Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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onset. Deafness from birth, however, can impose a severe threat to the development of a first language and spoken communication (Akcamete, 2003;
Erber, 2002; Zaitseva et al., 1999). Human communication depends, for the
most part, on language; and language, in turn, facilitates socialization and
access to the cultural knowledge of the wider society (McAnally et al., 1997;
Lynas, 1995). Erber (2002) stated that it is through the use of a language that
a person can become a fully socialized and integrated human being. People
with hearing impairment may experience the following difficulties: reduced
ability to hear weak sounds, limited range of sounds and reduced clarity of the
sounds that can be heard, rapid growth of loudness near threshold and
increased disruption from background noise.
Many values are learned by being in contact with others and depend upon
the interrelationships in the persons environment. Those interrelationships
depend to a great extent upon communication (Stinson and Whitmire, 2000).
In other words, these values can be learned by watching and imitating other
peoples behaviours, but much more comes from direct communication
between parents, teachers and other people in the community, and children
who are hearing or hearing impaired (Bandurski and Galkowski, 2004; Reed,
1994). For example, if hearing-impaired adolescents are able to interact with
hearing people, then their social, emotional and personality maturity may
develop in ways that allow them to function in hearing communities (ONeill,
1994; Bond, 1993; Webster and Wood, 1999).
Many parents of children with a hearing impairment would like to have
their children develop a primary identification with the Culturally Hearing
world (Sari, 1993; Akcamete, 2003; Bandurski and Galkowski, 2004). These
parents may feel that their society views adolescents with hearing impairments as less acceptable, or that deaf adolescents have difficulty in establishing
social relationships (Wright, 1983; Sari, 1993; Lynas, 1995). If adolescents
with hearing impairments identify with and succeed in being a part of a
Culturally Hearing world, the parents place in the culturally hearing world
may be less disturbed. If, however, parents have children who are unacceptable
to a Culturally Hearing society, this can reflect negatively on them, for they
inevitably share their childrens negative social identity (Knoors et al., 2003;
Cole and Edelmann, 1991). Sari (2003a, 2003b) and Zaitseva et al. (1999)
maintained that social and emotional development of deaf adolescents
depends upon effective communication between teachers and the deaf
students; close and friendly cooperation between them, and even the
inclusion of sign language in the educational process, may help to eliminate
many communication difficulties and to establish good relationships among
teachers and students.
According to Sari (2003a), many deaf adolescents, like their teachers, see
some merit in using a Total Communication (TC) approach for teaching
students with deafness or hearing impairment. This approach blends oral and
manual modes of communication. TC involves the use of all modalities of
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even to deny that it exists (Stinson and Whitmire, 1991; Cole and Edelmann,
1991). Weinberg and Sterrit (1986), and Cole and Edelmann (1991), in a
comparison of Culturally Deaf, Culturally Hearing and Dual identities in deaf
adolescents, maintained that a predominantly Culturally Hearing identity was
consistently associated with many factors such as poor communication with
other people and limited social relationships, whereas Bicultural or Dual identification was associated with better outcomes on all measures.
According to Hindley et al. (1994), there are a number of possible explanations for variations among deaf individuals personal development and
group affiliations. One of these explanations may be early exposure to sign
language and thus effective communication with Deaf people; or it may result
from what Meadow (1980) calls an identity match, whereby those individuals
in the deaf adolescents environments, such as peers, families and teachers
(Power et al., 1995), provide positive roles and models, and positive feelings
about deafness to the children in their care.
According to Cole and Edelmann (1991) and Bat-Chava (2000), when
deaf adolescents adopt a Culturally Deaf Identity, they identify themselves
with the Deaf Culture, accepting the use of a native sign language. Adopting a
Culturally Hearing Identity means accepting only a hearing culture which
places high value on the use of oral-auditory communication systems,
isolation from the Deaf community and a rejection of their native sign
language. A Culturally Hearing Identity can also indicate that those deaf
people may have negative attitudes towards deafness or hearing impairment
(Sari, 1993; Dilmac, 2002). Bicultural/Dual identity indicates that deaf people
affiliate with both Hearing and Deaf cultures and that this can lead to satisfactory results in academic achievement, social relationships, personal
adjustment and perceived parental acceptance (Weinberg and Sterrit, 1986;
Cole and Edelmann, 1991).
The main purpose of this study was to provide knowledge relating to:
1.
2.
RESEARCH METHODS
Instrument
The instrument used in this study was the Deaf Identity Scale, developed
specifically for Weinberg and Sterrits study (1986) and used by Cole and
Edelmann (1991) in their research. More recently, Bat-Chava (2000) also
examined deaf peoples identities using both qualitative and quantitative
instruments. Bat-Chava (2000) did not use the scale developed by Weinberg
and Sterrit but developed another instrument to collect data about deaf
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through the schools and that the study focused on the perceptions of deaf
adolescents. Students were also told that there were no right or wrong
answers. All directions were given in Total Communication (speech with
Turkish sign) during the scale administration in the classroom. Practice items
were provided and students were encouraged to ask to have any parts of the
questionnaire signed or words defined if they were uncertain about them.
Sixty-eight students had requested a TC approach, in which the researcher
interpreted the items to the students using the spoken form simultaneously
with the signed form (from Turkish Sign Language), and finger spelling as
needed. It took approximately 25 minutes to complete the scales.
Weinberg and Sterrit (1986) maintained that the results involving
subscales scores should be interpreted with some caution because there were
certain questions that had different meanings for deaf subjects, and these
should be clarified by repeating and explaining them to the subjects, as
necessary. Therefore, the researcher in the study explained any ambiguous
sentences to deaf students at the time the scales were administered. This
procedure was intended to increase the reliability of the results obtained in
the study. In addition, Cole and Edelmann (1991) stressed that there was a
need to investigate deaf adolescents own concerns using culturally appropriate communication modes. Consequently, in this study the researcher
decided to administer the scales using a TC approach, as described above.
RESULTS
The results derived from the Deaf Identity Scale showed the primary identity
for each student according to their highest total scores on each scale. For
example, if a student received the highest total score on Bicultural or Dual
Identity, that scale was identified as his or her primary identification.
However, a few students demonstrated both Culturally Hearing and
Culturally Deaf identities in equal proportions. In this case, their primary
identification was given as Bicultural/Dual.
Each participants primary identity was determined by comparing his or her
total score on the Culturally Deaf Identification, the Hearing Identification,
and the Bicultural/Dual Identification subscales. It was found that a majority
of the sample (56.7 per cent) had a Bicultural/Dual Identification; next most
common was a Culturally Deaf Identity (33.3 per cent), followed by a
Culturally Hearing Identification (10 per cent) (Table 1).
Tables 2, 3 and 4 show the patterns of results for each school.
Table 2 shows that similar proportions of boys and girls had Bicultural/Dual
Identity. Equal numbers of girls chose Culturally Hearing and Culturally Deaf
identities respectively, while in the case of boys, a higher proportion identified
primarily with the Culturally Deaf group.
Table 2 reveals that a majority of the deaf boys (65.6 per cent) and girls
(77.8 per cent) in Ankara school indicated a Bicultural/Dual Identity. At
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19/65.6
29/100
Bicultural/Dual Identity
Total
38; %42
7/24.1
3*/10.3**
9/100
7/77.8
1/11.1
1/11.1
27; %30
19/100
6/31.6
1/5.3
12/63.1
8/100
1/12.5
1/12.5
6/75
G****
B***
25; %28
19/100
14/73.7
3/15.7
2/10.6
6/100
4/66.6
1/16.7
1/16.7
Deaf Childrens
School in Konya
67/100
39/58.2
11/12.2
17/18.9
Total
23/100
12/52.1
3/3.3
8/8.9
90/100
51/56.7
14/15.5
25/27.8
B/G
G/T
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Deaf Childrens
School in Eskisehir
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Deaf Childrens
School in Ankara
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Girls
3
7
19
10.3
24.1
65.6
1
1
7
11.1
11.1
77.8
29
100
100
Girls
12
1
6
63.1
5.3
31.6
6
1
5
75
12.5
12.5
19
100
100
Girls
2
3
14
10.6
15.7
73.7
1
1
4
16.7
16.7
66.6
19
100
100
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child does not have appropriate hearing aids and receive benefits from them,
the child may have severe difficulty in developing a spoken language.
Bat-Chava (2000) concluded that the mode of communication used in a
school is also vitally important for deaf adolescents. Although some Turkish
schools use spoken language for instruction, most adopt a TC approach
(including the use of sign language, finger spelling and gesture and mime) or
in practice, simultaneous communication (a simultaneous representation of
the oral and signed components of the spoken Turkish). This approach is seen
by some Turkish educators as an accommodation to the lack of hearing aids
for many students and their limited oral communication and spoken language
development, as reflected in Hyde et al. (1995). The schools where TC is used
may foster a cultural view of deafness, and schools where TC is not used may
foster a view of deafness as a disability. In this way, communication modes
adopted within a school for the deaf may facilitate the cultural construction of
deafness; in the same way as a deaf person who has attended hearing schools is
immersed in a hearing culture and often absorbs the view of deafness as a
disability.
It is interesting, therefore, that the predominant identity chosen across all
subjects was the Bicultural/Dual Identity. This may be a reflection of the
relative influence of several factors, including students degree of hearing loss,
the amount of time spent in the particular communication environment of
their residential school, the amount of contact they had with their parents
and other hearing communication models, their access to hearing aids, and
their teachers degree of commitment to and proficiency with the particular
communication philosophies and modes used in the schools. In any case, the
outcome of a predominantly Bicultural/Dual Identity would seem, according
to the literature, to be a potentially beneficial one in the circumstances.
However, it is impossible to discern from this study whether adopting a
Bicultural/Dual Identity helped to bring about more positive outcomes for
students in experiencing better social, academic and personal outcomes and
more effective family interactions and communication development.
Nonetheless, the data in this study generally reflect the view of Zaitseva et al.
(1999) in suggesting that if deaf students have opportunities to use TC in
schools they will have Culturally Deaf and Bicultural identities that may lead
to higher self-esteem than for deaf people with only a Culturally Hearing
Identity.
Using an oral-auditory communication approach may lead deaf children to
feel less accepted by their parents, less acceptance of themselves as deaf
persons, and reduced comfort with their deaf peers and within their communication environment (Wright, 1983). These negative feelings may, in turn,
result in poorer school achievement as reflected in the study by Hyde et al.
(1992). They reported that Australian teachers who used a TC approach
observed better achievement scores from their deaf students, and when
sentence material was presented in signed English profoundly deaf students
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achieved significantly higher reception scores than achieved through auraloral modes of communication. In contrast, a Bicultural/Dual Identity may
result in a more positive identity, for it does not expressly reflect the
perspective of either disability or of able-bodiedness. Instead, deaf adolescents
may be encouraged to feel part of both worlds, and therefore be encouraged to
pursue a wider range of behaviours, vocational outcomes and social mobility.
In the study, a majority of deaf adolescent boys and girls in Eskisehir school
accepted only a Culturally Hearing Identity, while those in Ankara and Konya
schools for the deaf mainly accepted a Bicultural/Dual Identity. As suggested
above, one of the key factors of influence may be the communication system
used in the schools and its influence on the students communication
identities. In Eskisehir, the teachers of the deaf used speech lip-reading and
(typically unaided) listening to teach their students. In Ankara and Konya
they used a TC approach.
According to Stinson and Whitmire (2000), the academic and social
performances of adolescents who are deaf are affected by any communication
barriers created by their hearing impairment. The communication barriers
created by hearing loss can result in complex implications for interpersonal
dynamics, personal growth and academic achievement. Personal development
is related to motivation, peer relations and self identity (Livatyali, 2004;
Bahadir, 2002). In Turkey, deaf students in mainstream settings are more likely
to have mild to moderate hearing losses. However, students in the state
residential schools for the deaf typically have severe and profound hearing
losses. Achievement also depends on motivation as well as communication
background and past educational experience (Eripek, 2004). In the school
environment, the demands for more elaborate communication and linguistic
proficiencies are often difficult for deaf students and struggles to develop
communication and linguistic competence can seriously undermine their
motivation to learn, thus interfering with their school achievement. In most
of the Turkish schools for the deaf, teachers tend to be fluent signers and they
usually communicate with their students in sign. The separate special school
setting is considered by them to offer the better access to communication for
the deaf students in manual, visual and oral forms. However, according to
teacher reports, students in special residential schools in Turkey have less
proficiency in Turkish, relative to students in mainstream programmes. Thus,
comprehension of printed, spoken and possibly signed information in Turkish
would be relatively difficult and hence access to new information and subsequent knowledge development may be limited. As a result, their limited
communication skills may affect the development of identity patterns, as in
this study which shows that, in Eskisehir school for the deaf, children have a
Culturally Hearing Identity while the students in the other two schools reflect
Bicultural identities.
In Eskisehir school for the deaf, any kind of sign use is forbidden so the
children may be encouraged to accept a hearing identity. This may negatively
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affect their self-esteem and their motivation because they have difficulty in
understanding teachers classroom communication. These may affect the
extent to which the students have successful learning experiences in the
classroom because they lack adequate access to curricular information. While
direct comparisons of learning outcomes across the two schools are not
canvassed in this study, the use of a TC approach may be the best option, at
this stage, to maximize these students communication and learning and
identity construction.
However, there are many factors which might affect the development of
self-concept and identity among deaf adolescents (Sari, 1993). These include:
the age of onset of impairment, the age of detection of impairment, the degree
of impairment, type of hearing loss, effective use of hearing aid, variability of
hearing, mental ability, linguistic aptitude and personal characteristics. A
number of family-related factors may be significant as well, namely the
communication and learning conditions of home, deafness in the family, the
size of the family, relationships with brothers and sisters, guidance given to the
family, the health of parents, the ability of parents to follow guidance, modes
of communication used at home, the socio-economic status of family and the
status of parents education (Sari, 2000; Stinson and Whitmire, 1984). A
further range of factors might also be influential; for example, the type of
school into which the adolescent is placed, the quality and training of
teachers, relationships with other students, relationships with other people in
the community, types of social provision, facilities and opportunities to access
cultural and social events such as sports, theatre and captioned films. Such
provisions in schools are very limited for the deaf adolescents in Turkey.
Some students and teachers prefer the use of lipreading as the primary
mode of communication for deaf learners in Turkey. They consider this to be
useful for the development of deaf students learning and understanding of
new vocabulary and because deaf adolescents will have to interact with
hearing people after leaving school. However, many students and teachers of
the deaf feel that lipreading alone is insufficient for understanding speech in
Turkish because so many speech sounds are not visible or distinguishable at all
(Sari, 1993). For example, the Turkish words baba (father), mama (food)
and papa (priest), have identical lip patterns. As in other spoken languages,
there are also many words that are articulated at the rear of the vocal tract
and thus are not perceivable or distinguishable visually. According to the
reports of some Turkish teachers, deaf students potentially can distinguish
only a third of speech sounds through lipreading, unless it is supported with
the effective listening using hearing aids (Sari, 1993). In Turkish state
residential schools for the deaf, most of the students do not have hearing aids
although many students better-ear average hearing loss exceeds 80 dB.
Some experts, for example, Tufekcioglu (2002) and Eripek (2004), believe
that there are many advantages if hearing-impaired students are educated
orally from the early age, if the impairment is discovered early enough, and if
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hearing aids are used from the early age, and if they are well supported by
specialist staff. As in the history of this debate in other countries, these
teachers are against the use of signs in any form and feel that children might
adopt the easier form of communication, that is, to sign, and not attempt to
speak or lipread. Other teachers and students are in favour of the use of signs
and suggest that signs are easier to perceive visually and therefore, a sign
language (or even a signed spoken language) can be perceived more effectively and be more readily learned by deaf students (Hallahan and Kauffman,
1997; Wood et al., 1996; Reed, 2002; Sari et al., 2002). As Moores (1987),
and Kelly and OBrien (1992) suggested, teachers and parents should be made
aware of the advantages of different communication approaches.
The Department of Special Education in the Ministry of National
Education in Turkey has been flexible about the use of communication
methods in schools for the deaf so every teacher can use their preferred
communication approach to teach deaf children. However, this Department
has not published a sign language dictionary until recently to represent our
unique national sign language, whereas countries such as Britain and the
United States of America have had their own natural and systematic sign
languages represented in dictionaries for many years. According to Sari
(2003a), not having a sign language dictionary has led teachers to use
different signs for the same words or phrases in different schools, in forms of
signed Turkish. In addition, some parents are unhappy about not having a sign
language dictionary available to support their learning and use of Turkish sign.
Further, there are no courses available for teachers or parents to learn Turkish
sign from proficient language models. According to Webster and Ellwood
(1985), such courses can be organized in residential schools where the whole
body of teaching and ancillary staff are fluent in sign language.
At present, therefore, the variable decisions made by schools and even
individual teachers about their approaches to classroom and school communication, would seem to affect the development of the sense of identity by deaf
students. The results of this study have suggested that the use of various
combinations of communication modes such as signing, finger spelling, and
lipreading with hearing aids, may allow deaf adolescents in Turkey to accept
both identities resulting in the development of Culturally Hearing and
Culturally Deaf identities.
IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE
This research has raised many issues that have important implications for
professionals, teachers, families and other people who work with deaf adolescents or who make decisions concerning the education of the deaf in Turkey.
It is possible to translate these implications into recommendations which
could be considered by Turkish educational policy-makers, educational
psychologists and educators.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to express his special thanks to Professor Merv Hyde,
Professor Norman Erber, Professor Suleyman Eripek, Professor Omer Ure and
Professor Gonul Kircaali-Iftar for their support and constructive motivation
and help in enabling him to complete this research. I would also like to thank
the staff and pupils at the three schools for taking part in this study.
This work is supported by the Coordinatorship of Selcuk Universitys
Scientific Research Projects.
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