dead languages and, as a result,
the teachers generally translate the scholastic material of textbooks as well
as their commentaries into Urdu. They also write the meaning of difficult
and newly introduced words on the blackboard for students to copy into
their personal notebooks to memorize afterwards. In general, during study
periods more communication is done in Urdu than in Arabic or Persian.
Therefore, the students simply become able to read and, to some extent,
understand fundamental religious literature in Arabic or Persian, but do
not attain linguistic competency for independent oral or written
communication in these languages.
The teaching of grammar is an integral part of language arts pedagogy.
However, in both madaris observed, the teaching of grammar of Arabic,
Persian, or Urdu focused on the mechanics of fundamental rules. The
teachers generally argue that learning simple grammar is essential for
students to attain linguistic competency as well as the correct
pronunciation. The teachers emphasize that incorrect pronunciation
might alter the actual meaning of the words; therefore, one must be able
to pronounce words correctly, especially if the student intends to recite
the Quran effectively. During the classwork, I did not see the teachers
giving creative written assignments to the students or posing oral
challenges to test their learning. The students also did not ask questions
for further elaboration of a concept. The homework largely involved the
translation of allocated passages, memorization of the grammar rules and
meaning of difficult words, and solving the after lesson exercises by using
knowledge extracted directly from the textbook. In sum, it appears that
language pedagogy in madaris is still based on the traditional concepts that
presume that the learning of grammatical rules and the translation method
are sufficient to attain mastery in a language. The teachers are still not
[19]
Public Schools
In the public schools observed, the general theory and praxis of language
arts teaching is largely analogous to that of madaris. For instance, the
teachers perceive that the correct learning of rules is essential to ensuring
the students proficiency in a language. Hence, they mainly focus their
teaching on explaining the basic rules and procedures that govern the
English language. However, these rules are explained in their native
language, as a result of which, the students mostly translate Urdu
sentences into English, while applying the correct procedures. Like
madaris, no emphasize is given on interactive communication in English
between the teacher and students or between students. Consequently, the
students remain unable to attain fluency and confidence to in applying
[21]
the schools observed, before the actual experiment, the teacher gave a 30minute lecture about the procedures and mechanisms involved in the
dissection as well as salient features of external and internal anatomy of
the frog and the functions of major organs and organ systems. He showed
some diagrams and sketches to elaborate certain vital concepts. He then
asked a student to take a big frog from a jar, which was uncovered so
that the frog could breathe easily. The frog was chloroformed; the body
was put upside down on a wooden dissection board and fixed with the
help of paper pins. The teacher performed the dissection and verbally
explained various procedures that he was following at different steps.
Starting from the digestive system, the teacher exposed different body
parts and systems and verbally explained their structures and functions.
However, except for the heart, the teacher did not open any other major
organ or system to elaborate their internal anatomy. He also did not
explain the precise functions of the liver and pancreas and what kind of
enzymes they produce to aid the digestive process. The teacher rarely
elaborated the coordinating mechanisms between different body parts or
systems. The nervous system and the nature of nerve impulses, along with
factors that affect their transmission, were altogether ignored. Moreover,
the shortage of necessary resources became evident when, at one point,
the frogs body began to bleed, but there was no cotton or any kind of
other arrangement to clean it. A student provided some tissue papers to
the teacher to clean the blood drops so that different organs could be seen
easily.
In conclusion, during this presentation the students appeared to be more
in the position of spectators than participants. The teacher did not initiate
creative discussion or raise questions to involve students in any sort of
reflection that could lead to the development of a scientific approach
among them. Instead, it was a solo performance mainly dominated by the
teacher, who held absolute authority. Later, we asked the teacher about
possibilities of educating the class about lab safety procedures, potential
hazards, and the proper ways to dispose of the dissected materials. The
teacher smiled and said, How much stuff can I cover within one and half
hour? He then argued that theoretical knowledge would not be enough
unless it is supported with necessary equipment. Presently, he has not
been provided with sufficient financial resources to buy the essential
safety materials, such as plastic gloves, aprons, and antibiotic lotions.
[26]
However, a lack of will maybe another factor that the teacher did not like
to mention, because buying a plastic bag to dispose of the frog is not too
expensive.
constitute them to the class. They were also asked to illustrate situations
or events where these dimensions can be employed effectively.
The focus of the English literature course in elite schools was on engaging
students in dynamic and insightful discussions and reflecting on current
social circumstances. The general emphasis was on analyzing main
curricular themes, exploring supplemental knowledge, and also figuring
out the correct application of linguistic tools. The teacher argued, I
always help my students to attain ability to effectively express their
thoughts while using the correct language. Therefore, we observed many
occasions during the classwork of the teacher facilitating students to attain
perfection in the language and also doing an in-depth analysis of the
subject matter. For instance, in poetry lesson titled Taj Mahal the
teacher emphasized that, although this splendid palace is signified as an
epitome of love, it contains many significant messages for the writers who
perceive it as a sign of social inequality. At the outset, the teacher
explained that this poem was actually written by a progressive poet,
who generally included mention of the social evils in his creative work and
invited people to reflect on such issues. The progressive writers are
usually the utopian dreamers: who wish for an equal distribution of
resources. Hence, the main theme in this poem is social inequality: on one
side, the poor lack even the necessities of life and, on the other; the rich
enjoy the luxuries when alive and are buried in gorgeous places like the
Taj Mahal. The poor visit these places every night to light the candles
without knowing if the dead person buried there did any good deeds for
people like them when he or she was alive and in a position of
authority. After explaining the poem, the teacher divided the class into
four groups and, based on previously assigned research work, gave one
question for each group to discuss. She asked groups to choose a leader
who would brief the entire class on the gist of their findings. Five minutes
were allocated for this within the group discussion..
When the leader of each group briefed the class about their main findings,
the teacher urged other students to challenge or supplement the
information. She would also incessantly ask the class if someone wanted
to add a new perspective. For instance, when a student elaborated the
main achievements of American progressive movement, a student added
that abolitionism was another significant achievement of this movement,
as it marked the end of the institution of slavery in the U.S. On another
[28]
Teacher:
area as a project for further investigation. The students were then asked
to make a decision about the specific theme they wanted to explore in this
area, the resources they would use, and how they would conduct this
research (i.e. individually or in a group). The teacher offered that if anyone
needed further understanding, he or she could meet him in the after class
or send him an email.
In the elite schools, the use of science experiments involves creative
activity and is carried out in the small groups of students. The students are
encouraged to develop their hypothesis, make decisions for appropriate
methods and materials, and determine what they want to learn from this
hands-on experience. In the experiment of dissecting a frog, unlike the
public schools (where dissection was conducted only once in an academic
session), in elite schools a series of multiple dissections were carried out.
Each time a single system, or specific areas, was explored, which provided
an in-depth understanding for the students. For instance, in one of the
schools the students were interested in exploring the nervous system and
find out the direction of transmission of action potentials (nerve impulses)
and factors that affect this transmission. After an active discussion, the
students agreed upon a hypothesis that nerve impulses would not be able
to travel upwards through the peripheral nervous system to stimulate the
muscle in the opposite leg and that fatigue would be observed earlier if
electrical stimulation was stronger (in volts). In this hypothesis, properties
such as conductivity and fatigue were stressed, as well as the direction of
impulse (this was to be done by stimulating one sciatic nerve and checking
to see if the opposite muscle also twitched). Before the experiment, the
students were instructed to review the assigned pages provided online as
MS WORD files. These contained instructions and proper procedures to
follow as well as some suggested study questions at the end. The teacher
explained that the frog was used as a model because it has particularly
large sciatic nerves, which are ideal for beginner students since they can be
easily isolated and artificially stimulated. The teacher briefly went through
the experimental procedure and explained that students must keep the
nerve preparations moist using the provided ringers solution, a clear
liquid solution of necessary ions that resembles interstitial fluid and keeps
action potentials going. Along with this tip, the teacher covered other
common pitfalls that students usually face during the dissections, such as
severing the nerve accidently and not being able to find the location of the
[32]
specific nerves. During the dissection the teacher and students worked as
a team to discover the brain, which conducts action potentials that travel
down the spinal cord. Here, the signals are picked up by efferent nerves
that run to several muscle groups. The class generally focused on the
gastrocnemius muscle found in the frogs leg, which is innervated by the
sciatic nerve. The sciatic nerves come out separately from either side of
the spinal cord, and are large in diameter in comparison to visceral (organ)
nerves. When the electrical signal reached the gastrocnemius muscle, the
muscle contracted, which was observed by the students as a twitch. The
students then artificially stimulated the muscle with an electrode and
observed properties such as contractility and fatigue. A student explained
to me that fatigue can be observed in such a system and is defined by a
marked decrease in contractility as the muscle is continuously bombarded
by impulses. The physiological cause of this is the exhaustion of ion stores
in the neuromuscular junctions, also called the motor end plates, which
are the regions where the nerve makes contact with the muscle.
During the post-experiment session, the students explained that the main
hypothesis was partially accepted. While it was true that a stronger
stimulation caused early onset of muscle fatigue, it was also found that the
nerve impulse from stimulation of the sciatic nerve in one leg could travel
up and then down the other leg to cause the other muscle to twitch. This
was more easily observed at higher voltages. During this discussion, the
teacher also went through some of the questions in the back of the
provided notes, as well as other sample questions that tested concepts that
students should have observed or picked up during this experiment. The
teacher asked students to explain what they found and what they should
have found before revealing the right answers. He mostly tried to guide
students towards the right answer and would ask them why they thought
their response was the right answer. After the class had grasped these
concepts, the teacher would elaborate on the mechanisms behind the
concept for further clarity. In both elite schools, as students finished up,
they were told to properly throw away the animal waste according to
safety protocol. All equipment was cleaned and placed away properly.
[33]
Concluding remarks
The study delineates the highly stratified nature of the education system in
Pakistan; wherein these three types of schools constitute distinct fields of
education. They provide contrasting academic and physical facilities. Their
curricula, pedagogical methods, micro-political contexts (e.g. the school
personnels perspectives, practices and the school cultures), and
organizational habitus (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977) are greatly
different. Their relative autonomy also reveals different categories and
scales. Therefore, these schools have the potential to provide very
different schooling experiences to their respective students. This has
significant implications for reproduction of students class-habitus and
political worldviews, and determines different social roles and
occupational trajectories. In sum, it appears that these schools prepare
their students for life in the social class from which they come. For
instance, different standards of material and human resources in these
three types of schools are more likely to project among students to view
the world hierarchicallyon a scale from higher to lower social classes.
This is a specific culturally reproduced way of thinking and one that
systematically encourages support for socioeconomic hierarchies and
misrecognition of the actual nature of what people think, do, or value.
The substandard facilities in Islamic madaris and public schools can
potentially act as symbolic violence and encourage the students to accept
the legitimacy of their dominated position in the social order. In contrast,
the rich environments at home and school alike have helped the elite
children to tacitly inculcate the class-consciousness, sense of distinction,
and a shared habitus of being privileged. Thus, we argue that contrasting
academic/physical facilities in the schools are likely to impose the specter
of legitimacy of the social order on their students.
Arguably, a combination of many factors after secondary schooling
determines the students future occupations and relationship to the system
of production and control. However, the nature of school knowledge and
classroom work in these three types of schools provides an understanding
that their future roles and professional trajectories are already being
formed. These schools have different curricula, pedagogical styles, and
student evaluation methods, which mainly emphasize different cognitive
and behavioral skills among students. These differences can become focal
[34]
Endnotes
1- At the time of this study (2007-08) 1 U.S. dollar was equivalent to 88 Pakistani
rupees.
2- Noor-ul- Ezah was originally written in 9th century by Sheikh Hasan bin Umar
bin Ali bin Yousaf, and translated by Allama Maqbool Ahmed, and published by
Zia-ul-Quran Publications, Karachi, in 2010. This book is still widely used in
current madaris.
3- Pakistan Studies for classes 9-10, Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore. Approved
by the Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, Vide NOC letter No.
F-11-2/2002-SS.
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[37]
[38]
Introduction
The research was about the consequences and changes of the new
reforms which were established by Abu Dhabi education council. Said
reform changes the education system from a teacher-centered approach to
a student-centered approach. The paper aims to find out the issues related
to the teacher because of this change and the challenges faced by the Abu
Dhabi Education Council in implementing the reforms and changes. The
wide information and secondary data were collected to understand the
terms student-cetered and teacher-centered approaches and the changes
and reforms of the schooling system. The results found that teachers
faced many problems as the student-centered approach resulted in panic
and disturbance in class, which is not what teachers usually need in class.
The classroom in the student-centered approach is less orderly compared
to the teacher-centered approach. A number of advantages and
disadvantages have been found in the results and findings.
The formal education until the middle of the 20th century was only
available in few of the lands of United Arab Emirates. In 1960s, the first
formal education system was established inspired by the system of the
British model, and the system was financed directly from the Emirates
Treasury. In 1970, the real modern school system began with the
independence and establishment of United Arab Emirates. The first
university was launched after 6 years in 1976. Now only one schooling
system is shared in all Emirates with equal opportunities. According to the
law of UAE, all citizens of age 9 have the right to get education, but it has
found that the law has not really been enforced and a number of children
are unable to receive formal education. Education is free for all in UAE at
all public institutes from Montessori to university (Lightfoot, 2014). Free
[39]
Problem of statement
The Abu Dhabi Education has changed the system approach from
teaching centered approach to student-centered approach where students
are provided to learn in advanced technology atmosphere with modern
teaching facilities. The paper is about to investigate the challenges and
problems to Abu Dhabi Education council for the new school model and
its impact on teachers as the council has changed the approach from
teachers to students.
Rationale
The formal education system of the United Arab Emirates is very
important and the new approach of the student-centered approach
launched by Abu Dhabi Education Council is a dramatic change that the
teachers, students and school itself might suffer or get impacts of this
change. The student centered approach is new change as it was never
practice before in UAE thus, the teachers assumed to face problems and
challenges and the challenges of the change would might resulted in the
challenges to the ministry to implement the change.
Significance of paper
The paper is about a new school model and its approaches. It seeks to
help to understand the significance and weaknesses of the new system.
[40]
Research questions
What are the benefits from the teacher-centered and studentcentered approaches?
Literature review
Effective practices of successful schools
Research has revealed that students who feel a connection with their
school, or simply like it, behave better and perform better academically.
Academic engagement helps students to achieve their goals and
objectives. In addition, such students are more involved in the classroom
and tend not to miss class or drop out of school (Leithwood et al., 2008).
In this way, learners competency and academic achievement improve.
Furthermore, when students engage in the school environment physically
and mentally, they feel emotionally safer and more secure. This enhances
their flexibility and resilience. Studies have borne out that students feel
greater satisfaction or engagement with school when they feel connected
to their education.
In 1999 a study was conducted which showed that students who had
experienced higher levels of interpersonal support made nearly a one and
a half year gain in reading achievement scores, while students with low
levels of interpersonal support made only a half-year gain. Similarly, in
maths, students with high levels of interpersonal support made nearly a
one and two thirds year gain, while students who had had low levels of
support made less than a one-year gain. An environment of
[41]
the school so that students feel secure or safe outside the classroom.
These measures should build the physical and emotional safety that
ennables students to reveal their potentials.
PBIS is a process that aims to enhance the schools capacity to provide
better education to all students by establishing research-based school
systems. The main focus of this process is to enhance the ability of
schools to teach the students and support their positive behaviours (Davis
et.al., 2005).
PBIS provides schools with an effective system to design, implement, and
evaluate efficient schoolwide discipline plans rather than a prescribed
plan. PBIS includes the processes and procedures that are adopted for the
staff and students in all settings within the environment of school. PBIS is
not a curriculum or a program; it is a process based on a team for
systematic problem solving, planning, and evaluation. Schools that
implement PBIS have a safer or more secure environment as shown by
the assessment of 33 elementary schools in Hawaii and Illinois (Crum et.
al., 2010).
[45]
[46]
that knowledge will be tested, if they will be able to list them and if the
teacher want that student understand how learning outcome is divided by
cells might be that students can explicate the process (Savery, 2015).
The school leadership should align the learning outcomes with the
remaining curriculum. So the course outcomes will be achieved by the
contribution of the session learning outcome that in turn has a
contribution in the program outcomes. All learning outcomes must be
aligned with the evaluation. The achievement of learning outcome is very
important and to pass the learning outcomes are written at the threshold
level, so the learning outcome explain the needs that a student must fulfil
to pass a course that means at undergrad level it is 40 percent. There
should be no need of aspiration learning outcome but a minimum is
needed to pass the exams and it does not explain what we hope that the
best students will achieve (Vincent & Focht, 2011). What is achievable at
various levels is very important to consider, within the time and available
resources (Luke et.al. 2013). We set ourselves a clear focus for the content
at the start of the course design process by setting achievable learning
outcome. The assessment of learning outcomes is very important that
does not mean setting of lots of assignment is needed. Evaluation of
learning outcomes with one piece of work is often possible for the
courses and the learning outcome for sessions will be informally assessed,
based on the discussions or classroom tasks (Johnson & Firn, 2013).
Methodology
The qualitative approach was more appropriate for this research paper as
a way to understand the issue and problems as experienced by those
involved. In addition, it is easier to conduct and takes less time to process
than the quantitative research. That is why this research project applied
qualitative strategies with little use of a survey and statistical data.
Technique of data
The primary data was collected through a survey. The secondary data was
collected from secondary sources, e.g. articles, previous research papers
and journals, reviews, books, and others.
[48]
Sampling
The population of the sample consisted of teachers involved in the new
school model. The sampling was done randomly, using the census
technique.
Size of sample
We selected 50 participants, an adequate sample size for our project. This
population did not need to be as large (around 200) as would have been
required if our study had been quantitative in nature.
Conclusion
Findings
Gender of the participants
Male
40%
Female
60%
[49]
Out of all the respondents, 60% were women, while 40% were men. As is
common in the Gulf, the men-women ratio in schools tilts towards the
women.
The participants age
15-25
20%
26-35
50%
36-45
30%
46-55
0%
55+
0%
[50]
Half of the respondents (50%) were between the ages of 26-35, while 30%
of them were between 36-45. The smaller group (20%) were between 1525. There were no respondents older than 45.
The respondents designation
Teacher
70%
Principle
20%
Minister
10%
40%
No
60%
[51]
The respondents were asked about whether or not they agreed with the
new approach of the Abu Dhabi Education Council. A significant
minority (40%) said that they did, but the majority (60%) answered that
they did not. Given the ration of the disagreement, it may be stated that
most of those involved are unhappy with the changes.
40%
Agree
40%
Neutral
10%
Disagree
10%
Strongly disagree
0%
[52]
When the respondents were asked about whether the new school model
approach was expensive, the majority said that it was: 40% simply agreed
with the promt, while 40% of them strongly agreed. A small 10% of the
respondents declared themselves neutral, while a mere 10% believed that
the changes were inexpensive.
30%
Agree
50%
Neutral
10%
Disagree
5%
Strongly disagree
5%
[53]
The respondents were asked whether or not the new approach might lead
to a loss of revenue for the schools. Half of them (50%) were of the
opinion that it would: 30% of them strongly agreed, while only 10%
remained neutral. A bare 5% of the respondents disagreed, while 5% of
them strongly disagreed.
40%
Agree
30%
Neutral
20%
Disagree
10%
Strongly disagree
0%
[54]
The respondents were asked whether or not the teachers should improve
their teaching style to effectively perform in the new student-centred
approach. The majority of them agreed: 40% strongly agreed, while 30%
of them simply agreed. A minority showed themselves neutral (20%),
while only 10% said that they disagreed without further qualification.
Discussion
The findings of our qualitative research indicated that both the teachercentred and the student-centred approaches to teaching and learning have
advantages and disadvantages. In most situations, teachers spontaneously
seek for the approach, method and techniques that are more beneficial
and useful for all the students. They do not tend to focus on a single
student.
However, our research also suggested that the teachers faced problems in
the student-centred approach. They lost some of their control over the
class which led to the teachers having less authority. When the learners
occupied centrestage, they thought that they were allowed to do whatever
pleased them.
The debate about teacher- and student-centred education is long. Both
approached emerged as attempts to bring about the best education system
possible.
[55]
the Abu Dhabi Education Council because they assumed that the changes
would negatively impact their performance as educators.
Summary
The Abu Dhabi Education Council has switched from the traditional
teacher-centered approach to the student-centered approach. This new
perspective was formalized in 2010 and brought about risks and
challenges. The student-centered model was meant to provide the
students with a more advanced, technological learning atmosphere with
modern-styled teaching.
This research sought to find out how the reforms were being perceived by
teachers, students, and ministry staff. Most of the respondents believe that
the new student-centered framework is costly. The costs involved in the
student-centered classroom are high (e.g. to ensure that the necessary
technology for modern student-driven participation is in place). The new
expenses incurred by schools will have a negative impact on the schools
revenue and income.
For the reforms to work, the general perception of student-centered
education, its challenges and its risks (not to say dangers) must be taken
seriously by the policy makers and the school management.
Recommendations
We would like to recommend that the Abu Dhabi Education Council take
the general perception of the reforms seriously. For example, a mixture of
the student-centered and the teacher-centred approaches could be
endorsed at least for some time. The schools should find ways to
enhance student participation without giving the idea that they have full
authority in the classroom.
Secondly, the students should be allowed to ask questions and to
communicate with both teachers and other students more often than they
do at present.
Finally, schools should be helped financially so that the reforms do not
negatively impact their finances.
[57]
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[60]
[61]
Introduction
Behavioural, emotional and social difficulties (BESD) within the
classroom setting have become a modern phenomenon of education.
Teachers have to compete with mobile technology, increasingly shorter
attention span of young people and rising government expectations of
student achievement. Add to that an increasing sense of disengagement
and it is clear that we need to develop a deeper understanding of
maladaptive behaviour in our classrooms to empower us (teachers and
policy makers) with the tools to deal with the prospects of twenty-first
century education. Teaching the unteachables have become mainstream
and like most phenomena we start addressing the problem by forming an
in-depth understanding of the beast of maladaptive behavior we face.
In this chapter I wish to investigate four questions that may broaden our
appreciation of maladaptive behaviour and BESD. What factors
contribute to the development of maladaptive behaviour and BESD?
How does the environment contribute to the onset of maladaptive
behaviours? Why do some students cope despite experiencing adversity?
How can we address maladaptive behaviour in the classroom?
[63]
[64]
Bioecological Theory
Bioecological theory proposes that the interaction between humans and
their environment (your students and the interaction within your
classroom) form the foundation of human behaviour (Bronfenbrenner,
1979). As individuals interact with their environment they adjust to the
changes in the environment, subsequently developing new characteristics
suitable to the specific environment. Through interactions and
relationships within the linked systems specific behavioural patterns
emerge and develop and are in turn transferred from one setting to
another (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In other words, the behavioural patterns
that we as individuals witness and then adopt in our homes, our
neighbourhoods and larger community become the behavioural patterns
we see in our classrooms. This of course is nothing new: after many a
parents evening I have heard the echoes of teacher bemoaning like father
like son or she is just like her mother support the theorys premise of microsystemic impact. Moreover, fashionable crazes that see young men with
trousers receding and the near-narcissistic fad of selfies show how mesosystemic influences contribute to behaviour.
Relationships are the key ingredient in reducing maladaptive behaviour in
the learning environment. At the risk of stating the obvious, students
learn when the relationships in your classroom are positive and
supportive. To provide a sharper focus on teaching and learning, your
students capacity to adapt and develop new characteristics that are
suitable to your classroom environment is central to developing healthy
adaptive learning behaviour that will contribute to their learning
processes. In other words good-to-fit behaviour is essential to the
effective learning of the young person.
Furthermore, to place behaviour in the context of bioecological theory we
must consider Bronfenbrenners understanding of role. The students
role in the classroom or on the playground comprises of a set of activities,
relationships and interactions that are expected from a person within a
[66]
Resilience Theory
The single strongest ameliorative factor of maladaptive behaviour is the
ability of the young person with BESD to develop resilience.
Resilience is multidimensional (O'Donnell, Schwab-Stone, & Muyeed,
2002) and depends not only on the biological disposition of the individual
but also on the social-ecologies (Ungar, 2008) in which the individual
lives. To understand the experiences of students with BESD and
maladaptive behaviour, it is imperative to understand how risk and
[67]
A Balancing Act
A balanced interaction between risk and promotive factors form the
strongest pathway to developing resilience (Armstrong, Birnie-Lefcovitch,
& Ungar, 2005). An adverse encounter can in itself contribute to the
young person developing the assets needed to foster resilience. In
addition, exposure to risk can have a positive influence in developing
resilience (Coleman & Hendry, 1999) if the encounter is balanced by
support of promotive resources. In other words, allowing our students to
fail a test or come last in the race may in reality contribute more to
developing resilience (Boyden & Mann, 2005; Ungar M. , 2008). Counterintuitively, showering our students in unfounded positive feedback and
protection from adversity may actually have deleterious outcomes on the
development of resilience. For instance, while absence of protection from
parents lead to a sense of abandonment and no transference of skills to
deal with the same stressors, over-protective parenting does not allow the
young person to develop skills to cope with the normal stressors of life
either. Thus, where either risk or promotive factors, outweigh the other, a
lack of resilience will have a negative impact on the learning experiences
of the learner with BESD. Figure 1, below, shows how the lack of, for
instance, the internal assets of an individual, as a promotive factor, may
contribute to an imbalance between risk and promotive factors. This
[70]
imbalance may in turn cause the individual to find coping with adversity
difficult.
Networks
Networks form the environment in which our students spend the majority
of their developing years. The immediate family, neighbourhood, peer
networks, the daycare center, our classroom and the unstructured
environment the young person spends time in after school, all incorporate
[71]
Relationships
Bronfenbrenner identifies three functional forms of dyadic relationships:
primary dyad, joint activity and observational activity (Bronfebrenner,
2005). To understand the functioning of the three dyadic forms, it is
important to note that they are not mutually exclusive and can occur
simultaneously as well as separately.
A primary dyad is a relationship that exists between two parties (either a
parent, significant adult or a peer) when they are not physically together.
The persons have a significant emotional impact on one another and
reciprocal influence on behaviour in absentia of the setting. In addition, a
strong,
mutual emotional attachment
(Bronfebrenner,
2005;
Bronfenbrenner, 1979) supports the development of the young person
and leads to internalization of behaviour. Such a dyad exerts a powerful
force in motivation and steering of the behavior of the young person
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). For instance a student may depend on
remembering the advice of a significant adult (a parent, teacher of youth
worker) or peer to cope during a difficult situation in the classroom
despite that specific person not being present. In the same way, the strong
influential force of a negative peer or the adverse influence of a
disaffected parent or sibling may be a negative excursion on a students
[72]
behaviour. Thus the young person is much more likely to develop skills,
knowledge and values from a person with whom they share a primary
dyad.
Secondly, it is during the joint activity dyad that the young person and
other active participants such as family members, we as the teachers, peers
and members of the community participate in corresponding activities.
Reciprocity forms a vital part of the healthy development of a young
persons interpersonal relationships. However, a balance of power where one
member of the dyadic relationship is more influential than the other
usually develops in the joint activity dyad and this forms the foundation
for a possible learning relationship. In this dyad, both cognitive as well as
social and behavioural development of the young person are advanced.
However, not all learning relationships are between teachers and students.
We often see on the playground or the community park where a more
dominant peer becomes an influential force within the peer group,
become the leader of steering force of the group. These affective relations
may be positive, negative or asymmetrical leading to an increased risk for
disaffection and maladaptive behavior.
Finally, the observational dyad exists where young people observe the
activities of another person for a continuous and expanded time. In this
relationship, the observed person, through an overt response to the
attention being paid, acknowledges the attention that the young person is
paying to the actions. However, this dyad may also expand in later years as
the developing individual starts emulating other role models, either from
popular culture or within the peer group or school setting. Primarily, this
dyad consists of the parent and the developing child, which places
emphasis on the importance of the family in the development of the
young person. However, the observational dyad also happens on the
playground, in your classroom and on social media where it has a much
stronger formative impact on the young person.
Immediate Networks
Immediate networks consist of the relationships within the direct
environment surrounding the young person such as the family, peer
[73]
Family Influences
The family as a risk factor plays an important role in the trajectory of risk
behaviour of the individual (Coleman & Hagell, 2007) (Shannon,
Beauchaine, Brenner, Neuhaus, & Gatzke-Kopp, 2007). There are four
broad areas of family risk that contributes to the development of
maladaptive behavior in our classrooms: parental neglect, conflict through
[74]
Peer Influences
In all aspects of the young persons development, two seemingly opposing
characteristics dominate his or her social growth: the need for autonomy
and acceptance (Vostanis, 2007). Peer influences, among at-risk young
people, have the least positive influence on developing resilience (Luthar
[75]
School Influences
A variety of impediments within the school system may serve as risk
factors preventing the young person from thriving in the mainstream
school environment. The lack of support services for students with either
SEN or BESD within the school system may be one of the most
significant impediments to developing resilience. Negative effects that the
school as a system may have on the behaviour of students with BESD
include a narrow curriculum, negative educator attitude and lack of access
to teaching and learning (Cooper, 1993). In the life of a young person, the
school becomes a significant agent in the social and developmental
process and the general atmosphere of a school has a telling impact on the
general behaviour of students in that school (Bronfebrenner, 2005). The
school serves as a protective shield (Benard, 1991) against risk factors
within the community and even the family through Initiatives that
encourage student voice (Cooper, 1993; Davies, 2005) and career choice thus
providing the young person with a sense of autonomy and futuremindedness. In addition, access to a challenging curriculum that is not
watered down (Benard, 1991) and a school-wide ethos of high academic
expectations forms a vital segment of promotive factors (Benard, 1991). A
caring atmosphere is important and connection with significant adults
(Beam, Chen, & Greenberger, 2002; Cooper, 1993; Benard, 1991) such as
mentors and teachers adds to the expansion of promotive social
attachments.
One of the highest risk factors that the young person displaying
maladaptive behavior may experience is a lack of attachment to the school
community (Ungar, 2008). Through sustained personal attention from
significant adults; availability of school-based projects; high expectations
from the school community and gained responsibility in the social
structures of the school (Benard, 1991) the young person can build a
feeling of belongingness and develop significant ties with the school
community, which in turn promotes resilience.
Community Networks
Community based resilience models have shown that the impact of high
expectations on the community; support structures in terms of cultural
societies; clubs, church and other religious affiliations, the role of the
[77]
police and business in a community and once again the role of the school,
all contribute to protecting at-risk individuals against adversity. In multicultural societies culture contributes to a sense of community, however
community cohesion may be a more intricate outcome to achieve since
conflicting values and ideologies often collide (Ungar M. , 2008). Here the
school, as a cornerstone in the community and as a binding factor in a
multifaceted society, plays an immeasurable role in supporting the learning
process of the learner by providing an understanding of positive
citizenship and opportunities to contribute to the greater benefit of the
community. The larger community may also contribute as a promotive
factor in the young persons development of resilience. Such community
resources are considered in terms of: connectedness; tangible assets
(Landau, 2007); high expectations; positive community cohesion (Li,
Nussbaum, & Richards, 2007); providing education; culturally appropriate
structural provisions and recreational facilities (Benard, 1991; Armstrong,
Birnie-Lefcovitch, & Ungar, 2005; Ungar, et al., 2007).
The socio-economic status of the community has a significant impact of
the performance of schools. For instance disadvantaged schools are
inclined to suffer from more teacher shortages, insufficiency of
educational materials and physical infrastructures than advantaged schools
(OECD, 2012). In addition, stressors such as poverty (dearth of basic
needs such as shelter, electricity, clean water and safety), and high-risk
communal behaviour (Shannon et al., 2007), the presence of gangs and
marginalization of minorities (Newman, 2004) have a direct influence on
the ability of the young person to develop resilience.
How often do we confuse the uncooperative behavior of a hungry young
person with maladaptive behaviour? How often do we assume that the
young person that falls asleep during the test is lazy rather than spending
the night awake because of criminality in the community? These may
seem like simple examples, yet it is worth remembering that risk factors
within the community more common than we tend to know of, especially
if we as the teachers do not live within the communities of our students.
In addition, within a multicultural environment, a compelling perspective
on the community as a risk factor is revealed through considering the
impact of migration on the developing child (Rumbaut, 2000). The impact
of being alien to a community causes profound distress and is augmented
[78]
[79]
Impact of Time
[T]ime plays an instrumental role in bringing societal, political and
economic changes that have the potential to affect meaning and
behaviour for individuals and the interpretation of behaviour by the
community (Ungar, 2008) Development that occurs within a setting
happens over a period of time, set in motion and sustained through
patterns of motivation and activity, and referred to as chronosystems
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The importance of time and the developmental
process is understood in terms of biological development, exposure to
influences and previous life experience.
The sustained exposure to specific patterns of behaviour within any
setting contributes to the development of specific behavioural patterns of
[80]
[81]
[82]
understanding of what you want to teach and how you want the young
people in front of you to learn leaves additional scope to address the very
specific needs of the young person with maladaptive behaviour.
Students displaying maladaptive behaviour often feed from the attention
of peers. Some of the peer attention might even be from well-meaning
students who want to support the teacher, thus causing even more
disruption and even possibly conflict. Therefore creating an
understanding among all students that responding to the maladaptive
behaviour will not be permitted; an atmosphere of calm provides the
opportunity for the young person with maladaptive behaviour to learn
through the modeling of peers. Such an effective learning environment
reduces the opportunity for conflict and helps to establish a respectful
atmosphere conducive to developing promotive teacher- learner
relationships.
In the same way, the fourth principle of maintaining effective behaviour
management strategies goes hand in hand with creating an effective
learning atmosphere. To establish effective behavior management
strategies we need to adhere to consistent and predictable structures in
our lessons; we should be flexible in dealing with the needs of young
people with BESD without bending the class rules; we should develop a
strong friendly rapport with our students, support positive peer relations
through group work. A tall order indeed. In addition, the teacher and
supporting adult should consider and negotiate a range of strategies to
remind learners with BESD of good-to-fit behaviour prior to the
reintegration. Finally, the teacher provides an opportunity for respectful
communication through accepting and encouraging learner voice.
Teachers should always genuinely listen with no pre-judgement to both
sides of the story and include scope for hyperbolized emotional expressions
especially with the learner with BESD. This does not suggest that rude
and abusive behaviour is acceptable, but it is important that teachers
consider that learners with BESD often do not have a command of social
competency. Thus getting to know the learner on a different level (their
fears and anxieties, hopes, dreams and personal strengths and SEN) and
modeling reciprocal respect (as would be expected from the learner) will
provide the learner with a sense of social justice. This will also contribute
[84]
time that does not impede the academic progress of either. Candidates
who want to become a Peer Mentor are interviewed during which the
suitability of pairing the specific mentor and young person with BESD is
considered. It is also important that the mentor is committed to an
extended period of time. Moreover, it is important to continuously
evaluate the relationship between the peer mentor and mentee to ensure
that a high-risk relationship does not develop from the pairing.
Conclusion
Teaching the unteachables starts with developing a deep and empathetic
understanding of the young people with BESD in front of us. We need to
understand the impact of their biological assets and the resource networks
(within which they have developed and continues to develop) have on the
way they function within the boundaries of our classrooms. Without such
an understanding it becomes overly taxing for teachers and students to
flourish in the educational environment. The concepts of good-to-fit and
[86]
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conflict,
peace,
intolerance,
Introduction
Like other African people, Batswana(2) treasure peace and tranquility.
Living together in harmony is a virtue that every family and/or
community strives for simply because to be human is to belong to the
whole (Mbiti, 1988:2). From a young age, children are taught a principle
of Botho (humane) which encompasses honesty, respect, tolerance,
friendliness, and compassion. In fact, peaceful living is intrinsically
intertwined with the countrys principles of democracy, development,
[93]
unity, self-reliance and Botho; all of which are encapsulated within the
ideology of kagisano [social harmony] (Botswana, 1977). The Setswana
language, for instance, is seen as a cord that binds ethnic groups and
cultures together, and thus the countrys vision is that:
By 2016, Botswana will be a united and proud nation, sharing
common goals based on a common heritage, national pride and a
desire for stability. The country will still possess a diverse mix
of cultures, language, traditions and peoples sharing a common
destiny. We will harness all of that diversity. We will have
achieved ethnic integration and full partnership to create a nation
in harmony with itself (Botswana, 1997).
Background
Ubiran D'Ambrosio defined ethnomathematics as the mathematics found
in identifiable cultural groups from mathematics taught in schools. The
identifiable cultural groups included ethnic groups and others who apply
mathematics in their various jobs/careers such as engineers, bakers and
house wives. Thus ethno-mathematics encompasses all cultural attributes
such as language, codes, values, jargon, beliefs, food and dress, habits,
and physical traits related to quantitative activities including ciphering,
arithmetic, classifying, ordering, inferring, and modeling (D Ambrosio,
1987: 2-3, cited in DAmbrosio, 2001:308). The works of Lave (1988) with
women doing grocery and Manyika (2002) with housewives and kombi
(public transport) conductors are examples of the search to understand
how these groups use mathematics in their cultural corners.
Much of the ethnomathematical research has however focused on ethnicmathematics. Examples of such research include the book Africa Counts by
Zaslavsky (1973) who worked with African societies on quantitative
techniques and practices including games and past times; Ascher and
Aschers (1991) worked with the Incas of Peru who stored data on quipu,
a mop like ornament with slender, knotted cords tied along a thicker main
cord (Rauff, 2003). Other works include basket weaving in Southern
African women by Gerdes and the graph theory practiced by the Tshokwe
people in Africa, to mention just a few.The abovementioned research has
shown without doubt that almost every society has its own intuitive ways
of dealing with quantitative needs. For instance, Garegae (2005) explored
how Batswana used to measure volume and weight. Onstad, Kasanda and
Kapenda (2003) also investigated the mathematical activities of the people
of northern Namibia, particularly working with meat sellers, basket
weavers, and house and barn makers. Many more such studies have been
conducted the world over.
The current debate in the area of ethnomathematics is about its
integration/infusion in the curriculum with the aim of contextualising
[95]
[97]
there are of the same species. Everything in the world is different. Race,
ethinicty, colour of hair, eyes or skin, height, culture, economic
background, etc. are all examples of difference. While differences in
height and colour may cut across borders, differences pertaining to values,
beliefs and norms are embedded in ones culture and shaped by the
environment. These values and beliefs are usually expressed through a
language (Oschrag, 2004) as observed by Arrington (1997:165) that
.. over an extended period of time, words, as a result of their use,
develop a tendency to cause specific beliefs and attitudes in those
who hear them, just as they develop a tendency to cause a person
to say certain things. [T]he meaning of a word [can] evoke a
specific set of ideas and attitudes and [is likely] to be used by a
person who has these beliefs and attitudes.
[99]
Form 1 Objectives
1.
2.
3.
4.
[101]
Find out how the slaves came about with this pattern
a)
Form 2 Objectives
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
[103]
Form 3 Objectives:
1.
2.
Some of the questions that students could explore include the following:
[104]
[105]
Conclusion
The chapter discussed ethnomathematics as a potential tool to eliminate
war and conflict among world cultures and nations. It showed how
ethnomathematical knowledge can be used to imbue peace and peaceful
living values to learners of mathematics. The chapter argued that lack of
knowledge about other cultures is a source of misunderstandings that
usually spark wars and conflicts, resulting in massive killings such as the
one witnessed in Rwanda. Nonetheless, we cannot, as human beings,
avoid the reality of difference. Ethnomathematics is seen as having the
potential to enlighten students about the quantitative indigenous
knowledge of other cultures thus instilling in them invaluable values such
as respect, tolerance and responsibility. Ethnomathematics, therefore, was
regarded in this chapter, as a bridge between peace and war.
[106]
Endnote
1- The original paper was presented at the 11th International Congress of
Mathematics Instruction, Mexico, 2008.
2- The country is Botswana, the people are Batswana, and the language is
Setswana.
References
Arrington, R. L. (1997). Ethics II (1945 to the present). In J. V. Canfield (ed.),
Philosophy of meaning, knowledge and value in the 20th century. Pp. 163-196. London:
Routledge.
Ascher, M. (1991). Ethnomathematics: a multicultural view of mathematical ideas.
Pacific Groove, CA: Brooks.
Botswana (1997). Botswana long term vision: Vision 2016. Gaborone: Government
Printers.
Botswana (1996).Junior secondary school mathematics curriculum. Ministry of
Education. . Gaborone: Government Printers.
Cherinda, M. (2005). Illustrating ways for acquiring mathematical knowledge by
st
[107]
[108]
Topic
General objective
P
f
p
o
l
y
g
o
n
s
Specific objective
i.
ii.
iii.
iv.
v.
vi.
vii.
viii.
ix.
c. acquire
knowledge on
vectors
d. Acquire
knowledge on
transformation
Form 2
a. Acquire
p
skills
e in
constructing
r
perpendicula
r and angle
bisectors
[109]
Form 3
b. Acquire
3
knowledge
- in 3dimensional
d
figures and
i their
properties
m
e
n
s
b. Acquire
knowledge
on plans and
elevations
d. Acquire
T
knowledge
r on
transformation
a. Acquire
P
skills
a in
constructing
r
triangle,
quadrilaterals
& regular
polygons
T
r
ii.
Construct triangles,
quadrilaterals & regular
polygons
[110]
Never before has the above quote been truer than today where humanity
is caught up in a historical moment of possibilities. In 2011, a powerful
wave of revolutionary movements swept through the Arab world and
spilled over into North Africa and beyond. These uprisings were triggered
by the contradictions lodged at the very heart of capitalist mode of
production. These contradictions are poignantly captured by this
Orwellian situation:
A young girl asks her father, "Why is it so cold in the house?"
"We don't have any coal", he says. "But why is there no
coal? she wants to know. "Because I lost our job", he
replies. Still unsatisfied, she asks one more time"And why
[111]
[112]
Historicize
Analyze
Visualize
Organize
Adapted from Ollman (2003)
Now lets turn to the textbook as the practical application of the dialectic
model. The textbook which is called Alterative View is based on the
premise that there are only two ways of teaching: either we teach for the
society in which we live or we teach for the one we want to see. To put it
[113]
It is conversation-based
It is thought-stimulating
It is participatory
It took three years to finish the textbook which has four levels:
elementary, pre-intermediate, intermediate, and advanced. Elementary
level does not include as many global issues as do the remaining levels,
which is only natural given the level of the students. However, some
elementary modules deal with sweatshops, global warming, stress, and so
on. Each module teaches a theme in the format of whats wrong with
something? In other words, the main focus of every module is to get the
students to analyze a situation, historicize, visualize, and organize. With
that in mind, students move from the familiar to the unfamiliar as they
incidentally learn vocabulary and expressions related to the topic. In order
to give a concrete sense of this approach, it is helpful and fitting to
describe how a class using the Dialectic model plays out.
[115]
Every module begins with six pictures related to the topic followed by a
lead-in which consists of five thought-provoking questions. The purpose
of the questions is to set the tone for the whole session and to tap into
what the learners already know about the issue at hand (analyze). At this
point the students sink their teeth into a lively dialogue as they explore
different aspects of the topic. Below is an example of a lesson taken from
intermediate level to illustrate this point:
[116]
[117]
After some discussion, the students learn to draw parallel between racism
and sexism as a classic example of differential power relations. For
example, both African-American and women have been negatively
stereotyped because both of them have been historically oppressed
(historicize). The third picture describes how the oppressed tend to
internalize the stereotypical images and unwittingly become complicit in
their own oppression. The last picture throws light on the underlying
causes of stereotypes (historicize).
Exercise 2 is called Express yourself and is intended to have the
students relate the topic to their personal lives and lived experiences. The
exercise is made up of five questions:
Have you ever met someone who fit the stereotype you had in
mind?
[118]
Stereotype
Pre-judgment
Preconception
Unfortunate
Unfair
Sad
To make an effort
To make a difference
To try
Significant
Important
Fundamental
Dominated
Dominant
Discrimination
To find out
To fit
To understand
To reinforce
To influence
To strengthen
biological structure
power structure
[120]
act. Also, Americans tend to accept as true whatever the corporatedominated media tells them without trying to investigate (analyze).
Chico: I have been there. It is really sad and unfair when others treat us
based on hearsay and preconceptions. It is even more unfortunate that
stereotypes are everywhere. For instance, although Asians are very diverse,
most Westerners and Americans put us in one category (analyze).
Ali: This raises the question of why people stereotype others.
John: lumping people together is convenient because you dont need to make
any effort to understand them on their own terms. As Chico pointed out
most people have a pre-defined image of others and it makes little
difference whether you fit that category or not. So, in a psychological
sense, stereotypes help mentally lazy and uncritical people to interact with
others.
Chico: I think stereotypes have political and economic origin in the first
place (historicize). For instance, the dominated classes everywhere in the
world are labeled with negative images while the dominant are labeled
with positive ones.
Ali: thats definitely true. Compare the stereotypes about Arabs and other
third world countries with stereotypes about Americans and Westerners
and you will see how politics influences and strengthens the formation of
false images about others (analyze).
John: I believe it is more humane to treat people on a case-by-case basis in
spite of the fact that it requires some efforts (visualize).
As stated above, the dialogue is followed by five questions:
[121]
For
can
be
reversed
through
[122]
Against
State sector
Top
Bourgeoisie
Petty
Exploitation
Decision-makers
Upper-Middle class
Professional
(Executive)
Bourgeoi
sie
Threshold
Middle Management
Lower-Middle class
Clerical
(Clerical)
Manual
Workers
Welfare recipients
Working class
Adapted
from
Hamnett et
al. (1989)
Welfare recipients
Unlike mainstream pedagogy and textbooks where only the values of the
middle and upper middle classes are represented (Arikan, 2005), this
approach along with its textbook attempts to draw attention to the class
structure of societies. For instance, the students are encouraged to draw
parallels between the stereotypes regarding oppressed groups in their
society and elsewhere (seeing oneself in the other). However, the dialectic
method goes one step further in dissecting the historical and economic
origins of a certain phenomenon. If class culture along with the socioeconomic system that undergirds it is whats wrong with this world, as the
dialectic model argues, then nothing short of restructuring the whole
system will work. To that end, language education can play a revolutionary
role by deourstifying the world for students as the above module has
demonstrated. To put it differently, the idea is to counteract the
ideological ourstification that pervades every aspect of life.
In conclusion, the dialectic model has a number of advantages over the
other models of teaching culture. For one thing, it lays emphasis on the
larger socio-economic and political context within which teaching takes
[124]
Bibliographie
Al-Hassnawi, A; Scatolini, S; Milton, G. (2015). Foreword In Language, Culture,
and Education.
Charles A. Ferguson, Diglossia. In Word 15.
Fanon, F. (1952). Peau noire, masques blancs. Paris: Seuil.
Hazael-Massieux, M-C (non dat). Les langues creoles: formation et evolution
dans le contexte des contacts de langues dans la Caraibe. Retrieved on june 2015
from http://www.paris-sorbonne.fr/IMG/pdf/Les_langues_creolesrelu_corrige_17_5.pdf
March, C. (1999). Le discours des mres martiniquaises, diglossie et crolit : un
point de vue sociolinguistique. Paris : LHarmattan.
Melman, C. (2014). Lacan aux Antilles: entretiens psychanalytiques Fort de
France. France : rs.
Parlement europen (2015). La politique linguistique. Retrieved on 5 May 2015 from
http://www.uqar.ca/files/car/guide_redaction_biologie_2013_09_25.pdf.
Prudent, L-F. (1980). Des baragouins la langue antillaise. France: LHarmattan.
Scaron, S (2009). Lenseignement du crole lcole primaire en Martinique:
opinions et pratiques den seignement. Universit des Antilles de la Guyane.
Smith, R. (1995). The matrifocal Family: Pluralism and politics. London:
Routledge.
[125]
Karen TAREAU
Doctorale candidate
University of the French West Indies, Martinique
learning,
creole
language,
diglossia,
identity,
[127]
Introduction
Les politiques linguistiques dun territoire ont pour objectif, entre autres,
de promouvoir lenseignement et lapprentissage des langues trangres.
cet effet, la charte des droits fondamentaux de lUnion Europenne (UE)
se fonde sur la diversit linguistique et, de ce fait, bannit toute
discrimination lgard des langues. Autrement dit, la politique
linguistique de lUE se doit de protger lunit dans la diversit (Parlement
europen, 2015).
Cest le cas de la France qui ne reconnat que depuis peu, au sein de sa
sphre colinguistique, le franais, en tant que langue de la Rpublique et
les langues rgionales dites langues minoritaires, parles par les
ressortissants franais sur le territoire national et ultramarins. Parmi ceuxci, les croles base lexicale franaise (BLF) rpartis dans larchipel
cariben, au sein des rgions franaises dOutre-mer : la Martinique, la
Guadeloupe, la Guyane et la Runion. Anciennes colonies franaises, leurs
passs coloniaux ont laiss des traces de lancienne prsence ; constituant
dailleurs un isoglosse ethnolinguistique qui les distingue de sa mrepatrie : la France mtropolitaine. En effet, ne il y a trois cent ans sous le
joug colonial, le crole est issu de lapport lexical de dialectes de la langue
franaise et de la structure morphosyntaxique des langues africaines.
Notre tude porte donc sur lun de ces quatre dpartements franais
dAmrique : la Martinique au sein duquel se parlent deux langues
savoir : le crole martiniquais et le franais. Ces deux idiomes ne partagent
pas la mme aire colinguistique : le franais semploie gnralement dans
les administrations ; tandis que le crole se parle entre amis, dans les cours
de rcrations et dans dautres milieux informels. Toutefois, la situation
glottopolitique de lle a volu : laccs au concours denseignants du
ministre franais de lducation Nationale et la cration des tudes
suprieures en langues et cultures rgionales permettent lenseignement de
la langue rgionale dans les coles et luniversit.
Bien que la reconnaissance du crole dans les institutions scolaires soit
concluante, aucun indicateur ne permet daffirmer que la population
intgre dans leur reprsentation la langue crole en tant que langue
denseignement. cet effet, lapprentissage et lenseignement du crole
la Martinique ne seraient-ils pas sujets des rsistances qui
[128]
consquence de la formation de ces langues, au XIXe sicle (HazalMassieux, non dat). Autrement dit, le colon sest vu contraint de crer un
entre-deux linguistique afin dentretenir des relations de servilit entre la
race blanche et la race noire. Ce qui permet daffirmer que le crole est
une langue de tradition orale qui loppose la langue franaise. En effet, la
plupart des colons originaires de classes populaires rurales et urbaines
furent des locuteurs de dialectes dol, devenus une des langues rgionales
de France.(2)
Ainsi le crole si fustig est devenu une langue part entire, parl par des
millions de crolophones, et convoit dabord par des chercheurs
trangers, ensuite par les autochtones. En effet, la langue et la culture
attirent la convoitise des intellectuels car la Martinique, apparaissent des
blessures bantes ; ce qui autorise Frantz Fanon (1952) qualifier ce
dpartement de socit aline. Une socit du mal-tre qui produit des
conflits culturels et de linscurit linguistique. La prsence des deux
langues : le franais et le crole place ce dpartement franais, au cur
dun malaise linguistique,(3) un malaise que Charles A. Ferguson (1959)
nomme la diglossie. Que faut-il entendre par ce concept ?
La diglossie dsigne la co-prsence de deux varits linguistiques : lune
dite haute, en loccurrence le franais, que lon qualifie de langue de
prestige car son statut politique, social et littraire est reconnue de tous et
par tous ; lautre dite basse, en loccurrence, le crole que lon qualifie de
langue minore, reconnue par tous mais pjor au dtriment de la langue
franaise. Le concept de diglossie se justifie aussi par la rpartition des
deux langues sur des aires colinguistiques bien distinctes. En effet, la
langue de prestige se dploie dans tous les lieux formels. Tandis que le
crole semploie dans les milieux informels, entre amis, en famille et autres
milieux au sein duquel la culture est fortement revendique : ce qui a
prvalu le qualificatif de langue de la mre par le psychanalyste, Charles
Melman (2014) car langue domine, oppose la langue du pre que serait
le franais, langue du pouvoir.
[131]
[133]
[134]
[135]
Cursus LCR
Autre cursus
Total
Le crole : langue
premire
Le crole : langue
seconde
Le crole et le
franais : langue
premire
Total
15
Sur les 15 tudiants interrogs (tableau 1), 9 ont le crole comme langue
premire, 3 comme langue seconde et les 3 derniers considrent quils ont
deux langues maternelles : le franais et le crole. Si lon prend en compte
uniquement les tudiants du cursus LCR, les donnes changent peu.
Quatre ont le crole comme langue premire, 1 comme langue seconde et
2 parlent les deux langues.
Par ailleurs, la plupart des tudiants inscrits en LCR sont dorigine
guadeloupenne ; cela peut sexpliquer par leur enracinement identitaire et
culturel beaucoup plus fort la Guadeloupe qu la Martinique. Une
tudiante guadeloupenne affirme parler le crole uniquement dans son le
natale. Ce cas se reflte sur dautres tudiants quelle que soit la filire
puisque 13 dentre eux (tableau 2) affirment parler le crole uniquement
dans les milieux informels, seul 2 le parlent dans les administrations. Pour
ceux qui sont issus du cursus LCR, 5 tudiants emploient le crole dans
les lieux informels et deux lutilisent sans complexe dans les deux milieux.
Deux des tudiants non crolistes dit ne pas parler le crole avec leurs
familles. Toutefois, ceux qui parlent la langue que ce soit en famille ou
entre amis disent ne pas se sentir laise.
[136]
Cursus LCR
Autre cursus
Total
Lieux informels
13
Lieux formels
Total
15
Nous avons questionn les tudiants sur leur mtier quils souhaiteraient
entreprendre aprs leurs tudes. Plus de la moiti, dont 4 issus de la filire
LCR, souhaitent se lancer dans lenseignement (7). Nous observons que
quatre tudiants, dont un inscrit en LCR, nont pas encore fait leurs choix
Cursus
LCR
Autre cursus
Total
Enseignement
Evnementiels projets
culturels
Autres
Ne sais pas
Total
15
Conclusion
La plupart des universitaires et tudiants crolistes saccordent dire que
le crole fait partie de leur patrimoine culturel et linguistique. Toutefois,
les avis sont mitigs lorsquil sagit de gnraliser les enseignements de
crole et/ou en crole lcole. Ceci sexplique par le fait que la langue
crole est considre davantage comme un idiome caractre identitaire
quune langue rgionale. Qui plus est, un Martiniquais serait tonn
dentendre un non crolophone parler le crole. Or, celui-ci constitue une
des 70 langues rgionales de la France rpublicaine ; ce qui laisse penser
que les reprsentations tardent voluer au regard de la diffusion de la
langue rgionale au sein de linstitution scolaire. Les tudiants en Langue
et culture Rgionales ont saisi lintrt dun tel apprentissage puisque le
choix de leur cursus est fonction des perspectives professionnelles et dun
rel besoin de rappropriation des racines culturelles. Cette
rappropriation passe par une transmission rationnelle des savoirs, via
linstitution. Nanmoins, nous ne pouvons nier que la langue ne peut
sapprivoiser pleinement que si elle est apprise dans le contexte culturel et
linguistique qui sy prte. En effet, un individu matrisera les subtilits des
langues trangres que sil est compltement immerg dans le territoire
concern. Cest aussi le cas des langues rgionales, en loccurrence le
crole. Toutefois, la diffrence des langues trangres, cet idiome, nous
lavons dit, revt un caractre identaire et rappelle une histoire
traumatique. Par consquent, les enjeux lis lapprentissage de cette
langue doivent tre reconsidrs par le biais dune ngociation entre
didactique et pdagogie. Nous pouvons inviter tous ceux qui sintressent
lapprentissage de la langue crole rflchier sur les raisons dun tel
[138]
Notes de fin
1- Esclaves arriv(e)s libres dans les Amriques.
2- Les chiffres varient. Pour certains analystes, la France possde 75 langues
rgionales sur son territoire dont 24 dans les rgions Outre-mer.
http://www.languesregionales.org/Combien-de-langues-parle-t-on-en
France.
Consult en septembre 2015).
3- Pourtant la charte europenne : European Charter for Regional or Minority
Languages, protg et defend ces langues.
The member States of the Council of Europe signatory hereto,
Considering that the aim of the Council of Europe is to achieve a greater
unity between its members, particularly for the purpose of safeguarding
and realising the ideals and principles which are their common heritage;
[140]
Bibliographie
Al-Hassnawi, A; Scatolini, S; Milton, G. (2015). Foreword In Language, Culture,
and Education.
Charles A. Ferguson, Diglossia. In Word 15.
Fanon, F. (1952). Peau noire, masques blancs. Paris: Seuil.
Hazael-Massieux, M-C (non dat). Les langues creoles: formation et evolution
[141]
dans le contexte des contacts de langues dans la Caraibe. Retrieved on june 2015
from http://www.paris-sorbonne.fr/IMG/pdf/Les_langues_creolesrelu_corrige_17_5.pdf
March, C. (1999). Le discours des mres martiniquaises, diglossie et crolit : un
point de vue sociolinguistique. Paris : LHarmattan.
Melman, C. (2014). Lacan aux Antilles: entretiens psychanalytiques Fort de
France. France : rs.
Parlement europen (2015). La politique linguistique. Retrieved on 5 May 2015 from
http://www.uqar.ca/files/car/guide_redaction_biologie_2013_09_25.pdf.
Prudent, L-F. (1980). Des baragouins la langue antillaise. France: LHarmattan.
Scaron, S (2009). Lenseignement du crole lcole primaire en Martinique:
opinions et pratiques den seignement. Universit des Antilles de la Guyane.
Smith, R. (1995). The matrifocal Family: Pluralism and politics. London:
Routledge.
[142]
this performance that leads to a not-always-guaranteed intercomprehension of a highly metaphorical language? What
process is being put in place to facilitate integration in
Martinican society, participate in assimilation from the
origins as far back as French colonization - and eventually
become EU citizens without the adequate cultural trappings.
Key-words: Haitian creole/Martinican creole linguistic
linguistic performance- creativity-integration.
Rsum : Le peuple hatien est un peuple en dplacement,
affirme la recherche en psychologie inter-culturelle. Cette
ralit qui fait deux des juifs de la Carabe se dcline la
Martinique (un quart des immigrs vient dHati) travers
lintgration langagire. Ces fils de Toussaint Louverture sont
des crolophones qui, pour fuir la pauvret, trouvent asile
dans une le crolophone. Certes des variantes existent entre
les deux croles base lexicale franaise et se cre par contact
un interlecte qui, peu peu, permet ltranger de sintgrer
la culture martiniquaise ; une culture domine par
lassimilation franaise et lintgration europenne. Mais selon
douard Glissant, lhomme crole est une racine
dmultiplie, rhizome qui stend en transversalit, en
horizontalit. Ds lors, du fait de notre multiplicit
culturelle initiale et de notre mtissage , nous parvenons
intgrer ltranger, malgr la violence qui peut leur tre faite.
Dans le cas des Hatiens, sintgrer signifie communiquer pour
ces migrants dorigine rurale et matriser les codes langagiers
du pays daccueil.
Nous entendons dans cet article nous intresser la crativit
langagire de la langue crole ; crativit qui aboutit une nocrolisation pour la langue et la culture martiniquaise en
pleine d-crolisation due lducation franaise et
lmergence dun interlecte permettant deux locuteurs de se
comprendre. Comment se dveloppe cette performance qui
aboutit une intercomprhension pas toujours garantie pour
une langue minemment mtaphorique ? Quel processus se
met en place pour faciliter lintgration dans la socit
martiniquaise, participer lassimilation aux origines ds la
colonisation franaise et finalement devenir terme des
citoyens europens, sans le soubassement culturel adquat.
Mots-clefs : crole hatien/crole martiniquais crativit
langagire performance linguistique intgration.
[144]
Introduction
Assurment, Hati est le pays o la Ngritude se mit debout pour la
premire fois. Le pote Aim Csaire est formel sur cet vnement qui a
conduit les fils et les filles de Toussaint Louverture rsister contre
loppression coloniale. Cependant, les nombreux coups dtat et
occupations de lle (dont loccupation tatsunienne) eurent raison de ce
fait historique, et ont fait de la plus africaine des les de la Carabe un
territoire o lIndice de Dveloppement Humain est lun des plus bas de la
plante.(1)
Mais un autre aspect caractrise ce pays : cest la propension
limmigration. Lanthropologue Lannec Hurbon crit : Que toutes les
couches sociales en Hati vivent dans lobsession du dpart (1987, 25;
soulign par nous). Le chercheur Hatien crit dans un autre essai :
QuHati dverse ses enfants dans le monde entier (1987, 112).
Cette constation explique larrive massive la Martinique des Hatiens,
attirs par le niveau de vie de ces territoires franais : Les premires
arrives d'Hatiens en Martinique commencent dans les annes soixante
dix et actuellement, selon lAssociation des Hatiens de Martinique
(ADHM), ils seraient entre 5000 et 6000 en situation rgulire en
Martinique et 2000 3000 en situation transitoire ou irrgulire
(Alterpress, 2015). Cependant, ces immigrs sont souvent lobjet de
discrimination de la part des autochtones. Dailleurs, on dit " je ne suis
pas ton Hatien" comme on pourrait dire "je ne suis pas ton
domestique" (Les Hatiens en Martinique, 2015).
Une des voies dentre de ces ressortissants trangers se fait par lle
franco-hollandaise de Saint-Martin : Du fait de politiques de visas
divergentes entre la partie franaise et la partie nerlandaise de lle et de
labsence de contrle cette frontire (Les Hatiens en Martinique, 2015).
Nombreux sont donc ces hommes et ces femmes qui ont sjourn dans
cette le o la situation linguistique est complexe (George, 2015, 73), avant
de se retrouver dans les territoires franais de la Guadeloupe, de la
Martinique et de la Guyane. Ils dtiennent un bagage linguistique
particulier : le crole la plupart sont des ruraux et ne sexpriment que
[145]
Le crole est aussi la langue parle la Martinique. Cest une langue qui est
ne de la rencontre de lEurope, LAfrique et de lAsie lors de la
colonisation de ces rgions du monde. Des linguistes ont pu dire que cest
la premire langue que lon voyait natre (Hagge, 1985). Quels problmes
surgissent de ces rencontres de ces insulaires crolophones ?
Problmatique
Lintgration de ces Franco-Caribens, pour la plupart illtr(e )s passe par
la langue crole ? En effet, cette main-duvre occupe des emplois sousqualifis quelle partage avec des autochtones le plus souvent plus
crolophones que francophones. Comment fait-elle pour sapproprier ce
crole tant sur le plan lexical que grammatical ? Ya-t-il une relle volont
de lapprendre et de le parler ?
Hypothse
Notre position de principe est quil y a une corrlation entre le temps de
prsence, intgration et lappropriation du crole du pays daccueil : le
crole martiniquais (C.M). La consquence de cette crolisation du crole est
un enrichissement de la langue cible, mais aussi la cration dun interlecte
compris par les Martiniquais, les Hatiens et dautres crolophones de la
Martinique
(Sainte-Lucie,
Dominique,
Guadeloupe,
Guyane,
Runionnais). Ce qui aboutit un phnomne de double voire triple et /
ou quadruple crolisation de la langue cible. En outre, nous faisons
lhypothse que cette appropriation est mdie par des facteurs socioculturels (niveau dducation, changes sociaux avec les autochtones).
[146]
Protocole de la recherche
F. Fanon navait-il pas raison quand il avanait lide selon laquelle :
Lanalyse du rel est dlicate ? Un chercheur peut adopter deux attitudes.
Ou bien, il se contente de dcrire [] ou bien, aprs avoir dcrit le rel, il
se propose de le changer (F. Fanon, 1952, p. 136).
Afin de rpondre notre problmatique, nous avons interrog un
chantillon de dix ressortissants Hatiens (8 hommes et 2 femmes) : soient
dix locuteurs natifs dHati (L1 L10). Nos entretiens se sont drouls en
crole martiniquais. Cependant, le plus souvent, nous avons d leur
expliquer notre protocole de recherche en crole hatien que nous
matrisons. La dure moyenne de nos entretiens tait de 20 minutes. Ces
interviews se sont tenues soit dans un quartier forte concentration de
migrants (Saint-Luciens, Hatiens, Dominicains, Dominiquais, Africains,
etc.) : le quartier melting-pot des Terres-Sainville Fort-de-France (la
capitale de lle). Lune des chercheuses de notre laboratoire qui a tabli un
contact informel avec les ressortissants de ce quartier de Fort de France y
a relve un phnomne indit en lien avec le crole (voir schma la page
suivante) :
des Hispanophones qui utilisent la koin du crole martiniquais,
mtine de termes espagnols ;
les Africains (Afrique de lOuest) qui utilisent le crole
martiniquais ;
les Hatiens qui mlangent les croles (hatiens et martiniquais) ;
les Saint-luciens qui mlangent deux croles (saint-lucien et
martiniquais) ;
dautres ressortissants (Saint martinois, Arubens, Guyanais,
Guadeloupens) qui mlangent diffrents croles : brokanglais,
papamiento, crole guyanais, crole guadeloupen avec le crole
martiniquais. (2)
Par ailleurs, nous nous sommes entretenus de manire informelle avec des
migrants qui ont diffrentes dures de sjour dans lle, et parmi eux une
Hatiano-saint-martinoise qui refuse de sexprimer en crole martiniquais
et qui parle en dehors de son crole maternel, un crole quelle pense tre
le crole guadeloupen.
[147]
Plan
Le premier point que nous voquerons est le phnomne de nocrolisation n de ces rencontres de croles. Il prend place au sein dune
langue en constante effervescence ; langue daccueil de ces crolophones
dHati. Le troisime point donne voir cette crativit travers les
entretiens avec ces dix Locuteurs (L). Avant de conclure notre article,
nous approfondissons notre point de vue sur le caractre mondial de cette
phnomnalit du langage.
1. Nocrolisation la Martinique
Dans son tude sur le lien entre Education et langue Saint-Martin,
Milton George rappelle le fondement. Le chercheur crit : When the
European colonial powers forcefully engineered Caribbean societies []
they created mixed, multi-lingual realities (crolit) which are a reflection
of the composite and syncretistic identities of the inhabitants of the region
(Id.). Une naissance que confirme la croliste Marie-Christine
Hazal-Massieux (n.d.) :
En revanche tous les croles classiques sont ns dans le contact
de langues diverses, pratiques par des populations dportes,
amenes reconstituer des socits nouvelles aux rgles
complexes, et donc les communications taient exclusivement
orales mme si les tmoignages dont nous disposons sont
ncessairement crits ce qui justifiera les prcautions
mthodologiques que nous avons d mettre en uvre, et qui
nous ont dailleurs mise sur la voie dun certain nombre
dhypothses significatives.
Divers travaux de recherche en linguistique confirment la rencontre de
langues dans le Nouveau monde. Le vocabulaire crole renferme des mots
amrindiens, africains, europens et asiatiques. Certains mots sont
quivoquent et peuvent prter confusion sur leur origine. Ainsi le mot
djok (tableau 3 : cf. infra)
[148]
djok
djok
Driv de
langlais
Driv de
lafricain
s'amuser
[dk]
Vigoureux,
costaud,
robuste
terme usuel
terme usuel
joke
Rigoler
Djoko
en v(3)
Se
surpasser
N Djok
(Bassa
Cameroun)
lphant
[149]
Franais
Guadeloupe envoy
Crole
Franais
Voy
Crole
Avec
avek/av/pi
ek/pi/
avec
Le sociologue franais Edgar Morin (2014, 277) est conscient quil y a une
culture commune aux les anglophones, hispanophones, francophones de
la Carabe et ce, jusqu Carthage en Colombie. Ds lors, il suggre que
les populations dveloppent des relations entre elles. Le salut ajoute-t-il,
ladresse des Franco-Antillais, est dans lintgration dans la zone goculturelle naturelle et non dans une reconnaissance par la seule France.
Des liens naturels existent de tous temps avec les voisins de la Carabe qui
ont lhabitude de se rendre la Martinique et la Guadeloupe. Cest le cas
pour la Martinique avec Sainte-Lucie situe une trentaine de Kilomtres
de ses ctes ; et la Guadeloupe qui a longtemps dvelopp des changes
avec lle de la Dominique sa voisine distante aussi dune trentaine de
kilomtres de ses ctes.
[150]
Le rapport la langue crole nest pas le mme dans ces deux les
franaises, du fait de lhistoire de chacune. la Guadeloupe un sentiment
nationaliste sest trs tt dvelopp et la langue crole a t considre
comme la langue du combat contre le colonialisme franais. En outre, la
prsence caribenne est plus importante (officiellement plus de 20 000
Hatiens, officieusement bien plus ; de mme pour les Anglo-antillais de
lle de la Dominique). la Martinique le combat pour la langue a t
luvre duniversitaires (les croliste Jean Bernab, Raphal Confiant). Le
relais populaire par des passeurs de culture tels que les enseignants, les
syndicalistes ne fut pas le mme que dans lle sur de la Guadeloupe. Si
bien que les crolophones de la Carabe se retrouvent dans des contextes
langagiers diffrents : militant pour la Guadeloupe, moins engag pour la
langue crole la Martinique. Des dynamiques qui ne sont pas les mmes,
do des problmatiques dintgration diffrentes. La Martinique ne seraitelle pas un pays europen par son inconscient collectif (Fanon, 1952,
154) ?
crole
franais (local)
Lexmes anglais
Lexmes creoles
Traduction
franaise
You too
Wou tou
Toi aussi
A sidecar
An saybt
Buffet-meuble
A mound
An mn
Monticule
A riding-coat
An ridengt
Redingote
A saucepan
An chaspan
Casserole
A tray
An tr
Un plateau
Man-of-war
Manawa
Fille de joie
Pit
Arne
Marble
Mab
Bille
/
/
my
may
/
/
god
got
beng ! beng!
need to fuck
bizwen fok
envie de sexe
number phone
nomba fonn
numro de tlphone
Franais (France)
[154]
Mot crole
Signification
Transcriptions
phontiques
Fonds
Mot
original
Signification
originale
bad
de bonne qualit
[bad]
terme
usuel
bad
Terme mlioratif
badmann
gangster (connotation
positive)
[badmn]
terme
usuel
bad man
gangster
batimann
homosexuel
[batimn]
terme
usuel
batty man
homosexuel
bonmbochit
insulte
[bmboit]
terme
usuel
???
???
bonmpa
postrieur
[bmpa]
terme
usuel
bumpa
postrieur
bonmboklat
insulte
[bmboklat]
terme
usuel
bumboklaat
serviette
hyginique
(insulte)
chichiman
homosexuel
[iimn]
terme
usuel
chi -chi
man
homosexuel
dannjrs
de bonne qualit
[dnrs]
terme
usuel
dangerous
dangereux
(valeur
mliorative)
dis
manquer de respect
[dis]
terme
usuel
dis
manquer de
respect
djok
s'amuser
[dk]
terme
usuel
joke
rigoler
fleks
partir/faire
l'intressant/prendre du
bon temps
[flks]
terme
usuel
flex
se dplacer / se
relaxer
gialdem
les filles
[gialdm]
terme
usuel
gyal (dem)
individu de sexe
fminin
Tableau 3 :
Quelques exemples dexpressions anglo-crolises tires du jamacain (L.
Lecurieux-Lafayett, S. Terosier, 2014-5)
[155]
3. Crativit langagire :
une modalit de parler des locuteurs Hatiens
La crolisation martiniquaise (martinicanisation) du crole
hatien
Le croisement des croles que nous avons relev, mais aussi le croisement
culturel la musique hatienne est trs prise la Martinique parat
presque vident. En effet, Edgar Morin attribue la souffrance des vertus
de crativits. La souffrance est source de crativit , affirme-t-il (Op.
cit., p. 278).
Cette crativit, lexicale et syntaxique, nous la relevons de tous les
entretiens raliss. En ce sens, que les Hatiens la Martinique pour
ceux qui nont pas t ou qui sont faiblement scolariss (Locuteurs : L1
L10) subissent un double phnomne de crolisation et de francisation.
Il est vident que le phnomne variera selon que lon possde ou pas des
atouts culturels suffisant ds le pays de dpart (L2, L3, L9, L10). Ces
derniers ont reu des formations suprieures qui leur donnent des outils
facilitant leurs contacts localement (Cf. Annexe : Typologie de notre
chantillon).
Une chose est sre : aucun des locuteurs ne parle le crole martiniquais
(C.M) de manire fluide. Ils doivent rechercher leurs mots ; recherche
dautant plus facile quils ont lhabitude de pratiquer cette langue. Ainsi les
locuteurs 9 et 10 qui sont prsents depuis plus de 10 ans, mais qui, la
diffrence dautres compatriotes aussi longtemps prsents, possdent un
cursus dtudes suprieures ont une bonne matrise du C.M. En revanche,
le Locuteur 2 (L2) prsent aussi depuis plus de 10 ans ne possde pas les
mmes comptences langagires. Les extraits des entretiens nous ont
permis didentifier ces profils langagiers.
Le locuteur L2
la question : Esplitj mwen l ou tka f lkol an Ayiti, il nous a
rpondu en C.H. :
Bay la t kon pas. Mwen t laba, mwen t gen plizi klas : 6me la 4me
(en franais) [] Mwen vin jwenn on an pyi-la t invivab. Mwen t kon f
lkol anba katouch. Mwen t dsid pati mwen rantr Matinik. Mwen pa
t konen anyen. Mwen lag k mwen dan la masonri.
la question : Lavi-a a la Martinique ?
Relasyon toujou difisil. Gen labitid pi d dfo ki ka nui nou. Sim ta deveni
kon yo saka dranj mwen. (Traduction : Les relationsa avec les Martiniquais
sont toujours difficiles. Ils ont des habitudes et des dfauts. Sil me fallait
madapter leurs us et coutumes, cela ma perturberait).
Analyse
Dans ces extraits on relve les nombreux marqueurs grammaticaux du
C.H.
[157]
Catgories
Locuteurs
L2
Les verbes
Prposition
Pronoms
personnels
pi
Sim ta / si mwen
ta / contraction du
pronom personnel
L9
An
/ dans
Dan / dans
L10
An / dans
Tableau 3 :
Catgories grammaticales du C. H releves dans nos entretiens
[159]
Sa s ta zot (C.M.) ?
Sa s ba mwen (C.H.).
4. Un phnomne mondial
La mondialisation ne peut fonctionner quavec un minimum de
mobilit (Agier, 2015, 21).
La question de la crolisation ne peut sexonrer dune rflexion sur la
mobilit des peuples de nos jours. Une certaine analogie sobserve avec ce
qui sest droul dans les Amriques noires. Salikoko Mufwene parle
dune crolisation qui ne suppose pas la nativisation permet dinclure dans
[163]
[...]
langue
vhiculaire
du
Maghreb,
qualifie
de
Conclusion
Le processus dintgration ne se droule pas de la mme faon selon que
lon soit de haute qualification professionnelle et dtenteur datouts
culturels ou que lon soit de la classe ouvrire. Pour les universitaires,
mdecins, professeurs et ingnieurs Hatiens que nous connaissons,
lintgration seffectue sur la base dune excellente matrise de la langue
franaise. Qui plus est, ils bnficient de leurs atouts culturels et
universitaires afin de sintgrer. Il nen est pas de mme pour la masse
laborieuse, mme celle qui serait dtentrice de qualification suprieure en
Hati (L2, L3) ; elle compte le plus souvent sur lencadrement de ceux des
leurs qui dtiendraient ces atouts (le cas des pasteurs : L10).
Une certitude, cest lenrichissement du C.M. par les apports des autres
crolophones, en particuliers Hatiens. Nous avons tudi des
communauts protestantes et nous avons vu des autochtones chanter des
cantiques en C.H. sans aucune difficult ; vu des prcheurs sexprimer en
crole hatien devant un parterre de Saint-Luciens, Dominiquais, de
Guadeloupens et Guyanais. Les locuteurs que nous avons rencontrs
sont lorigine dun pan-crole et brise toutes les thories que peuvent
mettre des linguistes de cabinet.
Quel bilan ?
Il y a une relle crativit qui passe par un mlange des deux croles voire
dautres croles, tels que le crole guadeloupen ou dominiquais
rencontrs au cours ditinraire pas toujours linaires. De nombreux
facteurs sociaux y contribuent tels que lducation, mais dautres facteurs
plus subjectifs tels que la volont de sintgrer, de partager la destine du
[165]
Tranche dge(8)
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession exerce
Niveau dtudes
20-30 aines
L1
10 ans
Ouvrier (Commerant
en Hati)
Secondaire
Locuteur 2
Tranche dge
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession exerce
Niveau dtudes
30 aines
L2
10 ans
Ouvrier-peintre
(Enseignant du
primaire en Hati)
Secondaire
Locuteur 3
Tranche dge
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession exerce
30-40 aines
L3
5 ans
Ouvrier polyvalent
(Enseignant du
primaire en Hati/
[166]
Femmes
directeur
pdagogique)
Suprieur
Niveau dtudes
Locuteur 4
Tranche dge
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession exerce
Niveau dtudes
30 aines
L4
5 ans
Ouvrier
Primaire
Locuteur 5
Tranche dge
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession exerce
Niveau dtudes
60 aines
L5
10 ans
Ouvrier
Hommes
Femmes
Locuteur 6
Tranche dge
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession
exerce
Niveau dtudes
40-50 aines
L6
5-10 ans
Maon
Primaire
Locuteur 7
Tranche dge
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession
exerce
Niveau dtudes
60 aines
5- 10 ans
L7
Commerante
Locuteur 8
[167]
Tranche dge
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession
exerce
Niveau dtudes
40 aines
L8
10 ans
Commerante
Secondaire
Locuteur 9
Tranche dge
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession
exerce
40 aines
L9
10 ans
Gestionnaire dune
socit de transfert
dargent
Suprieur
Niveau dtudes
Locuteur 10
Tranche dge
Temps de
prsence en
Martinique
Profession
exerce
40 aines
L10
10 ans
Pasteur
Suprieur
Niveau dtudes
Notes de fin
1- Hati occupe le 168e rang sur une liste de 187 pays tablie selon lIndice de
dveloppement humain (Idh), dans le dernier rapport du Programme des Nations
Unies pour le dveloppement (Pnud) : AlterPress,
URL://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article16777#.Vf2AIX3nB8s.
2- K. Portel-Tareau : recherche en cours sur la communaut hispanophone du
quartier des Terres-Sainville de Fort-de-France.
3- Le crole, hritage africain. (2015).
[168]
Bibliographie
Agier, M. (2015). La crise migratoire met en vidence celle de ltat-nation, in
Libration. , no 10682, 23 septembre 2015, pp. 20-21.
AlterPress, URL://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article16777#.Vf2AIX3nB8s.
Consult en septembre 2015.
Blaise, M. (2013). No-crolisation en Martinique : processus d'intgration et
d'ducation de la communaut hatienne, in Archiplies, no 3-4, p. 128.
Bernab, J. (2010-11). Dfis et stratgies pour la prservation du crole
martiniquais, in Saragossa, special issue, no 187, pp. 132-142.
Collectivit de Saint-Martin, (2007).
URL://www.axl.cefan.ulaval.ca/amsudant/St-Martin_Fr.htm. Consult en
septembre 2015.
Constant, D. (2006). Peut-on parler de crolisation propos de lAfrique du Sud ?
in Revue Internationale des Sciences Sociales, no 187, 2006, pp. 173-184.
Davidas, R. (2000). Le lexique crole des produits drivs de la drogue et des
pratiques affrentes la Martinique, in Mofwaz, no 5, p. 128.
Fanon, F. (1952). Peau noire, masques blancs. Paris: Seuil.
Georges, M. (2015), Education and language in Sint Marteen. Language, culture
and education, pp. 71-98.
Hagge, Cl. (1985). L'Homme de paroles, Paris : Fayard.
[169]
[170]
[171]
[175]
The wolofs
The Pulaars
The Sereers
The Diolas
The Mandinkas
The Bambaras
The Soninkes
The Sarakholes
The Maurs
The Balantes
The Laobes
The Manjaaks
The Mancagnes
The Bassaris
The Kognaguis and the
Bediks
[178]
One of the difficulties that should face the development and success of
this project will reside in the effective communication and sharing with
the population on the different outcomes of the project in the scholastic
development of their children and its subsequent impact on the overall
national economic growth.
Often projects have been designed and implemented without having the
populations integrate the full benefit of them beforehand. If such policy
had to be forgotten there is still hope that teaching national languages in
all the Senegalese school system will have brighter days ahead.
Indeed, the experience of national languages teaching is not new in
Senegal. At Cheikh Anta Diop University, national languages like Wolof,
Diola, Mandinka, Pulaar and Sereer have been taught since the 1970s and
the department of linguistics as now moved into being an autonomous
body which no longer only provides optional classes in other departments
but is growing with each year a new wave of students. Next to it with the
CLAD (Centre of Applied Linguistics of Dakar) at Cheikh Anta Diop
University whose researchers together with their colleagues and their
students constitute a great reservoir that could efficiently fill up the gap in
well trained teachers in national languages. The profile and the
administrative status of the national languages teachers remains an
important feature.
But, in a country not devoid of experience in the domain one can only
express their hope in the success of the project if inclusive and efficiently
developed. Indeed, the linguistic nationalism that underlies the project of
national languages teaching has its background and full expression in
more other domains than in education.
A look at the Grammaire Moderne du Wolof by Path Diagne describes the
wolofal(11) trend that could be traced back to the independence years and
mottos like Mom Sa Rew(12) as well as in most of filmography of
Ousmane Sembene and Djibril Diop Mambety. Other references to
linguistic nationalism could incorporate Xarebi(News bulletin) to the
more recent terminology in the political life of the country like Rewmi
(The nation) and Yoonu Yokute (The pathway to development) that
translate a certain attachment to our language in the experience of our
daily endeavor for development.
[179]
[180]
Endnotes
1- Nair, Rukmini Bhaya (2002). Lying on the Postcolonial Couch: The Idea of
Indifference. Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis.
2- Jhumpa Lahiris Interpreter of Maladies, New York: Mariner Books
3- Beacco, Jean-Claude (2014). Les Langues: Guerre et Paix, Le Franais
lUniversit 3-4. My translation.
4- One who speaks another language with a nuance of strangeness.
5- My joola, although the possessive might imply a different set of meanings in
the discourse of otherness.
6- The great Mandinka.
7- Little.
[181]
References
Banerjee, Mita (2002). The Chutnification of History: Salman Rushdie, Michael
Ondaatje, Bharati Mukherjee and the Postcolonial Debate. Heidelberg, Germany:
Universittsfrlag C. Winter.
Beacco, Jean-Claude (2014). Les Langues: Guerre et Paix, Le Franais
lUniversit, 3-4. (My translation)
Jhumpa Lahiris Interpreter of Maladies, New York: Mariner Books
Nair, Rukmini Bhaya (2002). Lying on the Postcolonial Couch: The Idea of
Indifference. Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis.
Scott, David (1999). Refashioning futures: Criticism after postcoloniality.
Princeton: Princeton: University Press. Conclusions des Assises de l'Education.
http://www.seneplus.com/article/conclusions-des-assises-de-l%C3%A9ducation
[182]
LA COLONIALIDAD EN EL PATRIMONIO,
LA MEMORIA SOCIAL Y LA IDENTIDAD
Abstract: This article starts from the premise that some particular ways of
social relationship, established during colonial times still o survive in
Ecuador. These presence and exercise has been called by the academy as
coloniality. In this paper the implications of coloniality on two basic
concepts of culture is discussed, such as memory and heritage. They are
conceptualized from the Ecuadorian reality and revealing how the official
history reconstructs them from a vision linked to the mestizos homogenized
discourse. This discourse enhances coloniality and its influence on the
identity configuration of Ecuadorians. Moreover, the party is analyzed as a
space for expression and representation, where these two concepts are
revealed. This work also complements a previous research on culture and
descolonization. It is also a first approach to a particular study of heritage as
speech and memory as a construction from power and resistance.
Keywords: Coloniality, Memory, Heritage Mestizaje, Party
[183]
Introduccin
Los orgenes mismos de la modernidad y la dominacin del Norte sobre
el Sur surgen con el colonialismo (Quijano, 2005), y con este, la estructura
colonial se constituye en el contexto donde operan las relaciones sociales,
de tipo clasista o estamental. La presencia y ejercicio de estas relaciones en
la actualidad es el proceso al que Anbal Quijano llama colonialidad
(Quijano, 1992). La colonialidad se basa en una estructura racial de larga
duracin fundamentada en la dualidad europeo vs. no-europeo, y que
ha sido el mbito constitutivo de la acumulacin capitalista, el cual desde
el siglo XVI se da a escala mundial y que pervive de manera sutil, velada y
abierta en varios aspectos de la cotidianidad de las ex colonias.
La colonialidad cultural eurocntrica sigue dndose principalmente debido
a la colonizacin del imaginario de los dominados (Quijano, 1992: 12) y
contina, a pesar de los distintos matices que pueda haber tomado en
cinco siglos. Uno de los aspectos en los que la colonialidad actualmente
pervive en las ex-colonias, es en la reproduccin de su dimensin
epistmica cultural (Castro-Gmez, Grosfoguel, 2005), donde el
pensamiento europeo-occidental es asumido como el nico vlido.
Dentro de la dimensin epistmica cultural, los materiales que simbolizan
la identidad cultural y la misma construccin identitaria tienen una
orientacin determinada, cuyas configuraciones han sido influidas por la
colonialidad. Una aproximacin a esta influencia en la memoria social, el
patrimonio y la configuracin de la identidad en Ecuador, es el sentido de
este trabajo.
[185]
[186]
[188]
[189]
La fiesta y la colonialidad
Una de las ms importantes muestras del patrimonio es la fiesta, pues en
ella confluyen varias expresiones y representaciones culturales y el
universo simblico de los celebrantes se devela en su esplendor. La fiesta
ha sido al mismo tiempo, el espacio donde se han transmitido y
transmutado prcticas con alta carga simblica, el espacio donde
interactan la cohesin y la diferenciacin y donde emergen las tensiones
entre lo tradicional y lo conflictivo (Vergara, 2012). La fiesta toma el lugar
de la metonimia, donde lo paroxstico de lo festivo es una muestra de
cmo se constituye la sociedad en la que es experimentado (Scribano,
2012), por lo cual esta expresin refleja esencias de determinado estrato
social.
As, en la fiesta popular surge con ms fuerza el carcter de liberacin que
el individuo y el colectivo tienen ante una cotidianidad colonizada por el
trabajo. En las clases populares y subalternas este carcter se subraya
desde la propiedad de la temporalidad. As, el tiempo de la fiesta es
diferente del tiempo de trabajo, el tiempo de la fiesta es de uno, en
tanto que el del trabajo es de otro, del patrn o del empleador. Por ello
[192]
la fiesta se presenta como una segunda vida del pueblo trabajador, como
una liberacin transitoria. El tiempo de la fiesta, es un tiempo que se
opone el tiempo del trabajo, el cual que se ha vuelto mercanca y es por
tanto alienante (Vergara, 2012).
La fiesta tiene siempre una relacin profunda con el tiempo. En la base
de las fiestas hay siempre una concepcin determinada y concreta del
tiempo natural (csmico), biolgico e histrico (Bajtn en Vergara, 2012:
75). La fiesta puede, entonces, ser concebida como ese tiempo para el
disfrute, que es de uno y que no puede ser apropiado por nadie. Celebran
o anticipan acontecimientos, rememoran victorias, alegras o liberaciones y
marcan un quiebre brusco entre el descontrol y el ascetismo, como el
carnaval antes de la cuaresma (Vergara, 2012).
Es en ese sentido que la fiesta sea percibida como una segunda vida del
pueblo, como el espacio que le abre las puertas a una liberacin transitoria
a un mundo de igualdad, autonoma y abundancia (Bajtn en Vergara,
2012). Proporciona de nuevo a los hombres el poder de administrarse, sus
energas dejan de ser comandadas por los caprichos de las cosas y la
actividad productiva se da para gastar, no para acumular: Un espacio
donde se lo colectivo supera la dimensin de lo privado /egosta que va
ms de la convocatoria a la familia extensa sino tambin a los que no se
los ve habitualmente (Scribano y Boito, 2012).
La fiesta popular en el Ecuador, al ser parte de la denominada cultura
mestiza, se significa desde las mismas posiciones, desde el rescate directo
o velado de la matriz indgena americana matizada por aspectos de la
cultura europea o africana. Se gesta desde la resignificacin de la
propuesta festiva generalmente de carcter religioso catlico y desde la
resistencia a que desaparezcan los elementos fundantes de su
cosmovisin. Aun cuando los procesos de aculturacin, desculturacin y
la dinamia interactiva con otras culturas, en el contexto globalizado,
incluya elementos diversos en la fiesta popular, en esta no se pierde esa
esencia sincrtica primigenia, que por supuesto invaden, como dice
Scribano el espacio reservado para la pulcritud ciudadana mostrando
sin ambages las tensiones entre reciprocidad y poder, entre juego y
sacralidad, desde lo burlesco, lo hilarante y estruendoso del exceso
(Scribano, 2012).
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diestro matador con un toro de lidia. En esta fiesta taurina hija del
sincretismo, ni el toro es de lidia, pues son generalmente vaconas o toretes
los que salen al ruedo, ni hay un diestro. Al ruedo improvisado ingresan
quien quiere hacerlo, toreros improvisados armados de un pocho, una
cobija o incluso mantel, que torean en medio de la beodez de la fiesta,
causando hilaridad en el pblico al huir y ser perseguidos por los vacunos.
En los toros de pueblo no hay ritual de sacrificio del animal, al
contrario, cuando ste se cansa y no pude seguir a la provocacin de los
improvisados toreros, es reemplazado por otro (Gonzlez Muoz, 2009).
Sin embargo, debe anotarse que hay tradiciones taurinas en contextos
indgenas con altos contenidos de resistencia manifiestos en la carga
simblica asociada a la muerte al animal. Tal es el caso de la Fiesta de los
Toros en Girn (Azuay), similar a los toros de Pamplona en el acto de
soltarlos en las calles, diferente en tanto la tarea andina es recapturarlos
para meterlos al ruedo. Al menos uno de los toros recapturados es
sacrificado y al hacerlo los captores beben su sangre. Un caso an ms
explcito del carcter scarificial se da esto es la Yawar Fiesta (Fiesta de la
Sangre) de la sierra peruana donde un cndor, representante del indio
oprimido es atado al lomo del toro, que representa al opresor espaol.
Ambos animales al tratar de librarse del otro se hacen dao. En la fiesta
morir el toro y ser liberado el cndor (Montoya, 1980; Arguedas, 2006).
Desde su posicin de poder y tradicional dominio del aparato estatal, es
que esa lite autodenominada blanca organiza las fiestas y celebraciones
oficiales. Hasta hace pocos aos en Ecuador, estos eventos estaban
asociados meramente a la colonia y a la independencia. Las fiestas
nacionales y locales conmemoraban el descubrimiento de Amrica, la
fundacin espaola de las ciudades y la independencia de las mismas y en
todas estas gestas los hroes y en menor grado heronas son miembros de
la constituida nueva lite blanca hispana, en el caso de la celebracin de la
fundacin espaola de las ciudades, o de la lite blanco-criolla en el caso
de la independencia. Tal es as que el discurso oficial por un lado se
invisibiliza el hecho de que la fundacin hispana de las ciudades vinieron
luego de verdaderas masacres de indios, a la vez que se reduce la
resistencia a la descripcin del calvario de los lderes indios apresados,
torturados y derrotados. Por otro lado se generan mitos que son
funcionales a la reproduccin de la colonialidad, subrayando el discurso
del mestizaje, reducido a la dimensin tnica que supuestamente se da
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[198]
Notas de fin
1- Scott, David. 1999. Refashioning futures: Criticism after postcoloniality.
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
2- Eljuri Gabriela, Secretaria de Patrimonio de la Secretara de Patrimonio, del
Ministerio de Cultura del Ecuador (2011-2013) Asesora del Ministro de Cultura
(2014-2015). Directora regional del Instituto Nacional de Patrimonio Cultural del
Ecuador INPC. Docente universitaria, Universidad del Azuay.
3- La UNESCO, adecua la concepcin del patrimonio, desde convenciones
diferentes que responden a momentos diferentes de la comprensin de lo
patrimonial, una la dcada de los 70 en que el patrimonio, s estaba vinculado a la
materialidad, a lo monumental y la otra del 2003 que incluye en el patrimonio
temas de diversidad y de lo inmaterial. Aunque la UNESCO, institucin
internacional de cultura, incluy en el 2003, en el patrimonio inmaterial tambin
la gastronoma y la msica e incluso la propia artesana por sentidos intrnsecos
de las mismas relativos a la inmaterialidad, en la prctica no las vinculan con otros
aspectos en la dinamia de las representaciones. Por otra parte, no es la
materialidad o inmaterialidad, en las nuevas concepciones que la institucionalidad
vaya adecuando, sino el sentido dicotmico y/o compartimentado que hace de la
realidad, propio del pensamiento eurocntrico, en contraposicin con una visin
holstica.
4- En ese sentido, Cartagena y Len (2015), nos dicen que ante los lmites y
bordes puestos por la modernidad a todas las prcticas culturales, uno de los
desafos de los museos como contenedores de memoria es el abrirse a nuevos
[200]
Referencias
Arguedas, J.M. (2006). Yawar Fiesta.Editorial El Viento. 2006.
Borchard de Moreno, C. R., & Moreno Ynez, S. (1997). Crnica Indiana del
Ecuador Antiguo. Quito: Proyecto EBI-GTZ : Ediciones Abya-Yala, 1997.
Bourdieu, P. (1980). El sentido prctico. Madrid: Taurus. 1980.
Cartagena M.F. & Len, C. (2015), El museo desbordado. Debates
contemporneos en torno a la musealidad. Abya Yala, Quito, 2015.
Celi, I., & Cazar, D. (2010). Enfoque Conceptual, documento no publicado
Ministerio de Cultura de Ecuador.
Durkheim, E. (1970). La science sociale et laction, 1970, Paris, Presses Universitaires
de France. 1970
Espinosa Apolo, M. (2012). La Insumisa Vecindad Memoria Poltica del Barrio San
Roque, Ministerio de Cultura del Ecuador. 2012.
------------------------ (1999). Los mestizos ecuatorianos y las seas de identidad cultural,
Trama Social, Quito. 1999.
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Garca Canclini, N. (1999). Los usos sociales del patrimonio cultural en: Aguilar
Criado Encarnacin (1999) Patrimonio Etnolgico. Nuevas perspectivas de estudio. Consejera
de Cultura. Junta de Andaluca, pp: 16-33. 1999
Gonzlez Muoz, S. (2009). Tradicin y cambio en las fiestas religiosas en Azuay. Serie
Revista Artesanas de Amrica, No. 70. Centro Interamericano de Artesanas y
Artes Populares. CIDAP.
Hidrovo Quinez, T. (2009). Memoria, Estado-nacin y Patrimonio en: Gestin
de Polticas culturales, Cuadernos, No.6, Fondo Editorial del Ministerio de Cultura del
Ecuador. 2009.
----------------------, Sandoval Simba Patricio, et al. (2009). Propuestas para la
construccin de Polticas culturales desde la visin de los ponentes en: Gestin de
Polticas culturales, Cuadernos, No.6, Fondo Editorial del Ministerio de Cultura del Ecuador.
2009.
Landvar, J. (2015 enero 25). El uso tradicional dela hoja de coca en el Ecuador
cay en el olvido, El Telgrafo. Tomado de
http://telegrafo.com.ec/regionales/regional-sur/item/el-uso-tradicional-de-lahoja-de-coca-en-ecuador-cayo-en-el-olvido.html, acceso, mayo, 2015.
Montoya, R. (1980) Yawar Fiesta Una lectura antropolgica. Revista de Crtica
Literaria Latinoamericana Ao 6, No. 12 (1980), pp. 55-68. CELACP. 1980
Munt, S. (2002). Framing intelligibility, identity, and selfhood: A reconsideration
of spatio-temporal models. En: Reconstruction, summer, 2002. Vol. 2, No. 3. Bowling
Green State University, USA, Summer 2002.
Oviedo, A. (2013). Discourses and Practices of Curricular Development, LAP. Lambert
Academic Publishers, ISBN 978-3-659-44793-8, Noviembre, 2013.
----------------------. (2004). Mestizo Indentities and Subjectivities in Ecuador. A view
related to Social Movements and Power, Tesis de Maestra, no publicada. Departamento
de Antropologa Social y Cultural, Maestra en Culturas y Desarrollo, Leuven,
Blgica, Universidad Catlica de Lovaina.
Quijano, A. (2005). Colonialidad del Poder y Clasificacin Social, en CastroGmez Santiago y Grosfoguel Ramn, edit, El Giro Decolonial, reflexiones para
una diversidad epistmica ms all del capitalismo global, Siglo de Hombres
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------------------- (1992). Colonialidad y Modernidad Racional en: Per Indgena, vol. 13,
No. 2: 11 -20. Lima Per. Reproducido en Heraclio Bonilla (comp): Los
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[202]
[203]
Abstract: This article investigates some basic ideas that have been
formulated in the historical study of education. Given that this is a
research concerning the writing of history, we must start by dealing
with some more basic questions about the nature of our enterprise,
more specifically, with the concept of history and history writing as
such.
Keywords: history, education, Colonial writing, Oral history,
research.
History
History can refer to different things for different people. In pre-modern
academic circles, the concept of history mostly referred to the view that
history was the discipline that recorded the facts, which had taken place
over the course of time and within a given space. People were often
unaware that the record of past events often came with interpretations
about the presumed intentional links between them, for example, in terms
of causal relationships and/or correlations.
However, although history was seen as a collection of annals and
chronicles, post-colonial and post-modern thinkers highlighted the
subjective dimension of any and all narrative about the past. For people
like Arthur Warwick, history is not only described or recorded, but also
invented. History is about finding things out, and solving problems, rather
than about spinning narratives or telling stories. History is a human
activity carried out by an organized corps of fallible human beings, acting,
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rather, it only signifies it, endlessly reiterating that it happened, but without
having this assertion be anything other than the obvious underside of all
historical narrative (Certeau, 1988, 42).
As such, history cannot escape being perspectival. Nancy F. Portner also
maintains this position as she argues that all accounts tell things and
what is told is contained in the telling. Further, all accounts of things are
of things past. In an important and primary, not secondary, sense,
history is contained in the category of all made accounts of, all stories,
and cannot exempt itself because of claims made about the actuality of
things outside the text. Those claims simply make history a special class of
accounts. The central conventions which govern all narrative the
organization of time, the distinction between contingent and significant
sequence, alias story unite history and fiction profoundly and
permanently (Partner, 1998, 74).This means that there is not merely one
story to be told or history to be written, but many. Hayden White insists
that in order to write the history of any given scholarly discipline or even
of a science, one must be prepared to ask questions about it of a sort that
do not have to be asked in the practice of it (White, 1998, 15).
Moreover histories gain part of their explanatory effect by their success
in making stories out of mere chronicles; and stories in turn are made out
of chronicles by an operation called emplotment (White, 1998,
15).Thus, since whatever we write or tell depends on our vantage point, it
is necessary that history writers provide others with the appropriate tools
to enable them to assess and critique the writers story. There is a need for
a transparent methodology. Furthermore, history and historiography are
not identical. While the former is about telling a story about the past or
letting the past tell some of its stories, the latter has to do with the history
of writing history. In other words () Intellectuals who use the word
history to signify the past then have to introduce the word
historiography to signify the writings of historians. But if one makes the
firm distinction, then that word is not needed, since what historians write
is history (Marwick, 2001, 29).
Thus, historiography separates its present time from the past, but
everywhere it repeats the initial act of division. Historiography is often
used to cover the history of historical knowledge and interpretation
surrounding non-written accounts of the past and the broader issues of
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most average people, the oral modality has not been granted its due
importance. Written documentation has often been taken as the exclusive
source of true knowledge of the past. However, since most of the early
written documentation was under the control or supervision of the
colonial masters, the written tradition of the Caribbean may very well be
seen as colonial as history from above or from the outside.
Caribbean history was consequently, more often than not, written from
the perspective of outsiders, or at least from the perspective of people
who had problems identifying completely with their Caribbean geo-social
surroundings. The colonized peoples had their views, but these were
generally not written down. They were handed down or conveyed through
stories, poems, songs and dances. We can also understand their history in
terms of Negro spirituals, representing the narratives of the black
renaissance; calypso songs, for example, by Harry Belafonte in Trinidad
(McGill, 2005); or the traditional songs of the Surinamese Winti religion
(George, 2010). Theirs was an oral history a history from below or
from the inside.
who engaged in writing down oral history. Furthermore, the writers of the
medieval chronicles often relied on the stories that they had heard from
oral sources (Evans, 1995).
Oral history is still more than merely quoting oral sources. It constitutes
() the systematic collection of living people's testimony about their
own experiences. Oral history is not folklore, gossip, hearsay, or rumor.
Oral historians attempt to verify their findings, analyze them and place
them in an accurate historical context. Oral historians are also concerned
with storage of their findings for use by later scholars (Moyer, 1993).
This especially applies to interviews, since the informants are given the
chance to recount their lives or to speak about special events. There is
even mention of remembering-activism, when groups demand that their
stories be heard (Leydesdorff, 2004). Researchers will seek to dig deeper
into their interviewees past, for instance, by asking them to elaborate on
aspects of their recollections or to explore different corners of their
memories (Walbert, 2002).
Interviewing people need not necessarily be linked to an event. The
capture of known life-stories is common. It involves interviewing elderly
people about their lives. These interviews often provide an interesting
insight into the past, into a way of life that no longer exists.
According to Bleyen & Van Molle (Bleyen, J. & Van Molle, 2012) oral
history can be understood in four differing ways. Firstly, it can be seen as
an activity. It is telling the past and listening to peoples memories. It
represents a certain coming to life again, a living history. Secondly, it can
refer to the product of the telling of and listening to the stories about the
past. In this sense, it gives rise to oral sources, which can give certain
albeit never direct access to the past. Thirdly, oral history can be the
result of the research process using interviews. This constitutes written
history based on the stories from the past. Lastly, it can refer to the
research method which seeks to find answers to historical questions or
case studies.
The writing down of oral history falls under the aspect of qualitative
research. It is mostly about case studies. Instead of working with statistics,
it deals with the discourse, which is usually found in stories. Given that
interpretation is typical of qualitative research, it is also part and parcel of
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(Vansina, 1981), the posterior use of the recorded voices ushers oral
history into the broader process of history-writing.
Oral history becomes the systematic collection of living peoples
testimonies and encompasses the relationship between official history,
which is transcribed in books, and individual memories (Leydersdorff,
2004). The stories about the experiences of common people and their
everyday memories are historically important. When someone does not
collect and preserve those memories, clearly, at some point they will no
longer be alive to tell their stories and their traces will disappear forever.
The role of oral history is to particularly safeguard those types of stories,
because they are valuable treasures of the community (Moyer, 2001). Oral
history can also help to trace how the historical consciousness of a society
is formed and develops. This is as important for researchers as it is for
everyone, who uses interviews and storytelling for their professions
(Portellin, 1997).
Recording oral history (e.g. by means of interviews) is not a problem-free
enterprise. Some scholars like Michael Frisch have criticized the overevaluation of oral history as Anti-History. In his view, oral historical
evidence because of its immediacy and emotional resonance can at times
be viewed as something almost beyond interpretation or accountability,
as a direct window on the feelings and (...) on the meaning of past
experience (Frisch, 1990, 45).
This caveat is reinforced by the fact that, depending on ones perspective
at the time, people seem to remember different aspects of the past. One
cannot detach the oral representation of the past from the relationship of
narrator and audience from which it arose (Tonkin, 1992).
History writers using oral sources must therefore never relinquish the
onus of critical analysis. They will need to assess the reliability of the
narrator and of their narration. At this point, researchers must resort to
triangulation as a mechanism to limit the arbitrariness and the possible
biases that could be contained in their informant(s) account. According
to Karin Barber to grasp their historical intent we need to view
representation of pastness as literature; to grasp their literature mode we
need to view them as part of social action; to grasp their role as social
action we need to see their historical intent (Barber, 1989, 15).
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History writers using oral sources will, therefore, have to ask these
questions: Were the various interviewees differently situated in
relationship to the events under discussion? Might they have different
agendas or perspectives, leading them to tell different versions of the
same story? Might intervening events for example, ideological shifts
between the time of the events under discussion and the time of the
interview, or subsequent popular cultural accounts of these events
have influenced later memories? (Shopes, 2009).
In short, researchers embarking on oral history projects ought to bear in
mind that the variables of perspective and interpretation, which are
involved in oral accounts (both in the informants telling and the
historians posterior use of the information), deter from over-rating oral
history. Nonetheless, oral history still has a corrective and complementary
role to play in historical reconstruction. For instance, when Caribbean
history or histories were solely based upon primary and/or secondary
written sources, the context, within which the events under study took
place, might be misrepresented. Some important segments of the past
might be ignored, whilst others would be given more attention than they
actually deserved and be considered to be more representative than they
actually were.
Used critically and methodically, oral sources can carry the countless
voiceless protagonists of our local and regional histories. These histories
are part of the cultural heritage of a community, upon which UNESCO
has increasingly been focusing its attention (UNESCO, 1976).
Consequently, one can suggest that oral history is an adequate means to
allow individuals to revisit their past, explore the cultural identity of their
group or nation and enhance respect for cultural diversity both inside and
outside their own communities. Recording oral history or histories could,
therefore, function as a tool to be employed not only by academic
researchers, but also by high school and college students (George,
Scatolini, Bou Mosleh, 2011).
For the historian, oral history is not an aim in itself but a tool. Historians
allow personal stories to become historical records and answer questions
about the past. By doing so, they enrich the existing knowledge of the past
by acknowledging the voice of people, who would otherwise have been
muted by approaches concentrated exclusively on documentary evidence.
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One of the strategies perhaps the primary one to tap into stories and
record oral history is through personal interviews (Bleyen & Van Molle,
2012).
Methodology of interviews
Interviews allow the information obtained from written and printed
sources to be nuanced, looked at differently or even corrected. In cases
where these sources do not allow critiquing hypotheses from other angles
than those documented, interviews fill in the lacunae by providing new
information and facilitating alternative perspectives. Interviews can
actually become the main source for historical research.
Judith Moyer elaborates on the sequence needed for the recording of oral
history by means of interviews. She provides a list for the researcher, and
explains how to ask questions (selecting, listening, verifying, comparing
and relating) and prepare field notes as well as gives other useful
information. Much of it comes down to: doing the right thing and
minding your manners (Moyer, 1993).
You do not go to somebodys house armed with questions and shoot your
questions at the inhabitants like a machine gun, but you engage in a
conversation. Oral history is thus all about interpretation and action not
technique. On the other hand interpretation and narrative do not take
overhand (Portelli, 1997).
Conclusion
The conceptual framework that we have presented tells us that it is
neither easy nor simple to write about the history of education. This is
because the history of education is much broader than the history of mere
schooling. Furthermore, educational history should not be studied in
isolation from other cultural and social movements. Education helps to
transmit culture and the values of that culture from one generation to
another. This means that the history of education studies the entire
process of social development.
Thus if we would like to write about the history of education in the
Caribbean, St. Maarten, it will challenge us to look into the methodology
of oral history and at different authors, who discuss the complexities of
writing about the history of education and the use of oral history. Based
on this research, we know that there are still many questions which need
to be answered. There is a remarkable history in the Caribbean. The
colonial context shows that the different islands with their unique story
became special places where the people own unique identity and culture
have prevailed. The language issue, which has been and still is a much
debated topic, demands more research and reflection.
[222]
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[225]
[226]
Introduction:
The subject of Shakespeare and religion has been a permanent one,
though it cannot be confirmed what religion he practiced in isolation, yet
the fact of his being born under the rule of Elizabeth I, who was
Protestant and outlawed Catholicism, infers that his public faith would
have been Protestant. However, his parents, as Mabillard claims, were
very likely covert Catholics and Shakespeares father, John, was close
friends with William Catesby, the father of the head conspirator in the
plot to blow the Protestant monarchy to smithereens. (Mabillard, 2003).
One can learn about the religion around Shakespeare from the Catholics,
Calvinists, clowns, stoics and skeptics he placed onstage without
supposing that one discovers thereby the religion of Shakespeare
(Kaufman, 2011). Since the recent turn to religion in historical and
[227]
Literature Review
Hamlet, the Dane, who made that celebrated soliloquy on life, instructed
the players like a schooled director, thought this goodly frame, the
earth, a sterile promontory and this brave over hanging firmament, the
air, this majestical roof fretted with golden fire, a foul and pestilent
congregation of vapours, whom man delighted not, nor woman
neither, is an idle coinage of Shakespeares brain (Hazlitt, 1990) that
everyone contains in the form of a tinge of feelings, wants, and worries.
But, he is a character in a play, not in history (Weitz, 1964) who talked
with the grave-diggers, and moralized on Yorricks skull, but he is too
sensitive to avenge himself (Grebanier, 1960), because his world is one
where religion is existent, God is true the hereafter is valid, and what one
does in earthly life is very much a preparation for the next. He is the
school fellow of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern at Wittenburg; the friend
of Horatio; the lover of Ophelia, who is more sinned against than
sinning (King Lear, 3.2). Everything in him seems only that he
know[s] not and to be or not to be (Hamlet, 3.1) becomes a
question for all concerned around him, besides he feigns madness for
political purpose (Ferriar, 1813). He is very self-scrupled, but calm
and focused to kill the king and get the throne and follows his fathers
[229]
(Ghosts) orders to taint not his [thy] mind (Hamlet 1.5) that leads to his
inaction and postponement.
There are many controversial speculations regarding the use of religion as
a justification for Hamlets inaction, but one might just brush over the
fact that Hamlet is too constrained by puritan aesthetics that
everything he does to act becomes his cynicism. Puritan theology is based
on Calvinism asserting the basic sinfulness of humankind, but also
declaring that God has determined that someone will be saved despite
their sins. Perhaps knowing there is a chance of purgation and entry into
paradise, Hamlet restrains himself from killing his incestuous father
(uncle) Claudius, while he was praying. Hamlet is religious and
Christian. He believes in God and all the Christian theology, including
punishment for sin and damnation. It is not supposed, theoretical or
hypothetical for him, rather all part of his veracity, and the question he
asks, and the fears he has are also bona fide and solemn for him. He is
not using religion as justification in the way of making excuses, but trying
to remain a puritan emphasizing total depravity. Confirming which Hart
claims that as man is naturally unable to exercise free will, since through
Adams fall he has suffered hereditary corruption (Hart, 1986). Evil was
a palpable presence in the Puritans world, and it was often symbolized
by the struggle between light and darkness. In this system, it was
impossible to find disillusioned Puritans, for they believed that there was
no horror that man could not commit, but the self- discipline. There are
times when Hamlet acts somewhat promptly, for example, sending
Rosencrantz and Guildenstern to their death that took very little
procrastination from him. The only inaction therefore being the revenge
of his fathers death is not for religious bent of mind rather determined
attempts to taint not Hamlets [thy] mind.
Hamlet is acutely motorized by Christian sense of goodness. He believes
that man should look into the Law of God and make an examination of
his life and state according to the Law. He does not act on instinct,
rather tries to understand through meditation and prepare for a
fitting response. This idea runs deep into the developing plot as we find
him incessantly trying to justify his vengeance, but Hamlet was
restrained by the conscience or a moral scruple; he could not satisfy
himself that it was right to avenge his father (Bradley, 1980).
[230]
malcontent, someone who refuses to go along with the rest of the court
for the sake of the greater good of stability. The question of the moral
validity of suicide in an unbearably painful world will haunt the rest of the
play; it reaches the height of its urgency in the most famous line in all of
English literature: To be, or not to be: that is the question (iii.i.58). In
this scene Hamlet mainly focuses on the appalling conditions of life,
railing against Claudiuss court as an unweeded garden, / That grows to
seed; things rank and gross in nature / Possess it merely (i.ii.135-137).
Throughout the play, we watch the gradual crumbling of the beliefs on
which Hamlets opinion has been based. Already, in this first soliloquy,
religion has failed him, and his warped family situation can offer him no
solace.
All the beliefs about the ghost are based in religion or at least religion
related superstition. The problem with Gertrudes marriage to Claudius
being incestuous is grounded in religion it was sinful to marry
Claudius. But the Ghost is not a mere figure. Hamlet is not a modern
altruist, considering his intelligence from the point of view of Mr. Henry
James and terrified by the vicious strains of his father. King Hamlet had
been a being of flesh and blood, and he spoke in toxic earnest, for the
rescue of his realm, for the retribution of sin, to his son, the successor
of that kingdom, the Prince of Denmark, who on his mothers demise
would be king. However, the other theory, that the Ghost was a chimera,
is isolated very circumspectly in the opening of the play. With his
customary talent in making the intention of state of affairs clear,
Shakespeare converts Horatio from the nonbeliever to a believer fully
persuaded. The Ghost might be the misapprehension of an emotional
psyche, in the appalling scene between the mother and son, when the
example of Nero and Agrippina is only too near Hamlets rancorous
mentality; but the whole spirit of the tragedy is not in favor of that
hypothesis, as in Shakespeares Hamlet no such education in deviltry is
indicated. When Hamlet speaks to Horatio of his father, and in his scorn
of his mothers neglect of that noble shade and in his tenderness, says
that his picture comes that very moment to his mind. He speaks as any
sorrowing son would speak; his father is before him, but he does not
pretend that it is the spirit of his father. There is no delusion, and he is
not insane at any time. Besides, his obedience to the ghost is highly
rewarding and conspicuous. It is as he is flesh of his flesh that Hamlet
[233]
moral iniquities, and called on the people to repent and reform in order
that Jehovah might restore them to his favor and renew the ancient
covenant. In Act I Scene I, a general discussion between Marcellus
and Horatio provides ample insight into the state of affairs of
Denmark, especially after the death of Senior Hamlet, and coronation of
King Claudius. Just as Oedipus Rex, pointed out that calamities had
befallen due to moral iniquities, Denmark is also seen busy preparing for
battle 24/7 including the holy Sundays. Gertrude despite the death of her
husband, hastes to a wedding lock with sometime brother-in-law Claudius
shortening the length of bereavement.
It is a humiliation that stresses upon the conviction of conscience by
which Hamlet (seeker) realizes that he will be (is) under sin, if he commits
suicide. His canon gainst self slaughter. (1.2.132) life is futile, sterile
and meaningless for him because he experiences abject despair and
misery. He sees all his efforts as vain and inconsequential before [a]
perfect Claudius (God). The stricken Hamlet attempts to redress the
wrongs he has done through "legal obedience" to the covenant of works.
He turns to good works as a remedy, but this effort fails and he is
brought to deeper despair. This is caused due to his awareness of the faith
by possession.
Hamlet is stricken not by external scruples of any sort, rather internal
more accurately as such his self-conscience which doles like a free
pendulum much without will but more for the design and make-up. He
suffers from a self-deluded predicament in regards to Claudius to be or
not to be the murder of his father. This quandary becomes a quagmire
never to set him free until death, but during entire length of the play he
seems to be questioning what should be the fear? Bradley states,
When Hamlet mentions, as one possible cause of his inaction, his
thinking too precisely on the event, he mentions another, bestial
oblivion as there is preparation for disciplining the exasperated soul. He
meditates unlike any normal person, as if he was Christ because Thomas
Hooker (15861647), in The Soules Preparation for Christ (1632) deems: "It is
a settled exercise for two ends: first to make a further inquiry of the truth:
and secondly, to make the heart affected therewith", both of which
Hamlet meticulously adheres to first by staging a mousetrap play for
gathering information about the murder of his father and second
by feigning madness and obeying the ghost as if he was meant to by
[235]
References
Baxter, R. (1872). The Saints' Everlasting Rest: Or A Treatise on the Blesssed
State of the Saints in their Enjoyment of God in Heaven. London: T. Nelsons &
Sons.
Bloom, H. (2003). Hamlet: Poem Unlimited. New York: Berkley Publishing Group.
Bradley, A. (1980). Shakespearean Tragedy. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Bradstreet, A. (1867). The Works of Anne Bradstreet in Prose and Verse (1841 ed.). (J.
H. Ellis, Ed.) Boston: A.E. Cutter Charleston.
Dodsworth, M. (1985). Hamlet closely observed. London: Athlone Press.
Ferriar, D. J. (1813). An Essay Towards a Theory of Apparitions. Warrington.
Grebanier, B. (1960). The Heart of Hamlet, The Play Shakespeare Wrote. New York:
Thomas Y. Crowell Company.
Hart, J. D. (1986). The Concise Oxford Companion to American Literature. New York,
USA: Oxford University Press.
Hazlitt, W. (1990). Lectures on the Literature of the Age of Elizabeth and
Characters of Shakespeare's Plays. (pp. 73-81). London: George Bell and Sons.
Kaufman, P. I. (2011). Hamlet's Religions. Religions, 427-448.
doi:doi:10.3390/rel2030427
Mabillard, A. (2003, August 20). Shakespeare's Religion. Retrieved May 22, 2015,
from Shakespeare Online: http://www.shakespeareonline.com/faq/shakespearereligion.html
Spencer, B., & Sinfield, A. (2005). Hamlet. (S. Wells, Ed.) Lonon: Penguin Group.
Stegner, P. (2007). Try what repentance can: Hamlet, Confession, and the
Extraction of Interiority. Shakespeare Stud Columbia, 35, 105-126.
Weitz, M. (1964). Hamlet and the Philosophy of Literary Criticism. Chicago: University
of Chicago.
[237]
EDUCATION LEADERSHIP:
A PROFESSIONAL GUIDE FOR EDUCATION LEADERS
IN 21TH CENTURY SCHOOLS
directors,
Education,
Management,
Introduction
Concept of Educational Leadership
Educational management is a field of study and practice concerned with
the operation of educational organizations. There is no single generally
accepted definition of the subject because its development has drawn
heavily on several more firmly established disciplines, including sociology,
political science, economics and general management. Interpretations
[238]
[240]
2. Instructional Leadership
Instructional leadership differs from that of a school administrator or
manager in a number of ways. Principals who pride themselves as
administrators usually are too preoccupied in dealing with strictly
managerial duties, while principals who are instructional leaders involve
themselves in setting clear goals, allocating resources to instruction,
managing the curriculum, monitoring lesson plans, and evaluating
teachers. In short, instructional leadership reflects those actions a
principal takes to promote growth in student learning (Flath, 1989). The
instructional leader makes instructional quality the top priority of the
school and attempts to bring that vision to realization.
More recently, the definition of instructional leadership has been
expanded to include deeper involvement in the core business of
schooling, which is teaching and learning. As emphasis shifts from
teaching to learning, some have proposed the term learning leader over
instructional leader (DuFour, 2002).
The National Association of Elementary School Principals (2001) defines
instructional leadership as leading learning communities, in which staff
members meet on a regular basis to discuss their work, collaborate to
solve problems, reflect on their jobs, and take responsibility for what
students learn. In a learning community, instructional leaders make adult
learning a priority, set high expectations for performance, create a culture
of continuous learning for adults, and get the communitys support for
school success.
Blase and Blase (2000) cite specific behaviors of instructional leadership,
such as making suggestions, giving feedback, modeling effective
[241]
3. Transformational Leadership
According to Fullan (2001) the more complex society gets, the more
sophisticated leadership must become. Thus, Lewis, Goodman and Fandt
(1998) assert that school administrators are expected to cope with a
rapidly changing world of work to be effective at their schools. For this
reason, they require abilities such as being team-oriented, strong
communicators, team players, problem solvers, change-makers and
transformational leaders. Many researches have been made to define
leaders roles in organizations. In this regard, transformational leadership
has been frequently studied in the leadership fields (Bass, 1998). Initiated
by Leithwood and his colleagues in the late 1980s and early 1990s,
numerous studies have demonstrated positive relationships between
transformational leadership and various school and teacher organizational
conditions (Anderson, 2008).
According to Northouse (2001), in the simplest terms, transformational
leadership is the ability to get people to want to change, improve, and be
led. It involves assessing associates' motives, satisfying their needs, and
valuing them. Besides, some researches claim that transformational
leadership is the leaders ability to increase organizational members
commitment, capacity, and engagement in meeting goals (Bass & Avolio,
1997).
Hallinger (2003) puts that transformational leadership models
conceptualize leadership as an organizational entity rather than the task of
a single individual. In this context, Evers & Lakomski (1996) suggest that
these models rely too heavily on the transformational skills of the leader.
It is claimed by many researches that transformational leadership
behaviors have direct and indirect effects on followers behavior, their
psychological states and organizational performance (Leithwood, Jantzi &
Steinbach, 1999). It has influences on teachers commitment to change in
vision building, high performance expectations, developing consensus
[243]
[244]
expectations, creating a
participation in decisions.
productive
school
culture
and
fostering
4. Moral Leadership
Moral leadership has become an increasingly popular topic in the field of
educational administration. It has been the focus of policy initiatives,
accreditation standards and a body of research that emerged over the past
fifteen years identifying moral leadership as a characteristic of high
performing schools, particularly among high poverty schools (Fullan,
2003; Hodgkinson, 1991). However, the increased attention to moral
leadership in schools has not shed much light on how to best teach moral
leadership in the preparation of school administrators. The burst of
interest since the early 1990s in developing moral leadership in schools
has largely taken the form of identifying moral leadership as an important,
in some cases critical, element of a strong school.
[245]
community which includes staff, pupils, the parents and the department.
School leaders are involved in goal setting, assigning duties, consulting
others, making decisions, initiating change, gaining support from others,
monitoring progress, coordinating activity, and regulating the pace of
change. Jirasinghe and Lyons (1996) surveyed 99 British leaders of schools
to identify the main tasks performed by themselves in their workplace.
Managing tasks and people figured most prominently, followed by
working with information and communicating with others. Tasks
concerned with making plans and motivating others were reported about
a third more times than the next most reported task category which was
about appraising, evaluating and developing people.
Schein (1992) stated that those things which are closely monitored and
measured by the leader are the same things where direct intervention by
the leader is more likely to occur. Following the 1983 publication of
Donald Schns seminal work The Reflective Practitioner, a number of
professions, including education, have made extensive use of reflection as
a means to understand what a professional does (Smith, 2001). Schn
legitimizes informal knowledge. In his book, Schn identifies reflectioninaction, which might be likened to thinking on your feet, and reflectionon-action, a process which takes place sometime after the event, and is
similar to the one used in the present study. Smith (2001) explains Schns
idea that an ability to think on ones feet requires that a professional has,
at his or her disposal, a repertoire of images, ideas, examples and actions
to draw on when faced with commonplace or unique situations. Reflective
practice is about learning from these personal and professional challenges.
Repertory Grid Technique, the research instrument of Personal Construct
Theory, provides a semi structured way for professional reflection to
happen.
Personal Construct Theory (PCT) was developed in 1955 by clinical
psychologist, George Kelly (Kelly, 1955). At its heart the theory accepts
the fact that all people have a personal view about the world in which they
live and that each individual uses that view to make sense of the events
that occur and to anticipate the likely outcomes of future events. Kelly
notes that people are just as likely to be able to adjust their personal
construct of the world in light of new evidence, as to be unable to change
in spite of new evidence to the contrary. It is the person, Kelly argues,
who decides how important a particular event is or is not, and in their
[248]
6. Conclusion
Effective leadership and management are essential if schools and colleges
are to achieve the wide-ranging objectives set for them by their many
stakeholders, notably the governments which provide most of the funding
for public educational institutions. In an increasingly global economy, an
educated workforce is vital to maintain and enhance competitiveness.
Society expects schools, colleges and universities to prepare people for
employment in a rapidly changing environment. Teachers, and their
leaders and managers, are the people who are required to deliver higher
educational standards. The concept of management has been joined, or
superseded, by the language of leadership but the activities undertaken by
principals and senior staff resist such labels. Self-management is practiced
in many countries, expanding the scope and scale of leadership and
providing greater potential for direct and indirect influences on school
and pupil outcomes. Successful leaders are increasingly focused on
learning, the central and unique focus of educational organizations. They
also face unprecedented accountability pressures in what is clearly a
results driven business. As these environmental pressures intensify,
leaders and managers require greater understanding, skill and resilience to
sustain their institutions. Heads, principals and senior staff need an
appreciation of the theory, as well as the practice, of educational
management. Competence comprises an appreciation of concepts as well
as a penchant for successful action. The next chapter examines the nature
[249]
References
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schools. The Rural Educator, 8-17.
Bass, B. (1998). Transformational leadership: industry, military, and
educational impact, Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum Associates.
Bass, B. M. & Avolio, B. J. (1997). Full range leadership development:
manual for the multifactor leadership Questionnaire. CA, Mind Garden.
Beare, H., Caldwell, B. and Millikan, R. (1989) Creating an Excellent
School: Some New Management Techniques, London: Routledge.
Blase, J., & Blase J. (2000). Effective instructional leadership: Teachers
perspectives on how principals promote teaching and learning in schools.
Journal of Educational Administration, 38(2), 130- 141.
Bolam, R. (1999) Educational administration, leadership and
management: towards a research agenda, in T. Bush, L. Bell, R. Bolam, R.
Glatter and P. Ribbins (eds), Educational Management: Redefining
Theory, Policy and Practice, London: Paul Chapman Publishing.
Bolam, R., McMahon, A., Pocklington, K. and Weindling, D. (1993)
Effective Management in Schools, London: HMSO.
Bommer, W. H., Rubin, R. S. & Baldwin, T. T. (2004). Setting the stage
for effective leadership: antecedents of transformational leadership
behaviors. The Leadership Quarterly, 15(2004), 195210.
Bush, T. (1999) Crisis or crossroads? The discipline of educational
management in the late 1990s, Educational Management and
Administration, 27(3): 23952.
Castanheira, P. & Costa, J. A. (2011). In search of transformational
leadership: A (Meta) analysis focused on the Portuguese reality. Procedia
Social and Behavioral Sciences, 15 (2011), 20122015.
[250]
[251]
leadership,
social
network
Ethics
in
the
[252]
superintendency.
The
School
[253]
:
Salim Hamood Al-Amri
University of Buraimi, Oman
English summary
This article deals with the economic development and preservation of the
environment in the Sultanate of Oman from a social or sociological
perspective. It discusses the process of change, including the private,
economic and environmental development, which has been taking place
in the Sultanate since the 1970s. It briefly looks into Ibn Khaldun and his
analysis of traditional Arab societies, both of the Bedouin and the urban
dwellers. The contribution also deals with the location and designation of
Oman, the political and institutional structure of the modern Omani State,
and the type and size of its economic development from the seventies
onwards. The coming to power of Sultan Qaboos in the 1070s was the
real beginning of the Omani economy. The aim was to achieve modern,
balanced growth combining economic and social dimensions and
reflecting positively on the Omani citizen. At present, 2020 functions as a
watershed to secure employment for Omanis and a reasonable per capita
income as a stepping stone to 2040.
In the second part of this article, the subject of environmental
development is linked to the environmental resources of renewable
natural resources and natural non-renewable resources, the most
important of which are oil and natural gas. In fact, the oil sector has
[254]
[255]
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Endnotes
-1 2009
..12
-2
1332
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-3 .
.15
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1995 .119
-5 .120
-6 .141
-7 .25
-8 2012 -
2012 40 .33
][277
-9 .33
-10 .34
-11 -
2008 1 .12-11
-12 2013_2012
2012 .63-62
-13 . -391
.392
-14 .392
-15 2009
.222
-16 .226225
-17 .227226
www.ayamm.org -18 .pm 6 2015-5-19
-19 .
www.shabiba.com -20 2015-5-19.am 9
AL- Hatrushi, S. L Environment au Sultanate d Oman, in: Marc -21
Lavergne ET Brigitte Dumortier (Eds), L Oman Contemporain, Etat,
.Territoire, Identite. Karthala, Paris. 2002 :183-195
-22 .136
www.alwatan.com -23 .am9 2015-5-19
-24 2014-2013 .www.omaninfo.om.241-240
-25 .136
-26 2003 .17
-27 2005 36
.55
-28 2003 .139 - 138
-29
.22
-30 .2322
][278
][279
Verily in the creation of the heavens and the earth, and the alternation of
night and day, there are indeed signs for people of understanding.
(Qurn 3:190)
Abstract: Ibn Tufayl, from Al-Andalus, wrote the fictionary story of Hayy
Ibn Yaqzn, a sort of Tarzan-like mystical philosopher and scientist. This
contribution argues that the characters intellectual journey from ignorance
to the knowledge of the Creator contains not only an implicit critique of the
Muslim community, but also a view of human knowledge and education.
Keywords: Ibn Tufayl, Hayy Ibn Yaqzn, Al-Andalus, philosophy, Islamic
mysticism, education
Introduction
Ab Bakr Muhammad Ibn Tufayls Hayy Ibn Yaqzn(1) is a medieval piece
of literature from Al-Andalus. However, the books implied take on
knowledge, prophecy, revelation, institutional religion, and governance
was more progressive than what most Muslim scholars and imams might
be willing to espouse nowadays. In this contribution, I shall only focus on
the view of education implicit in the book.
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Ibn Tufayl
His Life
Ab Bakr Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Malik Ibn Muhammad Ibn Tufayl alQais (493-581 ah / 1100-1185 CE), known in the West as Abubacer or
Abentofail, was a renowned and important Arab philosopher in
Muwahhid Hispania (Sharif, 1963).
Ibn Tufayl was born of the prominent Arab tribe of Qais in Wadi Ash
(Guadix), near Granada. He composed poetic verses and practised
medicine and politics. He initially served as secretary of Sid Ab Sad
(son of the first Almohad Khalif of Hispania Abd al-Mumin, 10951163 CE), governor of Ceuta and Tangier. He was married, and fathered
three children.
From 1163-1184 CE, Ibn Tufayl served as wazr, chief royal court
physician and Qdhi (Islamic judge) at the court of Khalif Muwahhid
Sultan Ab Yaqub Ysuf (r. 558-580 AH / 1163-1184 CE). It was this
Khalif who would introduce Ibn Tufayl to Ibn Rushd, the great Andalus
philosopher. Later on, as Ibn Tufayl gave up his position as court
physician in 578 AH / 1182 CE, he recommended Ibn Rush as his
successor. However, Ibn Tufayl retained the Khalifs esteem up to the
latters death, and could count on the appreciation of his son and
successor Khalif Ab Ysuf al-Mansr, who attended Ibn Tufayls
funeral in Morocco in 581 AH / 1185-1186 CE.
Ibn Tufayl, along with his contemporaries, Ibn Bjja (also known as
Avempace) and Ibn Rushd, formed the avant-garde of Muslim Andalus
philosophy, the opening through which Aristotle was reintroduced into
West-European philosophy. He also belonged to the movement that tried
to integrate al-Ghazl and Sufism into the orthodox Islamic theory.
Before Ibn Tufayls time, during the Almoravid period, Sufism had been
looked at with suspicion in al-Andalus; reading the works of al-Ghazl
had been forbidden, and many of his books had been burnt. However,
under the Almohads, al-Ghazl was rehabilitated.
The above is important for the reading of Hayy Ibn Yaqzn since the book
clearly states in its preamble that al-Ghazl is one of its points of
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His writings
With the exception of some fragments of poetry, his only extant work is
Hayy Ibn Yaqzn (The Living, Son of the Vigilant). The title and names of the
characters of this work were borrowed from two of Ibn Sinas
philosophical treatises, Hayy Ibn Yaqzn, and Salmn and Absl. The
framework was borrowed from an ancient eastern tale, The Story of the Idol
and of the King and His Daughter. The title was taken from the name of the
main character, Hayy Ibn Yaqzn. In the introduction and conclusion, the
author addresses the reader directly. In other parts of the work, he uses a
thin veil, a symbolic form to express his philosophical views.
Ibn Tufayl is recognized for his poignant philosophical discourse.
Indeed, as Sami S. Hawi remarked, Hayy Ibn Yaqzn is a well-structured
book with a clear conceptual plan. In addition, this work impacted not
only the Muslim but also the Christian world. It was translated into Latin
and Hebrew at an early stage, and subsequently into English, Dutch,
French, and Spanish. It appears that Leibnitz thought much of the story
and was influenced by it, and that Spinoza, whose knowledge of Hebrew
philosophy included Arab philosophers, also knew the Hebrew translation
of Ibn Tufayls masterpiece.
and Salmn, who were given their names by Avicenna himself. For the
tale points a moral for all with heart to understand, a reminder for anyone
with a heart or ears to listen and to hear (p. 103).
Ibn Tufayl states then that he intended to expound the Oriental or
illuminative wisdom, which Ibn Sina had spoken of and which was
reducible, according to the author, to mysticism. In order to do this, he
opted for the allegorical, narrative genre.
had. When he was seven he covered himself with tree leaves or animal
hides for protection.
The first critical moment in Hayys life came when his mother-doe died;
this saddened him terribly and led him to adopt a critical, i.e. reflective,
stance on life and death. After conducting a rudimentary autopsy, he
concluded that the cause of death was a disorder of the heart leading to
the departure of the spirit, the bodys vital principle. Observing that death
did not bring about any immediate, visible corporeal damage, he deduced
that death was the result of the separation of a beings life principle (the
soul) and its body. Hayy discovered life as different from the individual
life forms.
Hayys second major random discovery was fire. By observing the
analogies and differences between animals and plants, their various ranks
or species, he concluded that there must also be a spiritual world, related
to the principle of life. First, he noticed that every entity was marked by
binarity: there was the corporeity and the form of corporeity. In living
entities, this form corresponds to the soul. Second, the place along the
scale of perfection of each living form would depend on the complexity
of the powers of the soul.
Between his 25th and 28th years of life, Hayy noticed the incorruptible
world of the universe (exemplified by the stars) and recognized the
necessity of a Creator. As to the duration of the world as a whole Hayy
viewed the issue of the eternity or non-eternity of the world as irrelevant
to the demonstration of the existence of its Cause, so too would
Maimonides and Thomas Aquinas at a later stage (Goodman, 1983,
p. 131ff.).
The Cause of the universe must of necessity possess all the perfections
which we discover in the world around us, and be free of imperfection.
Hayy wondered then as to how he had arrived at the intuition of a
universal Cause that escaped the range of his sensory experience. He
decided that it must have come to him thanks to the workings of the soul,
the personal constituent that informs the body (hylemorphically
speaking). This discovery increased his awareness of the nobility of his
soul, its superiority over the material universe, and its independence of the
conditions of corporeal generation and corruption.
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The Epilogue
In the Epilogue, Ibn Tufayl delves into another major theme of Muslim
Neo-Platonism, namely the harmony of reason and revelation, of
philosophy and religion. The tale goes on to speak of a neighbouring
island where there was a religious creed that had been introduced by an
ancient prophet. Two of its adepts are mentioned: Absl and Salmn,
who function as types. While Absl was inclined toward a life of
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contemplation and the inward or esoteric, his friend Salmn, the ruler of
the island, believed in living within society and held it unlawful to
withdraw (Goodman, 1983, p. 163), preferring the outward or exoteric
interpretation of his faith (p. 156ff.).
One day, Absl, not knowing of Hayys existence, decides to retire to
Hayys island to dedicate his life to meditation and prayer. The day
came, however, on which Absl caught sight of Hayy, but restrained from
speaking to him. Hayy, who had never come across another human, did
not realise what kind of creature this new being was. Their paths were
bound to cross, and so they did. That was the beginning of an enriching
friendship.
Once Absl had taught him to speak, Hayy began to share his experiences,
especially the mystical ones. On the one hand, Absl realised that the
references in the Scripture (read: the Qurn) to the angels, prophets,
heaven and hell conveyed by means of established religious language the
spiritual realities which Hayy had perceived on his own in the absence of
all traditioned jargon. Hayy, on the other hand, concluded that the content
of Absls creed and ritual was in keeping with what he had experienced
himself. It is clear that the book intended to show that there is an essential
consonance between Absls prophetically-mediated religion (i.e. Islm),
and Hayys mystical knowledge, which he had acquired through thorough
scientific analysis and contemplation. The same idea would later on be put
forward by Ibn Rush (or Averroes), Ibn Tufayls successor.
Beside the issue of reason and revealed religion, there is another old
question spoken about in the religious and academic world of al-Andalus
which surfaces at the end of the book: a difference is made between two
groups in society, i.e. one following the general trend and the other
possessing deeper knowledge and insight. The book does this by means of
Salmn and Absl, who embody two different hermeneutic readings of
religious knowledge. Salmn adheres to law-based, established religion,
whereas Absl seeks to follow the mystical path. Even though the book
does not fail to validate the former, it nonetheless points to the latter as
being the one that encapsulates the enlightened understanding of religion
(which, by the way, coincides with Hayys own experience).
The problem at hand is translated into two questions: (1) why did the
Prophet resort to representations concerning the divine world instead
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a place for him or herself within his or her own natural and societal
environment. Tool-making and industry are based on these aptitudes.
Moderation and abstention: After the age of 35, Hayy began to practise
planned moderation and abstention in his daily routine. For example,
he ate fruits but not the seeds, herbs but not the roots, and if it was
unavoidable, he ate the eggs and flesh of not-endangered animals. Ibn
Tufayl must have seen moderation and abstention as important
features of the self-learning process, among other things, because they
make manifest the individuals ability to prioritize some things over
others. Learners who have no sense of moderation and abstention
run the risk of becoming entangled in a jungle of distractive and
debilitating liaisons.
Gradual development (significance of the ages of 7, 21, 28, 35 and
50): Hayys development is presented as an unfolding process
following some sort of regularity and correspondence between bodily
and psychological evolution. The idea of the unfolding of human
personality according to more or less identifiable stages has become
anchored in the arena of evolutive psychology and pedagogy for quite
some time now; think, for instance, of Piaget and his impact on
didactics and pedagogy.
A process with an all-encompassing, ever-transcendent goal: When
Hayys whole education is looked at, it becomes manifest that Ibn
Tufayl conceived of education as a process that ought to progress
step by step, layer by layer, from the more immediate to the more
transcendent. For Ibn Tufayl, the scientist must grow into the mystic.
Such a view goes beyond a minimalistic understanding of
confessional education since it detaches faith from conventional
ritual practice and established truths alone, and redefines it as a
disposition whose nature lies in the continual search for the
Unknown, including through science. However, this is no mere
intellectual gymnastics; it is an existential search involving the whole
person and aimed at reaching ones communion with the Creator.
Upon hearing about Absls people, Hayy deeply pitied mankind and
hoped that it might be through him that they would be saved. He was
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that most men are no better than unreasoning animals, and realized that
all wisdom and guidance, all that could possibly help them was contained
already in the words of the prophets and the religious traditions. None of
this could be different. There was nothing to be added. There is a man for
every task and everyone belongs to the life for which he was created
(ibid.).
Did Ibn Tufayl mean that true education for the Truth beyond biases is
impossible? Can people not be taught to seek the Truth beyond the
cultural truths by means of which they were socialized and humanized?
Hayy Ibn Yaqzn does not espouse a radical pessimism, but a nuanced
realism about education. Even though it would appear that the book
holds the view that the bulk of people can only be educated with
pragmatic goals in mind (i.e. to be good citizens vis--vis one another), it
still leaves room for educating people such as Absl who will dare venture
out in search of the Ultimate Truth (as stated in the Preamble).
It is in the Preamble that Ibn Tufayl, the writer, bridges the gap between
the real and the narrative world by becoming a first-person narrator. He
compares learning to walking, moving towards the Truth. It is clear that
for Ibn Tufayl, a teacher is somebody who shows the path to be trodden.
In fact, he declares that he wrote Hayy Ibn Tufayl to give a brief glimpse
of the road that lies ahead (Goodman, 1983, p. 103). A guides task,
however, is not to walk somebody elses way. Teaching means mapping
out the known terrain so that the learners may go further into the
unknown: I want only to bring you along the paths in which I have
preceded you and let you swim in the sea I have crossed, so that it may
bear you where it did me and you may undergo the same experience and
see with the eyes of your soul all that I have seen. Then you will not need
to confine yourself within the limits of my knowledge (ibid.). Ibn Tufayl
the scientist, philosopher, and mystic knew that no extant answer
would ever be enough to stop the questioning process. Ibn Tufayl would
have agreed with John of the Cross, his fellow Iberian Christian mystic, in
suggesting that for learners to go where they do not know, they must go
along ways that they do not know.
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Language
The way in which the scene is set for Hayy Ibn Yaqzn warrants the
conclusion that Hayy operated in a complete absence of any (human)
linguistic experience. Nonetheless, although the book makes it clear that
Hayy was capable of abstract thought, it offers no explanation how he
developed his discursive reasoning, especially considering that he had
been brought up by a mother-doe. When and how he was able to cross
the threshold between animal and human mental activity is not dealt with
thematically. Would such a passage not have been necessary for him to
reason discursively? Can humans reason methodically without a coherent
symbolic system, a language, whereby the flow of phenomena is
functionally fixed and mapped out so that it becomes re-cognizable (as
Cassirer explained)?
wives or concubines, or that he would not be absent from home for long
periods without her consent. Moreover, women in Al-Andalus could have
free access to the judge to ask custody over their children or over their
common goods. Furthermore, one of the differences between Al-Andalus
and other Muslim societies was that women could go to school and
meetings together with men. They were also allowed to receive visitors in
the home without much further ado. Children would often also carry the
mothers surname when she not the father was the determinant
factor for their state in society, e.g. whether they would be free men or
women, or enslaved subjects.(5)
Hayy Ibn Yaqzn would appear to be all about the individuals search for
and education into the Truth, and this is the overall framework within
which the issue of corporeality must be placed. Ibn Tufayl did probably
not intend to speak of the body in opposition to or in combination with
the soul in general, but of its place within the educative process whereby
individuals can climb the staircase of knowledge.
It is in light of the above that Hayy Ibn Yaqzn developed a narrow
understanding of the role and function of the body. There seems to be no
place for the enjoyment of corporeal pleasures, such as eating and
drinking, given that the needs of the body were all subordinated to
survival at the service of contemplation. The isolation in which Hayy
grows up suggests a picture that brackets out the issue of human sexuality
(albeit without denying it), both in its relational and erotic dimensions.
Hayy knew much about the vegetable, animal and celestial worlds, but
nothing about human society, let alone intimacy.
This neglect of the body seen as a multidimensional reality, both in Hayys
life as a self-teaching learner and as a teacher, betrays Ibn Tufayls
Platonic tendencies. Despite the key role of the body in the Islamic
tradition (e.g. washing, standing, bowing, kneeling down in prayer,
clothing, posture, etc.), Ibn Tufayl did not assign to it a directly central
role in his work. In the beginning, Hayy did indeed relate to reality via the
body insofar as it was his bodily needs that motivated much of his
learning; yet, the more abstract his thinking became, the further away he
moved from any appreciation and discovery of the emotions of his body.
It may be asked whether the readers were expected to place the body and
all that relates to it among those things which have been reserved for
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those of lower intellectual capacity, for those who cannot reach the peak
of philosophical and mystical contemplation.
Even though it would be unfair to ask of Ibn Tufayl that he should share
Marcels conviction that humans do not have a body, but are our bodies, it
is still true that any education that fails to reaffirm the body will run the
risk of sowing the seeds of self-alienation among the learners. Hayys
appraisal of the body is in keeping with the Neo-Platonism that was en vogue
in the Islamic philosophical circles, also in Al-Andalus, and in keeping
with Ibn Tufayls membership of one of the Sufi paths (Ela, 2004).
Socialization in education
Philosophers such as Wittgenstein have drawn attention to the fact that
language and socialization belong to one and the same process.
Paraphrasing Heidegger, language does not only speak to us (intransitively),
it also speaks us (transitively).
How did Hayy, the self-teaching learner, humanize himself in the absence
of other humans? Was he a human before he met Absl, before the latter
taught him to speak? Was his DNA encoding alone enough for him to be
described as existing as a human person before being welcomed within
the human matrix of a society, language, and culture (which he, by the
way, almost immediately abandoned)?
Consequently, al-Boustani, one of the pioneers who turned their attention
to the problems of education in the Arab world, has stressed that
socialization can be achieved only by and within society itself.
Accordingly, Al-Boustani completely rejects the possibility that a human
being might attain to knowledge by its own efforts, without the help of a
society, as taught by Ibn Tufayl in Hayy Ibn Yaqzn (Abou Rjail, 1993).
Concluding remarks
Hayy Ibn Yaqzn stands out as an exceptionally insightful piece of Hispanic
Arabic literature. The originality of its timeless ideas and its creative
narrative approach will continue to intrigue speculative minds.
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Even though the book unveils its philosophical nature at the very outset
of the narration, it warns its readers that what follows will be written in a
veiled fashion because its core, the experience of union with the
Necessary Being, cannot be reduced to a book.
The tale about Hayys journey to knowledge has much to say about
education, both in terms of the education of the self and of others.
Self-education is based on openness to ones surroundings through
observation and imitation as well as on asking questions transcend the
sensory data. Hayys inquisitive disposition was his existential second
nature, not just intellectual curiosity.
The main idea is that education seen as the search for the Truth is
possible, yet not universal. Not every human is naturally equipped to
undertake such endeavour. Most people can only aspire to attain to
practical knowledge so that they can function adequately and decently in
society. Ibn Tufayl becomes a guide only to those who can and will go
after the Truth. The Preamble lets the readers catch a glimpse of Ibn
Tufayl as a teacher: I want only to bring you along the paths in which I
have preceded you and let you swim in the sea I have crossed, so that it
may bear you where it did me and you may undergo the same experience
and see with the eyes of your soul all that I have seen. Then you will not
need to confine yourself within the limits of my knowledge (Goodman,
1983, 103). In short, the role of the teacher is that of a guide that shows
his or her learners the paths that have already been discovered by others
while letting them figure out their own itineraries as they go along.
Ibn Tufayls Almohad context and Ibn Bjjas influence, among other
things, meant that for Ibn Tufayl complete education, including the
most adequate knowledge of and union with the Necessary Being, was
something that not everyone was really called to. Furthermore, the role of
society at large was seen with suspicion, for society needs a more
pragmatic education that socializes the learners and teaches them how
to become good citizens. According to the tale of Hayy Ibn Yaqzn, those
who want to go all the way would somewhat have to isolate themselves
from the masses, curtail their bodily desires, and become fully focused on
their goal. However, it is also important to bear in mind that for Ibn
Tufayl, there was no radical opposition between scientific and mystical
knowledge: they were both part and parcel of reading the signs of the
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Necessary Being that are spread all throughout the universe. At this point,
Ibn Tufayl was merely repeating a traditional qurnic teaching.
On the one hand, Ibn Tufayls Hayy Ibn Yaqzn can be seen as an implicit
critique of the established social, political, and religious order of
Al-Andalus, in particular, and of Islamic governance and religious life, in
general. On the other hand, it offers some insights into Ibn Tufayls own
view of education as self-education and as education of others, and of his
own role as a teacher.
Ibn Tufayl based self-education on observation, induction, and deduction.
He was optimistic as to how far an individual can reach in his or her
search of the Truth. In fact, practical knowledge should develop into
scientific knowledge, and the latter ought to lead to the mystical
knowledge of the One Necessary Being, the principle of unity behind
diversity. Mysticism is thus presented as the culmination of science, not as
its opposite pole. Ibn Rushd, Ibn Tufayls successor, would at a later date
state that there can be no contradiction between reason and faith, for
both are about the knowledge of the one Reality within which human
beings live, think, and hope for the best.
Ibn Tufayls understanding of his task as a teacher presented him as a
guide along the road to Truth. Moreover, he was a guide who knew that
his learners would really have learnt when he had became redundant. He
perceived the teacher as an enabler, as somebody who empowers, who
provides his learners with wings so that they may soar towards the heights
which they have personally been called to.
Ibn Tufayls depiction of the education of others raises the question about
the very possibility of the education of the masses at large or, better still,
of how far different individuals can get in their personal journey towards
the Truth. The fact that in the end, Hayy arrives at the conclusion that
there are different types of people, and that each one of them is given a
different goal in life and a different intellectual endowment, clearly
suggests that Ibn Tufayls answer would be that not everybody can
handle the Truth. Was this plain discrimination, since he would seem to
have limited higher education to a few, or was he merely being
pragmatic and voicing a view with which many teachers would still
concur? Be this as it may, Ibn Tufayls Hayy Ibn Yaqzn offers the
present-day readers a glimpse into a critical debate on education, society,
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and the relationship between reason and established, revealed religion that
took place within a 12th century Muslim society and which the rest of
Christian Europe was going to join only some centuries later.
Al-Andalus was far from perfect, for it knew far too many revolts and
inner fighting, but it was open enough to allow some of its citizens (such
as Ibn Bjja, Ibn Tufayl, and Ibn Rushd) to critique the very structures
that sponsored their intellectual quests.
Endnotes
1- Whenever Hayy Ibn Yaqzn is italicized, it refers to the book; which is not the
case when the character is meant.
2- I shall closely follow Fakhrys summary (Fakhry, 1970, pp. 265-270).
3- Cf. Ahmed El Sayed, Betwixt the Conceptual and the Affective: Hayy Ibn
Yaqzan Revisited, in IslamOnline.net Online version:
http://islamonline.net/english/Contemporary/2003/07/Article05.shtml.
Retrieved on 19th September 2004.
4- Http://islamic-world.net/economics/ibn_tufayl.htm. Retrieved on 20th
December 2004.
5- Http://www.educared.net/concurso/531/gentes.htm. Retrieved on 15th
October 2004.
References
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NB. Unfortunately, some of the online articles whose texts were accessible on the dates
indicated above may have been taken offline.
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