THE UNITED NATIONS AND DECOLONIZATION

Author(s): G. J. EDDY GOURAIGE

Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Black Scholar, Vol. 5, No. 7, AFRICAN LIBERATION (April 1974), pp. 16-23
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THE UNITED NATIONS

AND DECOLONIZATION

U. N. Charter. Accordingly,the colonial

process of decolonizationwhich bepowershave a dutyto introducesuchreforms
gan with the onrush of nationalismin
in the non-self-governing
s asAfricain the late 1940's and early 1950*
territories
(NSGTs)
as are consistentwiththe politicalaspirations
sumed greatermomentumas the newlyinof the colonized peoples for selfdependentstatesofAfricaand Asia were accorded membershipin the United Nations.
determinationand formalpoliticalindepenThe U. N. was viewed by the new statesas a
dence.
forumfromwhichthe plightofthe colonized
This anti-colonialposition of the AfroAsianstateshas been challengedby the colocould be givenan international
hearing,and
therebyacceleratethe processofdecoloniza- nial powers (Britain,France, Portugal,The
United States,to name just a few)who posit
tionalreadyunderway.
The representativesof the new states at
thatthe "Declaration" is purelydeclaratory
the U. N. argued that the foundersof the
and, as such,carriesno legal sanction.Thereworld organizationhad committed them- fore,any talk of internationalaccountability
selves to decolonizationwhen theyagreed to
on the part of the colonial powers for the
include the "Declaration Regarding Nonadministrationof the NSGTs constitutesa
Territories"(Chapter XI) as
violationofArticle2(7) ofthe U. N. Charter
Self-Governing
an integralpartofthe U. N. Charter.In this whichforbidsthe U. N. fromintervening
"in
connectionit has been their view that the
matters which are essentially within the
colonialpowersare to be held accountableto
domestic jurisdiction of any state."
the internationalcommunityfor the adMoreover, the colonial powers have emministration of the so-called non-self- phasized that the veryfactthatthe original
framersofthe U. N. Charterhad notcreated
governingterritories
(reallycolonies)as discussed in ChapterXI of the U. N. Charter. a mechanism for the implementationof
In supportof thisargumenttheynoted that ChapterXI alongthelines oftheTrusteeship
Article73(e) of the CharterspecificallyreCouncil is proofthattheyintendedforit to
be just a declarationof principles,and no
quests thatthe colonialpowers transmitinformationof a technical nature to the
more. Be thatas it may,thefactstillremains
thattheinclusionofChapterXI as an integral
Secretary-General
"relatingto economic,social, and educationalconditionsin the ter- partof the U. N. Chartermade possible the
ritoriesforwhich they are respectivelyreinternationalization
of the questionof decolsponsible." Additionally,they argued that onization, to which the anti-colonialAfrothe preambularnote to Chapter XI of the
Asian stateswere committed.
The "Declaration Regarding Non-SelfCharter,statingthat"the interestsofthe inhabitantsoftheseterritories
are paramount," GoverningTerritories"representeda comshould be observedby all signatoriesto the
promise between the colonial and antiPAGE 16

THE BLACKSCHOLAR

APRIL,1974

G. J. Eddy Gouraige is a doctoral candidate in

PoliticalScience at Columbia Universityin New
York.His area ofconcentration
is Africanpolitics.

by G. J. EDDY GOURAIGE
colonialpowersat the San FranciscoConference as regards the status of peoples who
were stillunder colonialdomination.Under
its provisionsthe colonial powers assumed,
among other things,the responsibility"to
promoteto the utmost. . . thewell-beingof
theinhabitants
Its incluoftheseterritories/*
sion into the Charterwithoutany means of
enforcement,however, set the stage for a
protractedstrugglewithinthe U. N. General
Assembly between the colonial and anticolonialpowersas to the precise meaningof
ChapterXI withrespectto "obligations"on
the partof the colonialpowers. The colonial
held the view that
powershave traditionally
the U. N. Chartermust be seen as a legal
contractwhose language is finaland, therefore,bindingupon all who become partyto
it. The anti-colonialpowers on the other
hand, givinga broad constructionto the U.
N. Charter,have argued that the Charter
should be viewed as an evolvingdocument
that should be subject to interpretation
to
take accountof changes in the international
politicalenvironment.
.Having broadly interpretedthe Charter,
the anti-colonialpowershave relied on Articles 10, 11, 14, and 22, thatoutlinethe powers and functionsof the General Assembly
underthe U. N. Charter,to defendthe competence of the General Assemblyin reference to decolonization.Makingeffectiveuse
ofthe GeneralAssembly'spowers"to discuss
any questions or any matterswithin the
THE BLACK SCHOLAR

APRIL, 1 974

scope of the presentCharter,"to "make recommendationsto the Members of the United Nationsor to the SecurityCouncil or to
bothon any such questionsor matters,"and
to "establish such subsidiaryorgans as it
deems necessaryforthe performanceof its
as outlinedin theaforementioned
functions,"
Articles of the Charter, the anti-colonial
powers proceeded to create the machinery
forthe implementation
of ChapterXI.
with
General
Beginning
Assemblyresolutiona(I) of9 February1946,whichrequested
the Secretary-General
to submita summary
of information
fromNSGTs to the General
Assembly,followed by subsequent resolutions establishingCommitteeson Information fromthe NSGTs, which were empowered to examineconditionsin the Territories
and make recommendationsto the General
Assembly,the U. N. began to develop the
machineryto implementChapter XI of the
Charter. As such, "the protectiveshield of
Article2(7)"1was strippedofitslegal mantle.
By resolutions421 D(V) and 545(VI), the
GeneralAssemblyrecognizedthe rightofall
This was made
peoples to self-determination.
even moreconcretewiththe passage ofGeneral Assemblyresolution637(VII) on 16 December1952, whichcalled upon all Member
States:
1- To recognizeand promotethe rightof
self-determination
of the peoples of the
NSGTs and Trust Territoriesunder their
administration.
2- To facilitatetheexerciseofthatrightby
thepeoples oftheseTerritories
in accordance
PAGE 1 7

with the principlesand spiritof the U. N.

Charter.
3- To accepta U. N. supervisedplebiscite
as a legitimateand democraticmeansforthe
people freelyto expressthemselves.
These resolutionslaid the foundationfor
theadoptionin 1960ofresolution1514A(XV)
by a voteof89 to 0, and 9 abstentionsincluding Portugal. That resolution,more commonly known as the "Declaration on the
grantingof independence to colonial countriesand peoples," said in part:
1- The subjectionofpeoples to alien subjugation,dominationand exploitationconstitutesa denial of fundamentalhumanrights,
is contraryto the Charterof the United Nationsand is an impedimentto the promotion
ofworldpeace and co-operation.
2- All peoples have the right to selfdetermination:by virtue of that rightthey
freelydetermine their political status and
freelypursue theireconomic,social and culturaldevelopment.
3- Inadequacy of political,economic,social or educational preparedness should
never serve as a pretextfordelayingindependence.
4- All armed action or repressivemeasures of all kindsdirectedagainstdependent
peoples shallcease in orderto enable themto
exercisepeacefullyand freelytheirrightto
of
completeindependence,and the integrity
theirnationalterritory
shall be respected.
5- Immediate steps shall be taken, in
Trustand Non-Self-Governing
Territoriesor
all other territorieswhich have not yet attained independence,to transferall powers
to the peoples of those territories,without
in accordance
anyconditionsor reservations,
with theirfreelyexpressedwill and desire,
withoutany distinctionas to race, creed or
colour, in order to enable them to enjoy
completeindependenceand freedom.
Withits adoption,a new organwas established under resolution1654 A (XVI) of 27
November1961 as an implementing
agency.
The Special Committee,the originalmembershipof whichwas 17, then raised by resolution1810A (XVII) of 17 December 1962
to 24, became thecentralfocusforall matters
relatedto decolonization.
PACE 18

In summary,it can be said thatthe anticolonialpowershad succeeded in doingwith

the adoption of the aforementioned
resolutionswhat the originalframersof the U. N.
Charterhad been unwillingto do. The net
impactof all the resolutionsconcerningthe
questionofcolonialismfrom1946to 1960was
to establishthe issue of decolonizationas a
in U. N. affairs
and to give to the
top priority
U. N. GeneralAssemblythetoolswithwhich
to bringabout the end of colonialism.The
struggleof Third World peoples for selfdeterminationand formalpoliticalindependence could no longerbe ignored.
THE U. N. AND PORTUGUESE
COLONIALISM
Since the admissionof Portugalto the U.
N. in 1955 it has maintainedthatit does not
administeranyNSGTs withinthe meaningof
ChapterXI. Portugalhas arguedthatits colonies are "overseasprovinces"ofthe unitary
stateof Portugal.As such, it has denied any
to transmitinformation
to the
responsibility
under
Article
Secretary-General
73(e).
Moreover,it has said thatsince its relations
with its so-called "overseas provinces"are
regulated by the Portuguese constitution,
the U. N. has no authority
to discussmatters
to
these
"overseas
relating
provinces."For
theU. N. to assumethatfunction
in regardto
is
asserted
be
a
to
clear
violationof
Portugal
thedomesticjurisdictionclause ofArticle2 of
the Charter.
In thefaceofPortugueserefusalto comply
withArticle73(e) ofChapterXI the General
Assemblyby resolution1467 A(XIX) of 12
December 1959 appointed a Committeeof
Six (includingthe United States,the United
Kingdom,the Netherlands,Mexico, India,
and Morocco) to examine the "principles
whichshouldguide membersin determining
whetheror not an obligationexiststo transmitthe information
called forin Article73(e)
of the U. N. Charter."The General Assemblyby resolution1541A(XV)of15 December
1960 adopted the reportofthe Committeeof
Six. The reportsaid in part:
1- The authorsof the Charterof the United Nations had in mind that Chapter XI
THE BLACK SCHOLAR

APRIL, 1974

should be applicable to territorieswhich

were thenknownto be of the colonialtype.
An obligationexiststo transmitinformation
underArticle73(e) ofthe Charterin respect
of such territorieswhose peoples have not
yet attained a full measure of selfgovernment.
2- Chapter XI of the Charter embodies
the concept of Non-Self-GoverningTerritoriesin a dynamicstate of evolutionand
progress towards a "full measure of selfand its
government."As soon as a territory
peoples attain a full measure of selfthe obligationceases. Untilthis
government,
comes about, the obligationto transmitinformation
underArticle73e continues.
3- The obligationto transmitinformation
underArticle73e of the Charterconstitutes
an international
obligationand shouldbe carried out withdue regardto the fulfilment
of
law.
international
4- Prima facie there is an obligationto
in respectofa territory
transmitinformation
which is geographicallyseparate and is distinct ethnicallyand/orculturallyfrom the
it.
countryadministering
By resolution1542 A(XV)The General Assembly enumerated the territoriesunder
Portuguese colonial domination that it
deemed non-self-governing
territories
within
the meaningof Chapter XI of the Charter
and declaredthatan obligationexistedon the
on
part of Portugalto transmitinformation
these territoriesunder Chapter XI, and requested thatPortugaldo so. Included in the
list were Portugals Africancolonies of Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde,
Mozambique,So JooBatistade Ajud, and
Sao Tom e Prncipe.Portugalrejectedthese
resolutionsand said that it would never
abandon its so-called "civilizingmission"in
Africa.Despite manysubsequentresolutions
of the General Assemblyand the Security
Council condemningPortuguesecolonialism
and its supporters, and calling for selfdeterminationand formalpoliticalindependence forthe Africanpeoples of these colonies, it has remained the officialpolicy of
the Portuguesegovernmentnot to yield. In
the words of Prime Minister Marcello
Gaetano:"We shall not give up our intentof
THE BLACK SCHOLAR

APRIL, 1974

perseveringin the building of multiracial

societies. . ."2 In the faceofPortugueseintransigencethe U. N. has provento be relativelyimpotent.Its resolutionsare seen as no
more thanworthlesssheets of paper.
What aboutthe Portugueseclaimthatthey
are engaged in the building of "multiracial
societies" in Africa?On analysisit is found
thatthereis a wide gap between theoryand
practice.Theoreticallythe Portugueseposition has been that theirlong historyof interactionwithAfricans,which dates back to
the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies, has
produced a Pan-Lusitanian communityin
which Europeans and Africans associate
freely. The preservationof this so-called
Pan-Lusitaniancommunityis held to be the
historicmissionof Portugal.The "scientific"
argumentforthismythof Luso-tropicalismo
was postulatedby the Brazilian sociologist,
Gilberto Freyre. Ronald Chilcote summarizesFreyre'sthesisthus:
Thisthesis,[Luso-tropicalismo]
. . . states
in the
thatwiththePortuguese
expansion
fifteenth
a newtypeofcivilization
century
have
began.SincethattimethePortuguese
beentransforming
thetropics,
notbyintroducingEuropeanvaluesbutbythemselves
in bodyand
changinginto Luso-tropicals
soul. Integration
tendedto harmonize
and
tounify
detachedordisintegrated
elements
ofsociety.Integration
wasachievedin part
andin partthrough
through
miscegenation
rather
socially
non-Europeans
christianizing
thanculturally
them.. . .3
Europeanizing
Much has been said about the so-called
abilityof the Portuguese to mingle, more
thanotherEuropeans, withthose theyhave
colonizedwithoutregardforcultureand race
difference.Those making this argument,
however,have ignoredthe simple historical
fact that "...
Africanwomen, in the absence of Portugueseones, offeredan outlet
for sexual impulse. Miscegenationin PortugueseAfrica. . . must... be considered
as eroticexpediency;it has become colonial
policy only in retrospect."4Hugh Kay has
supplied evidence to show that an absolute
increasein the numberof Europeans in Angola since 1900 has led to a decrease in the
PAGE 19

Despite the Portuguese rhetoric about

beingengagedin the buildingof"multiracial
societies"in Africa,the practicerevealsthat
it has alwaysbeen theaim ofPortuguesepolANGOLA
icyto colonizethe Africanpeoples ofAngola,
Mulattos
Year
Europeans
Guinea-Bissauand Mozambique. The Native
AssistanceCode of 1921 provided that "by
1900
9,000
7,000
speakingPortuguese,remainingemployed,
and divestinghimselfof tribalcustoms,the
1930
30,000
13,560
African could . . . attain assimilado or
1955
109,600
30,400
civilized status."9In effect,the Code gave
legal sanctionto a patternof racial discrimithat
the
indicate
The above data
propen- nation that had always existed in practice.
considerlessened
The populationin the colonies was divided
sityto miscegenationhad
women
immigrated into two legal categories:the indgenas(the
ably as more European
and
to the colonies,
therebysubstantiating majorityof the Africanpopulation)and the
it was no more than nao indgenas(Europeans and assimiladosor
that
Duffy'sargument
in
"erotic expediency" the firstplace. But,
mulattos). Subsequent colonial legislation
of
half
the
other
was
decreed in 1926and 1929and reachedits
even if one were to accept
zenith
withthe colonialAct of 1930.10
that
"integration"
Freyre's thesis namely,
christThere
have been some changes in Porwas a case ofthe Portuguese"socially
than
culturrather
colonial
policysince the 1930's. For
tuguese
ianizing non-Europeans
then
would
in
how
instance, 1961, followingthe initiationof
ally Europeanizingthem,"
it
assimilado
armed struggleby the UPA in northernAnone explainthe
system?Surely,
to
even
to
for
be
absurd
would
try
anyone
gola, the assimilado systemwas abolished,
a
at
did
not
aim
it
that
imposing
declaringall Africansto be Portuguesecitisuggest
Africans.
the
idiom
on
cultural
zens, as a demonstrationof Portugal'swilEuropean
in the colonies.
a
of
abstraction
particu- lingnessto introducereforms
Additonally,
Freyre's
larsocialnormfromitslargerculturalcontext Most recently,in 1971, constitutionalreis crude and reflectsa lack ofunderstanding formsprovidedforgreaterautonomyforthe
ofthe dialecticsofculture.
so-called"overseasprovinces."None ofthese
On the other hand, it would seem that changes, however, have altered the condiFrantz Fanon's thesisthat"everycolonialist tionof the majorityof Africans.The general
social depripatternof racialdiscrimination,
group is racist"6would be more useful in
whichhas
with
Porto
terms
one
to
come
economic
and
vation,
exploitation,
helping
in
Africa.
Fanon
lot
of
the
behavior
characterized
Africans,is as real
argues
tuguese
thatwiththe impositionof colonialrule "we
in
the
it
has
been
as
past. The historyof
today
*
witnessthe destructionofculturalvalues, of
thatoppressionhas been well-documented.
ways of life." And since colonialistpenetra- Thereis no pointin goingintothedetailsofit
here. Let it sufficeto saythatitwas the realitionis achieved throughthe use ofviolence,
zationthatPortugalhad no intentionofgrant"the nations that undertakea colonial war
of
have no concern for the confrontation
ingindependenceto the coloniesthatled Afto resortto armedstruggle.
cultures. . . . The enslavement,in thestric- ricannationalists
test sense, of the native population is the
prime necessity." For that to be realized,
A ODAYthe peoples of Angola, GuineaFanon continues,"[the native's] systemsof
referencehave to be broken."7In the final Bissau and Mozambiqueare, underthe leadershipofnationalistpartiessuch as the UPA,
analysis,the nativeculture"once livingand
in
fixed
becomes
the MPLA, and UNITA in Angola, the
to
the
closed,
future,
open
PAIGC in Guinea-Bissau, and FRELIMO
the colonial status, caught in the yoke of
and COREMO in Mozambique, engaged in
oppression."8

proportionof mulattosto Europeans.5 The

figuresare as follows:

PAGE 20

THE BLACK SCHOLAR

APRIL, 1974

armed struggleagainst Portuguesecol- womenare sentto Europe,EasternEurope

onialism.
fortechnical
invarious
Theyhavevowedto drivethePor- inparticular,
training
colonialists
out of theirrespective fields.As forhealthservices,the PAIGC
tuguese
nations.Theyhavemademuchprogress
to- had, accordingto Basil Davidson,installed
wardtherealization
ofthatgoal.The Partido six field hospitals,120 clinics,and had
Africano
da Independencia
da Guie Cabo
mobilemedicalteamsat work.
twenty-three
Verde(PAIGC) in Guinea-Bissau
has been
The construction
ofa new hospitalwas reofall thesemove- centlycompletedin the neighborhing
Rebyfarthemostsuccessful
ments.In a speechbeforethe27thsessionof publicofGuinea(Conakry)
forthetreatment
the GeneralAssemblyof the U. N., its ofmoreseriousillnesses.
AmilcarCabrai,** reSecretary-General,
Despite the manysuccesseswhichhave
oftheter- been registered
colportedthatmorethantwo-thirds
againstthe Portuguese
in Guinea-Bissau
had been liberated onialistsby the nationalliberationmoveritory
and was now under the controlof the ments,thegovernment
ofPortugal
stillperPAIGC. He also reported
on thefactthata
sistsin fighting
its colonialwarsin Africa.
NationalAssembly
had been establishedto Theability
ofPortugal
tocontinue
itscolonial
fortheliberated
areas.Arguing
that warsin Guinea-Bissau,
legislate
and
Angola, Mozamthesituation
in his country
was comparable bique has been madepossibleonlybecause
to thatofan independent
Statewhichhad
ofthesupport
whichithasbeen givenbyits
certainportionsofits nationalterritory
oc- regionalallies in SouthernAfrica,South
armedforces,he let it be
Africa
and Rhodesia,anditsalliesin NATO.
cupiedby foreign
knownthat the people of Guinea-Bissau Thereis noevidenceofanyformal
havtreaty
wouldveryshortlydeclaretheirindepen- ingbeensignedbetweenPortugal,
SouthAfdence from Portugal. Last September ricaand Rhodesiathatwouldbindanyoneof
Guinea-Bissau
declareditself
anindependent the threeto come to the defenseof each
otherin case ofan emergency.
republic.
However,it
activitiesof the wasSouthAfrica's
PrimeMinister,
B. J.VorAlongwiththe military
PAIGC has been the construction
of new ster,whosaid:"No treatiesare neededbetsocio-economic
structures
in the liberated weenfriends."11
areasto replacethe old colonialinfrastruc- Moreover,
itis well-known
thatsinceUDI
ture.Economicreconstruction
hashad as its in Rhodesia,and thesubsequentimposition
mainaimtheincreaseofriceproduction
and ofeconomicsanctions
on RhodesiabytheU.
thediversification
ofagriculture
in theliber- N., economiclinksbetweenthethreehave
ated areas. Additionally,a system of becomestronger.12
The gianthydro-electric
"People's Shops," operatingon a barter Cabora Bassa Dam which is being conbasis,hasbeen setup to providethepeople structedin Mozambique'sTete Provinceis
in the liberatedareas withneeded goods- oneexampleofincreasing
economic
coopera- suchas cotton,hoes,kitchen
wareand so
tionbetweenPortugal,
Rhodesiaand South
on. In theareaofeducation,
thePAIGC has Africain SouthernAfrica.Commenting
on
established
a systemof primary
schoolsto themeaningoftheprojectRuthFirstsays:
educatethechildrenin theliberatedareas.
CaboraBassais tobe a centre
notonlyof
To complement
thiseffort
youngmen and
but also of white
hydro-electric
See Basil Davidson, Angola, 1961, (London: 1961);
Basil Davidson, The Liberationof Gui: Aspectsof an
African Revolution (Baltimore, Maryland: 1969);
Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle For Mozambique,
(Baltimore,Maryland:1969); Gerard Chaliand, Armed
Strugglein Africa:Withthe Guerrillasin "Portuguese"
Guinea, (New York: 1969).
**AmilcarCabrai was assassinatedon Saturday,January
20, 1973, in what appeared to be a well orchestrated
attemptby Portugueseagentsto cripplethe PAIGC and
therebyundermineitsmovementfornationalliberation.

THE BLACKSCHOLAR

APRIL,1974

power
Africa.
hasanpowerin Southern
Portugal
nounceda schemeto settleone million
whiteimmigrants
along the Zambezi to
the manpower
resourcesofthe
strengthen
statesofthesouth.13
white-minority

It is clear fromthe foregoing

discussion
thatthePortuguese
contention
thattheyare
"multiracial
societies"in
engagedin building
Africais pure nonsense.It has neverbeen
PACE 2i

theiraim and it willneverbe. Portuguese

is a dailyrealityforthe
colonialoppression
in
of
Africans
majority
Angola,Guinea-Bissau
and Mozambique.

take appropriatemeasuresunderChapter
VII oftheCharter
has
to meetsucha threat,
ofthe
contributed
to therelativeimpotence
U. N. in its dealingswiththeissueofPorto note
It is important
tuguesecolonialism.
been
has
unthat
the
Council
here
Security
CONCLUSION
able to actin thisregardbecauseofthesuphas portwhichis givento Portugal
The issue of Portuguesecolonialism
byitsNATO
N.
the
U.
allies
who
of
the
since
are
members
of the
beena central
concern
permanent
in
the
member
the
veto
admissionof Portugalas a
by
SecurityCouncil.The use of
Afri- Portugal's
alliesin the Security
Councilhas
mid-fifties.
Since1960,afterPortugal's
to be NSGTs madeit virtually
forthatbodyto
can coloniesweredetermined
impossible
within
themeaning
ofChapterXI byresolu- deal seriouslywith the questionof Porhave tuguesecolonialism.
resolutions
The obstacleoftheveto
tion1542A (XV),numerous
theUniting
been passed that have condemnedPor- canonlybe removed
byinvoking
whichempowersthe
and havecalledforself- forPeace Resolution,
tuguesecolonialism
of
fortheAf- GeneralAssembly
toassumethefunctions
andindependence
determination
Councilas regardsthemainterican majoritiesin Angola,Guinea-Bissau theSecurity
and Mozambique.Portugalhas persistently nanceofinternational
peace and security.
Underthe UnitingforPeace Resolution,
It hasarguedthat
violatedtheseresolutions.
areclearlyultraviresofArti- the anti-colonial
theresolutions
powers,who makeup the
intheGeneralAssembly,
couldtake
it has madeno
cle 2(7). In thisconnection,
majority
to continuewaging some bold initiativestowardendingcolsecretof its intentions
onialismin Africa.First,theycouldimpose
colonialwarsin Africa.
on Portugal.In lightof
The essentialquestionwhich emerges economicsanctions
itwould
theRhodesian
is: Can theU. N.
fromtheabovediscussion
however,
experience,
do moretobringabouttheendofPortuguese be naive to expectthatthe applicationof
con- economicsanctionsagainstPortugalwould
in Africa?
It is thiswriter's
colonialism
tentionthatit can. The U. N. has several produce positive results. The nonwhichit cooperation
theCharter
of otherstateswhichcarryon
optionsopentoitwithin
in
ofthe tradewithand have large investments
has yetto exploitin itsconsideration
in
Africa.
be
would
colonialism
African
colonies
of
enough
Portugal's
Portuguese
question
thateffort.
To exercisethem,however,theU. N. must toundermine
Second,theycould
movefromsteriledebateto positiveaction. imposean armsembargoon Portugal.This
ofthe memThereare morethanenoughanti-Portugal wouldrequirethecooperation
to exresolutions
on thebooks.The tasknowis to bersofNATO.It wouldb unrealistic
it.
with
to
them
see to it thattheyare fullyimplemented.
Third,
they
along
pect
go
thatmemberstatessever
It seemsaccurateto arguethatcontinued couldrecommend
withPortugal.
relations
withU. N. re- diplomatic
Againthis
non-compliance
Portuguese
oftheNATO
has createda basis uponwhichit wouldrequirethecooperation
solutions
couldbe expelledfromtheworldorganiza- powers.Andthisis notlikelyto happenin
tionunderArticle6. This,however,would the foreseeablefuture.Fourth,theycould
To mymind,
a military
solution.
recommend
effect
onthecolonies.In
havenoappreciable
ofall the
fact,it couldbe arguedthatsuchan action thiswouldseemthemostrealistic
ofopinto becomeevenmore above.However,giventhediversity
wouldcausePortugal
ion whichexistsamongAfrican
states,it is
recalcitrant.
canbe madethat notlikelythattheycouldagreetoundertake
Secondly,theargument
actionagainst
Councilthusfarto anysortofcollectivemilitary
thefailure
oftheSecurity
itis highly
in itsAf- Portugal.
declarethatPortuguese
Moreover,
questionable
repression
a threattointerna- thatthe leadersof the nationalliberation
ricancoloniesconstitutes
togoalongwith
wouldbe willing
and thefailureto movements
tionalpeace and security,
PAGE 22

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APRIL, 1974

theidea ofa U. N. forceto act in theirbehalf.

Hence this too mustbe rejected as a viable
solution to the problems posed by Portuguesecolonialism.
recent decisions by the Special
JrINALLY,
Committeeand the General Assemblyseem
to indicatethatthe U. N. is slowlymovingto
and
the realizationthat self-determination
for
in
the
African
majorities
independence
thePortuguesecoloniesrestwiththe success
of the national liberation movements. In
April1972, a Special Missionwas dispatched
by the Special Committeeto the liberated
areas in Guinea-Bissauto considerthe status
to
ofthe PAIGC and makerecommendations
the Special Committee. The Special
Mission'sreportwas favorableand sympathetic to the cause of the people in GuineaBissau. In its recommendations,the members of the Special Mission suggestedthat
the Special Committeesdefacto recognition
ofthe PAIGC as the "sole and authenticrepresentativeforthe aspirationsof the people
of the Territory"should be taken into accountby memberstatesand the specialized
agencies when dealingwithmattersrelating
to Guinea-Bissauand Cape Verde. In addition, it recommendedthat member states,
the specialized agencies and other international organizationsgive assistance to the
PAIGC in the areas ofeducation,healthservices and nutrition.It recommendedfurther
thatthe United NationsOfficeof Public Inbe used as a mechanismto arouse
formation
worldpublic opinionagainstpersistentPortugueserepressionin the colonies.14
Followingin the footstepsof the Special
Committee,the GeneralAssemblyat its27th
plenarysession adopted a resolutionwhich
affirmedthat the nationalliberationmovements of Angola, Guinea-Bissau and
Mozambique are the representativesof the
true aspirationsof the peoples of these colonies and recommendedthatthe United Nationssystemensurethe representation
ofthe
colonies by the liberationmovementsconcernedin appropriatecapacitywhen dealing
with matterspertainingto the colonies.15
Thisresolution,however,is apt to be ignored
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APRIL, 1974

by Portugal and its allies if there is no

follow-upaction. In my opinion,the U. N.
withthe adoptionof resolution2918(XXVII)
has committeditselfto assistingthe liberation movementsin the fightagainst Portuguese colonialism.Henceforthit must do
withinits power to guaranteethe
everything
successofthenationalliberationmovements.
There is no other way out for the African
majorities in Angola, Guinea-Bissau and
Mozambique.
In thisconnection,the role ofthe U. N. in
organizingworldconferencesto publicizethe
terroristactivitiesof the Portuguesearmed
forcesagainstthe peoples ofthese areas and
to mobilize public opinion against Portugal
should be underlined. In conjunctionwith
such activitiesthe U. N. should sponsor
speakers to speak on the question of Portuguese colonialism.In addition,the U. N.
should make some effort
to develop "domestic constituences"in states that activelyaid
itscolonialwarsin Africa.
Portugalin fighting

FOOTNOTES
1. YassinEl-Ayouty,The UnitedNationsand Decolonization:The Role ofAfro-Asia(New York:
1971), p. 40.
2. As quoted fromspeech deliveredby his excellencyDr. Rui Patricio,MinisterofForeignAffairsof Portugalin the General Debate of the
U. N. 27thGeneralAssembly,2 October1972,
p. 19.
3. Ronald Chilcote, Portuguese Africa, (Englewood Cliffs,New lersey: 1967), p. 48.
4. JamesDuffy,Portugalin Africa,(Baltimore,
Maryland:1963), p. 156.
5. Hugh Kay, Solazar and Modern Portugal,
(London: 1970), p. 219.
6. FrantzFanon, TowardtheAfricanRevolution,
(New York: 1967), p. 40.
7. Ibid., p. 33.
8. Ibid. , p. 34.
9. Chilcote,op. cit., p. 15.
10. Duffy,hoc. Cit.
11. As quoted fromRuthFirst,Portugal'sWarsin
Africa,(London: May 1971), p. 26.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid., p. 27.
14. U. N. DocumentA/8723/
Add. 3, 1 September
1972, pp. 17-20.
15. A/RES./2918(XXVII),15 November1972.

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