ENTRE CAFRES Y BLANQUITOS: PERCEPTIONS OF RACE AND RACISM IN

PUERTO RICO

By
GUILLERMO REBOLLO-GIL

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2005

UMI Number: 3204466

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Copyright 2005
by
Guillermo Rebollo-Gil

For Jim Haskins

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like the thank the members of my supervisory committee, Dr. Hernn Vera
(chair), Dr. Constance Shehan, Dr. Kendal Broad, Dr. Charles Gattone and Dr. Efran
Barradas. Their guidance and support throughout this process proved to be invaluable.
Their disposition, accessibility and willingness to offer advice and insightful critique of
the work were uncanny.
It was Professor Gattone, in his ever so subtle and kind manner, who stopped me
from getting too stressed and ahead of myself during my preparation for the qualifying
exams. He instilled in me a casual sense of self-confidence and basically outlined step by
step what I needed to do to get through.
It was in Professor Broads graduate seminar that I was reminded of my passion for
the discipline. Through countless chats and discussions with her in the hallway before
and after class, I was once again made to feel excited about the prospects of doing
sociology and that excitement has stayed with me since then.
It was Professor Shehan, who ever since I had the privilege to meet her has greeted
me in the same fashion that she greets everybody: with a chilling type of warmth and
happiness. During the last couple of years, I have had the opportunity to listen, share and
receive advice from an individual who has nearly done it all in this University and my
experience here has been better for it.
It was Professor Barradas, who I knew from his books and articles since high
school and read and admired from a distance. However, after I was first introduced to
iv

him as an undergraduate handing out flyers in Turlington Plaza, he has honored me with
the privilege of simply passing by and popping my head in his office just to talk. I
have no doubt taken advantage of his kindness and have managed to learn so much more
about myself, literature, arts and Puerto Rican culture just by popping my head in his
office than in so many courses, workshops and lectures combined. His support, guidance
and friendship have been a blessing in my life.
Lastly, I would especially like to express my deep admiration and appreciation for
Professor Vera, who throughout the last four years of my life has occupied the roles of
teacher, mentor, role model and friend. His gentle and amiable character combined with
his generosity has served to remind me of what type of scholar and individual I want to
be. I often look at him and wish that I was viewing a snapshot of myself in the coming
years. That, in essence, is what I strive for. And that, in effect, is the promise I make to
him as his student.
Also, I would be remiss if I failed to mention and thank Eva Mendez, who
graciously aided me in contacting participants for this study in Puerto Rico. Without her
help, I would have never finished the project. The moment I got too frustrated, or too
tired or too lazy to do the work, I would without exception get a call from her, telling me
about somebody I needed to talk to immediately.
Lastly, I would like to thank Amanda Beth, who even without reading it, would
pontificate about how good the dissertation was. In a sense, I wrote it with her on my
mind, often looking at the data and trying to figure out how Amanda would interpret it,
knowing full well that I had to produce something at least somewhat decent if I was to
continue sharing every single moment of my life with her.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................. iv
ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... ix
CHAPTER
1

INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................1
Problema de Razas/Problem with Language ................................................................3
Race Talk in Puerto Rico: A Historical Perspective.....................................................7
Puerto Rican Identity as White Oriented ....................................................................12

METHODS .................................................................................................................15
Introduction.................................................................................................................15
You Gave Me Power: Interviewer/ Respondent Dynamics ........................................16
Personal Issues with Reflexivity.................................................................................19
Cementing a Self-Reflexive Critique..........................................................................20
Issues with Language..................................................................................................21
The Sample .................................................................................................................23
My Story .....................................................................................................................26
All about Me: The Autoethnographic Bind ............................................................27

RACISMO LIGHT: DEFINING RACISM IN PUERTO RICO ...............................35

Estudiantes y Yo .........................................................................................................35
Whats in a Word? ......................................................................................................38
Guess who? ......................................................................................................41
Blackness and Representation .............................................................................47
Black islanders and government ..................................................................48
No Black faces, just blackface on TV ..........................................................52
No Blacks allowed .......................................................................................54
Effects of White-Only Spaces: White Island Consciousness .....................................59
Black Spaces: The Importance of Family...................................................................65

RACIAL IMAGERY: BLANQUIT@S.......................................................................69

Blanquito de Caparra...............................................................................................71

vi

Privileged Whites in Puerto Rico ...............................................................................72

High School ................................................................................................................74
Components of Privilege ............................................................................................77
I Like to Live in America.................................................................................79
White Consciousness and Political Ideology ......................................................84
We All Come from Good Families Here .........................................................85
The Psychological and Social Costs of Being a Blanquit@................................88
5

RACIAL IMAGERY: EL NEGRO, EL CAFRE Y LOS DOMINICANOS .............92

A Different Kind of Black ..........................................................................................92
Black Who? What? .....................................................................................................94
Something about The Subject Makes It Hard to Name .......................................94
Blackness in the Puerto Rican Imagination.........................................................97
El Negro/La Negra ..............................................................................................98
Cafres........................................................................................................................101
Cafres: The Basics.............................................................................................101
Cafre Looks .......................................................................................................103
Cafre as in Criminal...........................................................................................105
Dominicans in the Island Imagination......................................................................110

U.S. RACISM WITH A TAN ..................................................................................114

Blanquito in Blackface .............................................................................................114
White Americans in the Island Imagination .............................................................115
Gringos are Weird People to Me ..............................................................................116
Jorge (Sketch) ...........................................................................................................120
Racismo All/ Prejuicio Ac ....................................................................................121
African-Americans in the Island Imagination ..........................................................123
The U.S. as a Total Racist Society ...........................................................................124
U.S. Experience as Racial Learning Program.......................................................127

MARKETING AUTHENTIC PUERTO RICAN BLACKNESS: RACE AND

GENDER IN THE MUSIC OF TEGO CALDERN..............................................132
Confesionario............................................................................................................132
El Meollo del Asunto................................................................................................133
Confesionario (2) ......................................................................................................138
Loco, es Caldern .....................................................................................................139
Confesionario (3) ......................................................................................................141
Lleg El Negrolo Coclo..........................................................................................142
Me Sobra lo que te Falta...........................................................................................143
Las Gatas Gozan Ms con el Canchanchn..............................................................147
The Impact of Reggaetn and the Future of Racial Discourse.................................148
Conclusion: Coming to Grips with the Problem.......................................................150
Articulation in Black and White ...............................................................................151
Looking Ahead .........................................................................................................153

vii

APPENDIX
INTERVIEW GUIDE......................................................................................................156
LIST OF REFERENCES.................................................................................................158
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...........................................................................................162

viii

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School

of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
ENTRE CAFRES Y BLANQUITOS: PERCEPTIONS OF RACE AND RACISM IN
PUERTO RICO
By
Guillermo Rebollo-Gil
December 2005
Chair: Hernn Vera
Major Department: Sociology
This dissertation explores perceptions of race and racism in contemporary Puerto
Rican society. Historically, Puerto Rican officials, scholars and representatives of key
cultural institutions have for the most part eluded formal and public discussions on racial
formation and discrimination on the Island. The debate on race has frequently been
subsumed or substituted by the debate surrounding the existence of the Puerto Rican
nation. Consequently, this research attempts to bridge that gap in Puerto Ricos cultural,
literary and scholarly production by exploring how images of whiteness and Blackness
are constructed within the Island context.
Drawing on data from 30 in depth interviews as well from autoethnographic
techniques, this dissertation highlights how popular notions of whiteness and Blackness
inform and influence Islanders perceptions of themselves and others. A special emphasis
is placed on respondents accounts of racial discrimination in an effort to portray how
racial difference and inequality help determine what types of experiences they undergo

ix

on the Island. The interconnections between U.S. racial thought and Island racism are
investigated and stressed throughout in an effort to better understand the social nature and
workings of Puerto Rican racial constructs.
Ultimately, this research highlights the need for an effective public discourse on
race and racism in Puerto Rico.

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The story, according to Arcadio Daz-Quiones in his book El Arte de Bregar
(2000: 40), is that when Victor Pellot was approached by the waitress in a small
restaurant in Little Rock, Arkansas and was told succinctly that they did not serve
Negroes, he calmly answered Thats okay. I dont eat Negroes. I want rice and beans.
For Daz-Quiones (2000), that casual interchange between a Black Puerto Rican
professional baseball player and a white American waitress in the middle of the 20th
century stands as a symbol of Puerto Ricans historical struggle with American racism.
More importantly, it speaks to the innovative, subtle and seemingly accidental way in
which an Island-born Black Puerto Rican man dealt with, challenged and resisted Jim
Crow discrimination in the States. According to Daz-Quiones (2000), it was that
apparent lack of consciousness, that seeming miscomprehension of American racial
norms which Pellot exploited during his famed baseball career in the States in an effort to
thwart the harassment he was subjected to daily.
The same story, retold by a middle aged light skinned Puerto Rican male dentist
sitting around a domino table on his front porch during Veterans day weekend 2005 on
the Island, however, is different. After his partner complained about the high numbered
dominoes in his hand by stating that he had Africa staring back at him, the dentist
laughed, took a big gulp from his cup and spoke of Pellots interchange with the white
waitress in Little Rock. Contrary to Daz-Quiones (2000), however, the dentist did not
bring up Pellots name in order to highlight his courage and creativity in the face of
1

2
blatant racial discrimination nor did he tell the story with the intent of praising Pellots
wit or character. On the contrary, his partners anti-Black joke simply invited another
one. Consequently, as the dentist repeated the phrase I dont eat Negroes. I want rice and
beans, he glanced at the men sitting around the table, shrugged his shoulders and
proceeded to make a series of over dramatized facial expressions in an apparent effort to
communicate his incredulity; as if to ask how dumb could this guy really be? The other
men chuckled or laughed heartily as they took turns playing their dominoes on the table.
As I stood there weighing my options, balancing my responsibility to challenge the
racist act that had just taken place against my concern with not offending the host, it
seemed apparent to me that it was a mute issue: If I had in fact garnered up the volition to
say something (which I didnt), what would I have said? I certainly could not go off on a
scholarly rant about how peoples talk reflects, creates and maintains the overarching
racial ideology and structure of a given society. The men at the table would have stared at
me with the same incredulous look their host had given them just moments before. Only
this time that shared incredulity and/or lack of understanding would not have served to
bring us closer together and bond, but rather would have invited jaded comments that
spoke to my perceived inability to take a joke.
Needless to say, I felt like my graduate studies in the area of U.S. race/ethnic
relations had not furnished me with any practical tools with which to combat everyday
acts of racism in Puerto Rico. I kept thinking about how Victor Pellot, when living under
direct and often legalized threat of physical, emotional and psychological harm, could be
so eloquent, creative and effective with his words, whereas I was rendered helpless and
mute in a situation that presented me with no real penalty or punishment. I then thought

3
back to other occasions when I had in fact spoken out against racism; when I was actually
able to find the precise words to subvert a particular racist act and I realized that every
single one of those incidents had taken place in the U.S. The problem then was not a lack
of tools, but rather it was my inability to translate or transport those tools from one social
context to the other. The problem in a sense was in the language.
Problema de Razas/Problem with Language
How does one talk openly and critically about a subject that as of yet does not have
a socially accepted and proven language to employ in the dialogue? Island Puerto Ricans
lack an official discourse on race. Contrary to the United States, where the term
inherently implies difference and conjures myriads of conflicting and disturbing images
of both acts of domination and resistance movements (Delgado and Stefanic, 2001;
Feagin, Vera and Batur, 2001), race in Puerto Rico is understood to mean who we are,
Puerto Ricans: the happy and harmonious mixture of Spanish, Indian and African
blood (Barbosa, 1984; Fal Merino, 2004); one race made up of three equal parts. Thus,
to attempt to carry out a research project on how Puerto Ricans talk about race and racism
and how they perceive those factors to be affecting or not their lives is to literally force a
conversation on something that by definition is not supposed to exist: How can there be
racism in Puerto Rico if we are all products of the same mixture?
People do, however, talk about race on a regular basis on the Island. Moreover,
they also appear to identify according to race (or at least according to skin color) as the
2000 U.S. Census results made abundantly clear. That year 84% of Puerto Ricans living
on the Island identified themselves as white while 10.8% identified as Black (SantosFebres, 2005). These figures immediately provoked consternation, as they were
understood by many to imply an apparent denial of the Islands African heritage.

4
Although one could very well argue that U.S. racial constructs and categories do not fit
within the Puerto Rican social context (Aranda and Rebollo-Gil, 2004), it is telling that
Islanders for the most part did not mark the other category and opted instead to define
themselves as white (Santos-Febres, 2005).
According to scholars like Mayra Santos-Febres (2005) and Aixa Fal Merino
(2004), the U.S. census results in Puerto Rico only brought to the surface a historical and
unstated disdain for Blackness on the Island. In Fal Merinos (2004: 38) mind, for
example, Blackness in Puerto Rico has traditionally been associated with slavery,
poverty, marginality, criminality and ugliness. Both Isabelo Zenn Cruz (1974) and Luis
Rafael Sanchez (1997) have explored the marginality to which the Black Islander is
subjected, placing a particular emphasis on how that marginality is expressed through
talk. For Zenn Cruz (1974), the mere naming of Black Puerto Ricans as Black Puerto
Ricans while white Islanders are referred to simply as Puerto Ricans places racial
difference ahead of the cultural and/or national identity that is shared by both races.
Dark-skinned and/or Black Islanders are thus seen as essentially different from or less
than, full blooded Puerto Ricans.
Similarly, Sanchez (1997) draws attention to how everything that is associated with
Black physical traits is commonly referred to in Islanders discourse as bad cheap or
in poor taste. According to Sanchez (1997), sly comments and harmless racial jokes
serve as daily reminders of the deep seated disdain for everything that is associated with
Blackness on the Island Ultimately, both authors work points to the pernicious and
demeaning light under which dark skinned and/or Black Islanders are viewed in Puerto
Rico.

5
This derogatory view of Black Islanders reaches startling levels once one considers
the recent formation of Puerto Rican hate groups. At present, there are two separate
Island based hate organizations advertising themselves on the Internet: Nacional
Sindicalismo Boricua (National Puerto Rican Syndicate) and Frente Social
Revolucionario (Revolutionary Social Front). The stated purpose of both groups is the
creation of an independent Puerto Rican nation. Their propaganda, then, for most part
denounces the present political status of the Island and indicts the U.S. government for
the countless political and social indignities it has committed against the Puerto Rican
people throughout the Islands colonial history.
However, although both groups concern themselves primarily with the future of the
Puerto Rican nation, their political projects are accompanied by a rhetoric of racial and/or
cultural purity. In fact part of the alleged indignities that the U.S. government is accused
of, is its supposed imposition of American notions of multiculturalism, tolerance and
racial/ethnic diversity on the Island. In the words of the Revolutionary Social Front:
El sistema nos ha impuesto dos principales paradigmas culturales. El primero es
el mito que describe a la raza puertorriquena como una mezcla de indios, negros y
blancos espanoles, y que partiendo de eso tenemos que adoptar tradiciones
africanas como parte de nuestra identidad cultural. Eso es un crimen contra la
razon, la sangre, el suelo y el honor de nuestro pueblo. Aunque es cierto el hecho
de que existe un sustancial grupo de mestizos, en los cuales mayormente predomina
la herencia blanca; en Puerto Rico residen tres principales grupos raciales y no asi
una supuesta raza puertorriquena. De estos tres grupos raciales tenemos dos que
son autoctonos y legitimos (Amerindios y conquistadores Europeos), y uno que es
un husped non-grato (negros africanos traidos como esclavos)Nosotros no
aceptaremos que nos impongan unas tradiciones que no nos pertenecen, y mucho
menos que lo hagan en nuestro suelo. (Frente Social Revolucionario, 2005)
The [U.S.] system has imposed upon us two principal cultural paradigms. The
first one is the myth of the Puerto Rican race as the mixture of Indians, Blacks and
white Spaniards, and that based upon that myth we have to adopt African traditions
as part of our cultural identity. This is a crime against reason, blood, land and the
honor of our people. Although it is true that there is a substantial number of
mestizos, who mostly have white blood; three main racial groups reside in Puerto

6
Rico and not an alleged Puerto Rican race. Of these three groups, we have two that
are native and legitimate (Amerindians and European conquerors), and one that is
an unwanted visitor (Black Africans that were brought as slaves)We will not
accept the imposition of traditions that our not ours, and we are even less likely to
accept them in our own soil. (Frente Social Revolucionario, 2005)
Both the above passage and 2000 census results represent clear and violent breaks
with the official construction of Puerto Rican racial and cultural identity. On the one
hand, the identification of 84% of Island respondents as white points to the seemingly
widespread view of Puerto Rico as essentially a white country. On the other, the
manifesto of the Revolutionary Social Front showcases a clearly demarcated white Island
consciousness that simultaneously defines the Puerto Rican character as exclusively
white and posits that character in direct opposition to Blackness. It thus becomes apparent
that though often negated in public and historically unacknowledged, notions of
whiteness and Blackness influence, shape and help determine popular constructions of
Puerto Rican identity.
Therefore, one must pose the question: How does one reconcile the lack of public
dialogue on race based on its presumed social irrelevance with the apparent Island-wide
denial of Blackness? The fact is that while race and racism continue to be ignored as
central forces shaping the lives of all Puerto Ricans, dark skinned and/or Black Islanders
continue to be harassed and unjustly persecuted by police officials (Muoz and Alegria,
1999); remain over-represented among the Islands poor and under-represented in the
countrys principal media outlets, high status occupations and government positions
(Comisin de Derechos Civiles, 1998); and Black culture and history are still
conspicuously absent from the majority of school textbooks and classrooms (SantosFebres, 2005; Fal Merino, 2004). Taking this into consideration, constructing a language
in which to effectively talk about race publicly becomes a pressing concern.

7
Race Talk in Puerto Rico: A Historical Perspective
Attempting to speak about race and racism on the Island is not a new thing among
scholars and academics. In 1937, for example, the noted intellectual, Toms Blanco wrote
a pioneering essay on the subject entitled El Prejuicio Racial en Puerto Rico (Racial
Prejudice in Puerto Rico). Blanco, in effect, sought to challenge several of the ideas put
forth by a fellow intellectual of his time, Antonio S. Pedreira. A few years earlier,
Pedreira had written the seminal work and treatise on Puerto Rican identity: Insularismo.
In this work, Pedreira described Puerto Rico as essentially Hispanic in origin and though
detailing the history of mestizaje (racial mixing) that took place on the Island, treated
African heritage as a troublesome and culturally pernicious element, often referencing
some of the principal tenets of western European racist thought and depicting African
peoples and their descendants as unruly or savage in nature (Flores, 1980).
In the hope of putting forth an alternate and seemingly more progressive view of
race in Puerto Rico and of initiating a dialogue on racism on the Island, Toms Blanco
(1985) attempted to draw a comparison between the racial prejudice in Puerto Rico and
the history of anti-Black discrimination in the U.S., specifically in the South. U.S. racial
history, in Blancos (1985) mind, would serve as a type of ideological lens through which
Islanders could view and garner an understanding of what racial prejudice actually was.
Blanco (1985) centered his argument on four key aspects of Puerto Rican social life
and history: language, economy, religion and mestizaje. In the authors mind the
evidence for the lack of Puerto Rican racial prejudice or racism was more than evident.
For example, when it comes to language, the manner in which white or light skinned
Islanders refer to Black Puerto Ricans was considered by Blanco (1985) to be more
euphemistic than offensive or harmful. The lack of a Spanish equivalent to the term

8
Nigger, for example, meant the absence of a virulent anti-Black sentiment on the
Island. Following this logic, any comment or verbal attack unleashed by a white Islander
against his/her Black counterpart was the exclusive product of the relationship between
the people involved and had nothing to do with the social image of Black Islanders in the
country. The author states:
Cierto que entre nosotros se oyen las expresiones despectivas negro catedrtico y
grifo parejero con alguna frecuencia; pero se refieren usualmente a casos
especficos en que, el que habla expresa su opinin particular contra determinada
persona de la clase de color, las mas veces por razones personalsimas. (Blanco,
1985: 106)
It is true that you can hear expressions like academic negro or uppity black
with some frequency among us; but these usually refer to specific cases in which
the speaker is expressing his opinion about a particular person of color for very
personal reasons. (Blanco, 1985: 106)
Blanco (1985) does not offer a detailed analysis explaining the origins, meaning
and/or uses of these expressions. He simply assumes that the reader knows what a grifo
parejero [uppity black] or negro catedrtico [academic negro] would look like.
The absence of such an analysis on account of an assumed redundancy fosters the
impression that Blanco (1985), consciously or unconsciously, writes his text taking for
granted certain racial truths that supposedly are part of the Islands national character
or idiosyncrasy.
Turning to the realm of economics, the author argues that racial prejudice has not
become deeply entrenched in the Puerto Rican psyche because slavery was not the total
economic system it was in the Southern United States. In fact, Blanco (1985) boasts
about the low numbers of slaves in Puerto Rico, the affable character of slave laws and
the alleged peaceful and uninterrupted process of abolition. The author, however, forgets
that slavery was not abolished in the Island until 1873 (Diaz Soler, 1970; Nistal-Moret,

9
2000), nine years later than in the U.S. This at the very least implies a national
dependency on slavery and points toward the vitality of the institution itself, as well as
towards the racist ideology that justified and validated its presence. The fact of the matter
is that Blancos argument, based on the poor or great economic efficiency of Puerto
Rican slavery, to explain the strength of racial prejudice in the country glosses over the
fact that a white supremacist ideology must be firmly in place in order to even consider
enslaving a particular group of people. The amoral and atrocious character of such an
economic institution demands a deep seated belief in the lack of humanity of Black
people that permeates through, and eventually manages to entrench itself in the collective
Island consciousness.
Blanco (1985), however, completely sidesteps this type of analysis and in his zest
to prove how social life in Puerto Rico is more harmonious than in the States continues
making arguments that, if not historically erroneous, are illogical and perhaps stupid. An
example is the authors belief that Catholicism on the Islanda principal tool of Spanish
colonizationdemanded the unification of race under one God whereas American
Protestantism fostered the separation of races. The author explains: En general, puede
decirse que el catolicismo insiste intransigentemente en la unidadcatolicidad
dogmtica, mientras que el protestantismo, nacido del libre examen, estimula las
diferencias de credo [In general terms, it could be said that Catholicism insists in
dogmatic unity, whereas Protestantism, born out of free thought, fosters differences in
creed] (Blanco, 1985: 113). This results in the establishment of both Black and white
churches in the U.S. where everyone prays to a different colored Christ whereas in
Blancos (1985) Puerto Rico, Blacks and whites pray to one image of God. This, in

10
Blancos (1985) view, instead of signaling to the dogmatic imposition at the hands of the
upper class, symbolizes the happy and joyous cohabitation of races under one
supernatural power.
By this point it becomes markedly evident that the authors critical character has
been slowly supplanted by his necessity to differentiate the Puerto Rican national
character from the American. His essay then sounds less and less like an analysis of the
racial problem in Puerto Rico and more like a simple pretext to an ideological affront
against the imperial power. Slowly but surely the Black vs. white dynamic in Puerto Rico
takes a backseat and what remains is the ideological battle between Island whites and
white Americans. El Prejuicio Racial en Puerto Rico thus becomes in effect a text to
prove the whiteness of the Island elite under the gaze of the U.S.
This becomes painfully evident once Blanco broaches the topic of mestizaje in
Puerto Rico. Speaking of the atrocities committed against African Americans in the U.S.,
Blanco (1985: 122) states:
En Puerto Rico es desconocido el linchamiento, las leyes no marcan distinciones de
color y cada cual se casa o se apestilla con quien su impulso genrico le dicte. Esto
ltimo contribuyo a la desaparicin del indio, pues progresivamente se diluyo su
sangre en el mestizaje. Idntico fenmeno viene sucediendo con la sangre africana.
Hay quien alega que nuestra gente de color es de facciones mas finas, correctas
(desde el punto de vista caucsico) que la de Estados Unidos porque viene de
linajes africanos ms finosLa razn de la diferencia actual estriba de que ya en
Puerto Rico casi no tenemos negros completamente puros; salvo en algunos
ncleos limitados de la regin costanera.
Lynching is unknown in Puerto Rico. Laws here do not make any distinctions
based on color and everybody is free to hook up with whoever they feel
compelled to do so. This last thing contributed to the Indians disappearance since
Indian blood was gradually diluted through racial mixing. An identical
phenomenon is occurring with African blood. There are those who argue that our
people of color have more refined and correct facial features (from a Caucasian
point of view) than those of the U.S. because they come from more refined African
lineagesThe reason for that difference stems from the fact that no longer do we

11
have totally pure Blacks in Puerto Rico; with the exception of some marginal
nucleus in the coast.
Whiteness does not vary or undergo any change in the authors view of
mestizaje. Whiteness is not diluted in Black or Taino blood. On the contrary, whiteness
annihilates non-white blood. It overcomes it and dominates it until it marginalizes its
most pure and pernicious expressions. For Blanco (1985), mestizaje was and is the
measure Island whites took to deal or handle the Black problem on the Island.
Lynching has not been necessary in Puerto Rico; whites have not had to persecute their
Black counterparts because in the authors mind there are not any real Blacks in Puerto
Rico. Blanco refuses to see color or at least refuses to admit that he sees it. He instead
views whiteness as the fundamental base of Island culture, which in and of itself impedes
him from accepting the central role that African cultures have played on the Island
(Gonzalez, 1989; Santos-Febres, 2005). For the author, Island whiteness must be
invariable and secure. Moreover, from his point of view, it has been much better guarded
and administered than in the U.S. considering that Blackness on the Island has
disappeared in a civilized and peaceful manner.
Here one can see the initial effects of Blancos (1985) betrayal. In the midst of his
dispute with the colonial power, he completely abandons his role as an intellectual and
his work loses any glimpse of scientific or scholarly analysis. The author simply absolves
Island whites of their ideological and social crimes against Black Islanders by blaming
only white Americans for the racism they share. It comes as no surprise then that towards
the end of his essay, Black Puerto Ricans end up being the ones responsible for the little
prejudice that might exist on the Island. Blanco (1985: 126) writes:
Es casi siempre a estas oerias, ms o menos afectadas, ms o menos ridculas, a
lo que corrientemente llamamos en Puerto Rico prejuicio racial (lo cual no quita

12
para que ello redunde en daosa acritud y verdadero sufrimiento); y es curioso que
no sea poco comn el que las exhiban ms marcadamente personas con ciertas
dudas sobre la propia caucasidad.
Most of the time we are referring to these more or less ridiculous nimieties when
we speak of racial prejudice in Puerto Rico (which doesnt deny the actual harm
and pain which they can cause); and its curious that it is not uncommon that these
nimieties are used by those with certain doubts about their whiteness.
Racism, then, for Blanco (1985) is a Black thing. It is the exclusive property of
uppity Blacks that want to act like white Islanders. In this sense, racism is the side
effect of a faulty mestizaje; of a Blackness that could not be broken completely. It is the
exception to the rule; that region on the margins of Island society.
Puerto Rican Identity as White Oriented
Barring several noteworthy exceptions (Fal Merino, 2004; Gonzalez, 1989;
Sanchez, 2004; Santos-Febres, 2005; Zenn Cruz, 1974), Puerto Ricanness is viewed as
essentially white Hispanic. Islanders for the most part are brought together under Spanish
oriented cultural rituals and practices that are commonly identified as traditionally or
typically Puerto Rican (Daz-Quiones, 1993). The ideas about racial formation in Puerto
Rico that were put forth by Blanco remain very much alive today and are activated and
enforced through the educational system (Fal Merino, 2004). The fact of the matter is
that the vision of the Puerto Rican racial mix is not that much different in character to
the racist rhetoric of the Revolutionary Social Front. Puerto Rican whiteness is at the
center of both discourses and more importantly it is situated atop the racial hierarchy in
both versions of history. Whereas Blanco (1985) indicts the U.S. for its virulent
intolerance and anti-Black discrimination, the Revolutionary Social Front accuses
American society of forcing Islanders to accept the principle tenets of multiculturalism.
Ultimately both perspectives defend the cultural independence of Puerto Rico by

13
emphasizing how Puerto Rican whiteness is very much a solidified, alive and dominating
identity on the Island.
Furthermore, past and recent scholarship on the subject of race and racism in
Puerto Rico has for most part approached racial discrimination as an interpersonal issue;
as simply a matter of feelings and/or attitudes that certain individuals or select
groups of people harbor toward dark-skinned and/or Black Islanders (Garca Cuevas,
1999; Rodrguez Julia, 1983). Consequently, anti-Black thought and action are usually
presented as examples of racial prejudice rather than as representative of Island
racism. This, in essence, has the same limiting effect of Blancos work: the ideological,
historical and institutional elements of anti-Black discrimination are disregarded and
more profound and complex understandings of the race problem in Puerto Rico become
impossible.
This problem is further exacerbated by popular opinion regarding the workings of
race and class on the Island. Contrary to the U.S., where increased education and higher
social positioning are seen as indicative of less pernicious racial thought (Bobo et al,,
1998), higher class status in Puerto Rico is usually associated with feelings of racial
superiority (Ros vila, 2003). Popular opinion regards high status Puerto Ricans as
uppity and therefore more likely to hold negative attitudes about dark-skinned and/or
Black Islanders. Racism in this manner is seen more as a function of class privilege than
as a vibrant and independent social force. This view localizes anti-Black thought and
praxis and restricts it to a clearly delineated and defined social sector. Moreover, it allows
for both individual acts of racial discrimination and more general patterns of racial
inequality on the Island to be almost instinctively attributed to class differences, without

14
any consideration to race. As a result, whiteness and Blackness are seldom explored and
examined as important social constructs on the Island nor are Black Islanders allotted the
resources with which to evaluate the treatment they receive as a product of racial
inequality.
Taking this into consideration, this dissertation seeks to explore Islanders
perceptions of race and racism, specifically how notions of whiteness and Blackness
shape their view of themselves and others in an effort to contribute to a more nuanced
and workable vision of the racial dynamics in contemporary Puerto Rican society.

CHAPTER 2
METHODS
Introduction
It happens every time. They say American and I ask White or Black? They
look at me somewhat dumbfounded, say white and continue with their story. A few
minutes later, it happens again. They say American and I ask them to make a
presumably unnecessary clarification. On the majority of occasions, after five or six
times, they give up and willingly add the words white and Black into their accounts.
From the data I have gathered interviewing Island Puerto Ricans on their perceptions of
race and racism, Americans seem to always and only be white. Blacks, on the other hand,
are solely and exclusively Black. For them it is simple. I am the one who appears to have
an overwhelming necessity to complicate the issue every time I sit down with one of my
participants for an interview. Interestingly enough, however, the moment they concede to
me and voluntarily distinguish between these two types of Americans, the experiences,
feelings, beliefs and/or opinions they recount in their answers seem to change. All of a
sudden the U.S. landscape is racialized differently in their accounts.
Before, the U.S. appeared to be peopled exclusively by whites and AfricanAmericans seemed to lack a set or fixed place in the imagination of Island Puerto Ricans.
Their experiences were lacking a specific setting and socio-cultural context. After the
adjustment was made, however, not only were African-Americans placed in their
accounts but the term American seemed to be problematized almost immediately. It
ceased to be taken as a given in the talk of my research participants.
15

16
The fact is that I have effectively guided, molded and altered the talk of my
research subjects in every single interview I conducted. I offered (imposed?) them a
language in which to frame their answers and by doing so, the version of reality they
created in the interview setting was noticeably affected (Holstein and Gubrium, 1995).
My motivation was presumably selfless, good-hearted and ultimately in the interest of
producing good social science: by making respondents talk in these more racially specific
terms, I helped them uncover the racial/racist underpinnings in their regular talk. I
presumably enabled them to see the manner in which the racial structure permeates every
aspect of social life including their manner of speech. However, something potentially
damaging may have happened as well. It is possible that by getting respondents to talk
about their social world in a markedly different way from the one in which they would
usually do so, I made their vision of reality more akin to my view and therefore, more
alien to them. Consequently, the changes in their talk could very well prove to be
enlightening and helpful solely as it pertains to me and the version of reality I am actively
creating in the interview setting.
It thus becomes important to consider the way in which social scientists construct
reality in conjunction with their research participants under the guise of science. Of
particular interest are the power relations that might be at play within the interview
context and the way these relations when not checked might end up privileging the
researchers discourse to the detriment of the people being studied.
You Gave Me Power: Interviewer/ Respondent Dynamics
According to Holstein and Gubrium (1995: 1) we live in an interview society.
Denzin (20003: 85) calls it a society of spectacle. Both terms indicate the abolition of
the private. According to these writers, the interview has become commonplace. People

17
are becoming used to publicly beare their soul; to making a heartfelt and earnest
confession in front of a tape recorder or a television camera. The interview seems to have
become a naturally occurring occasion for articulating experience (Holstein and
Gubrium, 1995: 18); a welcomed social situation where the biographical is celebrated
(Denzin, 2003).
This change in society has been accompanied by a change in the way many social
scientists conceptualize and conduct interviews. Researchers have ceased to visualize
interviews as fact finding missions and have desisted from treating respondents as prime
receptacles of information (Holstein and Gubrium, 1995). Instead, they are viewing the
interview setting as a site of collaborative activity. Holstein and Gubrium (1995: 4) write:
Both parties to the interview are necessarily and unavoidably active. Each is
involved in meaning-making work. Meaning is not merely elicited by apt
questioning nor simply transported through respondents replies; it is actively and
communicatively assembled in the interview encounter. Respondents are not so
much repositories of knowledgetreasuries of information awaiting excavation
as they are constructors of knowledge in collaboration with interviewers.
The interview is now viewed as a fiction. According to Denzin (2003: 81) every
interview text selectively and unsystematically reconstructs the world, tells and performs
a story according to its version of truth and narrative logic. It is a site of simulation.
Interviewer and subject engage in conversation about the larger society involving
elements from each others personal lives and end up constructing their own self-standing
and functional version of that society. Interviews are narrative construction sites. They
are not meant to be mirrors. Their purpose is not to create adequate, faithful
representations of society but rather to provide speakers the opportunity to build a world
through their talk that is well suited to house their selves and therefore real in their eyes.

18
This different conceptualization of the interview is of great importance, particularly
as it relates to the study of marginalized groups. Ideally, by approaching the interview as
capable of producing new and different knowledge (Holstein and Gubrium, 1995),
racial/ethnic minorities and women, for example, can gain access to a space where they
can formulate a vision of society that is different from the one actively re-presented by
mainstream media outlets, academia, politicians and the like (Delgado and Stefanic,
2001; Frankenberg, 1994).
The fictional nature of the interview, however, does not imply that the larger
society does not permeate the interview setting. The prevalent social arrangements do not
stay outside (Wetherell, 2004). They too mold and shape the fictional world of the
interview. Holstein and Gubrium (1995: 14) write: The social milieu in which
communication takes place [during interviews] modifies not only what a person dares to
say but even what he thinks he chooses to say. Consequently, while both speakers are
supposed to actively and cooperatively engage in the meaning-making process that
does not mean that their interaction is no longer marked by the social position each one
occupies vis--vis the other or that their finished narrative product represents their
interests, concerns and desires equally. The power dynamics in the society outside find
re-presentation in the society created inside the interview setting.
Denzin (2003) puts it succinctly: Behind every interviewer lurks the power of the
state (2003: 81). For all that interviews may have become commonplace; for all that
they no longer are an exclusive experience of a particular social class or group; for all
that people willingly enter that space and partake in conversation, researchers are the
ones who control and determine the way in which interactions take place and they are the

19
ones with the power to report back to the larger society. Therefore, to assume that the
power differential between the participant and the interviewer can be eradicated by
simply inciting free-flowing, spontaneous talk from the interviewee is ludicrous.
Similarly, presupposing that by solely recognizing the constructive nature of the
interview without acknowledging and controlling for the effect the power imbalance
might have on the construction process, does not truly activate the interview subject.
No activation is possible if the power dynamics shaping the interview remain hidden.
Researchers then must play close attention to reflexivity.
Personal Issues with Reflexivity
In each interview I attempted to construct a world with my participants. I have,
with varying levels of success, crafted a vision of Puerto Rican Island society as racist.
This vision varied from conversation to conversation. In some interviews, an outwardly
discriminatory and extremely anti-Black society emerged whereas in others, the image of
a moderately conflicted but ultimately fair and just social world was set in place.
Throughout the research process, the racial, class, gender and sexual identity of
participants changed. The physical setting of the talk changed as well. The only two
constants were my proposed need and desire to construct a racist world through
interviewing, and my whiteness.
Of the two, the most important and influential in my research has been the latter.
My whiteness has in fact served as a passport for every interview. On the one hand, it has
permitted me to both quietly echo white Puerto Ricans most anti-Black sentiments thus
making them comfortable in speaking with me and also to verbally challenge some of
those same beliefs without fear of considerable backlash. Here, my privileged racial
identitythe feeling of sameness it generates between white respondents and me

20
enables the research agenda because no matter what I think about race Im still white and
therefore not threatening in their eyes (Frankenberg, 1994). On the other hand, my
whiteness has allowed me to express solidarity with Black Puerto Ricans by allowing
them the space (fictional and spurious) to talk more openly about racial matters with a
white Islander. Here, my privileged racial identitythe feeling of difference it generates
between Black respondents and meenables the research agenda because what I think
and say about race in the interview makes me somewhat less threatening in their eyes.
Consequently, I have no problem acknowledging and being attentive to the fact that
a different and separate reality was constructed in each interview. Why would I?
Ultimately every single social world crafted within each individual setting I entered has
me at its center. My encounters with white Puerto Ricans provided me with the
opportunity to re-present myself as less racist than them and therefore superior. Similarly,
my conversations with Black Puerto Ricans showcased my high levels of empathy,
understanding and racial progressiveness, which again made me different from and
overwhelmingly better than all other members of my race. My research thus runs the risk
of becoming a scientific and scholarly self-presentation (Riessman, 1993) conducted
under the auspices of studying the workings of race in Puerto Rico. As a consequence,
my respondents accounts would function as mere preambles to my own personal story.
Their narrative presence in our interview-crafted world would always take second place
to mine. The problem then is not the creation of alternate social worlds in the interview
but rather, the character and composition of those worlds.
Cementing a Self-Reflexive Critique
According to Audrey Kobayashi (2003: 346), Self-reflexive scholars are above all
concerned about the potential for recreating or reinforcing the forms of social exclusion

21
that are at the very heart of both our research and our social acts. Taking this into
consideration then, research that simply acknowledges the power relations implicit in the
interchanges that occur between interviewer and respondent, but do nothing to change,
correct or ameliorate them, ends up producing the same type of non-reflexive findings
that would have come up if these differences would have been completely ignored.
McCorkel and Myers (2003) echo this concern by discussing researchers unwilling but
frequent reliance on master narratives; a term they employ to refer to the hegemonic
accounts of societys inner workings. According to the authors, they would recur to these
narrativeseven though they stood in stoic opposition to their own personal and
professional viewswhen respondents somehow challenged or questioned their identities
as researchers. These challenges drove them to assert and defend their privileged position
vis--vis their respondents, thus directly acting against the counter-hegemonic goals of
their own research and ultimately contributing to the dominating discourse or master
narrative with their academic work (McCorkel and Myers, 2003).
There appears to be no clear-cut solution. To practice self-reflexive research seems
to imply consciously taking part in an inherently flawed act. While simple
acknowledgement of the power dynamics is not enough, placing too much focus on
oneself as the researcher could possibly marginalize already marginal experiences.
Ironically, as of yet there is no steady science in place to keep the social scientist and the
privileged position she/he might represent in check.
Issues with Language
In addition to problems associated with the power dynamics between researcher
and subjects, this research was plagued by issues with language. In much the same
manner, that American in the Island imagination was understood to be white, and

22
therefore, my attempts at clarification made the interchange between myself and many of
my respondents truculent and awkward, the lack of public conversation on racial matters
in Puerto Rico, left both respondents and myself often searching for the appropriate
words with which to effectively and openly talk about race and racism on the Island. For
starters, many respondents had trouble conceptualizing and categorizing Islanders
according to white and Black classifications. The founding myth of mestizaje (see
Chapter one) was referenced frequently by respondents who argued that there was no
such thing as white and/or Black Islanders. According to them, nobody could claim
purely white or Black identities; we were all simply Puerto Ricans. When asked instead
to focus more on popular images of or stereotypes associated with Blackness and
whiteness as opposed to white and/or Black people, many respondents resorted to a
predominantly class-based discourse where positive images were associated with high
social status and, social ills and pathologies were seen as directly related with lower-class
culture. Thus, again trying to maintain a race-less or at least colorless vision of Island
society.
However, once given the opportunity to explain the characteristics and/or qualities
associated with the different social classes, respondents consciously or unconsciously
made distinct race/class connections in their accounts. Notions of whiteness, though for
the most part considered inapplicable or the exception within the Island context, were
directly connected to elevated social standing, good manners and appearance and overall
human decency and social productivity. Notions of Blackness on the other hand went
hand in hand with discussions of poverty (economic, moral or otherwise), crime, danger
and marginality. Class analysis then inevitably lead to racial talk.

23
The problem, here, of course was that not all respondents were aware of this switch
in their speech. Therefore, as an interviewer, it was difficult to get them to acknowledge
the racialization of Islanders present in their speech without making them feel as if I were
accusing them of racism. The fact is that I often felt in need of a more accurate and
precise language with which to engage my respondents. Many timestoo many,
actuallyI would sit in silence with them, unsure and nervous about how exactly to
proceed with our race talk. This inability to broach the topic was further exacerbated by
the constant comparisons that respondents and/or myself would make between the Island
racial climate and the U.S. Unable to verbalize what the situation was like in Puerto Rico,
respondents and myself would simply hint at it by pointing out how it was different from
what took place in the United States.
Consequently, I sat through entire interviews convinced that every single one of my
respondents had something to say about Puerto Rican race relations, they just simply
didnt know how. And I, unfortunately, lacked the precise questions with which to elicit
those responses out of them. Therefore, each interview was marked more by what was
left unsaid and/or what got lost in the comparisons with the U.S., than by the issues that
were actually discussed.
The Sample
Respondent recruitment was done using snowball sampling techniques.
Conversations with any one particular respondent about the project would often lead to
them making their own recommendations as to who I should interview. Respondents at
times would interrupt the flow of the interview, stating You know who would love to
talk about this? Here let me give you their number. My study was not seen as fit for just
anybody. People for the most part did not feel comfortable in talking about racial issues

24
or they just found it unnecessary and ridiculous altogether. Consequently, respondents
would refer to their own alleged inadequacy in talking about racial matters and volunteer
friends or acquaintances who they thought could do a better job in talking to me.
Interestingly enough, the people that were recommended, spoke about their own
perceived inability to offer any type of useful insight and would instead, refer me to
somebody else. Thus, the snowballing in this particular project took more the form of a
shift and avoidance strategy, where respondents would try to unburden themselves of the
topic of conversation by placing the responsibility of the talk on others.
This trend led me to view the project as very much a lonely and solitary endeavor.
Feelings of inadequacy and irrelevance starting plaguing me as I too started to view
conversations on race and racism as unwarranted or unessential to the study and
understanding of contemporary Puerto Rican society. Maybe I was just seeing things.
Maybe my academic training as well as my lived experience in the States had made me
racialize my own life on the Island and identify racist workings in Puerto Rican society
that were simply not there or were possibly more inane and/or harmless than I thought.
Maybe I had overestimated the impact of racism in Puerto Rico. It was possible that
people were just not as fixated on issues of skin color on the Island as they were on the
States. Maybe Blanco (1985) and 60% of my respondents were right: race was not one of
the principal dividing lines in Puerto Rican society and racial prejudice was limited to the
heads of a few privileged white Islanders and a handful of angry Black Puerto Ricans.
Maybe I was just wrong.
Some of these feelings still plague me some eight months after the interviewing and
transcription processes was completed. There are some aspects of this analysis that do not

25
seem to fit within my own conception of Puerto Rican society and people. The mere fact
that Im writing about white and Black Puerto Ricans is troubling to me. Such
divisions, because they have been understated and subsumed under the national
discourse, still seem somewhat illusory or fictional. Furthermore, I cannot seem to fully
free myself of U.S. racial constructions and history in reading through and analyzing
materials for this dissertation. U.S. racial thinking and discourse sit heavy upon my head.
I cannot help but constantly compare and contrast what happens on each side of the
ocean. The national character of each country seem indelibly linked to the other for some
reason. I am not able to separate them in my head.
There are times, however, when I think Im not supposed to struggle to attain that
separation. As colonial subjects and as prime recipients of U.S. cultural productions for
just over a century, every single aspect of Puerto Rican society must be viewed as
intricately linked to U.S. society in one way or the other. Race is no exception. The
Puerto Rican racial landscape is in part a product of and a response to the racial landscape
in the U.S. White American racial thought infiltrates Puerto Rican society on a daily basis
through the different media channels. Regardless of respondents particular position on
race and racism in Puerto Rico, that position was intimately tied to a much more
developed and confident (if not accurate) view of how race is experienced in the United
States. In this sense, stated racial knowledge on the Island refers to knowledge on and
about the American race problem. Consequently, by asking respondents to talk about race
and racism in Puerto Rico, I was in effect asking to take their knowledge about the U.S.
and apply it to the Island context.

26
All in all, 30 respondents were interviewed for this study with ages ranging from 18
to 40. 90% of respondents however were between 18 and 30 years of age. Thus, the
sample is very lopsided in terms of age. There were 17 men and 13 women. Eight
respondents identified themselves as Black while ten identified themselves as white.
Three preferred the Latin@ and/or Hispanic monikers as opposed to any color or
racial specific identification while the remaining nine identified themselves as
somewhere in between the white and Black categories. Of these, one respondent
identified himself as copper-colored; another as Black with a white behind; three opted
for mulata or mulato and the rest used the term tan to refer their skin color.
In terms of education, occupation and social class background, the sample also
proves itself to be biased toward college students and middle class individuals. The entire
sample had either a college diploma, was currently enrolled in a higher learning
institution or had at least one year of undergraduate studies. Four of them already had or
were pursuing higher Academic degrees.
About 70% of the sample identified themselves as or made reference to a middle
class upbringing or background. Five respondents identified as upper class and three
made reference to coming from working class/poor backgrounds. Furthermore, 70% of
the sample was educated in private Catholic or Christian high schools, with the remaining
30% having studied at state funded public institutions. Ten respondents had graduated
from or were enrolled in a stateside university at the time of the interview and nearly half
of the sample had at least some experience in the U.S.
My Story
Throughout the interview process, respondents and I came to share more than the
awkward silences, the lack of precise words, and the awkwardness inherent in race

27
discussions. We also shared the same social spaces; the same political and identity
concerns. It was thus inevitable that I would feel irremediably drawn to most if not all of
their life stories and accounts.
As I sat there listening to, talking and sharing with each of the participants, I could
not help but to story my own self into their accounts. Interviews would leave me thinking
of where I fit in as a light skinned, self-identified white Puerto Rican male and about how
race had shaped and marked my life on the Island vis--vis every single one of them. My
story then not only served as a backdrop for the interviews. I did not simply pull bits and
pieces as needed from my own personal stockpile of racial experience, but rather my
story was challenged, molded and modified in each interview as it converged with theirs.
My past experiences with race came in flux during the interview process and it would
be almost impossible to delineate the point where my personal account ends and theirs
begin.
At some point then I realized that it was essential that my writing consciously and
actively re-create this lived experience on paper. I came to believe that through the
piecing together of respondents accounts and mine on the text, all our lived experiences
would come in flux again to give rise to new meanings and interpretations. Thus, an
autoethnography became necessary.
All about Me: The Autoethnographic Bind
The line between autoethnography and autobiography is blurry. There is no clearcut demarcation, no actively policed boundary separating one from the other. The line
might very well be a fiction; a keen sociological construct only visible in annual
conferences or meetings. It is hard to say whether it actually exists in practice. These two
endeavors after all arise from the same source. They both ultimately depend on the

28
effective telling of a life (Flemons and Green, 2002). According to several social
scientists (Bass Jenks, 2002; Denzin, 2003; Flemons and Green, 2002) however,
autoethnography distances itself from autobiography according to the degree in which the
writing surpasses this simple act of telling. Cristina Gonzalez (quoted in Flemons and
Green, 2002: 121) explains:
When Im writing an autoethnography, I am coding. I am keeping a track record of
the way I make my decisionsWhen I make a decision to tell this piece and not
that piece, if Im an ethnographer and Im doing autoethnography, I cant hide
behind Well, that one just felt right. I have to be able to do what Carolyn
described earlier about pushing the end of her story, looking at why she did this and
why she would not do that.
Based on this statement, autoethnography appears to be a more critical kind of
autobiographical writing. It appears to depend on the desire/need of the writer to broach
and analytically unpack every single theme or topic in her/his life that she/he opts to
write about or not. In this sense, it demands more self-reflection, honesty, intellectuality
and vulnerability from the writer. The focus, in a way, shifts from simply writing about
those important moments in ones life that would make a good story, to writing and
picking at everything in order to gain a deeper understanding of the self as one
willingly offers that insight to others.
Furthermore, autoethnographical writing differentiates itself from autobiographical
accounts due to its sociological nature. Whereas in autobiography, the main interest lies
in the telling of one particular life and those elements which make it exceptional,
autoethnographical accounts focus on the individual tale as a means to explain larger,
more expansive and general phenomena. Elaine Bass Jenks (2002: 174) writes:
Autoethnography is connecting the personal to the cultural until the distinctions
between the personal and the cultural become blurred. While autoethnographers
write about themselves, their goal is to touch a world beyond the self of the writer.

29
Autoethnography then seems to be inextricably tied to the Sociological Imagination
as explained by C. Wright Mills (2000): one cannot understand the history of a particular
society without understanding the biographies of the members of that society. The
purpose of this writing is to actively place the life story within larger cultural and social
contexts (Holman Jones, 2002: 51). Autoethnographical accounts are thus based on two
key assumptions: that it is possible to learn about the general from the particular and that
the self is a social phenomenon (Sparkes, 2002: 216). Since people do not accumulate
their life histories in a social vacuum (Sparkes, 2002: 216), there is keen sociological
insight to be gained from the critical handling of peoples life histories. These histories
both inhabit and are inhabited by the social world. Therefore, they are not completely
private and/or unique series of events.
There are however at least two major problems with the inclusion of this type of
social inquiry within traditional sociology. First, there are issues with the writing.
Sociologists for the most part do not evaluate the personal, emotional type of writing
typically found in autoethnographies (Sparkes, 2002). Consequently, there may be doubts
as to how exactly one determines the works scientific validity? Clearly, one cannot apply
the methods used to evaluate more traditional, orthodox scientific reports to
autoethnographical accounts. So, what standards does one set and does the invention and
application of new standards lessen the scientific acumen of the field?
The second problem is ideological. Traditional social science research is based on
the minimization of the self (Sparkes, 2002). The researchers subjectivity is viewed by
the larger sociological community as a huge hindrance on the work. It is viewed as a
contaminant (Sparkes, 2002). The question thus arises: How does one reconcile a

30
research practice that constantly places the self at its center with a larger research
tradition based on the continual exclusion of that self? The task seems daunting.
Autoethnographers, however, contend that this practice not only makes valid
contributions to the field, but even helps expand the fields analytical reach. Their main
contribution, at least in my view, lies in the way practitioners of autoethnography
approach writing. Contrary to the manner in which writing is conceptualized in
traditional sociology, where the researcher simply jots down all that she/he has learned in
a coherent, organized report where the written word represents the final product,
autoethnographers treat writing as a way of knowing (Richardson, 1998: 346). From
their perspective, writing is itself a method of discovery and analysis (Richardson,
1998: 346). Consequently, it demands experimentation. Autoethnographical accounts
tend to involve a variety of texts. They break with the traditional formula for the social
science report and combine different literary genres including poetry, fiction, personal
reflections etc. (Denzin, 2003). This multiplicity of narrative voices allows different representations of the data to be present in the same account which then lends itself for
different interpretations from the readers. By taking this innovative and pro-active
approach to social scientific writing, autoethnographers highlight the importance of the
written word in qualitative work. Richardson (1998: 346) explains:
Unlike quantitative work, which can carry its meaning in its tables and summaries,
qualitative work depends on people reading it. Just as a piece of literature is not
equivalent to its plot summary, qualitative research is not contained in its abstracts.
Qualitative research has to be read, not scanned; its meaning is in the reading.
Practitioners of autoethnography thus strive to produce texts that are evocative.
Their writing style and strategies recognize that words have a material presence in the
world (Denzin, 2003: 79) and therefore have an effect upon people. Consequently, their

31
writing strives to be engaging. It seeks to drive people to feel for and react to the written
account. As Sparkes (2002: 219) explains: On the whole, autoethnographers dont want
you to sit back as spectators; they want readers to feel, care and desire. Social science in
this manner is brought closer to literature; closer to art. More importantly, it is made
more accessible and appealing to its subjects without conceding its high level of
intellectuality and critique. On the contrary, the capacity for analysis is heightened
precisely because autoethnography seeks to achieve such a high level of reader
involvement with the text. Instead of enforcing a one way flow of information whereby
social scientists simply report facts to their readers, autoethnographers seek to create a
highly charged atmosphere and heightened emotional state (Holman Jones, 2002: 53-54)
for their reading public. By doing this they in fact set the groundwork for a type of
exchange where readers can effectively try on the subjectivity of another (Holman
Jones, 2002: 53). In this manner, social science not only informs about social life but
could possibly set the groundwork for empathy to develop among different and disparate
groups.
This notwithstanding, pitfalls abound in autoethnographic writing. The most
common is that written accounts can become self-indulgent (Sparkes, 2002). After all,
autoethnographylike all qualitative research practicesis a type of self-presentation
(Riessman, 1993). Researchers may consciously or unconsciously try to look good in
their written accounts and the quest for greater personal and social understanding could
very well take a back seat to individual show boating. Furthermore, even when the text
proves to be self-reflexive rather than self-indulgent, there are consequences to placing
the self at the center of the text. Richardson (1998: 347), for example, asks: How do we

32
nurture our own individuality and at the same time lay claim to knowing something? In
other words, is legitimate social science knowledge possible in autoethnographic
research?
Practitioners of autoethnography as a whole do not appear to be completely sure.
The fact is that the line between self-indulgent and self-reflexive writing is blurry at best.
Also, while it seems logical that a writer can use his/her own experiences in a given
culture to more critically look at and clearly understand peoples interactions in that
culture (Denzin, 2003), that belongingness and common experience does not necessarily
translate into scientific authority. That, however, is not the goal of autoethnography.
Denzin (1998: 326) writes:
A text and an authors authority can always be challenged. This is so for three
reasons. First, stories can always be told (inscribed) in different ways and the others
who are spoken for may offer different tellings of their story. Second, all texts are
biased productionsThird, the interpretative criteria that an author employs may
be questioned, and the logic of the text that is assembled may be called into doubt.
Autoethnographers are not interested in writing the single, definitive text that
speaks of everything to every one (Richardson, 1998). Their texts are always partial
and incomplete (Denzin, 2003: 94). Therefore, the research act is always viewed as an
in-progress activity; never done or finished. Furthermore, the personal character of the
writing makes it emotional and passionate; never objective or detached. However,
emotional does not wipe out the public, theoretical and rational (Sparkes, 2002:
216). Sentiment does not trump intelligence. Consequently, one cannot impede
autoethnography from taking its rightful place in the greater social science tradition
simply because its practitioners choose to talk about their feelings. Good
autoethnographies like good social science research contribute to our understanding of
social life in general. Moreover, because of their experimentation with different writing

33
styles and genres, they are more engaging and provocative. Also, due to their selfcentered nature, they are perhaps the most suited of sociological writings to draw
connections between individual experience and social processes (Sparkes, 2002).
I thus came to consider autoethnography a potentially useful and valuable tool for
my study of race and racism in Puerto Rico. It is one of the few methodological
approaches that allowed me not only to be personally involved with and invested in my
research project, but also provided me with the analytical and stylistic resources with
which to put my personal and cultural subjectivity to work in understanding myself and
others. There was no way I could have approached my topic with the level of detachment
required by more traditional methodologies. I simply felt incapable and ultimately
unwilling of marking even more boundaries between myself and my studys participants.
The writing here is meant to come off as emotional and/or passionate and my own
experiences with and within Puerto Rican culture are used as a lens through which to
view the experiences of my research subjects.
Furthermore, considering the lack of public discourse on race in Puerto Rico (Fal
Merino, 2004)the refusal of mainstream Island society to openly and critically address
racial inequalityit seems that my project, if it was to engage Island readers in a
conversation about the workings of race and racism, must find a way to get readers to feel
the breadth of racist discrimination on the Island, care for those most deeply affected and
desire a solution. A traditional sociological report would not cut it. It simply will not
inspire people. However, autoethnographical writing, if done well, can. Sparkes (2002:
221) argues:
This kind of writing can inform, awaken and disturb readers by illustrating their
involvement in social processes about which they may not have been consciously

34
aware. Once aware, individuals may find the consequences of their involvement (or
lack of it) unacceptable and seek to change the situation.
The autoethnographical account, by positioning me at the center of the workings of
an un-admittedly racist society, might help make the concept of racial discrimination
more accessible and tangible to the reading public, thus making it that much more
difficult for them to disregard and discard. The I in the text possesses the possibility of
transforming itself in the reading. If my account manages to get the reader involved in the
story, then that writerly I can easily become the readerly me. Consequently what
once seemed alien and distant becomes increasingly close, personal, worthy of immediate
attention and in need of change.

CHAPTER 3
RACISMO LIGHT: DEFINING RACISM IN PUERTO RICO
Race here is inoffensive and light-Carlos (pp.3)
Estudiantes y Yo
In the fall of 2004 I asked my Latin American literature class at the University in
Puerto Rico to write a short story based on true events. Students had to fictionalize a
media reported incident between a white Puerto Rican woman and a Black Puerto Rican
woman who got into a heated discussion in a local bar. The incident, as reported, ended
with the white woman using racial slurs against her Black counterpart and hitting her
over the head with a beer bottle. The class assignment was to basically draw out the two
characters and create a chasm between the two that would explain why such an incident
would have occurred and end the story with the attack. At first, students were hesitant to
complete the assignment due to the type of creative writing it involved. Many of them
didnt feel capable of creating believable characters and telling a good story. However,
once I spent some class time with them going over writing strategies, their hesitation
shifted. Students became weary of having to explain why the white woman would use
racial slurs to insult her Black counterpart. In their minds, the racist act needed to be
explained.
Consequently, the remainder of class was spent collectively drawing up the two
characters. In little time we filled up the board with adjectives and personality quirks for
the two women. By the end of the period, students seemed to be more calm and confident

35

36
about completing their assignment and I was left somewhat taken aback and dazed in the
middle of the room, with my eyes glued to the chalkboard.
As I scanned over the many traits and qualities assigned to both characters, I
realized that my students desire to explain or explain away the racist act lead to the
creation of two polar opposites. On one side of the board, the white woman was
described as rich, materialistic, vain, uppity, arrogant, pretty, loose, immoral and spoiled
while the Black woman was seen as humble, intelligent, plain-looking, quiet, working
class, spiritual and caring. In their minds, the racist act between two Puerto Rican women
was only possible if the two characters were foils of each other in terms of personality
and social status. One was a monster because of her extreme social privilege and the
other was to be pitied because she was poor and hard-working.
What surprised me about this was that this type of explanation was needed in the
first place. In students minds whiteness by itself was not seen as possibly harboring any
type of disdain or prejudice for Blackness. In their minds, the racial element in the attack,
although fit for news coverage, did not make for a believable story. Racial difference was
not viewed as being enough of a chasm between the two characters to prompt such an
attack. Social class was thus made to stand in for race.
Needless to say, I anxiously waited for the assignments due date. In class that day,
I asked several students to go up to the front of the room and read their work. Although
students were already accustomed to this practice, a few of them were very much
opposed to reading on that particular occasion confessing that they had gone overboard
with their story. A couple of them even went so far as to make it clear to me that though
the story was imbued with many racist insults against Black people, that they themselves

37
did not feel that way. Those that did go up and read were greeted by a type of nervous or
tense laughter every time the white woman character lashed out against her victim.
As I stood there listening, and later when I sat down to read my students stories, I
could not help but feel taken aback again. If there was any uncertainty or ambiguity in
their minds regarding the possibility of a racially motivated attack taking place in Puerto
Rico, that uncertainty had dissipated the moment most of them put pen to paper. The
precision with which my students penned their racial insults was uncanny. The Black
character in the story was submitted to a barrage of comments and jokes that referenced
centuries of anti-Black racist mythology. She either stunk or was ugly like a horse or a
mule, or she was supposed to be cleaning white peoples houses or birthing hundreds of
kids. It was evident that although social class had to be made to stand in for race so
students could even fathom a racist attack against a Black person in Puerto Rico, once
that class difference was set in place, race could take over in a hurry. And it did.
What is important to focus on now is on the crafting of those two fictionalized
characters as key parameters through which to study perceptions of race and racism on
the Island. As stated above, Puerto Rican whiteness was not seen as anti-Black at face
value. Class had to intercede. However, the racial insults prevalent in the stories show
that Blackness on its face can be perceived as somehow reproachable or at the very least
susceptible to ridicule and attack. Certain questions then must be asked regarding the
construction of whiteness and Blackness within the Island setting. Specifically, what
elements does a white Puerto Rican have to have in order for her/him to be believable as
a racist and what characteristics does the Black Puerto Rican have to possess for people
to care about what is said or done to him/her?

38
Whats in a Word?
When I asked the participants in this study about how they defined racism, they
gave me a variety of unspecific responses. The term was used to describe prejudice and
discrimination on account of a myriad of personal and group characteristics. For example,
gender oppression and class elitism were both subsumed under the category of racism
along with the much more trivial and benign differentiations made between people
according to a persons particular study habits (whether he/she was a nerd or not) and
team alliance (whether a person was a Yankee or a Red Sox fan). Racism was also seen
as working both ways: whites could be racist against Blacks and vice versa. At times it
was understood to be democratic: everybody is racist against everybody. On other
occasions, the term appeared to have chameleon like qualities. When a particular action
(say, the use of the term nigger to refer to Black people both in the States and on the
Island) was discussed in the hypothetical, racism was very much present. However, the
minute the hypothetical became context specific (say, the way a particular respondent and
his friends call Black a passersby on the street nigger), racism suddenly disappeared
and the comment was made simply in good clean fun.
Furthermore, in every respondents view, racism was always a bigger issue or more
prevalent or more damaging or more direct or more historical or more violent in the
States than on the Island. No matter how aware and critical a particular respondent was
about the workings of racism in Island life, it was always worse in the states. Racism in
Puerto Rico then seems to always be viewed using American race relations as a type of
ideological filter or lens (Sanchez, 1997; Santos-Febres, 2005). Consequently, racism on
the Island is habitually treated as what it is not rather than as what it is.

39
In spite of this, all of the respondents admitted that racist discrimination did occur
in Puerto Rico. As could be expected, the level of seriousness given to the subject varied
according to respondents racial identification and social positioning: the whiter and more
upwardly mobile respondents found themselves to be, the less they perceived racism as
an issue for them and ultimately for everybody else on the Island. Those that did view
racial discrimination as a grave social problem in Puerto Rico were for the most part
uncertain as the exact roots of the problem. Even though respondents offered examples of
both institutional and interpersonal acts of discrimination, they often vacillated when
asked to identify possible structural impediments for Black Islanders and instead, opted
to conceptualize racism as existing solely in the minds of individuals. It was at this point
that many comparisons with the U.S. racial structure were made so as to highlight the
more open, tolerant and diverse character of Puerto Rican society.
In respondents minds, the absence of de jure racial segregation and white on
Black physical violence in Puerto Rico eliminated any possibility of a clearly defined and
pervasive anti-Black ideology existing on the Island that both enforced and was
reinforced by the prevailing social structure. While the lack of powerful public Black
figures was often evoked, that absence was seldom if ever connected to a systematic
exclusion of Black Islanders from the higher epsilons of the social order. Racism, in this
fashion, was constrained to the inter-personal level of social interaction and the gravity of
the problem was ultimately downplayed.
In spite of this, a point must be made to highlight the effect that lived experience in
the United States had on self identified Black respondents degree of awareness regarding
racial/racist workings both in the States and on the Island. In every single case,

40
experience in the States translated to a more critical and nuanced view of the racism
present in the many facets of Island life. Their time in an extremely racist society
provided respondents with the intellectual tools with which to pick up on, identify and
deal with instances of subtle and blatant racial discrimination in Puerto Rico. These
respondents spoke of their newly found ability to look back on their childhood and
identify the many racist encounters to which they were submitted. Their experience in the
States enabled them to identify racial segregation and inequality in the Puerto Rican
education system, the corporate Island world and government just to name a few.
Moreover, they found themselves to be much more adept at picking up on other peoples
covert racism and seemed generally more conscious of the possible racial/racist overtones
of any interpersonal encounter or incident they experienced or might have in the future.
Not surprisingly, respondents with U.S. experience, as a whole, were noticeably
more comfortable and confident in discussing the Island racial structure. Also, the
comparisons they made between racial discrimination on the Island and racial
discrimination in the States were on the average more precise, focused and critical than
that of their fellow interviewees. Since Islanders without U.S. experience had no choice
but to rely heavily on media portrayals of U.S. society and/or on what their friends and
family members told them, their comparisons were for the most part not very well
thought out and/or ambiguous. U.S. experience provided respondents not only with
concrete and detailed anecdotes of racial/racist incidents, but more importantly, in at
least two cases, the experience and the thought processes and conceptualizations it
provoked within them, served as the foundation for a moderate level of theorizing on the
nature of racist oppression both in the States and on the Island.

41
Furthermore and perhaps more importantly, the comparisons made by respondents
with U.S. experience, contrary to those made by the overwhelming majority of their
counterparts, did not serve to excuse or gloss over Puerto Rican racism. Whereas, the
majority of respondents brought forth the U.S. example in a conscious or unconscious
effort to diminish or justify racial discrimination in Puerto Rico, those with U.S.
experience offered parts of their life stories in an effort to shed a light over Island society;
in an effort to provoke more fruitful and extended dialogues.
When asked when and where they saw racism present in Island life, respondents
alluded to more or less the same social and geographical locations. Racism was found in
private family scenarios where the white daughter brings the Black boyfriend home; in
the television media due to the marked absence of Black actors, actresses and news
correspondents; in the most prestigious and influential governmental spheres which
clearly lacked Black lawmakers and in certain public venues such as night clubs and
restaurants that actively policed and/or excluded Black patrons. Respondents race
stories inhabited these particular spaces. It is thus important to analyze each in greater
detail.
Guess who?
Carlos, a 29 year old self-identified Black Law student, calls it the classic example
of Puerto Rican racism. He states:
I think there is racism [in Puerto Rico]. It can be seen in the classic issue of
matrimony. In the arrival of the Black boyfriend to the white girls house. Right?
Thats a scandal. But of course the white girls family always says that theyre not
racist. As long as their daughter doesnt end up in a situation where a Black man is
going to fuck her. Thats impossible. That would be the worst. But they say theyre
not racist. Thats what Ive always heard. Were not racist. The Blacks are equal
to whites. But that all goes the minute one of them tries to marry their daughter.
Because that signifies that they have to adopt him. That they have to adopt the

42
Black guy along with his whole family, with all their cafreria [thuggery] and with
the myth that Blacks are promiscuous, adulterous and ungrateful. (pp.1)
Evident in Carlos statement is the duplicitous character of Island racism. The
overwhelming majority of respondents made reference to Islanders tendency to shield or
camouflage their racist beliefs in regular interaction. All eight self identified Black
respondents thought that racism on the Island, though very much an everyday reality was
difficult to gage and get a handle on because you simply couldnt tell who was being
racist against you. Contrary to the U.S., where according to respondents, people were
racist to your face, the idea of a raceless society pervaded in Puerto Rico until the
Black person was perceived to be overstepping his/her boundaries in some way. In those
occasions the racism just popped up out of nowhere.
Pedro, a 29 year old self identified Black Ph.D. student, makes it crystal clear:
You know, its very controversial because the person whos very racist over there [in the
U.S.] is very racist. Here theres a racism thats very hidden. Its a hypocritical racism.
The white man can greet you on the street and act so nice and then he can turn and tell
you I dont want you in my family. (pp.6)
Four out of the eight self-identified Black respondents had a story to tell about the
pitfalls surrounding interracial dating in Puerto Rico. Tomas, a 29 year old musician, tells
of the time when his best friend (also a Black man) and he dated two white sisters who on
one occasion invited them to their parents house in one of the central Island towns. The
story goes as follows:
They invited us to Jayuya and they told us that their father was the only lawyer in
the town; that all we had to do was get there and ask for him and everybody would
know where he lived and all. So we headed out there and we stopped at a
supermarket: Excuse me, where does so and so live? And they were like Ohh,
we dont know who he is. So we got back in the car and then stopped in a garage:
Where does so and so live? They were like Man, I dont know, I only know

43
where his office is at. And then they go and point to the middle of nowhere and
theyre like I think maybe its over there. So we get back in the car, we stop at
another place, in a bar, and like they were looking at us, like sizing us up to see if
they would tell us or not when all of a sudden an ambulance pulls up to the place
and the driver overheard the conversation and told us oohh, its right by here, Ill
take you cause I have to go right past it. And you know what? It was right next to
the garage where we had stopped at before. So then we get there and the girls are
like Thats weird. How can that be if the owner of the garage is our landlord?
(pp.1)
Here, the whole town appears to be in collusion against Tomas and his friend. The
townspeople are somehow terribly invested in keeping the lawyers daughters away from
the two young Black men looking for them. No questions are asked, no calls are made. It
was simply assumed that Tomas and his friend could not really be partners, or friends or
even acquaintances of the two sisters. The townspeople clearly perceived them to be
overstepping their boundaries and not only wanted them away from the girls but by
literally driving them around in circles, wanted them out of town.
Not at any point however, was a single racially pejorative comment made nor did
the townspeople made any reference to the two mens Blackness. The racial element
behind their exclusion remained hidden. Consequently, when Tomas and his friend
finally had an opportunity to meet their girlfriends and tell them the story, it was simply
taken as weird and strange as opposed to racist and exclusionary. The racism then is
seen as existing solely inside the two Black mens heads.
David, a 22 year old chemical engineering senior, had a similar problem trying to
convince his father of the racial element behind the dissolution of his two and half year
relationship with his white girlfriend. In his case, the girls mother was kind, welcoming
and courteous to both David and his family when they visited their home, thus seeming to
have no problem with her daughter dating a Black man. However, the minute David left
their house, the mother got on the daughters ear warning her about the supposed perils of

44
being romantically involved with David. According to him, the mother would accuse her
daughter of worsening the race. Ultimately, Davids girlfriend could not handle the
pressure and they broke up.
Pedro tells a similar story from his childhood and teenage years involving a
neighboring white family in his hometown:
Since I was little I had a good relationship with this family and one of their
daughters was in my class. And all throughout those years, her mother would say
that I was her fifth child. Like she had four children but she loved me as if I was
her fifth. That was until high school. My classmate had an older sister and you
know, one doesnt pick love, it simply arrives. So all of a sudden she started having
feelings for meWe started talking and there was some chemistry there so we
became boyfriend and girlfriend. At that moment my relationship with her family
ended. It was the stupid racist reaction of I dont want you with that Black guy,
Why are you with that black guy? What the hells wrong with you?The
relationship lasted two years and they never accepted me. (pp.6)
Pedro offers a great perspective from which to look at the racial workings behind
his particular story as well as behind all white/ Black interactions on the Island.
According to him, a Black man is fine and well in the eyes of the white person as long
as hes not my boss or my son in law or my brother in law; as along as you dont come
into my personal circle, Im going to love you (pp.6). For Pedro then, race is not an
issue in Puerto Rico for white people until Black Puerto Ricans are either in positions of
power or involved in intimate relationships with them. Contrary to the U.S., where
physical proximity is an issue for white Americans (Feagin, 2000), in Pedros view, white
Islanders will interact with their Black counterparts in a myriad of social settings without
a problem as long as white familial circles are not invaded nor do they themselves feel
threatened by their Black counterparts social standing.
Isabel, a 19 year old self-identified Black college student, speaks about the
illegality or peril that white and light skinned Puerto Ricans associate with inter-

45
racial relationships (romantic or otherwise). According to her, many of her light-skinned
and white friends look at her social world with awe and wonder. Everything is somehow,
odd, curious, strange and/or exotic. She tells of the times in which close white friends
would accompany her to Bomba dances (traditional Afro-Puerto Rican musical genre)
but once there, would refuse to partake in the actual dance out of a seemingly
inexplicable fear:
Dancing Bomba in their eyes was like the big thing. And Ive been dancing
Bomba since I was little. So they would come see me in the dances, but I was the
only one who could dance. They couldnt dance. They didnt dare to try it even
though they loved to watch. And they would come and be like I cant tell mom
that I came because (pp.4)
Isabels friends conceptualize the Bomba dance as an exclusive Black activity and
although they enjoy assisting to the different functions with their Black friend, they
cannot admit to their parents that they actually attend these dances. They seem to harbor
some type of fear of reprisal. The relationship with Isabel then appears cloaked in
illegality. It is somehow too Black; too alien; too foreign an endeavor for them to
publicly claim it as their own.
As a result of these experiences and others like it, Isabel tends to envision the
position of the Black Puerto Rican in an inter-racial relationship as precarious. In her
eyes, Black individuals involved with whites are often kept at arms length. Inter-racial
relationships (romantic or otherwise) seem to have an expiration date on them. They can
only go so far. Blacks are only allowed to get so close. Eventually either the family of the
white individual in the relationship or that same individuals racist beliefs put a strain on
the relationship and lead to its dissolution. Isabels description of the events that lead to
the dissolution of a close friendship with a white classmate is exemplary:

46
I had a friendship that I lost because of the comments that she made. Like, my
brother would always kid that the Black revolution would come and us Blacks
would be at top. So my friend asked him if all the white people would become
slaves and my brother told her that the only whites that would be saved were the
ones who were Black by association; that if you had Black friends you would be
alright. So she heard my brother say that once and she decided that she was Black
by association. And I was like, well youre my friend, if thinking that makes you
happy then be happy. But then she started telling me that whites were always going
to be on top. That they were going to make us into slaves again because thats what
Black people were good for. And I looked at her mean, real mean. And I was
wishing that she was kiddingbut she just kept on with it, so we ended the
friendship. (pp. 4)
Taken as whole, self-identified Black respondents tales of their failed relationships
with whites underscore the paradox inherent in the official construction of Puerto Rican
national/ethnic identity: exactly how do you reconcile so much resistance in whites to
associate with Blacks on an intimate and familial level with the dominant discourse that
posits the Puerto Rican people as the result of a tri-racial mix? How is that which
according to Blanco (1985), differentiates Puerto Ricans from Americans and makes the
Island much less racist than the U.S., so disagreeable and problematic within white Island
circles?
Nearly all self-identified white respondents accounts reflected these seemingly
contradictory visions of Puerto Rican racial identity. On the one hand, self-identified
white respondents would speak favorably of the Puerto Rican essence as the coming
together of different races of people from different parts of the world, but would then
openly admit to having extreme reservations toward the possibility of getting
romantically involved with a Black Islander. When pressed on this matter, respondents
would find themselves at a loss for words, unable to reconcile their romanticized vision
of Puerto Rican cultural and racial history with their refusal to partake in that same
tradition.

47
Only self-identified Black Islanders were able to break that silence. Asked about
the inconsistency between contemporary attitudes toward inter-racial relationships and
the official discourse on mestizaje, self-identified Black respondents were quick to
criticize and/or dismiss the official discourse as a fairy tale or founding myth which
never had any veracity to it and surely was not relevant in present day Puerto Rico.
Carlos comments are exemplary:
Thats the dominant discourse; the clich. And what the clich brings are the
absurd repetitions of a lie, of a cover up. We have what the government invented.
They invented this ideology that were the product of three races and that these
three races are at the same level and we all have the same heritage. From the
Spanish we have the language, from the Blacks we have the food and the strength
and the music and from the Tainos we have the patience. Thats the Great Puerto
Rican Family. Thats a lie. Its absurd. (pp.3)
Blackness and Representation
For self identified Black respondents, Island racism also came down to numbers. I
would ask where racism was a factor in Island life and they would in turn ask me how
many Black Puerto Ricans one saw on TV or in Senate and House seats or in the courts. I
would then ask them about the possible effects of this lack of representation and/or
visibility in their own lives and they would talk about the lack of viable Black role
models, about the importance of seeing a similar face to ones own being positively
showcased on media outlets, and about the need to have somebody to look up to and
model ones kids after. I would then mention a few iconic Black figures in the countrys
history and we would embark on a long discussion about how historically important
Black individuals have been either forgotten or misunderstood and dismissed or
remembered fondly for their actions but only at the expense of having their Blackness
completely sidestepped and ignored (Santos-Febres, 2005).

48
On these occasions racism seemed to almost exclusively become an issue of what
was visible and what remained hidden in Island life. My conversations then with dark
skinned and/or self-identified Black respondents revolved around the invisibility in which
Puerto Rican Blackness was enveloped and the role that certain key institutions and
individuals played in creating and maintaining that invisibility.
Black islanders and government
Gregorio, a 27 year old self-identified copper-colored paralegal, for example,
envisioned race as intricately tied to access to political power on the Island. In his
interview, he focused mainly on the connections between race and traditional notions of
physical beauty to explain the overwhelming presence of white faces in the highest
governmental strata. For him, politics came down to perception. Whiteness, he
explained, was associated with physical beauty, cleanliness, propriety and decency.
Therefore, white political candidates were always seen as more attractive, charming and
honest. In his mind, they were able to woo the electorate more easily than Blacks.
Therefore, Black officials were relegated to those municipalities with the highest
concentrations of dark skinned people while the rest of the Island was literally and
exclusively handled by whites. Gregorio explains:
You know, politics, brother. You know, Black people have no problem in Loiza
[predominantly Black coastal town]. But candidates like Fortuo [Resident
Commissioner in the U.S.], and Rosell [former Governor] are prettier. You know,
pretty. White. Theyre like soap opera stars. You know, theyre like royalty. (pp.3)
As the conversation progressed, I asked Gregorio specifically about issues of racial
discrimination and about the possibility of ameliorating it through governmental action.
Gregorio, however, seemed to be much more inclined to talk about and deal with
discrimination at a much higher level. In essence, he was more interested in working to

49
end differences based on social class. Consequently, when asked specifically what he
would do as a member of the legal profession to address racism he completely
backtracked from the idea:
In terms of drafting and passing reform, I dont think soBecause in order to draft
an equalitarian reform here it would be impossible due to the perception that people
here have about race. It would be impossible to pass a law that guarantees that such
percentage of a legislative body will be made up of Blacks. I think that maybe I
would have more luck getting a particular percentage for women, because simply
put: were different. But to say that 3 percent has to be Black would be, it would be
almost, it would be very difficult. It would be easier to get the womenAlso, you
know, maybe people would take advantage [of the race-based legislation] and
theyd be like Im Black! (laughs). That would be fucked up. It would be much
easier with a woman. (pp.6)
For Gregorio, race was very much a factor as it seemed to help determine who
could attain access to political power and who could not. However, it seemed to all but
disappear when it came to ensuring and protecting Black Islanders legal rights. As
evidenced in the above passage, Gregorio does not consider race to be a significant
difference between Islanders. The overriding assumption here is that white and Black
Puerto Ricans (or Puerto Rican males, I should say) are more or less the same, so the
legislation would be perceived by the public as unfair and even prejudicial. In his mind,
people would be more open to gender specific legislation because the differences
between men and women appear to him as more blatant or obvious.
However questionable Gregorios beliefs about the social workings of both race
and gender might be, they pale in comparison to the statement he makes toward the end
of the above passage. Gregorios claim that such a race-based legislation would lead to
people willingly, openly and joyously claiming a Black identity in a country that actively
denies its Black heritage (see chapter one), is very much startling and problematic. The
idea that people would come to embrace their Blackness (whether they are Black or not)

50
simply because it might get them a freebie decontextualizes Blackness as a Puerto
Rican social construction.
Mayra Santos-Febres (2005) highlights the way Blackness and Black people are
systematically marginalized from the founding tenets or myths of Puerto Rican national
identity and how contemporary Black life is erased from the Island imagination.
According to Santos-Febres (2005), when it comes to the official tales of Island history,
Black heritage is confined to a romantic and watered down version of slavery, to exotic
cooking and to great innovations in music. She points to the de-racialization or in effect,
the whitening of key Black political and cultural figures in the Islands past which
ultimately strips contemporary Black Puerto Ricans of a select Black legacy. She also
underscores governmental institutions refusal to support and display contemporary
Black Islanders artistic and literary work, opting instead to showcase solely the Black
Puerto Rican of yesteryear in folkloric representations of the Islands past (Santos-Febres,
2005). From her perspective, Blackness is maintained as marginal, pass, culturally
irrelevant, inherently backwards and un-contemporary. This general treatment of
Blackness on the Island in large part explains a good number of Islanders refusal to
identify as Black in the 2000 census (Santos-Febres, 2005). Santos-Febres (2005) makes
it crystal clear:
Pongamos que un pas de tanta mezcla racial y tnica como el nuestro, y de tan
poca discusin sobre lo que es ser negro o ser blanco, debi aparecer en el censo la
categora mulato o mezclado o hibrido para nombrar a esa poblacin que en
realidad es la mayora, esa gente que no es ni blanca ni negra. Pero entonces, Por
qu esa inmensa mayora no marco el espacio de other o dejo el censo sin
contestar ante la ausencia de categoras reconocibles? Quizs lo que persiste es la
antigua lgica de la gradacin de color que valora a la gente a la medida que se
acercan al ideal de la normalidad, al ideal blanco. Quizs lo que podemos leer en
los resultados del censo es que ese porciento de la poblacin que marco blanco

51
como su definicin racial, en realidad lo que estaba haciendo era escogiendo lo que
queran ser en vez de lo que en realidad eran. (Santos-Febres, 2005: 125)
Taking the systematic invisibility and irrelevance to which Black life is subjected
on the Island as well as the stated refusal of a large part of the population to then claim a
Black identity into consideration, Gregorios belief that race-based legislations would
lead to everybody claiming Blackness in order to better their socio-economic situation
seems nothing less than ludicrous. His comments exemplify many respondents inability
to connect particular instances of racial discrimination (i.e. the lack of Black access to
political power), with larger, more systematic and widespread beliefs, attitudes and
actions regarding Puerto Rican Blackness. Furthermore, his tendency to subsume racial
oppression and discrimination under class inequality, in fact echoes the public discourses
and policies of the majority, if not all, of white Puerto Rican politicians.
Pedro spoke of the seemingly race-less political discourse in Puerto Rico and of
politicians unwillingness to broach the race issue in his interview. He tells of assisting an
Anti-racism conference on the Island last year, where a panelist spoke about his frustrated
attempts to get the candidates for governor to express their plan to better race relations on
the Island. He tells us:
In the conference, they told us that they wrote to the candidates and asked them
what was their platform or plan of work on racism. The three answers they got back
were completely ambiguous and frankly, I was surprised that they didnt have a set
plan with which to deal with that social force [racism], considering this is a time
when were promoting equality and shared government. Its very hard and
painstaking to think that there wouldnt be a plan against racism. (pp.4)
The ambiguity with regards to race in Island political discourse thus reflects the
ambiguity in peoples everyday talk. Here, Pedro speaks of the frustration and hardship
associated with not only the absence of an official anti-racist strategy, but also of the
absence of a language in which to effectively talk about race and racism in Puerto Rico.

52
Contrary to Gregorio, Pedro considers race to be a major divide on the Island and instead
of lumping it under class, speaks of the ways in which class and race intersect and
combine to make Black Islanders life somehow more difficult than those of their white
counterparts. Also, in a stark contrast to Gregorio, Pedro actively takes action against the
governments refusal to deal with racism.
In a letter he had just sent to the Island Governor, Pedro discussed and criticized
the lack of governmental support for Puerto Rican Black arts and well as officials
historical avoidance of the race issue on the Island. In his letter, he invited the Governor
to distinguish himself from his peers and become the first head of state with a clearly
defined political agenda for eradicating racial discrimination in Puerto Rico. From
Pedros perspective, racism must be brought to the forefront of the Island political and
social spectrum so as to finally debunk the myth of mestizaje that governs over Puerto
Ricos national imagination. According to him, the myth of mestizaje might be fine and
well for school plays but not as the overriding ideological tenet backing government.
No Black faces, just blackface on TV
According to Tomas, the only roles fit for Black characters on TV are those
designed to provide viewers with some comic relief. From his perspective, Black actors
and actresses appear on screen so they can be made to bear the brunt of the joke. Talking
specifically about a Black actor in a local variety show, Tomas states: Hes a little Black
guy; old already. They put him there to do stupid stuff. They dont put an old white guy
to do those types of things. The actor has to be Black in order for the show to be funnier
(pp.4). Blackness, then, while unfit in the intimacy of a family or in the most powerful
spheres of government, can come into millions of Islanders homes nightly to make them
laugh. The humor makes it palatable. It makes that which is invasive, marginal and/or

53
indecent acceptable and even enjoyable for a limited amount of time. Blackness, though
culturally and socially inadaptable and inassimilable is readily consumed by Island
society as entertainment.
This depiction of Blackness on screen further stigmatizes Black Puerto Ricans as
strange, weird and/or exotic. Moreover, by making Black skin a customary target for
humor; it creates and maintains a notion of Blackness as that which can constantly be
acted upon, but which has no agency of its own. Television Blackness has no response
for white jokes. It simply provokes the humor through its presence and takes the brunt of
the racial gag. Furthermore, the limited amount of roles for Black actors and actresses
impedes the Black Island population from being adequately and accurately represented in
the Island national imagination. The presence of one or two Black actors and actresses in
any given show contributes to the historical negation of Island Blackness. It helps
maintain a vision of a non-Black and Spanish oriented and based Puerto Rico.
Perhaps even more damaging, the lack of Black faces in television implies that the
complexity of contemporary Black Puerto Rican life is seldom if ever showcased. Black
Islanders tune in to find little if any representation of them on screen. Kattia, a 28 year
old self identified Black secretary and graduate student, speaks of the consequences
associated with this lack of representation and the effects that white images (both Puerto
Rican and American) can have on viewers, specifically on her seven year old daughter.
Kattia explains:
Just the other day she said pretty girls are for having fun, the intelligent ones are
for helping out on the job. What happens is that she has a little friend whos white
with beautiful blue eyes and she sees that her friend has had a bunch of boyfriends
in the class and she hasnt. So she says shes pretty, Im not and that creates
conflict within, which is then increased by watching Brittney and Cristina all the
time on TV. Then on top of that everybody gives her Barbies; she has so many

54
Barbie dolls, you know. Perhaps every now and then she gets one Puerto Rican
doll, one Black one. Some family member who knows that Im pro Blackness
might give her a Black Barbie. But thats about it. And its just that these beauty
issues are super complicated. Now, she says that she doesnt like her nose because
its too big. How am I supposed to react to that when thats whats shes seeing on
TV? Its super problematic. I just tell her youre gorgeousEventually shell
dismiss all that. (pp.3)
Here, Kattia fears the anti-Black ideas that her daughter receives from the different
media channels and the consumer market. In her statement, one can see how visions of
Blackness only enter her daughters life as negative forces which cause in her self-doubt
and insecurities associated with her physical appearance and attractiveness. Kattias
question of how she can counteract those ideas is a poignant and even tragic one
considering that she, as a Black Islander, has few if any resources from which to pull, to
offer her daughter more positive depictions of Blackness. The governments and key
cultural institutions refusal to disseminate both visual and written material on
contemporary Black communities (Santos-Febres, 2005), including but not limited to the
lack of Black-centered lessons in school, leave Kattia and others alone and unprotected in
the face of such white-oriented and anti-Black programming. According to Kattia, they
are forced to look elsewhere:
If there would at least be a model for a successful Black Puerto Rican woman, then
I would be cool but how many are there? Mayra Santos? I dont know. The reality
is that Tori Amos, whos American, has been more influential for me than Giselle
[Puerto Rican pop singer] whos Puerto Rican. Fiona Apple is more influential for
me than Olga Tan [Puerto Rican pop singer]. (pp.5)
No Blacks allowed
For David and Carlos, its hard to explain. It is a lagging feeling of not fitting in; of
looking around and feeling almost completely alien to those among them. The minute
they walk in, all eyes seem to be on them. Their talk, mannerisms, dress, everything
seems to come under an intense yet subtle and unstated scrutiny. Needless to say, they

55
feel policed. It suddenly becomes apparent to them that at some point they crossed a line;
overstepped a particular boundary without realizing it. The others, then, are just waiting
for them to leave. They are not wanted. According to David and Carlos, you can see it in
the way they look and talk to youif they in fact get as close so as to look you in the
eyes and engage you in conversation. Its hard to explain. But its like theyre the only
dark-skinned faces in the room and theyre almost positive that they werent supposed to
be there in the first place.
The consensus among the eight self-identified Black respondents was that there
were definitely white only venues in Puerto Rico. Every single respondent had at least
one brief anecdote of how at one point or another they happened to be present in a store,
club, bar, party, restaurant or special function in which, they as Black individuals were
shunned, mistreated, or simply ignored. For Kattia and Carlos it was restaurants. For
Tomas and David it was popular bars and nightclubs. For Stanley it was hotels. For Isabel
it was ballet class. It was clear: there were simply certain venues that were off limits to
them; physical and social spaces they entered with caution and trepidation, almost
positive that something would happen.
This informal racial profiling and policing took many shapes and forms: from the
overall hostile attitude that Carlos and David describe; to nasty stares and looks from
white patrons; to incredibly slow and bad service by the work staff at a restaurant; to
having a store clerk follow you around the store wary of all the items you either touch or
pick up; to being singled out by the bouncer at a club or bar and literally taken out of line
for supposedly failing to comply with the official dress code, while less elegantly dressed
white individuals enter without a problem. Regardless of the particular methods, Black

56
respondents were always perceived to be encroaching upon white space and were
invariably put under watch.
For David this unofficial vigilance meant having to think twice about reuniting
with his high school friends. A graduate of one the most prestigious private high schools
in the country, David would come back from his stateside university during Christmas
break anxious to meet up with old acquaintances. However, the venue of choice for his
predominantly white and privileged counterparts was a notoriously unwelcoming place
for dark-skinned Islanders. David explains:
A lot of my old friends hang out there on Wednesdaysthat s the place where
everybody goes on Wednesday. And at first, I would go and it was strange because
people would look at me like what is this guy doing here?; like the guys that I
studied with were like whatever, this is David, hes a friend. But the people who
didnt know me they would look at me weird like what is this guy doing here, what
is this cafre doing here, this caco doing here. It was like if you didnt have long
hair, if you werent a clown, you didnt have a reason to be there. And at first I felt
that and its funny cause now I go and the group of people thats there seems more
diverse. Now I go, and yes, theres the people that were always therepeople from
the upper class, lighter skinned peoplebut now theres a little of everything as
well. People from lower classes, dark-skinned people. But at the beginning when I
started to frequent that place it was weird and I went basically because my friends
went. I wanted to see them. But it wasnt one of my favorite places because I felt
weird. I didnt feel comfortable. (pp. 3)
When asked if he at any time shared these thoughts and feelings with any of his
acquaintances, David said that he did in fact attempt to talk about it on a few occasions
but the reaction was mixed. According to him, some quickly disregarded his comments
and told him that he was just imagining things, whereas others listened closely, gave
some thought to his position and ultimately validated his experience. Asked if there was a
racial difference between those who understood him and those who dismissed his claims,
David said:
The ones who understood were people who were in my situation. They were the
ones that would go come on, lets see if what hes saying is true. More light-

57
skinned kids, well, there are times when they simply dont care. They just said
fuck it and whatever. (pp.4)
This white dismissal of anti-Black racial discrimination on the Island is rampant.
Self-identified Black and/or dark skinned respondents frequently complained of the lack
of understanding on racial matters exhibited by white and light-skinned acquaintances.
Their complaints, comments, claims and outright protests were met by either white
indifference or counter-claims of having a chip on their shoulder; of being a blackie with
a hang up. Anti-Black racism was viewed by many light-skinned and white Islanders as
a fabrication; as residing solely in Black peoples heads. This belief was even internalized
by one Black respondent who often referenced the image of the angry Black to ridicule
or poke fun at dark skinned Islanders who saw racism everywhere.
When asked if the country needed an official discourse on race and racism; if the
issue of racial discrimination in Puerto Rico demanded at least some level of public
attention and debate, Carlos was adamant in his refusal. According to him, the political
status of Puerto Ricothe question of who we were as a nationwas too much of an
ideological burden to then go out and add another one. In Carlos view, race and racism,
though never handled appropriately in Puerto Ricos history, were better left unspoken
and untreated in the public. Based on these beliefs, Carlos then found it pertinent to
criticize Black Islanders who had shown themselves to be openly critical of racist
structures in Island life:
[Q. Wouldnt there be some benefits to making racism as public issue?] That would
be acting like a blackie with a hang-up. A Black who blames the white
oppressive system for all his failures. And there are Blacks with hang-ups all over
the Island. And they create that counter discourse. I have a friend who works for a
publishing company and she has that discourse. Her mother and her sister also
think that way. They view themselves as Blacks that overcame; that bettered
themselves. They read, they write etc. Their entire lives revolve around that belief.
(pp. 6-7)

58
In Carlos mind, identifying and speaking against anti-Black practices in Puerto
Rico on a regular basis and then crafting an oppositional Black identity, is taking the
whole race issue way too far. While he is critical of the way that white Islanders act
toward him and other Black individuals, he believes that paying too much attention to
discrimination can be dangerous. Those who do so become consumed by the race issue
and look and sound ridiculous to him. Theyre either too angry or have a hang-up. Like in
his friends case, race comes to define their entire lives.
Consequently, Black Islanders find themselves in a double bind. On the one hand,
because Puerto Rico lacks a public and official discourse on race, racist acts are often
difficult to identify, which leaves many Black Islanders clueless as to the actual factors
affecting their life. While on the other, Black claims of discrimination when voiced are
met with resistance and ridicule from both whites and Blacks alike, which serve to further
stigmatize, alienate and marginalize the Black speaker.
Racist discrimination, for the most part cloaked under class prejudice, is able to be
practiced widely and without reproach in Puerto Rico using a wide and vast array of
seemingly non-racial or race neutral codes. As it specifically pertains to the issue of
access to public venues, racial discrimination is often enacted through the language of
dress. In the following statement, David tries to explain the unspoken and subtle racial
dynamic that he believes might be behind the types of dress codes implemented in certain
night clubs across the Island and the effects they have on a segment of the clientele.
There are places that are made [for whites]. You know, I understand you may want
to have a bar or a lounge and you may want to have a classy atmosphere but there
are times that if you dont belong to a particular group, its hard to get into those
places. I understand that you might have a dress code to get into your place.I dont
have a problem with that because if I had a place, I would like to keep it looking
nice. I would like for people to come dressed in a particular manner. But there are

59
times that one feels that the way club owners do things; that when you make it to
the door of the club if youre not part of a certain group, youre not going to get in.
(pp.5)
Here, Davids critique is not centered on socio-economic standing. His critique is
not based on the amount of money a person might have to pay in order to gain access to
the club. His talk of groups then must be taken to refer to the racial makeup of the
clientele that attains ready access to these venues. His critique then rests on the treatment
of Blackness as contradictory to a classy atmosphere and the active exclusion of Black
club goers through the use of alleged dress codes.
Tomas speaks of similar experiences to that of Davids. When asked about specific
social locations where racism was prevalent in Puerto Rico, Tomas immediately
mentioned nightclubs and bars. According to Tomas, club owners want their consumers
to be white for X or Y reason. They prefer to have a bunch of white people drinking than
Blacks. Ive been in lines for night clubs where theyve come directly over to me to take
me out of line alleging that the party that night was for club members only and I knew
that the majority of people on line werent members (pp.1).
Effects of White-Only Spaces: White Island Consciousness
Taking into consideration the active policing and exclusion that dark-skinned and
Black Puerto Ricans face on a regular basis, and the white-only bonding that these
discriminatory practices attempt to preserve and maintain, it must be asked what type of
effect these practices have on light skinned and white Puerto Ricans. How does the social
and physical distance they try to keep between themselves and their Black counterparts
contribute to the making of a white-defined or white-centered consciousness? What if any
discernable ideological constructs make up this consciousness?

60
Although the majority self-identified white respondents did in fact identify social
scenarios and locations where anti-Black racism was a factor hindering many Black
Puerto Ricans lives, many still could not or were not willing to make the connection
between these instances of discrimination against Black Islanders and advantages or
privileges conferred upon them simply because of their lighter skin color. Respondents,
though in many instances able to discuss how race made life worse for other people could
not openly talk about how race could possibly make life better for them. The racist
discrimination then, continued to be viewed as somehow apart from their lives and
therefore, not their problem. Whether ingrained in an alien and ambiguous society or in
other peoples heads, anti-Black racism had absolutely nothing to do with the majority
of light skinned and self-identified white respondents. Within this conceptualization, their
own admissions of racist slips in thought and/or action did not directly contribute to
Island wide racism, it simply mirrored it in those occasions and never really on purpose.
Respondents then saw themselves as simple witnesses and reporters of the phenomenon
rather than active participants. White admissions of racism, for the most part, lacked an
acknowledgement of personal guilt and/or responsibility.
Seeping though this inability or refusal to assume personal responsibility was the
full fledged belief in an individuals ability to overcome. Racism, though undoubtedly a
problem, could be surpassed by Black Islanders. All that was needed was a little
determination and extra work on their part and they too could enjoy the privileges of
those most fortunate in society. When asked if there were any advantages related to being
white in Puerto Rico, Raul, an 18 year old self identified white male college freshman,
stated: I wouldnt know what to tell you. I havent experienced [any advantage] as of

61
yet. At least until now, at my age, its the same [for whites and Blacks]. I think that if a
person of color works and educates himself, he can get to the same level [as whites]
(pp.6).
As made evident in this statement, societys racial ordering is clear in Rauls mind.
There is no question as to what racial group is on top. However, his insistence on Black
education and work implies that the white over Black racial structure is in place simply
because whites have worked harder over time to earn that position. In Rauls mind,
theyve earned it. Furthermore, from Rauls perspective, Black Islanders do not face any
resistance at all from their white counterparts. They simply have to come up and get
to their level. White Island racism, in this fashion, gets diluted by notions of meritocracy.
Social positioning is seen by Raul and most other self-identified white respondents as an
achieved status while racism is relegated to the arena of individual beliefs that have some
impact on a persons life chances but never so much so as to actually determine them.
It is important to note that this vision of an open society where Black Islanders
face no resistance from whites as it pertains to employment, education etc., is not shaken
by the examples of racial discrimination that respondents themselves offer. Sure, white
Islanders may frown upon inter-racial relationships; they may even have adverse feelings
toward the possibility of having a Black employer; Black Islanders can even be actively
shunned and/or excluded from different social venues by their white counterparts, but for
the majority of non-Black respondents at no point in time did these isolated instances
combine to create a vision of white repression of Black Puerto Ricans.
All in all, everybody, regardless of skin color or racial heritage was seen as having
more or less an equal chance to succeed in Puerto Rican society. Consequently, if it so

62
happened that the majority of dark skinned Islanders were lagging behind whites
economically, something ultimately had to be wrong with them or they simply werent
doing their part. Regardless of the particular reason, none of what happened to Blacks
ever reflected badly on whites.
Only three white respondents offered a different or conflicting viewpoint. Among
these, Ernesto and Paola stand out. For Paola, a 26 year old restaurant hostess, there are
several clear cut advantages for light skinned and/or white Puerto Ricans irrespective of
class status: [Whites have a better chance of] getting hired for a job, of looking like they
have more money, of getting accepted in social circles that they dont really belong to,
but if youre white you already have one foot in the door and the rest you can buy
(pp.6). Paolas conceptualization of Island whiteness is noteworthy not only because she
is able to acknowledge the positive impact of white skin on a persons life chances but
also because she can go from the hypothetical to the concrete and personal. Paola
continues: People treat you different [when youre white]. For example, they wouldnt
have hired me in this restaurant if I wasnt white. They fired the one before me because
she was a Black Dominican and the patrons complained that she looked cafre and they
fired her. So they hired me and they love me. I may not be rich but Im white (pp.9)
From Paolas perspective, white skin on the Island represents social and cultural
capital. It is a mark of status. It sets you apart. In Paolas mind, white skin enables
individuals to pass for upper class, to acquire certain jobs that require individuals to
convey a more proper, refined and distinguished appearance. Thus, contrary to
Rauls earlier comments, here we se whiteness act upon individuals, shape and influence

63
social life. In Paolas statement, whiteness comes to have actual social and psychological
consequences. She makes it crystal clear:
Sometimes, even though Im not rich, I feel compelled to give thanks for being
white; for being able to mix among blanquitos [privileged whites] and nobody
finds out what kind of car I have or who my parents are. [I feel like I should give
thanks] because I feel like [whiteness] opens doors for meAnd being white
makes me somehow in societys eyes or in my eyes, better. (pp. 9)
Ernesto echoes Paolas beliefs, stating: I think that if they give every person who
is about to be born into this world the chance to pick their race, nobody is going to pick
Black (pp.9). By compounding Paolas and Ernestos statements, one is able to pick out
and distinguish a somewhat delineated white Island consciousness. In these two
comments, the notion of a monolithic national and/or ethnic identity is completely
destroyed or at least suspended as an individual and to a point collective identification
through race becomes salient. Paolas impulse to give thanks for her whiteness combined
with Ernestos expressed belief that everybody would rather be white than Black,
showcase not only a burgeoning sense of racial pride but an open acknowledgement of
social privilege based on race. This acknowledgement implies acceptance of and
investment in an exclusively white Puerto Rican experience that stands in stark
opposition from that of the Black population.
Ironically, part of that exclusivity is a fear that surrounds whiteness on account of
its social desirability. When asked if there were any possible disadvantages associated
with being white in Puerto Rico, Ernesto candidly answered:
You can be called a blanquito [whitey, rich boy] You can be a victim of a
crime directed toward blanquitos because you maybe have more money. You can
even be as broke as the next person but because youre white, you look down at
other people and they get mad at you and might want to stick you up. (pp.9)

64
White privilege in Puerto Rico, according to Ernesto, is a prized possession; one
that random Black others are more than willing to take away. Here, notions of Black
criminality (see chapter five) and white superiority combine to make the Island an unsafe
space for privileged white Islanders. They are both a numeric and symbolic minority and
therefore see themselves as targeted by the majority of the population. Self-identified
white and upwardly mobile respondents speak from a seemingly vulnerable and/or
endangered social position. The streets are not safe for them. Certain neighborhoods and
public venues are prohibited. Those territories are marked Black and respondents felt that
you would have to be crazy to go in them and try to interact with those people.
Consequently, they move about the Island in tight knit social circles, weary of not
overstepping their boundaries. White Island consciousness is thus marked by extreme
social isolation. Ernesto describes this isolation in a vivid and sincere manner:
One gets involved in certain social circles that really dont include people that you
would classify as cafre or Black or from the masses. You get involved in a world
that drags you along and you dont even notice and you end up spending the
majority of your life with people from the middle and upper classes and you
indirectly segregate yourself from other people without even wanting to. And I
think that I dont interact with those people [cafres, Blacks] because I maybe dont
have their same interests or my friends arent the same as theirsbut I dont look
at them different, or at least I try not to look at them different. I just simply dont
interact with them on a daily basis because Im involved in a different world. (pp.5)
It becomes clear the white Island consciousness implies a sense of racial superiority
that has to be kept in check. According to Ernesto, whites have to police their thoughts;
they have to remind themselves that Black Islanders are not inferior to them. It takes
effort to try to view everybody as the same.
Teresa, a 19 year old self-identified white college student, discusses these notions
of white superiority and critically reflects on how those pernicious and oppressive beliefs
alienate her from her race. She explains:

65
I havent really felt completely blessed to be whiteThe white Puerto Rican gets
these notions of I dont know what, that they start believing that their better than
anybody else and maybe Im making generalizations but theres a lot of them that
are like that. Because I see it in my own house, you understand? I see it in my own
house and honestly in those moments I wouldnt want to consider myself white. It
would really embarrass me. (pp. 8)
In her interview, Teresa demonstrated a level of critique not comparable to any of
her fellow white respondents. Contrary to them, she not only recognizes and criticizes
anti-Black racism and discrimination but is also able to identify how those actions and
beliefs influence and shape white Island consciousness and lived experience. In Teresas
discourse, anti-Black racism is a constituent element of white identity. In a way, she
views all white Islanders as harboring the possibility for racist thought and action.
Furthermore, her admission of feeling personal embarrassment on account of the actions
of other whites, implies a recognition of personal responsibility in racism that is absent
from all other self-identified white respondents. Put succinctly, Teresa makes whiteness
strange (Dyer, 1997). It is no longer taken as normal or right or natural, rather it becomes
problematized in her discourse. Contrary to my Latin American literature class, Teresa is
able to view whiteness as offensive and oppressive on its face.
Black Spaces: The Importance of Family
Faced not only with daily incidents of racial discrimination which limit their social
and physical mobility but also with a seemingly Island-wide refusal to acknowledge and
understand the existence and prevalence of that discrimination, Black Islanders are left
with very few social spaces to claim as their own and find support. The question must
then be asked: exactly where do Black Islanders pull resources from when attempting to
confront and battle the discrimination, mistreatment and stereotyping they are often
subjected to?

66
The story goes like this: Stanley (19 year old self identified Black college student)
and his friend were in the pool of one of the Islands most exclusive hotels. They were
staying there over the weekend for his fathers work convention. As they were enjoying
their afternoon, a hotel official approached them to ask for proper guest identification and
room number. Stanley gave the official his room key and the man then asked for their
names as well as the name of the guest to which the room was registered. Stanley
provided the information and the official left momentarily to verify. He then came back
and told Stanley and his friend that those names did not appear on the computer, that they
were supposed to have the pertinent reservation papers on them at all times. At that point
Stanley looked around the pool and saw all white faces and started questioning the
officials motivations in approaching them. After considering the possible racial element
at play, Stanley proceeded to get out of the pool, gather his belongings, disregard the
official and go to his room. Once there, the father listened to Stanleys story, validated
the racial discrimination his son suspected and went ahead with a formal complaint
against the hotel and subsequent legal action.
Within an Island context bent on diminishing and marginalizing the Black element
in society, past and present; that offers no viable representation of dark-skinned Islanders
through media channels; that relegates Black professionals and politicians to lower level
positions, family becomes one of the few venues where Black Puerto Ricans can find
validation of their experience. Basically all self-identified Black respondents spoke about
the important role that family members played in either teaching them to deal with racist
discrimination or instilling in them pride in their race or in simply providing them with a
constant source of support. Stanley explains:

67
I truly feel very proud of my parents, specially of how they raised me because they
felt it [racial discrimination] before me and they took the opportunity to educate
meFor example, when I wanted to grow my hair long and have dreadlocks, my
father told me you can do it, but first you have to educate yourself and know what
to say when people look at you, when they talk to you, when they try to
discriminate against youIf youre going to do it [get dreadlocks] you have to
learn to defend yourself because if not, any ignorant person around can destroy
you. And thats what I did: I asked questions, read books, talked a lot with him and
that helped me a lot. (pp. 5-6)
Both Isabel and Kattia speak in a similar way about their mother and father,
respectively. It was Isabels mother who complained and put pressure on her daughters
high school administration to investigate, confront and ultimately dismiss a white teacher
who impeded Isabel from occupying her rightful spot in an Honors Literature class. And
it was Kattias father who after having lived in the states during the Civil Rights and
Black Power movements instilled in Kattia a tacit pride in her race: That to me was
super important. Since I was little he would tell me youre Black, youre Black. And
since then my race hasnt been an issue for me in my life (pp. 3).
Interviews with self-identified Black respondents attest to the unique location of
family as fertile ground for analysis and conversation on race and racism. Contrary to the
majority of social spaces in Puerto Rico, issues of race and racism when brought up by
self identified Black respondents within their familial contexts were not met by silence.
No accusations were leveled. There was no mention of hang-ups nor were claims of
discrimination dismissed or disregarded as products of respondents paranoia or of their
vivid imaginations. On the contrary, issues were unpacked and dissected in an effort to
attain an understanding of the racist workings behind any given situation and ultimately
to determine the ideal course of action to take.
It is here then that scholars and researchers interested in studying the workings of
race and racism in Puerto Rico must look. The blueprint for a viable and effective

68
language on Island race relations may very well lie in Black homes, where strategies for
combating daily discrimination are discussed daily around the dinner table.

CHAPTER 4
RACIAL IMAGERY: BLANQUIT@S
I think that at least my mom has been a woman whos always tried to eliminate that
barrier between blanquitos and cafres. Shes always told me that you have to be
real clear as to how youre going to treat people so as to not appear like a
blanquitoWhen you act like a blanquito its because youre offending another
person and my mom has always told me that you dont really want to do that. I
mean, why would you want to do that when all you would be doing would be
creating resentment in that other person, and maybe even envy and all those other
sentiments that arent positive. You would be putting yourself as a superior person
when that really doesnt exist. Were all the same.- Ernesto (pp.6).
Were the cream of the crop
The pinnacle of such white purity.
The prodigal sons
Lusted after by any nurses daughter.
The guests of honor at the fancy dinners
In good girls houses.
Were Christians,
Our rosaries cling from
Our cars rearview mirror.
They bop to the underground music
Blasting from our monstrous stereo equipment
Bought and paid for by our desires
To look like, imitate
But never admit any resemblance
To any thug.

69

70
Were the privileged children,
We drink all through high school
Because if we fuck anything up
Daddys a lawyer and you know,
He wants me to be a good human being
A prestigious citizen,
Well-praised and laurelled
With all the panties from my romantic conquests
On display
In my bedroom.
Were the most sensible,
Debating sociological theories
Behind the gates
Under the glare of the rent-a-cop car
Policing our neighborhood.
Were the standard,
The brave young men,
Promiscuous in our perennial sloth
With green liquor
And a palm full of hallucinogens eager
To be our drug of choice
During the slumber of our consciousness.
Were the great band of idiots,
Committed with the bureaucratic ladder
That rank orders our ignorance.

71

Blanquito de Caparra
It became a joke almost immediately. They literally ate the poem up. They loved it
and I simply couldnt understand why. It was originally conceptualized as a scathing
critique; a poetic satire of sorts to be read and performed in public so as to raise
awareness about the workings of racial and class discrimination in Puerto Rico. I was
expecting to ruffle some feathers. The idea was to offer a critical and unapologetic look at
mine and others privileged upbringing. The point was to call us out on our prejudices; on
our most insidious beliefs based on centuries old racist rhetoric and imagery. Most
crowds, however, thought it was funny. Some audience members would even come up to
me and tell me about how the poem brought back memories; how it made them think of
how silly they were and still might be; how it gave them a chuckle when they first heard
it. When they would approach me for autographs, a few even asked me to make it out to
a fellow blanquito. It was ridiculous. Needless to say, I would leave the book store, or
caf, or class room upset and frustrated. It simply didnt make any sense: my honest and
sincere attempt to unmask, attack and deconstruct white privilege in Puerto Rico was
interpreted by the very people it was based on as some sort of off-beat, tongue in cheek
ode to them. Somewhere between the original writing and subsequent stagings of the
piece, the subversive element was lost. It somehow became fashionable.
Originally, I had expected a reaction similar to that of my white American
University classmates when exposed to Peggy McIntoshs White privilege exercise
(1988). After all, the idea for the piece arose when I first read McIntosh article during
my sophomore year in college. Her treatment of American whiteness as experienced
through extreme social privilege enabled me to question my status not as a Puerto Rican

72
kid in the States but rather as a white male on the Island. Before reading that piece, I
lacked the intellectual tools, and self-awareness to analyze, question and trace my
upbringing on the Island through the lens of racial inequality. Before I read that article, I
had already learned to view myself as of color or other in States, but still saw myself
as simply Puerto Rican at home. That article forced me to think about how racial
difference had mediated my experience both on and off the Island and lead me to
question exactly how whiteness was constructed within the Puerto Rican context.
These ideas and desires, however, did not translate very well in the poem. The
crowd simply saw a privileged white boy on stage moving his hands, rhyming and
making funny remarks. Contrary to the effect that McIntoshs (1988) list of items had,
people in the audience were not forced to segregate according to skin color. They were
not forced to deal with how their race shaped and molded their life for the better at
others expense. There was not a commotion. Nobody protested or argued. People, for the
most part clapped at the end of the performance and some of them even bought a book. I
even won an award for it.
Privileged Whites in Puerto Rico
Blanquit@ (whitey; white boy; white girl), as it is used in Puerto Rico, is an
insult. For the most part it refers to members of the upper and upper middle class on the
Island. A blanquit@ is cocky, presumptuous. His/her extreme social privilege makes
him/her arrogant, riddled with feelings of self importance. The term then is mostly used
by people of lower social status to poke fun at, ridicule or simply stigmatize a privileged
person they find to be disagreeable. It is for the most part a class-laden term; usually
synonymous with rich boy or rich girl.

73
All respondents coincided on this definition. There are however important
variations to the term as it is used, depending on whom you ask. For some, the blanquit@
is a tragic figure; he/she is physically clumsy, intellectually slow and prone to
alcoholism. Others find him/her duplicitous, being the face of public morality and family
values but at the same time, notorious for his/her string of extramarital affairs. He/she
inhabits a strictly delineated Island social world. He/she is only found in high class
restaurants and other exclusive venues surrounded by high class people. She/he is
materialistic; frequently seen as devoid of a strong spiritual center. As a teenager she/he
attends only the most prestigious Island schools and for the most part goes to college
abroad (mostly in the East Coast of the United States).Chances are she/he belongs to a
family of devout Catholics; a blanquit@ is not seen as the type to be found wailing
his/her arms about in a Pentecostal church.
Furthermore, the blanquit@ is seen by some as existing within a type of social
bubble that has shielded him/her from the harsher realities of Island life. He/she considers
themselves to be either racially pure or the direct descendant of Spanish nobility. He/she
is a racist. A blanquit@ would never marry a Black woman or man nor let their daughter
marry a Black man. In fact, his/her encounters with Black individuals are few and far
between; limited mostly to his interactions with the work staff in his/her house.
A blanquit@ believes in protecting the family name; in keeping up appearances.
Therefore, she/he is always dressed to the tee, seen driving around in the fanciest cars,
residing in the high priced gated communities and filling his/her house with the most
technologically advanced gadgets imaginable. Moreover, he/she is frequently made to be

74
the representative of the country as his/her kind, and his/her kind only occupies the seats
of the senate and the house, the Supreme Court and the Island governorship.
But most importantly, the blanquit@ in the Island imagination is almost exclusively
white.
High School
We were politically conscious, no doubt. The three of us sported some type of
innovative goatee or simply walked around school looking particularly unkempt. We
listened to late sixties Cuban and Puerto Rican protest music. We read about and often
quoted key Latin American revolutionaries. We identified with leftist ideology and
action. We talked about and discussed issues related with the future of the country: how
bad those in power were screwing the people; what type of social policies should be set in
place in order for the Island to work fairly and properly for everybody; how Americans
continued to keep the Puerto Ricans down; how it would be like if the Island finally
gained its independence. We were nerds, it was undisputable.
The three of us stood out from the majority of our classmates (or at least we
thought we did), because we enjoyed being critical of our governments policies; because
we were aware of the inequalities between different groups in society; because we
ultimately cared about the fate of the country. Thus, we tended to look down or ridicule
and poke fun at those classmates that showed themselves to be mostly concerned with
material possessions or who were politically and socially apathetic or whose own socioeconomic privilege impeded them from visualizing and understanding a more complex
and problematic social reality. We referred to those kids as blanquitos.
Now, the reality is that we ourselves were not much different from those classmates
we looked down upon. After all, the three of us were enrolled in one of the most

75
prestigious and expensive high schools in Puerto Rico. Our parents were all
professionals. Each of our families could afford (with lesser or greater difficulties) to
have us study there. In a sense, we were privileged just the same.
At the time, however, what we chose to focus on for the most part was on our
character. We believed that our personal beliefs, our values, our dissent and critique
differentiated us from our social class. From our perspective, the difference between the
majority of our classmates and us resided in our heads and that difference outweighed
any possible similarities between our bank accounts. That difference took precedence
over all socio-economic indicators. It simply mattered more. Class inequality then was
frequently glossed over in our rhetoric by focusing on our moral and intellectual mettle
and we were aware of that to an extent. What never crossed our mind was the issue of
color and/or race.
The majority of students in our school were light skinned and economically
privileged. Race in this regard was never an issue between us because we were dealing
with people of more or less the same skin tone. That, however, did not mean that race
wasnt talked about in the school. On the contrary, there was a distinct yet subtle and
encoded racial discourse in place throughout our entire time there. You see, part of our
high schools prestige was that contrary to the majority of private schools in the
metropolitan area of the country, we put religious faith ahead of economics and thus, the
administration offered scholarships for kids of less privileged backgrounds to join the
ranks of the upwardly mobile. These kids were known as los muchachos de proyecto or
the scholarship project kids and the racial discourse in the school seemed to always be
centered on them.

76
The idea was that students did not know who was part of the scholarship project
and who was not. It was not mentioned during the orientation program when we first
came in nor was it brought up at the beginning of each school year in a class assembly or
meeting. It simply wasnt talked about. However, it was not hard to figure out. One for
the most part only had to pay attention to how each of us got to school every morning,
whether on foot, by car or bus. You could simply look at each others sneakers or
backpacks or watches or chains and probably have enough evidence to make an educated
guess. Further discoveries could lie in conversation. One could ask about the
neighborhood each one of us grew up in, the types of public venues or hang outs we
visited, the school where most of our outside friends or girlfriends were from and you
more or less knew.
These, of course, were all class markers. However, the fact of the matter was that
you didnt need to look at a students watch or notice the type of car his parents had in
order to figure out if he was on scholarship or not. One could simply look at him.
Chances were that if he was darker skinned than the rest of us, he was one of the
scholarship project kids.
I remember witnessing conversations between my mother and fellow students
parents centering on the poor taste or bad manners or depending on the situation, the
problematic presence of some of the project kids and their families. I remember sitting
in classrooms with teachers who in an effort to discipline an unruly scholarship student
would yell sientate en el asiento, negro and often noticing that the seat he was ordered
to sit in was in fact yellow or green or red. I remember being deftly afraid of one of the
project kids in particular my very first year. I remember that he posed a physical threat

77
that I simply could not handle; was not ready for. And I knew it wasnt because he was
poor or socially disadvantaged. That is not what scared me. You see, the school
directors speeches and sermons would often talk about the dignity in poverty, about the
goodness inherent in the struggle to overcome your particular social circumstances. So I
wasnt afraid of him because of class. I was afraid because he was Black. And the
director never delivered a single sermon or speech centering on the goodness and/or
moral strength inherent in Black people.
It wasnt until leaving the Island for college and winding up in a classroom full of
white American students protesting Peggy McIntoshs White Privilege Exercise (1988)
that I realized that it didnt matter what type of system of beliefs any of my white
classmates had, they were still white in my eyes and still had distinct advantages over me.
It wasnt until then that I realized that the distinctions my three school friends and I drew
between ourselves and the majority of our classmates were completely self-serving and
illusory. Difference in our high school was not experienced in the form of varying moral
strength or conflicting political ideologies amongst privileged light skinned students. It
was experienced in the form of inequality between the overwhelming majority of us, the
blanquitos, and them, the project kids.
In other words, the bubble did not burst until I myself was made to bear the effects
of racial inequality and marginality in my college setting. Up until that point, my racial
and class privilege had remained unchecked regardless of the amount of hair I had on my
face or the number of Che Guevara shirts hanging in my closet.
Components of Privilege
Three important themes arose in the interviews when discussing the image of the
blanquit@: Americanization, good families and discrimination. One or more of the three

78
were referenced in one way or another by respondents, regardless of their racial and class
identification. For the seven respondents who felt themselves somehow marked or
associated with the term, the blanquit@ label was seen as prejudicial and
discriminatory. They viewed it as an unfair stereotype; product of simple misperceptions.
Respondents who either because of their racial classification or their class position
thought of the term as totally inapplicable to their experience also understood it to be
discriminatory and even racist against their privileged white counterparts.
In the occasions in which Americanization was brought up during the interview,
those who were somehow marked by the term saw it as an asset. It helped to differentiate
them from the mass of Puerto Rican peoples. It signified socio economic progress.
Conversely, respondents who did not identify with the blanquit@ moniker gave
Americanization a negative spin in their accounts. Americanization here was treated as a
type of false consciousness; an illusion that privileged white Islanders bought into
because of their desire to be like white Americans.
Contrary to the debate over Americanization, the concept of good families was
brought up almost exclusively by self-identified privileged white respondents and there
was no controversy surrounding it. Blanquit@s came from good families. Period. The
character of their family was seen as somehow markedly different and better than that of
anybody else on the Island. None of the seven respondents however was able to explain
or clarify exactly what that goodness entailed nor where did it arise from. Respondents
would simply characterize their family and those of people in their social circles as
good; thus making more of a class distinction than anything else.

79
Finally, while no respondent was able to offer a concrete and viable example of
Black on white discrimination on the Island, all seven self identified privileged white
respondents viewed discrimination as an issue for them. They all viewed themselves as
labeled, stigmatized and/or mistreated by the use of the blanquit@ moniker.
Due to their salience in the interviews, these three themes are worthy of analysis
and will serve to better understand the make up the iconic white boy and girl character in
the Island imagination.
I Like to Live in America
When asked what made the blanquit@ character act self-important or arrogant,
respondents made a case for the figures heightened Americanization. The blanquit@
strives to be like white Americans. Therefore, in the eyes of non-blanquit@ identified
respondents, he/she trades in his/her spiritual and moral base, for the commercial goods
and social comforts that accompany an American way of life. The concept of
Americanization can then be understood to be where socio-economic progress intersects
with spiritual or at times nationalistic and ethnic decay. In respondents minds the
blanquit@ gives up what he/she is for the benefits of American society; often to the
point of appearing ridiculous and absurd. Ins explains:
people buy jackets, clothes that you dont use in a tropical Island where you wear
more comfortable, looser, fresher attire. Also, the purchasing of brand name clothes
and the lack of support for the clothes made here. Just the fact of being
Americanizedof not accepting your race or your culture. They want to find out
the most they can about the United States and they adore the U.S. flag and they
dont even know their own history. (pp.1)
This desire to appear or be what they are not is a main characteristic of the
blanquit@ persona. In the blanquit@ mindset, everything associated with Puerto Rico is
somehow less than or not good enough. Feeling alienated from that perceived

80
inefficiency or mediocrity, he/she must look elsewhere. As Benny, a 22 year old self
identified white bank loan official painstakingly explains:
I am considering myself a Puerto Rican who is changing; who is no longer average
or typical. A Puerto Rican who thinks unfortunately that on account of his tastes
and his things can no longer live here. Because unless I have a rich father that gives
me his company, I am not going to have the life that I want to have due to
AmericanizationI am a Puerto Rican who thinks that my ideal cannot be attained
in Puerto Rico. He has to go out. A Puerto Rican traitor, if you want to call it that,
but not because of being an asshole or a son of a bitch but rather because I was
forced out of hereA Puerto Rican who is sad, and frustrated and disappointed
with the average Puerto Rican. (pp.10)
Out of all the respondents, Benny appeared to have the most complex feelings
towards Americanization. Initially, he blamed Americanization for the loss of Puerto
Rican peoples desire to work hard and make progress on their own. According to him, it
had made Puerto Ricans lazy. In his mind, the colonial relationship between Puerto Rico
and the United States, had accustomed people to having good things thrown at them
and annihilated any sense of self-worth through work. Benny states in his interview:
[I see the Puerto Rican as] lazy, very fucking lazy. He is used to the fact that
because of our government, everything will be given to him and for me I dont
think its been lost, theres still some around, but the people I see are used to a
government that makes it easy for them to acquire things without having to work
hard for them. Thats why the laziness comes. I dont think is their fault personally,
its just that were living under an Americanized system. (pp.1)
In Bennys view, the country was experiencing a moral and spiritual crisis. He saw
it as literally being taken over by a mass of uneducated and unworthy people. According
to him, these were people of the lower classes, who on account of the countrys increased
Americanization wanted to have all the things that both white Americans and the Puerto
Rican upper class had, but could not afford it so they would constantly look for the
easiest and fastest way to attain that which most closely resembled what the others had.
Here, Americanization stops being something that has a blanket effect upon the entire

81
population, and rather becomes contingent upon class status. Islanders of the more
privileged classes had the resources with which to adapt to Americanization successfully
and reap the benefits while the mass of people lacked the cultural and economic capital to
assimilate the information in a positive and constructive manner. Benny explains:
In my view, the Americanization has created the cafre (low life, hoodlum). I say
cafre not in the bad sense. From my perspective a cafre is the low income person,
who based on what he sees in the U.S. or in us here who have already been
Americanized; based on what they see they want to have itA perfect example of
this its a BMW. I see a guy in a Tercel; Ive seen like four already. They have the
Toyota Tercel and they buy all the parts, stickers, labels of the BMW. They buy the
BMW grill, the BMW rims, the BMW lights. They put the little stickers on the
back that say .325 and its a Toyota Tercel. That to me is the perfect example. I see
that guy on the street and I say that guy is a cafre. (pp.1)
The concept of Americanization endures further transformation in Bennys
interview as he starts talking about what he wants to accomplish in his lifetime versus
what the typical or average Puerto Rican seeks to attain. For Benny the country has
become too small, too crowded and corrupted for his hopes. Americanization has taught
him to always look toward bigger and better things and unfortunately those things are
seen by him as residing outside of the Island and in the United States. Contrary to the
average Puerto Rican, he was educated in one of the more prestigious private schools on
the Island, received his Bachelors degree from a stateside University and therefore has
been taught to never conform; to never be mediocre. He sees this Americanized
mentality as existing in stark opposition to the average or typical Puerto Rican mindset.
He explains:
thats the mentality that predominates in these people: Im going to go work in this
place and in ten years I would have saved up enough money to buy a little house in
Mount Whatever where all the houses look the same. And Ill throw the little
party on Saturdays, invite the family, well buy some Coors Light and thats the
way I go. This mentality of this is the most that I can accomplish; this is to where I
want to get but that level is still way below anything normal. That mentality of
conforming. The Puerto Rican conforms; he never gives the extra mile. (pp.4)

82
Americanization here is not only positive in that it is associated with going beyond
the usual limits of socio-economic mobility but contrary to his previous statements, it
seems to have become exclusive to the more privileged social classes. Americanization
here elevates the already upwardly mobile Puerto Rican and further distinguishes him/her
from the average. It starts becoming evident here that Bennys conflict with
Americanization is not that it has negatively affected his life in any way, or that it has
stripped him of his national or ethnic identity, but rather that it has put him at odds with
the mass of Puerto Rican people that he now perceives to be so alien from him and are
ultimately making his life there unbearable. Americanization is in effect driving him
away from his country because it has taught him to seek that which is of higher value and
class and now mostly everything associated with Puerto Rico seems to be low-brow.
Fernando, a 22 year old self-identified white Law student offers a similar
perspective. Though not as distraught or frustrated as Benny, Fernando speaks of the
alienation he at times feels as a privileged white Puerto Rican man. When asked if there
any disadvantages associated to being white or light-skinned in Puerto Rico, he states:
Sometimes they talk to you in English, man. Like I go up to pay in a store and they
answer me in Englishand if Im in the resort, forget it. You know, theyre never
going to talk in English to a person whos more typical or average looking. [Q.
How does that make you feel?] Well, its not that if affects me a lot but at that
moment you dont feel very well. You feel alienated, like a foreigner in your own
country. They dont see that youre Puerto Rican and thats a way to alienate you
from what you really are. (pp.6)
It thus appears that much like Benny, Fernando is often made to feel like he doesnt
belong on the Island. However, contrary to Benny, Fernando is not interested in looking
elsewhere. He does not seem bent on blaming the most marginalized sectors in Island
society for the social turmoil in his country. Instead, he seems much more interested and

83
invested in proving to others that he is in fact a part of them in some way, regardless of
how illusory or romantic that idea might be.
However, this sentiment quickly faded as Fernando and I conversed about Puerto
Ricos reputation in the U.S. In his mind, it was important to always represent your
country in a dignified manner; to carry Puerto Ricos name with honor and hold it up
high. Thus, when he experienced a racist encounter with a white American teenager in a
golf camp he attended in the north, Fernando was bent on not only shutting the boy up
but also proving him wrong. It was on him to demonstrate the value and worth of Puerto
Rican peoples. Unfortunately, as evidenced in the following statement, Fernando ends up
excusing the kids racist beliefs by directly blaming U.S. Puerto Ricans for white
Americans negative view of Islanders:
I dont remember the exact comments but they were very negative comments about
our way of beingthe Puerto Rican stereotype. You know, how Puerto Ricans act
in New York. So they [white Americans] have the New York Puerto Rican
stereotypes, which obviously doesnt apply to us [Islanders]And its frustrating
that a few Puerto Ricans give a bad name to your entire motherland; to all your
people. (pp.5)
Fernandos ethnic or national pride is compromised. Whether consciously or
unconsciously, he has accepted and internalized white Americas distorted view of Puerto
Rican peoples. Therefore, he is much more willing and capable to accuse his fellow
Puerto Ricans for some type of ideological treason than let white Americans carry the
blame of their own racism. Doing the opposite would involve coming to grips with the
reality of the U.S. as a colonizing and oppressive force as opposed to the vision of
America as a generous caretaker of sorts. Ultimately, Fernandos accusations against his
U.S. Puerto Rican counterparts symbolize the value he places on white America

84
continuing to sign off on his national identity. The good name that he considers
essential to maintain is externally determined and defined.
White Consciousness and Political Ideology
Luis Rafael Sanchez (1997) associates notions of Island whiteness with proAmerican and pro-statehood political rhetoric. The desire to be white (or whiter) goes
hand in hand with the desire to become an equal part of the U.S. empire. It is important
for annexation purposes to market and showcase the supposedly white racial composition
of the overwhelming majority of Puerto Rican peoples. It is crucial to prove to white
Americans that Islanders can efficiently and successfully assimilate to white culture; that
we can come to form part of the white American ranks.
Gregorio, a 27 year old self identified copper-colored paralegal, echoes Sanchezs
(1997) claims. When asked about particular qualities that may be associated with
whiteness on the Island, Gregorio immediately linked the racial with the political: You
know, its like when people say that its going to snow if we become a state, then they
might think that in such case it would be better to be white (pp.3).
Both, Fernando and Bennys statements, lend credence to this belief. The two
respondents differentiate themselves from lower class Puerto Ricans (whether on the
States or on the Island) on the basis of their almost natural predisposition for a successful
and rewarding Americanization process. Similarly, their quarrel with their country and/or
country men and women, was caused by lower class Puerto Ricans supposedly negative
and shameful conduct in the face of the U.S. society and their potential to ruin Bennys
and Fernandos hopes for Americanization.
Consequently, both Bennys and Fernandos notions of what it means to be white
in Puerto Rico are developed with the white American onlooker or overseer in mind.

85
Whiteness in the Island thus appears to be at least partially contingent on establishing
some level of similarity or connectedness with white America. In Bennys and
Fernandos case, that similarity is primarily based on education and class status. Their
socio economic privilege has granted them a level of access to exclusive white American
social circles (i.e. universities, summer camps etc), thus setting them apart from the
majority of the Island population and enabling them to enjoy the spoils of privileged
white American life. As a result, any resistance they might face, such as the incident in
the golf camp that Fernando describes, is challenged not by attacking the racist ideology
of the white American onlooker but rather by differentiating themselves from the mass of
uncultured, uneducated and ultimately shady Islanders. In a sense, they try to
separate their whiteness from the Puerto Rican context.
We All Come from Good Families Here
Much of that talk on race in Puerto Rico seems to revolve around peoples
particular upbringing; on whether or not that person was raised to be a good citizen and
an upstanding human being. Individual racism was thus seen by respondents as a
symptom of a bad or otherwise deficient upbringing. Consequently, comments like my
parents raised me not to treat anybody differently or I was taught that we were all
Puerto Ricans irrespective of color were frequently offered as examples of both, a good
upbringing and a non-racist mentality.
There was, however, some variation on the concept of the good family as it
related to the Blanquit@ figure. In the seven blanquito-identified respondents interviews
a good family seemed less related to high moral values and ultraistic beliefs as it was
wedded to social status, family prestige, economic mobility and racial purity. Benny, for
example, referenced the good family image on many occasions as he sought to

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distinguish the upwardly mobile Puerto Ricans from the mass of uneducated heathens
who were either cheapening the image of Islanders or purposely ruining the country.
When discussing the popularity of imitation designer hand bags among Island women,
and how those items could and could not function as markers for who was a cafre and
who was not, Benny made interesting use of the good family image:
Theres people who are in fact from high society that dont have the money or
maybe theyre cheap and they buy these things [imitation purses] and theres also
the people who dont have the resources, who are known as low class, who also
buy theses things. They buy the Louis Vuitton purse, that everybody knows is not
Louis Vuitton. For me thats cafre[However, there are also] the young women
who graduated from good schools or who come from good families. And
obviously, not all of them have the money because their fathers are not going to
buy them ten Fendi bags. So they have two or three imitation purses. But, for some
reason, I wouldnt categorize those people as cafres. You know, the majority of
people are going to think that the purses are real. The ones who dont have the
resources, that its obviousbecause, lets accept it, you can notice who has money
and who does not. The ones who dont are cafres. (pp.2)
It becomes apparent in Bennys statement that the quality of an individuals family
is directly related to the amount of money they appear to have and/or the social class they
seem to represent. There is no talk of particular values or life philosophies or specific
parenting and child rearing techniques. In Bennys statement, the good is purely socioeconomic. It quickly becomes racial however as Benny talks about his own family and
the type of racial beliefs they hold and communicate to him.
Speaking of the racial conversations he would have with his grandmother when
growing up, Benny tells us:
For example, when I was little I was a huge Michael Jordan fan and like I never felt
that I would have a problem with a Black person, with anybody or any race
whatsoever. So I would always talk like normal about Blacks: how much I adored
Jordan; how I was such a big fan of him, that kind of stuff. So my grandmother
would sometimes tell me Benny, settle down. Dont like them too much. You
know, things like that. So I would always bother her by saying that I was going to
bring a Black girl home and she would go Nooo, dont say that. God Forbid.
Dont you know that youre so pretty and so handsome and so white? (pp.3)

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The fact is that Benny has no problem publicly calling her grandmother racist. He
even labels many of his friends families racist. Whether it was because they didnt want
their children to date Black people or because they actually referred to Blacks as
niggers or whether they engaged in racist joke telling, Benny saw them as active
participants in racist thought and action, yet never once stopped referring to them as
good. The racism did not seem to get in the way of the familys integrity or character.
On the contrary, judging from Bennys statements, it was an integral part of it. The casual
and matter of fact tone in which he discusses his grandmothers racist fears coupled with
the ardent disdain he showed for darker and lower classed people in the previous section,
gives the impression that for Benny, racism and good families go hand in hand.
The fact is that the concept of goodness in privileged Puerto Rican families is
both based and depends on a type of racial policing. Evident in Bennys grandmothers
statement is a sense of racial purity that is somehow threatened by Bennys fondness of
Black American icons, and therefore Benny must be reminded not of the familys high
economic status but of the cultural capital of whiteness. He must be reminded not of his
financial wealth, but of his racial superiority or privilege which in Bennys
grandmothers eyes would be lost if he were to bring a Black girl home.
The racism then that Benny identifies in his family is in effect what preserves and
maintains the familial units essential goodness and he knows it. Re-reading his
statements closely, it becomes clear that Benny sees himself as not harboring the level of
anti-Black prejudices that his grandmother possesses, and in fact thinks that she was
over-reacting by worrying over his admiration for a famous African American athlete.
But, on the other hand, Benny is very clear on the fact that he is not supposed to bring a

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Black girl home. He only kids about it so as to get a rise from his grandmother. However,
those jokes are only funny as long as there is the tacit understanding that the grandson
would never do such a thing. An action of that sort would amount to betrayal and would
in their minds, provoke the familys fall from grace.
The Psychological and Social Costs of Being a Blanquit@
The vast majority of respondents viewed the Blanquit@ moniker as very much a
part of national racist terminology. The term was used to discriminate; to poke fun at; to
marginalize and mark off a particular individual as different. Several respondents even
went so far as to state that the term was no different in its racist nature than cafre or
caco. It was both hateful and harmful.
Interestingly enough, however, when I pressed respondents on this issue asking
them specific ways in which Blanquit@s (and white Islanders in general) could be
discriminated against in our society, the majority found themselves at a loss for words.
For the most part, not a single incident, act or event of Black on white discrimination
could be offered.
In spite of this lack of concrete and viable examples of alleged Black on white
racism, several respondents spoke of the social and psychological effects of being light
skinned and growing up within a privileged environment. For example, both Carla and
Gabriela, two 19 year old college students, identified themselves as Hispanics and/or
Latinas, purposely avoiding more racially specific denominations. According to them,
there was no such thing as real white people in Puerto Rico because everyone was
more or less mixed. However, as the interview progressed, both identified themselves as
blanquitas because of their upbringing, education and social status. They, much like
Benny and Fernando, viewed themselves as markedly different and in a sense better than

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the majority of the Island population. In their words, they had trouble connecting with
most Islanders because they had different interests from the rest. Here, again, images of a
low-brow Puerto Rican culture surfaced and the two respondents expressed their trouble
in either fitting in with their country men and women, or in trying to avoid them
altogether. Also, they, like the rest of the respondents, considered the blanquit@ label
to be racist and talked about their own frustrations with being labeled as such.
According to Carla, since the majority [of Puerto Ricans] arent white, they fuck
you up for being white (pp.11). In her mind, the minute people take note of how you
dress or find out where you studied; youre going to be submitted to a barrage of
stereotypes ranging from the type of stores you frequent, to the designer purses you
supposedly sport, to the types of jobs youre going to get. All these stereotypes, however,
point to extreme social privilege. Furthermore, at no point in time is their humanity
questioned nor is their skin color related to some type of pathology or imminent danger
as is the case for Black Islanders (see Chapter 5).
According to Gabriela, however, this is only the tip of the iceberg. From her
perspective, being taken as a blanquita implies being actively marginalized from
different social groups and having your life experience completely disregarded. She
explains: They dont take me into consideration. Like, if were having a conversation,
my opinion is not thought of as valid because I havent lived through anything, because
Im considered a blanquita (pp.14). Carla adds to Gabrielas description, stating that
when you walk out on the street, youre a strange bird. People laugh at you (pp. 11).
It is important to note that the resistance and marginalization that Carla and
Gabriela talk about was only experienced when they entered social and physical spaces

90
that were outside of the more exclusive and prestigious venues people of their class status
usually frequent. Thus, it was only when trying to step outside of their immediate social
circle and take part in less privileged and/or more racially diverse environments that their
social standing and personal character came into question. The alleged discrimination
then is not by any means widespread and could in fact be conceptualized as more of a
collective resistance to the social and racial privilege the two respondents embody.
Furthermore, according to both respondents, this anti-blanquit@ discrimination is
easy to overcome. When asked in what ways can this alleged stereotyping and
discrimination be combated, Carla stated that you simply had to be yourself around
people and that they would eventually start viewing you different and treating you with
respect. It was at this point that the two respondents began differentiating themselves
from other blanquit@s using a similar rationale to the one me and my friends exploited
during our time in high school.
In their view, Carla and Gabriela, were different from the typical or average
blanquita because they were not overly concerned with the designer fashion world nor
were they as frivolous to be interested solely in the superficial characteristics of the
people they came in contact with. Furthermore, they were not caught up in nor they did
obsess on the whole racial thing. Throughout their interview, they made it a point to
refute and negate the existence of pure white and Black people in Puerto Rico. According
to them, anybody who made a claim to whiteness was being ridiculous and therefore,
they proceeded to call out acquaintances and former high school classmates and even
faculty on their anti-Black attitudes.

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In spite of this, however, both respondents referenced essentialist notions of
whiteness and Blackness (Frankenberg, 1994) in their discourse. Whether given a
positive or negative spin, Blackness in their talk appeared to be naturally rebellious,
boisterous, unruly and passionate. Whiteness on the other hand, was always more
subdued, more maniacal, more mental. And as was the case with Fernando and Benny,
Carla and Gabriela, associated themselves with so-called white characteristics or
qualities, and referenced them solely on those occasions when they were differentiating
themselves from the mass of Puerto Rican peoples, who directly or indirectly, came to
embody so-called Black characteristics or qualities.
It thus becomes apparent that the blanquit@ racializes Puerto Rican culture and
identity. Through this process, that which is found to be closest to the Puerto Rican
essence is undeniably darker, whether in actual physical appearance or in character. This
racialization then makes everything associated with Puerto Rico appear somehow
inferior, low-brow and/or in poor taste.

CHAPTER 5
RACIAL IMAGERY: EL NEGRO, EL CAFRE Y LOS DOMINICANOS
A Different Kind of Black
Back home from college over the summer and my mom was having a small family
gathering at her house. First to arrive was Georgie, my mothers second cousin on her
fathers side. Since she was still scrambling around in the house, trying to get the food
and drinks ready for the rest of the family, I had to tend to Georgie. In her words, I was
supposed to entertain him, to engage him in conversation and shower him with
kindness. My mother has always been big on entertaining people. She has always
placed a high premium on effective conversational skills, personal courtesy and good
manners. Therefore, shes always been on my case whether trying to get me to talk more
to people; to look them in the eye; to offer them something to drink if theyre visiting us;
to not ask for something to drink if were visiting them; to look, act and genuinely be
interested in what theyre saying; and most importantly, to always showcase my class
because the family name was always at stake.
And so, Georgie and I sat face to face in the living room with the coffee table
between us, silently and painstakingly trying to swing in our chairs. All the basic and
obligatory topics that could be covered on that occasion had been exhausted in a
seemingly pleasant though markedly uneasy banter. I had already asked about his sons
and wife and why they hadnt been able to join us that day and how that was a shame. I
had suffered through his brief interrogation of my personal interests, studies, career goals,
social life etc. We had agreed on the fact that neither sociology nor poetry made any
92

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money and that maybe I should consider other, more lucrative and allegedly less
thankless professions. In spite of the excruciating character of our conversation, I had
managed to look interested, smile, offer refills and be gracious enough to uphold the
family name in the face of a distant relative. Needless to say, my mother would have been
proud.
Unfortunately, my mother was not there to look and act proud of me and
ultimately, to excuse me from the conversation. Thus, after fifteen minutes Georgie and I
ran into each others silence. We sipped our drinks furiously and made fleeting remarks
about the weather or the news or how hot it got inside the house. Eventually I cracked.
The pressure of being a good host had gotten to me and I had no choice but to ask him to
share some family history. Immediately his face lit up. He smiled joyously and said of
course.
As he went on and on about how my ancestors were such good and respectable
individuals, prominent community members with innumerable ties to well-known
Spanish families and the like, he stumbled on the story about the one brother who married
a Black Puerto Rican woman. The moment he said this, his face soured and he felt
compelled to explain. It was as if that particular image did not fit within the prestigious
and honorable family picture he had been sketching out minutes before. With a tender
and reassuring look in his eyes, he said You know, Mildred was a good woman. Black,
but descent. Very refined.
At that point my conversational skills were forgotten. Instead of looking interested,
I stared at him blankly, having been taken aback by his comment. I couldnt speak. I
didnt even offer him another refill. I just sat there, quietly taking in and not challenging

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his racism; feeling ultimately complicit in it; facing the shame and hatred implicit in our
family name.
It seemed to me then that as a family we were very well-mannered, polite, and
courteous. We were great at entertaining people. We were proud and had a right to be
proud of our ties to prominent members of Island society. We were so great that even the
Black element in our family was exceptional and exemplary.
Black Who? What?
Blackness in Puerto Rico is either purposely made invisible or blatant in talk. The
speaker is never indifferent to the Black other. Respondents accounts point to the
thought processes involved in determining how they should talk to and/or talk about a
dark-skinned Islander. Depending on the situation, skin color is either avoided in
conversation or it is actively (and obsessively) evoked. On the one hand, several
respondents expressed concern about calling a particular person Black because it might
hurt their feelings and on the other, every single self-identified Black respondent in the
study commented on how their nickname in different social groups growing up would
always be el negro o la negra (blackie). Even more intriguing, one particular
respondent commented on how several of her light skinned acquaintances disapprove of
her calling herself Black and have even chastised her for doing so because they
perceive her to be different or better or separate from real Black people. This section
examines Islanders conflicted relationship with Blackness as manifested in their speech
and conversation.
Something about The Subject Makes It Hard to Name
According to Gregorio, a 27 year old self identified copper-colored paralegal,
talking to a person about their skin color is very difficult in this country because he may

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feel like youre disvaluing him as human being by calling him Black (pp.6). It is clear in
this statement, that Gregorio does not see any potential for pride in Blackness. Nothing
good can come out of that association. Therefore, in his view it is better to sidestep the
issue of skin color completely so as to not run the risk of hurting anyones feelings. This
is specially the case with individuals of mixed racial heritage. Gregorio states: I dont
want to get into the head of a guy who feels he is mulatto, who doesnt feel Black and tell
him, brother, youre Black (pp.6). The problem with this of course is that Gregorio is
not able to visualize the mulatto identification as an independent and complex identity on
its own, thus making both the white and Black labels equally wrong or insulting. The fact
is that in Gregorios view the mulatto identity is unstable, and that instability is due to its
close proximity with Blackness. Mistaking that individual for white doesnt concern him.
In his view, nothing even remotely bad can come out of getting in the head of a guy
and telling him hes white. The racial insult is simply not present there.
Graciela, a 22 year old self-identified white college senior, also avoids making
direct references to anothers perceived Blackness. When asked about the relationship
with her Black best friend, Graciela tells us:
Shes exactly like me. [Q. In what way?] In my view she doesnt even know the
meaning of racism. She doesnt care. Shes never aware of that. She never talks
about it. SheI dont know. Its as if she wasnt Black. (pp. 3-4)
At first sight, the most disturbing aspect about Gracielas above statement is the
negation of her best friends Blackness. One might be appalled by the liberty she feels
she has in literally seizing and disposing of her best friends racial identity. However,
subsequent readings lead to even more startling discoveries. According to Graciela, her
best friend doesnt even know what racism is; she is not aware it. One might assume then
that in Gracielas relationship with her friend, she has never found it pertinent to discuss

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issues of race with her; to find out how her friend might interpret certain situations
differently from her; how the friends daily experience might differ from Gracielas on
account of her skin color. The friendship then appears to be possible in large part to the
negation or presumed invisibility of the racial difference between them. Shes exactly
like me, meaning we dont ever talk about her being Black. Inter-racial bonding in
this case, does not lead to a heightened or more critical awareness in the white person as
to racial matters. On the contrary, the inter-racial bonding is only possible if the white
person can keep on acting as if the Black other wasnt Black at all.
Kattia, 28 year old self identified Black secretary and graduate student, offers a
similar scenario. When asked how she identifies herself in terms of race, she states:
Black. Since I was little. I dont have any problems with that. People,
howeverwhen I say because Im Black, they go Oohh, no! Why would you
say that? That happens in any situation, any place that Im in and I say Im
Black,that happens. Its like ooohhh, not Black! You know, as if it were, like,
Im missing the word. As if it were bad. (pp.1)
Much like Graciela, the people Kattia is talking about, demonstrate a vested interest
in not having to see their friend or acquaintance as Black. Here, again, outsiders feel in
liberty to seize and dispose of the Black others racial identity. In Kattias case they
question her motivations in even publicly identifying herself as such (Why would you
say that?) and then outright negate her claim (Ooh, not Black!). The pertinent question
at this juncture is what exactly is the motivation for this negation? Is it abhorrence for
having someone they like associated (voluntarily or not) with Blackness because they feel
that the person is too good to be put in that category? Or is it because they themselves do
not want to be reminded of their relationship with a Black individual? In other words, is
the racism present in that negation attempting to separate the exceptional Black from
the mass or is it trying to excuse the inter-racial contact taking place?

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Blackness in the Puerto Rican Imagination
If one were to base ones explanation on Gregorios comments at the beginning of
the section, anti-Black racism here would be used to differentiate one particular Black
individual from the rest. In this case, Kattias acquaintances would in their mind be
shielding her from all the negative elements associated with Blackness. They wouldnt
want her to look down on herself, or develop any psycho-emotional hang ups so they do
not let her claim a Black identity. In their view, they would be granting her special status
by negating her professed Blackness and making her an unidentified or indescribable
member of their group.
One could also make an argument, however, that because nothing positive is ever
associated with Blackness, that well-meaning and descent light-skinned and/or white
Islanders wouldnt like to think of themselves as having anything in common with a
Black individual, regardless of who they may be. Looking at it from this perspective, one
could interpret Gracielas description of her Black friend Shes exactly like me, as not
necessarily meaning she is not Black but rather She cant be Black. In other words, if
I see so much of me in her and Im definitely not Black, she has to be white as well.
Ironically, Islanders frequent negation of the perceived and/or admitted Blackness
in others is often times accompanied by the explicit and unapologetic labeling and namecalling of their Black counterparts. Islanders (mostly white) tend to highlight the racial
difference between themselves and others in different social situations. They do so
mostly by labeling particular members of their social group as el negro or la negra
(i.e. blackie).

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El Negro/La Negra
According to Fernando, a 22 year old self-identified white law student, one of the
main differences between the nature of race relations on the Island versus those in the
United States is that you can openly make these types of racial distinctions without
opposition. He explains:
Also, in the U.S. you say the word negro in EnglishNiggerand you
create this chaos. However, in Puerto Rico in high school if there was one or two
of the kids who was really really Black, you would just call him el negro and
that was it. Problem solved. It simply wasnt an issue like in the States. (pp.2-3)
An intriguing aspect of this statement is the English translation that Fernando offers
for negro. In his mind nigger and Black are synonymous and the big difference
between Black people in the United States and Black people in Puerto Rico is that Black
Puerto Ricans dont throw a fit when you call them niggers.
Fernando views the Island racial landscape as more liberal. He feels he has the
freedom in the Island to mark off and label his Black counterparts openly and at will.
Whether Fernando is consciously referencing the historical oppression latent in the term
nigger and actively applying it to Black Islanders in regular conversation is unknown.
What is evident, however, in his statement is the necessity he feels to immediately label
and differentiate himself from the one or two really really Black individuals that enter
and/or share his same social space: You would just call him el negro and that was it.
The racial difference between the two has to be publicly acknowledged by the white
speaker. It has to be made clear to the Black other that he/she is not white and therefore
different or less than or somehow infringing on white space.

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Franco, a 19 year old college student who identifies himself as a white man with a
Black butt, spoke of a similar dynamic among his friends in the private and
predominantly white high school he attended:
I really cant tell you of any type of discrimination in school. I can only tell you of
how we would joke around amongst ourselves. Like, there was this friend of ours
that we would call blur. So one of us would go they turned off the lights, blur,
we cant see you. You know, it was things like that, just to have fun not to offend
anybody or nothing. And obviously he didnt get offended either. (pp.5)
For Franco and his friends, the Black kids skin color was a source of humor and it
made him the constant butt of their jokes. Here, Blackness becomes a platform for
bonding and camaraderie between lighter skinned friends. Nothing serious or demeaning
is meant by the use of the nickname and Franco not only assumes that anything said
would ever bother the Black friend but his use of the word obviously indicates that he
actually expected his friend to not get upset.
Franco goes on to further excuse and explain the harmless nature of the nickname
by stressing how everybody at one point or another was made the butt of everyone elses
jokes:
You know, the same thing would happen if somebody very white passed in front of
a white wall. You would be like man, that wall was contagious. Nothing very
serious, you know. Like the use of look you fucking blackie, it was all in good
fun because a trigueito (dark-skinned kid) could even say it to another
trigueito. (pp.5)
In Francos mind, there is a democracy in humor. It is perfectly okay to call out
Black schoolmates yelling look, you fucking blackie because the really pale white kid
gets made fun of too. Moreover, the fact that darker skinned kids would refer to each
other using racialized terms, justifies light skinned and white kids use of those same
terms. The fact of the matter is that Franco speaks of having no single conversation on
the subject with any of the Black kids he would joke about. At no time did he wonder or

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ask if the racial jokes were actually taken by his Black counterparts as all in good fun.
The working assumption is that Blackness can either be talked about or not, depending
fully on how the non-Black speaker feels at any particular moment. Black skin then is
perceived by others as fair-game.
Isabel, a 19 year old self identified Black sophomore, speaks of her long time bouts
with the negra and negrita monikers and the resistance shes encountered when
expressing opposition to her friends use of the terms:
My nickname from seventh to twelfth grade was always negrita or negra. It
came to a pointI never got bothered by it because Ive always been proud of
that [her Black heritage] but I dont like it when they use the diminutive form
because I think its demeaning. You know, call me negra. But they would
get mad at me because I was supposedly getting all worked up and on their case.
And Im like, Im not getting on your case, I just dont like to be called that.
That always happened, you know, peoples ignorance. (pp.3)
The minute Isabel speaks up against the name-calling she is accused of getting too
touchy and worked up about the subject. Non-Black others see no reason for Isabel to get
upset. Her complaint is viewed as totally unwarranted and not justified.
Stanley, 19 year old college self identified Black sophomore, has had very similar
experiences to Isabels both in high school and college. In high school he was one of only
two Black kids in his entire class. At first, both of them were referred to by their
classmates as el negro or los negros. However, since the other kid was darker than
Stanley, the negro moniker was lifted from the respondents head and Stanley was
able to have his name again (pp.4). Upon entering college, however, the name-calling
became an issue for him once more, as he illustrates in the following statement:
You know nobody calls me hey, you fucker when they want me to come over.
If theyre calling me its hey, look you Black fucker. They do it so as to
reaffirm that Im Black. It has to be the Black fucker. If theyre referring to me
it has to be Black something. You know, if you were to call that kid next to me,
you wouldnt go hey, whitey. At least thats what I think. (pp.4)

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The tendency to color dark-skinned Islanders in speech is indicative of Islanders

treatment of Blackness as marginal and therefore weird, noteworthy, pronounced and/or
abnormal. It implies that whiteness in Puerto Rico or at the very least light skin is
conceptualized as the norm. Similar to U.S. constructions of race, where whiteness is
treated as just human (Dyer, 1997), in Puerto Rico white skin simply means Puerto
Rican. Dark skinned Islanders then by definition, stand out. Their presence rattles the
image of a racially mixed (meaning whitened) Island landscape, making non-Black
Puerto Ricans somehow uneasy and provoking in them the urge to verbally and publicly
identify them by their color; by their presumed break with normal, typical or average
Puerto Ricanness. The coloring act then is one of making unstated racial/ethnic and
maybe even national and cultural boundaries evident through talk.
Cafres
The most frequent and marked differentiation light skinned and/or self identified
white respondents made between themselves and other Puerto Ricans, was the one
between the hard-working and descent people of the Island and the cafres (i.e.
thugs, hoodlums, low-lifes). Concomitantly, one of the most prevalent complaints
dark skinned and/or self identified Black respondents made regarding the treatment
afforded to them by whites, was the vision of them as cafres, or thugs. An analysis of
the racial/racist connotations of this term is necessary.
Cafres: The Basics
In the Island imagination, a cafre is a low-life; a hoodlum. He has no sense of
proper social etiquette or manners. He is rude, loud, and belligerent. Depending on whom
you ask he has no visible concern for the welfare of others. He is often seen as the culprit

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of a myriad of social improprieties and rule breaks. Needless to say he is uneducated and
poor. According to some, he has no conception of what hard work is nor does he have
any intention of bettering himself and his socio economic situation through legal
channels. For most part he is considered a nuisance. Somebody that you unfortunately
have to put up with on line for the movie theater, next to you in the expressway, or
simply while walking around in the capital. Depending on who you are talking to, he can
either be the exception to the rule of what an average Puerto Rican is like or he
exemplifies what the masses of Islanders truly are: an embarrassment.
The cafre is principally identified by his attire: baggy jeans, cap, sports jersey, gold
chains. He is a mainstay of certain social and geographical locations. Cafres abound on
the red eye from New York to Puerto Rico, where they clap furiously upon landing. They
overflow the discos and nightclubs that feature reggeatn and rap music. In the minds of
a few, they even crowd local television programming which is notorious for its bad taste
and crude humor. Cafres are seen as always harboring the possibility of making a decent
persons life somehow worse. A cafre can either steal your cable, or cut in front of you in
line, or disrupt a nice and classy social gathering.
The country can also be lost to cafres. Notions of a culture of poverty, of extreme
social backwardness and of an irremediable Blackness envelop this figure. Either he is
phenotipically Black and therefore dangerous or has a dark past and therefore violent, or
engages in murky and sinister dealings, so one must keep away from him.
All in all, cafres ruin Puerto Ricans reputation and good name. The cafre is often
the reason decent and upwardly mobile Islanders give for white Americas
mistreatment of and prejudice against Puerto Ricans. In other words, the cafre explains

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away American racism. Almost always American racism, though unfortunate, is
understandable in many Puerto Ricans minds when one considers the cafres that white
Americans have to put up with in New York City or the cafres that hang out in the clubs
and hotels that white tourists frequent when they come to Puerto Rico, or the cafres they
see in the movies.
Cafre Looks
As stated above, one of the principal cafre markers is clothing attire. According to
all respondents, Puerto Rican people are very much concerned with how people look. In
respondents view, Islanders tend to be very judgmental and often make assumptions as
to a particular persons or group of peoples character depending on how they dress. The
terms good and bad appearance were thus mentioned in every single interview. This
was especially the case when non-Black respondents were asked to consider what type of
qualities or personality characteristics were associated with Black individuals. Non-Black
respondents would often sidestep the issue of race completely and instead opt to talk
about appearances in an effort to downplay the effect that race had on Islanders lives.
According to them, it all had to do with the manner in which a person, regardless of
color, presented him or herself in front of others.
Consequently, self-identified non-Black respondents for example, pointed out the
difference in treatment that a dark skinned Islander would receive depending on his/her
dress. If the Black Islander was dressed in typical cafre or Hip Hop fashion (i.e.
baggy jeans, oversized t-shirts, caps, gold chains, etc.), then he/she would probably be
looked down upon, perceived with distrust and/or actively shunned by society. However,
if that person was instead dressed in a more proper and/or elegant attire (i.e. slacks,

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polo shirts, business suits etc.) then his/her experiences with discrimination would be
considerably fewer and far between.
Through these distinctions, respondents were hoping to demonstrate the far more
reaching effect that class status had over race on the Island. However, as made evident in
Rauls comments below, good appearance and good manners simply serve as coded
language that Islanders employ to make racial distinctions among the population without
having to sound racist. Asked about difference between white and Black Islanders, the 18
year old self identified white college freshman stated:
Q. Are there qualities and characteristics that are exclusive to white Puerto
Ricans?
R. Whites like dressing better and have a better appearance overall than Blacks.
Theres also different styles of dress: theres Blacks who dress like whites, whites
that dress like Blacks. But there are differences [between the two races].
Q. What would be considered white dress?
R. White dress would be a polo shirt, jeans, nice shoes. And people of color
would be like super big jeans, a super big T-shirt and a baseball cap to the side.
Q. What do you mean when you say good appearance?
R. It has to do with the way a persons dressed but also with how they act.
Q. How would that be?
R. Respectful, kind with people. Courteous
Q. And you associate good appearance more with whites, Blacks or with all
Puerto Ricans across the board?
R. I think that I associate it more with whites.
Class only goes so far in Rauls description of appearances. The mere cataloguing
of Black and White dress along with the equation of clothing attire with a persons
character, evidence the social weight of racial heritage and/or skin color in determining
who is to be respected in Puerto Rico and who is to be feared; what population constitutes

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the idealized faces of Puerto Rican culture and what population needs to be kept in check;
what constitutes the decent and noble segment of Puerto Rico and what classifies as the
cafre majority or exception.
Class difference simply does not account for the Black/white polarity evident in
Rauls statement. Whiteness, on its face, evokes positive and pristine images. It invokes
trust; safety. For Raul, the image of the white Puerto Rican is comforting, pleasant.
Blackness on the other hand takes on a dissonant and disruptive presence in the
environment. Much like in Bennys statements in the previous chapter, it always comes
off as cafre, cheap and in poor taste no matter how its dressed.
Cafre as in Criminal
Running parallel to the discourse on the distasteful nature of cafres was that of the
danger associated with the cafre figure and the Black male body in general. The moment
that an unidentified Black male presence was felt car doors had to be locked, girlfriends
held tighter and decent white islanders had to cross over to the other side of the street in
order to avoid a stickup or any other type of ill-fated encounter. Personal experience did
not appear to be factor shaping these beliefs. None of the respondents who pontificated
about the supposed violence inherent in the Black male figure, spoke about an
unfortunate incident either they or a loved one were involved in with a Black male on the
street. Respondents simply took it as a given. In these accounts, the racist thought behind
the aversion to the Black male body was at times acknowledged yet quickly disregarded
due to the more significant concerns surrounding personal safety and security. In other
words, several white respondents identified racist stereotypes as spearheading their
aversion and fear towards their Black male counterparts yet understood it to be a

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necessary evil because you simply didnt know when something terrible was going to
happen.
Of those who spoke about the importance of placing notions of personal safety
ahead of anti-racist thought and action, the most eloquent and sincere was Ernesto, a 22
year old self identified white Medical student. In speaking of looking at Black Islanders
differently than whites, he states:
I think that in reality there is no reason to look at them differently until you have
to deal with security issues. When personal security is at stake.You know,
security in terms of avoiding a stickup. I think that many people prefer to play it
safe as opposed to experimenting and taking a chance with the person passing by.
For example, if youre walking down an empty and dark street with your
girlfriend at midnight and you run into two Black individuals, you prefer avoiding
them as opposed to confronting them, although youre really not confronting
them, you would simply be passing them by. But in the face of that uncertainty,
you prefer to play it safe and just because you did that youre already
discriminating against them even though you dont really want to do it. (pp.5)
On the one hand, Ernesto knows that his actions are wrong; that he is in fact
discriminating against his Black counterparts. However, he perceives his actions to be
wrong in that he knows that acting that way may make the Black man feel bad about
himself, and not because the beliefs he holds are ludicrous and prejudicial. On the
contrary, in his mind Black males are in reality more prone to crime than whites. That for
him is not an issue. What gets to him is that on account of this reality, he has to expect
the worse out of every single Black man he encounters and thus, actively shun wellmeaning Black males walking down the street. The racism here then is not only made to
sound reasonable but it ultimately is the fault of the overwhelming criminal Black
element, not of the overly imaginative racist white mind.

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The absurd and ridiculous character of Ernestos rationale is made further evident
in the following statement. When asked if there were any advantages associated with
being Black in Puerto Rico, he commented:
Definitely there are no advantages in being Black in Puerto Rico. The only
advantage would be that you can count on peoples support to back you up. If you
need to kill someone, you can do it more easily and in terms of economics, you
could probably have a drug business in your neighborhood because the people
there can identify with you. (pp.9)
It thus becomes evident than in Ernestos mind, there are certain qualities or
characteristics inherent in Black people that make them a natural fit for a life of crime.
There is no possible sociological or economical explanation to even consider. The core
essence of Island Blackness is criminal.
Raul shares Ernestos vision of the criminal Black man. Much like Ernesto,
elements of the urban landscape combine with visions of dangerous Black men to create
an unsafe environment for white Islanders. Raul states: If youre in your car and you
notice that somebody is giving you nasty looks and you look over and its a Black guy,
youre like Damn!, this guy wants to stick me up or he wants to do something to me
(pp.2). However, contrary to Ernesto, the reasons Raul gives for Black Islanders
criminality have more to do with the prevailing social order than any type of criminal
Black nature. He identifies a pretty much clear cut racial divide along class lines in
Puerto Rico, with white Islanders wielding the majority of economic and political power.
Consequently, according to Raul, the people of the lower class, who are darker skinned
for the most part, are envious of what white people have and this may drive them to steal
it. Raul explains:
I think there is [envy] in all social classes but in the lower class you see it a
lot, you know, they see these people who have bettered themselves and this
person comes from the projects and they see this 16 year old kid in a BMW and

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theyre like Lets kill him. Like, I think many of the murders that take place in
Puerto Rico have to do with envy. You know, theres people who havent been
able to better themselves for whatever reason and they are jealous of those who
actually have. (pp.2)
Like Ernesto, Raul readily admits that there is something wrong with this type of
thought processes. He even takes it a step further than Ernesto, stating that everybody is
equal irrespective of skin color. However, the moment he makes this assertion, he
backtracks, stating: But also, people of color have a low self esteem, you know, maybe
because they themselves say Hell, they already look at me bad so I dont care, so they
dont try to better themselves. Theyre like Im like this and I dont care (pp.3).
Consequently, he partakes in the same evasion strategy: An admission of white guilt or of
a moral wrong is immediately followed and discounted by something Black Islanders
willingly do to themselves. In this fashion, all is forgiven and white racist thought and
action can remain unchanged.
For all that Ernestos and Rauls statements on the presumed criminality of Black
Islanders are troublesome and disheartening, Javiers account of the game he and his
friends used to play in high school takes white Islanders fear of Blackness to an entirely
different level. The respondent, an 18 year old self-identified white college freshman who
attended a private Catholic High School on the Island, when asked about the origins of
his fear of Black males, answered:
I dont know. Things Ive seen, things Ive read, things Ive lived. Well, not lived
but things Ive seen in television, things Ive been taught. Not that my parents
have taught me these things, but things Ive learned in different places, things that
my friends say. [Q. Like what?] They would say if an ugly black comes up to you
in an alley, that type of thing. For example, a very common game in my high
school was the ugly black. You would say ugly black. Very strong. When an ugly
black jumps up at you what you going to tell him? Or if an ugly black comes to
stick you up? Or an ugly black approaches you and asks you for money? Or if one
of these ugly blacks in San Juan comes to ask you for a cigarette? These kinds of
things that your friends say. (pp.4)

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Javier corrects himself twice in the previous statement. Asked about where he
learned that Black people were dangerous, he initially refers to lived experience only to
quickly take it back and then when acknowledging that people may have taught him to
think that way, he immediately feels pressed to clarify that his parents werent the ones
who transmitted this racist knowledge onto him. Thus, much like in Ernesto and Rauls
case, Javiers racist comments are interlaced with notions of racism as a moral wrong. He
could neither bring himself to lie about his lived experience thus voluntarily reducing the
validity of his comments, nor could he leave the interviewer with the impression that he
was taught to be racist in his home. Like the other two respondents, he appears to be very
much invested in maintaining the image of a rational, moral and well-meaning individual.
Consequently, racism is always described by these three respondents as either an external
force that they somehow picked up along the way, or as the only rational decision in the
face of Black Islanders bad attitude and nefarious actions.
The importance of this trend notwithstanding, the most startling and intriguing
aspect of Javiers statements has to do with the ugly Black game he played in high school.
Here the Black male character transcends the category of dangerous or criminal to
become a type of boogey man. The ugly Black makes the dark skinned male Islander
seem ghastly and inhuman. The game literally takes white fear of Black Islanders and
develops a ghost story designed to freak out and test the mettle of young white Islanders
during recess: What would you do?
According to Javier, the point of the game was to come up with the most creative
answer possible; to give a detailed description of how you would handle or dispose of the
ugly Black. The game then seeks to jolt the white racist imagination. It provides a

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hypothetical fix for the white racist mind. In the game, contrary to real life, the white
actor actually confronts the ugly Black. In the game, white Islanders are not forced to
cross the street. They fight it out.
It must be remembered that the white actors reaction is the only fictional element
employed in the game. It is evident in Raul and Ernestos earlier statements that the real
life Black male Islander is actively perceived to be threatening. He really is dangerous.
He truly does want to hurt you. From the white Islander perspective, that part of the game
is not make believe. Actually, it is hard to make a distinction between the opening line of
the game (What would you do if an ugly black comes up to you in the street?) and
Ernestos real-life accounts of a Black man walking towards him on the street (youre
walking down an empty and dark street with your girlfriend at midnight and you run into
two Black individuals). In fact, the only marked difference between respondents real
life accounts and the ugly Black game, is that in the game white Islanders have no real
fear of Blacks and are therefore capable of hurting them.
Dominicans in the Island Imagination
While Puerto Rican Blackness can at times be diminished, excused and/or made
invisible, and at others, highlighted, underscored and made painfully evident,
Dominicanness in the Island Imagination invariably means, signifies and/or is made to
stand in for Black. As Kattia puts it: Here, Black is Dominican. Thats it (pp. 4). It
represents the only constant, fixed and irremediable source of Blackness on the Island.
Often, when questioned about the existence of racism in Puerto Rico, respondents would
talk about the treatment of Dominican migrants as either the main or sole instance of
racial discrimination on the Island. The Dominican experience, enveloped in illegality,
then becomes the principal depository for Islanders most extreme and insidious anti-

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Black beliefs and attitudes. In a way, anti-Black racism becomes justified or even morally
and socially acceptable when it is directed at Dominicans. Viewed as ethnic, national and
social outsiders, many Islanders do not feel that they have to police and/or qualify their
comments about Dominican migrants as they do when talking to or about Black Puerto
Ricans.
Luis Rafael Sanchez (2004) writes about the casual and acceptable form antiDominican racism and xenophobia undertake on the Island. He specifically speaks about
how otherwise well-meaning, intelligent and sensible individuals partake in blatant racist
talk and joke telling about Dominicans without giving a thought as to the moral and/or
social implications of their actions. From the authors viewpoint, what Islanders are
failing to realize is how so-called Dominican jokes on the Island are in effect Puerto
Rican jokes in the U.S. They fail to see the international continuum of racist ideology and
discrimination.
Pedro, 29 year old self identified Black PhD student, concurs with Sanchezs
(2004) view and offers his own theoretical interpretation of anti-Dominican humor on the
Island. He states:
Dominican jokes are the order of the day. The Dominican here is viewed like the
other; he is viewed as the Black. He is viewed as the bad guy and the joke telling
is constant and even natural. Its the same over there [in the Dominican Republic]
with the jokes about Haitian people. But here its a joke about the Dominican as
the dumb Black man. And we dont analyze their situation, because the
Dominican who comes here arrives in a yola (makeshift raft) and does so
because of the terrible conditions over there. So they dont have the technological
advancements and means that we have over here so when they come here, theres
a clash. [But people dont see that] and say that its because theyre Black. But if
a gringo comes here whos never seen a beach and they get all exited and wild,
its the same clash. But they [Islanders] see him as the giant of the north and they
see the other one [Dominican migrant] as the poor Black that doesnt know
anything. These jokes then reflect the collective thought of people who are
discriminating. (pp.7)

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In the above statement, Pedro uncovers and attacks the anti-immigrant and antiBlack character of Dominican jokes. He then proceeds to make the connections between
the jokes told in Puerto Rico about Dominicans and those told in the Dominican Republic
against Haitians, thus highlighting the continuum of racism across different national and
social contexts and hinting on how the power imbalance in the particular context is
reflected in the joke. The issue of power imbalance and power structure is quickly
brought to the surface as Pedro compares Islanders reactions to Dominicans attempts at
adaptation with those of white Americans. In Pedros mind, Puerto Ricans colonial
condition impedes anti-American mockery at the same time that it permits and enables
anti-Dominican humor.
Furthermore, while certain anti-Black Puerto Rican comments might be considered
distasteful if disseminated through the different media outlets, many radio show hosts and
callers engage in anti-Dominican humor on a regular basis. Gretchen, a 19 year old self
identified dark-skinned college student explains:
You hear it on the radio. People call the talk shows on the radio to complain that
Dominicans come to the Island to take our jobs away. And that not true because
the jobs that Dominicans do are the jobs that nobody here wants to do. Not a
single person here wants to deal with the type of pressures associated with those
jobs. (pp.2-3)
According to Sanchez (2004) the overt and widespread character of anti-Dominican
racism and discrimination unearths and places a spotlight on Puerto Ricos covert antiBlack prejudice. In the authors view, Islanders extreme disdain and hatred for
Dominicansfocused for the most part on their Blacknessis the most visible and
obvious manifestation of the Islands deep-seated racial problem.

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One of the most troublesome aspects of the equation of Dominicanness with
Blackness is that the Black element on the Island becomes further stigmatized as not only
negative and/or inferior, but is also construed to be foreign, illegal and invasive.
Blackness, as a corrosive element, infiltrates and attacks Puerto Rican society from the
outside. Similar to how African-Americans are viewed by mainstream U.S. society
(Zuckerman, 2004; Dubois, 1999), Black Puerto Ricans are seen as not a constitutive
element of the Islands cultural fabric but rather as a problem; as an external threat that
must be somehow dealt with, whether through assimilation or termination.

CHAPTER 6
U.S. RACISM WITH A TAN
A lot of the racism here has to do with the racism over there. People imitate
behaviors and they adopt the United States as a model. And still in the U.S.,
although slavery ended many years ago, the Black man is still viewed as the lowest
possible form of being. And theres millions of people in the U.S., but the Black
man is always seen as the most downtrodden. That still hasnt changed.
Constitution or not, it doesnt change. And here in Puerto Rico, the one who is a
racist extremist is exactly the same as the Southern American. -Isabel (pp.7)
Blanquito in Blackface
I remember the smell of the burning cork in the ashtray, the residues of a black
paste-like substance in the bowl. I remember us getting ushered into one of the bedrooms
so we could change: white t-shirt, backwards cap. I was the oldest. It was the summer
between fifth and sixth grade. I remember my uncles ex wife scooping the black paste
from the bowl and lathering it on thick across each of our faces. It was important that we
remain more or less in sync during the surprise performance.
She passed out leaflets with the song. It was supposed to be a joke. Funny. Cute.
The family, she said, would get a kick out of it.
It was my mothers surprise birthday party at my uncles house. The family was
gathered in the backyard engaged in their drinks and conversations. My cousins and I
came out through the sliding doors in the living room lead by my uncles ex wife. The
conversation ended abruptly. All eyes were on us. She had asked me to bring my boom
box so she could walk around with it over her shoulder like the hoodlums did on the

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street. I dont really remember if she had given us chains to put on or not but for some
reason I remember something heavy on or around my neck.
It was hot underneath the paste. My youngest cousin was already wiping it off with
his thumb. We were all lined up in front of the party guests, staring at them blankly. All
of a sudden she gave us the signal. Eyes fixed on the leaflet, we started rapping.
The family laughed and clapped in the yard. Everybody seemed to have enjoyed
our performance. My mother told me to run in and get washed up so she could hug me
properly and give me a kiss. By that point, my youngest cousin couldnt take it anymore
and he started wiping off the paste from his face with both hands and leaving his prints
all over the outside and inside of the house. My uncles ex wife was right: The family
definitely got a kick out of it. She was praised for her song-writing and rapping skills.
My mother left happy that night, thanking my uncle and his wife for a great party. I
had to go back in the house after saying bye to everybody to get my boom box. I walked
out with it toward the car, debating whether I should prop it up on my shoulder like my
uncles ex wife had done. It looked really cool. As I opened the car door I noticed that I
still had some paste in the back of my ears.
White Americans in the Island Imagination
Most, if not all, are cold, introverted and boring. They can be arrogant and
ethnocentric. Many respondents highlighted white Americans presumed ignorance as it
relates to world affairs. Those hailing from the north are usually blond, blue-eyed and
rich. Those hailing from the south are for the most part white trash, rednecks or
hillbillies. All of them, however, can be extremely racist. At best, they find Puerto Ricans
exotic. At worst, they can come after you in a red pickup truck with a confederate flag
and a shotgun. On the average, they are not able to locate Puerto Rico on a map and are

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very much prone to asking stupid questions regarding Islanders citizenship status, the
distance between Puerto Rico and Spain by car and the pitfalls of living in a preindustrial Island society. They are not cultured. They have no interest in other peoples
religions, traditions or points of view. Everything in their life revolves around material
possessions and technological advancement. They cant dance. They dont know how to
party or have fun. Theyre too uptight. Their families are dysfunctional. They are unable
to show emotion. They are the complete opposite of the average or typical Puerto Rican.
They are missing some type of ingredient from their personality that keeps them drab and
uninteresting.
They are mega-white, of course; able to trace their ancestors to the most privileged
families in Western Europe. They couldnt tolerate a drop of non-white blood in their
gene pool. They hate African Americans to the point that they live in completely
segregated communities, attend different schools, churches and other public venues; to
the point that if an African American enters any one of those spaces they either move out
or they shoot him. They are all white supremacists. Theyre the true Americans.
Everyone else is extra.
Gringos are Weird People to Me
Both Javier and Marcelo, two 19 year old light skinned male college students who
had recently completed their first year of studies in a stateside university, admit to having
had rather derogatory views of white Americans even before settling down in the U.S.
These views, according to them, arose mostly from what they read, saw on television
and/or heard from friends. Javiers comments are exemplary:
Ive always thought that [white] Americans were very selfish, all for their
country, which of course is understandable because one always has love for your
country butIve always felt that [white] Americans were very self-minded,

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everything always for themlike theyre always thinking about
themselvesalwaysalwaysif youre not like them, youre not for them. Its
evident in the history, with the problems that they have with Black people, with
Latinos, with immigrants and this is something Ive always felt about
Americansthat theyre always for themselves, nothing for everybody else,
everything for their country. (pp.2)
Here Javier demonstrates a certain degree of knowledge pertaining to historic white
American attitudes toward People of Color and on account of this he is very critical of
whites. By way of this critique, he is making an acute distinction between himself as a
Puerto Rican and them as white Americans. Also, and perhaps more importantly, he is
seemingly laying down the foundation for a linking of the Puerto Rican experience with
that of other Latin@s as well as with the African American experience. This reaching out
to the Black American community is made evident in the view Marcelo had of Black
Americans before leaving the Island to pursue his undergraduate studies:
From what I heard about Black Americans, mostly from my brother, was that they
were more united, that they didnt care, that they would look at you as if nothing,
that they were always super cool with you, that, obviously, wellthat, yeah, they
were kind of cafre [thuggish], that, yeah, they were kind of you know
but[Q.Cafre in what way?]Not that they were cafre but thatthey were
more like usthey were morethey dress how they wantthey got their own
styleits not like Americans. They got their sweat suits, whatever, their
headbands, theirthey were much more relax [than white Americans]. They were
united, they stuck more to themselves and what not, but you would talk to them and
it didnt matter what race you were. They more or less identified with you. (pp.4)
Various elements are at play in this statement. First off, African Americans appear
to the light skinned Puerto Rican as some kind of comfort figure. He does not have to be
wary of them for they do not have the same attitude that whites are presumed to have
toward him. Then there is the racist slip where Black Americans are defined as cafre
a comment that when questioned is quickly corrected by equating Black thuggishness
with a positive Puerto Rican character and an overall uniqueness that makes Blacks
decidedly different from whites. This difference is then further highlighted by noting how

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unified Black people are and how they are not like Americans. This last statement is key
for it marks how in the Puerto Rican conception of America, American means white.
Moreover, American whiteness is taken to be markedly different from Puerto Rican
whiteness. When questioned about what he would answer if asked about his race, Javier
stated:
UmhI dont knowumhHispanicLatino. I cant say white or of color or
anything like that. [Q. Why?] Because, well because I dont think I fall under white
cause thats more the typical American, born and raised in the United States and I
cant say Black because Im not like colored that way [points to his skin]. So it
would be a third category that would be Hispanic or none of the above. (pp.1)
The rationale behind Javiers rather hesitant and uneasy identification as neither
white nor Black warrants some attention. In his mind, the difference between himself as a
light skinned Puerto Rican and white Americans is based on the fact that he was not born
and raised in the United States, whereas the difference between himself and Black
Americans is based strictly on skin color. Based solely on this comment it is not quite
clear from whom he feels the most distant. His subsequent statement however does signal
to a more Black oriented identification:
I think that there would be too great a difference between myself and a white
American. In other words, Im going to be more different from the white American
than from the Black American because Black Americans have this attitude that
because they experience racism, I can identify with them, like say hey, its the
same thing with Hispanics and Latinos, you know, what you were feeling twenty,
thirty years ago and what you still feel, well, Im feeling it now at its peak against
Hispanics, against the Chinese, against Hindu people, all those people. I tend to
think that the white guy is going to be a lot more intolerant. (pp.2)
Past and present white discrimination is again cited as one of the principal if not the
main difference between Puerto Ricans and white Americans. However, for all the
criticism of whites and the positive inter-ethnic solidarity invoked here, this pro-Black

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identification becomes troublesome when one takes into account the respondents
admitted lack of actual contact with African American people:
Ive met like one or two at most [Black Americans] and theyre nice people and
verybut its been much less than with white Americans, you knowat least in
my group of friends, with the group of people that I hang out with is more difficult
to find a Black American than a white American. A white American can come in
the group and hang out with us. Black Americans very few. (pp.5)
The great majority of the two respondents inter ethnic relationships are with white
Americans. Moreover, their beliefs and opinions regarding the nature and tendencies of
Black Americans are shaped by what they receive from white owned media outlets as
well as from individual whites. Consequently, despite an initial identification with Black
Americans, Javiers and Marcelos comments demonstrate very much the same antiBlack prejudices that white Americans hold. Javier explains: You always believe that
Black people are the trouble makersits something that has been in society, like in the
prisons there are ten Black people for 2 white people, that type of thing. You see that
Blacks are the troublemakers and what not (pp.6).
Even though Javier referred to the discriminatory treatment afforded to People of
Color in his previous comments concerning his vision of white Americans as selfish, he
now appears unable to make the link between the more general notion that there is
discrimination and the specific consequences of that discrimination for the Black
population. His identification with African Americans can then be taken to have
originated from a sense of political correctness or can at the very least be viewed as
premature. A key question thus arises: Is Javiers perception of Black Americans learned
in the U.S. or did it migrate with him from the Island?

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Jorge (Sketch)
Jorge is a light skinned Puerto Rican college student from the Island who came to
visit some of his childhood friends who are now studying in the University and who
happen to be neighbors of mine. After the proper introductions were made, and a couple
of domino games were played between us, Jorge excused himself from the group to go to
the bathroom. As he was walking to his friends apartment, he looked back toward the
groupall light-skinned Puerto Rican malesand yelled Im gonna throw the Jackson
5 in the pool! The group immediately burst with laughter, repeating Jorges comment
between gulps of beer.
Needless to say, both Jorges comment and the groups reaction to it shocked me.
The comment not only came out of the blue (there were no Black Americans present nor
was any of the conversation about Black Americans) but it was also innovative. Jorge
wasnt just repeating centuries old racist epithets but was in fact being creative with some
of the principle tenets of U.S. white racist ideology: that Blacks are ugly, disgusting,
worthless etc. Furthermore, the group of light-skinned Puerto Rican kids that responded
to this comment with such glee did not hesitate in doing so. They did not look at each
other as if bewildered by the joke nor did a bunch of blank faces turn to stare at Jorge,
making him feel awkward or uncomfortable. The joke didnt need an explanation. They
knew, understood and automatically responded, not only validating the racism
communicated in his humor but also bonding with him through their laughter.
After having witnessed this troubling interchange, I found myself posing a myriad
of internal questions: How does an Island born and bread Puerto Rican develop an antiBlack ideology that is so similar if not identical to that of American whites? How much
does his own racial status on the Island play into that anti-Black sentiment? What does

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this say about racism on the Island? And more specifically: What does it say about the
interconnections between white American racism and Puerto Rican racist thought?
Racismo All/ Prejuicio Ac
For most respondents U.S. racism and Puerto Rican racism are two different
animals. As discussed in a chapter three, racial discrimination in the United States was
perceived by all respondents as much more of a social problem than on the Island. This,
notwithstanding, analysis of respondents interviews has uncovered deeply rooted and
pervasive anti-Black thought and praxis within the Island context. Furthermore,
respondents comments have frequently echoed or referenced the racial mythology and
history of the United States. Whether consciously or unconsciously, Islanders often
merge Puerto Rican racial constructions and Island racial iconography with that of the
imperial power, possibly illustrating the pervasiveness of U.S. racial ideology in Puerto
Rico. Whether by employing the term nigger to refer to Black Islanders as both
Fernando and Benny did in their interviews (see chapter four), or by equating as Marcelo
did African-American thuggery with that of the cafres in Puerto Rico, U.S. and
Island racial/racist imagery became indistinguishable at times in respondents accounts.
By the same token, however, so-called racial issues were frequently downplayed by
respondentsspecifically by those who identified as whitethrough the use of a
discourse that mostly downplayed the amount or level of actual Blackness in darkskinned and/or Black Puerto Ricans. Paola, a 26 year old self-identified white restaurant
hostess, for example, when asked what possible differences existed between Black Puerto
Ricans and African-Americans, stated:
There are many differences. I think that Black Puerto Ricans are much less aware
or conscious of their Blackness. Therefore, they tend to not close themselves off

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in their own circle, because I dont think that they even identify with a particular
circle to be able to open it and close it. (pp. 3)
This image of Black only circles is important. About 80% of respondents
described African-Americans as clannish and/or self-segregating. Although about half of
these respondents viewed the alleged self-segregation practiced by African Americans as
a result of or response to white American racism, this supposedly closed character
helped to mark and define Blackness in the Puerto Rican mind set. Consequently, in the
absence of that alleged self-segregation, respondents like Paola viewed Black Puerto
Ricans as somehow less Black and even not really Black at all. Racism, like the one
found in the U.S., was then seen as improbable and/or ridiculous in Puerto Rico since
there were no actual Black people on the Island; at least nobody as Black as African
Americans. Asked why she felt that Black Islanders lacked a clearly defined racial
consciousness, Paola stated:
I imagine that its because people here [in Puerto Rico] are more racially mixed
[than in the U.S.]. That makes it harder to draw the line between who is white and
who is BlackYou can have a neighborhood where its whites, Blacks and
mulatos living together, whereas in the U.S. by and large you have whites in one
neighborhood and Blacks in another. I imagine that its because of that. (pp.3)
The irony in Paolas statement is that whiteness wasnt diluted nor was white racial
consciousness impeded from developing in the same way as Blackness and Black
consciousness were diminished through racial mixing and residential integration.
Although she made it a point to stress that only privileged whites (i.e. blanquit@s)
placed a big emphasis on whiteness, there was no single collective attitude, behavior
and/or socio-historical circumstance that made white Puerto Ricans any less white.
Furthermore, what established and maintained the difference between the type of racial
prejudice that could exist in Puerto Rico and the outright racism that existed in the states,

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rested solely on the type or kind of Black people that lived in Puerto Rico, and not on
anything related to light-skinned or white Puerto Ricans. Consequently, Puerto Rico was
seen by respondents like Paola as less racist than the states simply because Black people
were either less in numbers, less in kind or less of an issue on the Island than in the U.S.
African-Americans in the Island Imagination
They always walk or sit or stand around in packs. Theyre scary, have stone-like
faces and dont much like talking to anybody that is not part of their group. Theyre
frightening and have no manners. They wont open a door for you nor will they thank
you if you open a door for them. They are either rappers or killers or wannabe rappers
and killers. Theyre proud, very proud of their heritage and belong to a tradition of rebels
and survivors. They can dance better than anyone. They only wear sports jerseys, baggy
pants and backwards caps. They tend to be very foulmouthed. No one ever talks to them.
Theyre victims. They have a victim complex. They think every single white person that
approaches them is racist. They have suffered through a history of anti-Black racism.
They were once slaves. Now they have quotas and Affirmative Action. Theyre ghetto.
In a way, they can be compared to cafres in Puerto Rico. Theyre connected to a seedy
underworld. If you say anything wrong, theyll kill you.
Like Blacks on the Island, they almost exclusively walk down dark and deserted
streets. They are dangerous. Many of them have been taught since childhood to hate
white Americans. They are racist. They live in complete segregation from whites, attend
different schools, churches and other public venues. They are all men; not a single
woman among them. They are angry the majority of the time and never smile. They can
take you by surprise. You have to be careful. You must always be wary of them.

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The U.S. as a Total Racist Society
The majority of Islanders interviewed for this study experience the U.S. thru
media channels. Their perceptions of white and Black Americans and of the relations
between the two groups are in large part the product of what they see and hear through
American media outlets. When asked about what they thought of white and Black
Americans, respondents would often qualify their answer stating that they only knew that
which appeared on the news or on the big screen. The majority admitted to never really
having the opportunity to meet and get to know any Americans. The image, however,
was more or less the same every time: Separate, hateful and hostile. More often than not
American society was described in respondents talk as a type of white/ Black war over
rights, land, jobs, money, respect and power. Interestingly enough, this vision held true
even for those respondents with actual lived experience in the United States.
Tomas, a 29 year old self-identified Black musician, evokes this image of racial
war, when speaking of the high school he attended for two years in Southern Georgia:
When I went to study in Atlanta in 1992, I was in this school in the south of
Georgia and when they had class assemblies you could draw a line between the
white and Black students; so, you know, that theres a lot of fucking racism over
there. The racism I knew at that point was the one I saw in movies because I
myself hadnt experienced it. (pp.3)
According to Tomas that racial separation is simply not present in Puerto Rico.
Like his fellow respondents, he believes that racism is more hidden, more covert on the
Island. Although in his interview, Tomas referenced how anti-Black discrimination was
found in institutional settings; how Blacks Islanders seemed to always get pushed out of
certain occupations or only portrayed in certain stereotypical and demeaning ways on
media channels, he spoke of racism on the Island as very much an inter-personal,

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individual phenomenon. The notion of country-wide racial hatred and discrimination,
from his perspective, was alien to the Puerto Rican context.
Furthermore, class inequality, in his view, was a much greater hindrance for
Islanders than racial heritage or color. According to him, money permitted dark-skinned
and Black Islanders to differentiate themselves from the mass of Black Puerto Ricans and
be viewed and treated better by light-skinned and white Islanders. Interestingly enough,
however, when pressed more on the inter-connections between class status and race on
the Island, Tomas backtracked a bit from his earlier statements and instead of diminishing
or completely subsuming the effect of racial discrimination under class inequality, spoke
of how class status served to lessen the impact of anti-Black action in Puerto Rico. It
wasnt that Black Islanders of more advantaged socio-economic positions would
necessarily experience less discrimination, but rather that racism mattered less when you
had money. From his view, higher socio economic status softened the blow of the racist
act.
For Tomas, class did not intercede in this way in the U.S. context. Contrary to
Puerto Rico, race over there was too much of a divide to be bridged by class status. It
was simply too much in your face. There was no rest; no possible reprieve for African
Americans.
The Puerto Rican brand of racism, however, was not all better. From Tomas
perspective, the covert and more inter-personal nature of Island racism posits several
problems from dark-skinned and Black Puerto Ricans. Tomas states:
The thing is that over there [in the U.S.] because racism is so marked and
evident, youre fighting with a well-defined monster. Here [in Puerto Rico], since
its hidden, you dont know [who or what youre fighting against]. Youre just
talking with any person doing business and you dont know if youre color is

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raising barriers in his mind. Over there you do know because it is so obvious. (pp.
4)
This feeling of uncertainty regarding the presence of racist thought or action was
prevalent throughout all eight interviews with self-identified Black respondents.
Statements such as you simply cant tell or you never know populated their accounts
when characterizing or classifying their interactions with their white counterparts as
racist or not. It dawned on me then that the lack of talk on race and racism on the Island
combined with the multitude of filmic, televised and literary images and representations
of U.S. racism made available to Puerto Ricans, combine to leave dark-skinned and Black
Puerto Ricans without the necessary intellectual tools to identify and combat racism in
their daily lives.
The fact of the matter is that racism on the Island continues to be defined from the
outside as an inherently American phenomenon that ultimately bears no resemblance to
what happens in Puerto Rico. In this fashion, the extent of racial discrimination within the
Island context can continue to be downplayed by politicians, scholars and Islanders in
general without actually researching and analyzing its particular social nature and
workings on the Island. Instead, Puerto Ricans see and hear about the Black/white
American racial divide and immediately categorize it as different from the Island racial
climate. After all, there was no such thing as Jim Crow on the Island, no such thing as the
Ku Klux Klan and ultimately no such thing as white or Black. The concept of race
itself becomes alien to the Island population.
It thus appears that U.S. racism in effect provides Islanders with the model for
actual and real racial discrimination. It provides them with a picture of what antiBlack hatred looks like and since that picture finds no exact or perfect resemblance in

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Puerto Rico it is automatically returned to the U.S. without self-reflection or critical
thought. This in turns leaves light-skinned and white Islanders racial attitudes unchecked
because they will ultimately never be as bad as those of white Americans, and even more
tragic, leaves dark-skinned and Black Islanders without multiple and viable avenues
through which to prove that the racism they experience is not solely in their heads.
Now, this does not mean that U.S. racist thought does not infiltrate the Puerto
Rican context or that certain groups of Islanders do not adopt white American racist
attitudes and/or behaviors and use it against their fellow country men and women. On the
contrary, many of the opinions expressed by light-skinned, self-identified white and/or
blanquito-identified respondents in chapters three, four and five attest to the prevalence
of a type of anti-Black thought and praxis in Puerto Rico that is very much akin and in
effect borrows from U.S. racism. White Islanders treatment of the Black man as criminal
and/or low class, the seemingly wide-spread refusal to openly acknowledge racial
difference, and the fear of inter-racial relationship, among others, attest to the
correspondence that exists between the U.S. and Island systems of racial thought.
Nowhere are these parallels more evident than in respondents with lived U.S.
experience.
U.S. Experience as Racial Learning Program
According to Tomas, his experience as a teenager in a Georgia high school marked
him for life. In his words it taught him how to detect and see racism. Before living in
the U.S., he was not able to pick up on how his skin color might be working against him
in daily interactions on the Island. However, once back from his stay in the States, he
could not help but envision the Island as a racial mine field of sorts, where every single

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inter-change, incident or accident harbored the possibility of exploding with racial/racist
connotations. He explains:
In Atlanta I learned to see. Over there you would be talking with a white person
and that barrier is always there. I mean, think about it: Youre in a school that is
literally divided between whites and Blacks. So you learn to figure out if that
person is looking at your color as opposed to your character. And, man, thats
every day. So unconsciously youre determining whether the people you
encounter are racist or not. You just get used to it because theres no other
waySo when I come back to Puerto Rico after about a year and half, every time
I had an encounter [with a white Islander], I would be thinking: You know, I
would see a white person and the whole mental process would start trying to
figure out if they were racist or not. So I would start thinking about whether there
was in fact racism in Puerto Rico. So since I was so used to detecting these types
of things when white people were talking to me I realized that this [racism]
happened here too. All the time. (pp. 3)
Asked about how these thought processes affected his relationships with white
Islanders, Tomas stated that the knowledge he gained in Georgia made him more wary of
and better prepared to deal with white Puerto Ricans. According to him, it didnt dissuade
him from establishing relationships with white and/or light skinned Islanders, but it made
him aware of the qualities and characteristics random white people on the Island could
attribute to him because of his color. In a sense it brought him more knowledge of self
and enabled him to readily identify and respond to acts of racist discrimination that
without his stateside experience would be indecipherable and ultimately more hurtful for
him. The ability then to identify and name the discrimination was thus equated by him
with the opportunity to combat and/or challenge it.
Here the racism witnessed and experienced in the U.S. furnishes the dark skinned
and/or Black Puerto Rican with the intellectual tools necessary to counteract the racism
she/he faces on the Island. The U.S. experience then has a type of illuminating effect
whereby the hidden racist workings in Island society become visible, obvious. That

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which before was seen as simple suspicion or paranoia is rightfully validated and given a
proper name: racism.
Interestingly enough, U.S. experience had an opposite effect on blanquitoidentified respondents. Instead of making them more aware and critical of racist
workings on the Island, their time in the U.S. lead to the adoption of a number of beliefs,
attitudes and terminologies commonly associated with white American racist discourse.
As previously noted, Fernando and Bennys use of the tern nigger evidences that
adoption. That, however, is only the tip of the iceberg.
Blanquito-identified respondents with U.S. experience appeared more disdainful,
more vocal, untrustworthy and prejudicial of Blacks as a whole. They also seemed more
irate, and outraged about the supposed moral and ethical deterioration of the Island at the
hands of low class Black Puerto Ricans and much more invested than their counterparts
in maintaining Puerto Ricos good name in the U.S. Consequently, their race speech
was less encoded than that of their fellow respondents, frequently becoming blatantly
racist and hateful. Also, it must be noted, that self-identified white respondents light skin
color enabled them to pass for white Americans in certain situations. Therefore, the
discrimination they were subjected to was noticeably less severe than that of their darkskinned and Black counterparts. They thus spoke of U.S. racism more as casual observers
than actual participants. It is possible that this apparent detachment from U.S. racist
workings, kept them from engaging in the type of self-reflection and criticism undergone
by respondents like Tomas. Ultimately anti-Black stereotypes and other racist
misperceptions went unchallenged and unchanged, while traditional Island racist thought
became enriched with U.S. racism.

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Asked about his experience in the stateside University he attended, Benny states:
I obviously did not experience any racism in terms of color, because Im white and
blue-eyed. So there wasnt any instance were I was not allowed entrance to club or
anything like that. I also speak very good English so they wouldnt take me for a
LatinoIn terms of me myself engaging in racist actions, never. Because as you
might know, if youre racist over there, youre fucked because they [African
Americans] will kill you. Overall, my experience in college was very segregated.
We [Puerto Rican students from the Island] did not mix with Blacks and the Blacks
did not mix with usWe didnt even mix with other Latino groups because in our
view we werent Latinoswhat we would call Latinazos. We were Puerto
Ricans from good families. The Latinazos were those that were raised in the
States. I guess we were racist in that sense because we didnt want to deal with the
LatinazosWe saw them as the cafres. (pp. 9)
The racial privilege Benny experienced because of his light skin color is evident in the
above passage. His ability to pass for white enabled him to live in the U.S. without
threat or fear of racial discrimination. This in turn allowed his Island-grown racism to
flourish: not only could he live in strict segregation from Black people in the U.S., but he
was also able to pick out and identify a Latino group that could take the ideological place
of cafres outside of the Island. Island racial structures were then not only recreated
within the American context but in a sense expanded to cover people across national
borders.
In the end, Benny comes to embody a white racist persona that is not at all different
from that of white Americans. Consequently, his racial identity (meaning the privilege
and superiority that comes with whiteness) overtakes any cultural, ethnic or national
identification. In other words, the fact that he identifies as white comes to say more about
him than the fact that he is Puerto Rican. His racism is no different from that of white
Americans. The only difference might lie in that Benny may or may not speak his with a
Spanish accent:
Listen, I was super patriotic. I was like super stereotypical with my beliefs in
independence for Puerto Rico, my Che Guevara T-shirts and my protests. Its just

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that now there is no turning back. Were in a hole and what we need are like two
cruise ships and we get all the cafres in and we put a bomb in each one and well
kill all the cafres that way. Because they dont want to educate themselves and
admit that theyre in the wrong and Im not going to be able to change them.
(pp.10)

CHAPTER 7
MARKETING AUTHENTIC PUERTO RICAN BLACKNESS: RACE AND
GENDER IN THE MUSIC OF TEGO CALDERN
Confesionario
I have to be honest: I rarely if ever play rap music loud in my car. If I ever do the
windows must be up and the air conditioner has to be at full blast so as to muffle the
sound. Its not that at 26, Im so concerned and even paranoid about getting old that I
have already started to worry about losing my hearing, but rather that I am overly
preoccupied with my appearance. You see, in high school (read: in my private, all boys
catholic high school), I used to pride myself on the fact that contrary to the rest of my
predominantly white class mates, I did not super prep my stereo system so as to ride in
and out from school with a mini concert in my mothers two door sedan. That, from my
perspective at the time (i.e. staunchly unpopular, nerdy schoolboy), was a feeble and vain
attempt to look cool; to appear bad. Not surprisingly, listening to rap during my
adolescence was very much a private, personal and even quiet experience.
Dont get me wrong, it wasnt that I was not allowed to play it or that I visualized it
as something obscene and thus, policed my listening habits. This is not your typical
Hollywood tale about a privileged white boy from the colony coming of age by gradually
immersing himself in a forbidden ethnic milieu. There is no rapper that took me in. No
dreams of becoming the next rap phenomenon. No Hip-Hop or reggaetn-styled
girlfriend. My contact with rap music and the communities that produce it, both on the
Island and abroad, has always been mediated by the market. Thus, my immersion in the

132

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culture can be measured simply by counting the number of CDs I have and calculating
the total amount of money invested. It can be measured by taking a quick inventory in my
closet and comparing the number of Puerto Rico shirts with the number of Phat Farm,
Rocawear and Ecko Unlimited boxer shorts, sweat pants and dress shirts. It can be
measured. Period.
My relationship with rap music then is one of pure (?) and unbridled consumption.
My knowledge of the music is limited to that which I can read in magazine articles,
celebrity news briefs and CD liner notes. It is limited to concerts, posters and favorite
songs. Simply put, Im a fan. However, my conscious appropriation of certain rap
elements (i.e. urban clothing) and my admitted hesitation to embrace others (i.e.
playing the music loud in the car), constantly leaves me in an intellectual and maybe even
ethical bind. The fact is that the wannabe race scholar in me recognizes commercial rap
music as the commodified expression of marginalized communities of People of Color
that have nothing to do with me. Consequently, I cannot help but visualize my convenient
and temporary ascription to a rap or urban aesthetic as not only problematic but also as
insulting to those communities. This vision is further complicated once the musics
lyrical content is brought into play.
El Meollo del Asunto
Though extremely popular in many parts of the world, rap music and some of its
most influential exponents continue to be policed by various formal and informal
channels. In the U.S., Hip-Hop music in general has been labeled by the media as
gangster or criminal, prompting influential political and religious leaders to target and
drive campaigns against specific artists through the years (Russell-Brown, 2004). In
2003, the New York Police Department even established a Hip-Hop task force in order to

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monitor the activities of rappers (Clark, 2003). Similarly, in Puerto Rico, reggaetn
artists have felt increased political pressure to clean up their act due to the perceived
offensive character of their lyrics and videos (Santos-Febres, 2005). In both countries, the
outrage has been prompted by rappers alleged glorification of street violence
especially as it relates to the drug tradeand the objectification of women in their lyrics.
The typical response from representatives of both the U.S. and Island rap communities
has been that their music is a reflection of the geographical and social spaces they inhabit.
When probed a bit more, specifically on many rap artists crude references to the female
anatomy, artists have defended their lyrics arguing that while some women are
wholesome and descent, others are whores and they are only talking about the whores
(Kitwana, 1994).
Hidden somewhere in the middle of this polemic is the complex character of a
particular musical genre rooted in some of the most downtrodden urban communities in
the East Coast of the United States (Rose, 1991). Rap music originated in the late 1970s
in New York City during a time marked by extreme political conservatism and economic
downfall (Rose, 1991). According to Rose (1991), it began as an apolitical party music
played in gatherings in public parks or in individual homes. However, because it arose
and developed during such a time, the music garnered a high level of social significance
within the communities that birthed it. Rap quickly became one of the premier forms of
expression for the youngest members of the inner city communities in New York, which
were the hardest hit by the conservative politics and the economic decline during said
epoch. Rap then, irrespective of its particular subject matter and stated purpose during its

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initial stages, must be viewed as an important socio-political innovation. At the very
least, it functioned as an outlet to release the angst felt by many disenfranchised youth.
Since then, the musics popularity and audience have grown exponentially, and the
genre itself has expanded over time to make room for many technological, lyrical and
thematic innovations (Ogbar, 1999). There is party rap, Afro-centric rap, Feminist rap,
mainstream rap and underground rap just to name a few. Even more telling of the genres
ever expansive reach, has been its ability to cross national borders and mix and mesh with
other musical styles and genres, reinventing itself in each setting to reflect the needs and
desires of each community that practices it. Taking this into consideration, it would be
ludicrous to reduce the musics lyrical content to sex and violence, and end up negating
the potential for social critique and social action the music ultimately harbors. However,
it is important to note that a considerable portion of the rap music produced for radio and
video airplay does contain startling amounts of sexist talk and images. By the same token,
not all rappers references to violence serve to draw attention to the more tragic aspects
of inner city life. On many occasions, sex and violence are present in rap songs solely
because they sell (Kitwana, 1994).
Such is the case of the majority of rap and reggaetn music that is produced,
marketed and sold in Puerto Rico. Riddled with references to and images of scantily clad
women fulfilling the most outrageous, crude and often violent fantasies of male artists,
rap and reggeatn music in Puerto Rico has managed to become the best selling musical
genre in the country. The genres popularity has reached such high levels, that several of
its artists have an international following; often touring through Latin America, the U.S.
and many parts of Europe.

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Probably the most notable result of this heightened popularity has been the
acceptance many of the genres top stars have received in the U.S., specifically within
Hip Hop circles. Notorious for its sexually explicit lyrics, provocative dance moves and
infectious beat, Island reggeatn has become the next big thing in the U.S. Thus, many
African American rappers have taken to the genre and have either collaborated with
Island artists and/or made reggaetn-styled songs themselves. Of particular significance
has been the commercial success and public visibility of Island rappers Daddy Yankee
and Don Omar, who have seen their albums reach platinum and gold sales status in the
states, respectively.
The acceptance of reggeatn music and artists in Hip Hop circles combined with
the commercial success the music has found in the states, make the genre an ideal site for
race analysis and debate. It must be remembered, that Hip Hop music as an African
American cultural and commercial product has maintained a conflicting relationship with
mainstream white America since its inception. Research points to the precarious position
African American artists often find themselves within the American social and cultural
landscape (hooks, 2004; Kitwana, 1994; Russell-Brown, 2004). On the hand, their talent
and artistry has brought many of them fame and fortune, but on the other, the marketing
to which most rap acts are submitted (i.e. dangerous, criminal image) has further
stigmatized and marginalized not only themselves but young Black males in general. All
in all, within a highly racially hostile cultural climate, Hip Hop music sticks out as a
markedly Black and often conflicting and troublesome cultural production and
commercial product.

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Reggeatn, being the musical expression of young, disenfranchised, usually darker
skinned Puerto Rican males shares a similar history (Santos-Febres, 2005). Its artists have
been targeted and marginalized on account of the same music that has brought them
popularity and economic success. However, contrary to Hip Hop in the U.S which serves
as one more battlefront in the countrys race wars, reggeatn has stood out in Puerto
Rico as one of the few social locations that invites, inspires and downright provokes
conversations on race and racism on the Island. Though not always explicitly racial in
terms of lyrical content, the musics roots are found in historically racialized and
marginal communities. Drawing from Afro Puerto Rican Salsa, African American rap
and Jamaican dancehall, regeatn forms part of a decidedly Black musical tradition. It
thus stands in direct contrast to the majority of the Islands mainstream musical and
cultural product.
Consequently, the adoption of reggeatn by the African American Hip Hop
community could very much lead to interesting and possibly transformative readings and
interpretations of the racial climate on the Island. Increased contact between African
American and Puerto Rican artists could very much lead to the crafting of more clearly
defined and oppositional Black Puerto Rican identities within the genre and make of the
music extremely fertile ground for Island-wide conversations on race and racism.
From my viewpoint these readings and interpretations have already begun to occur.
As Puerto Rican rappers attempt to establish a niche within Hip Hop circles, they sketch
out similarities between their experience on the Island and that of the African American
poor and working classes. As made evident in an interview that Island rapper Daddy
Yankee gave to the stateside publication The Source, not only do class parallels

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become important, but also Puerto Rican racial identifications have to be reformulated to
fit within U.S. racial constructs. Daddy Yankee states:
[Q. What is your heritage?] Well, both of my parents are Puerto Rican-born and
raised. My mother, God bless her, she is the light of my soul, is Spanish-Latin
descent, meaning White Puerto Rican, and my father is of African-Spanish
descent, meaning Black Puerto Rican. So, ya see, I have the best of both
worlds.
As this interchange between the two communities progresses and as more Island
artists attempt to break though in the American market, race will continue to be one of
the premiere topics of conversation; possibly prompting Islanders to steer away from
more totalitarian and homogenous constructions of Puerto Rican identity and instead
fragmenting Puerto Ricanness by race. It thus becomes important to start analyzing the
racial messages and images already inscribed in the music as it stands on the verge of an
international commercial explosion. Of particular interest is how images of Puerto Rican
Blackness are negotiated with the stereotypical and degrading images of Puerto Rican
women that are so common in the music. More specifically, to what extent is the explicit
and progressive racial discourse in Island rap tied into the objectification of women in rap
lyrics and what effect does this relationship have on the listening public?
Confesionario (2)
It would be easy for me to say that it is this complexity and conflict that I value in
rap and that that is what prompts me to buy it, to wear it, to talk it and to even look like it
at times. It would be a comforting thought if I was to believe that I do it out of some
profound yet inexplicable feeling of solidarity with the people in these marginal
communities. I could, if I really wanted to, even go so far as to explain how I, a wellmeaning wannabe race scholar, listen to it out of a pure (?) sociological interest. But this
is not the case. The fact of the matter is that I am an outsider to the music, and that I have

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issues with being an outsider. It happens to me that on the one hand I fear being seen in
my car with the stereo blasting and getting pegged as a typical blanquito, while on the
other I have few if any problems with sing-songing some of the most misogynist lines
imaginable under my breath. You see, I am a well aware that my selective appropriation
of the music could very well border on racist and classist fetishism so I shy away from
certain outward manifestations of appreciation for rap. I am also very much aware of the
sexist imagery that abounds in the genre. However, I do not fear being taken for a
misogynist.
Consequently, often times I have entertained the idea that I am less a racist than I
am a sexist. However, my conscious attention to how these two social forces shape and
mold my listening experience leads me to disregard this explanation. I am more inclined
to believe that one oppression temporarily alters or at least occults the power difference
set by the other. Let me explain: I am able to consume and enjoy rap music to an extent
as a racial outsider precisely because of the sexism in rap lyrics. While there may be and
are a number of key differences between the world I live in and the world rappers come
from, sexist oppression is not one of them. That element in the music is not alien to me.
On the contrary, it is readily accessible and serves as an important social and cultural
passageway for me to enter the rap realm. It is then quite possible that what I actually
get out of the music is a limited and temporary easing of racial tensions by way of a
vindication of sexist thought and action.
Loco, es Caldern
As discussed, Puerto Rican rap artists have faced great pressure from political and
media forces to alter their lyrical content as they are seen by many in Puerto Rican
mainstream society as the sole and exclusive bearers of Island sexism. The majority if not

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all of the genres most notable stars have at one point or another been made the focus of
moralistic attacks and critiques, presented in large media outlets as the poster boys for
bad taste, pornography and sexual aggression. The fact is that considering the high levels
of popularity and sales that reggaetn singers have achieved over the years in comparison
to artists from other genres, they have until very recently received very little press
coverage. You seldom see the same puff pieces on Lito y Polaco (popular rap duo) that
you see on Victor Manuel or Michael Stewart (salsa singers). Mainstream media outlets
in Puerto Rico thus appear to have a vested interest in not covering the accomplishments
and the accolades received by reggaetn artists. In this sense, rappers in Puerto Rico for
the most part have been both present and absent from the official discourse on popular
culture.
The arrival of one artist in particular, however, seemed to break that silence. Tego
Caldern, arguably one of the Islands most successful and beloved reggaetn artists, has
received a level of exposure and media coverage that is unparalleled to that of any of his
fellow rappers. Ever since officially arriving on the Islands rap scene with his 2002
CD El Abayarde, Caldern has set new standards for record sales, concert tours,
television appearances and advertising deals. More importantly, the 32-year-old rappers
popularity has not been limited to traditional rap circles in Puerto Rico. One of
Calderns major claims to fame has been his appeal among rap fans and non-rap fans
alike, among white and Black Islanders, the young and old, men and women etc. The
national media then, willingly or unwillingly, has had to cover him.
What is particularly interesting about Calderns success is the fact that it has
happened to him. Tego is an anomaly both within and outside Island rap circles. He is

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older than the majority of rappers and upcoming pop stars; sports an Afro (most rappers
have their hair cropped short); is considerably darker-skinned than most other rap artists
and is admittedly not considered good looking by mainstream standards of beauty.
Furthermore, much of his lyrical content is socially and politically motivated in a music
market that is decidedly more geared toward danceable party tracks, whether they are rap
songs or not. That he presently stands as one of Puerto Ricos most visible and
recognizable music figures is thus quite surprising and surely worthy of analysis.
Confesionario (3)
It is possible that I have simply been swayed by popular opinion. That I own a copy
of Tegos two CDs to date because I am fearful of being left out of casual conversations
once his name is brought up. Maybe I just keep track of him in the papers because I am a
celebrity news junkie and Tego always seems to make for good stories. Maybe its a bit
more complicated than that and I listen to his music because I like the beat and dont
really pay much attention to the lyrics. However, that does not explain why the custom
greeting in my cell phone reads Guasa Guasa or why his official fan website is on my
list of favorites. Maybe is not even a question of taste. It is possible that I am very much
into irony and sarcasm and get a kick out of pulling up to the entrance of my mothers
gated community playing the music of a man who four years ago wouldnt have been
able to peer through the gate without getting the police called on him. Maybe I
desperately need to ease that tension somehow. Maybe my white privilege bears upon me
in such a fashion that I need an easy out; a way to acknowledge and confront it without
having to give that privilege up. I have no choice then but to analyze the racial
negotiations that take place between Caldern and myself every time I press play on his
CD.

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Lleg El Negrolo Coclo
At first, Tegos Blackness seems inescapable. The cover of his first album has him
on the bright red cover, neck up with his Afro mushrooming out from his head. At that
point one is not yet sure of what is actually being purchased. One listen and a privileged
white kid from the colony no longer knows what to do with himself. Lines like pasando
el rolo/ volvi el negrolo coclo/ que los jode comoquiera/ acompaao o solo
[flattening you out/ the Black coclo returns/ that fucks you guys up either way/ with a
posse or by myself] flutter about his head and he is left without the proper words with
which to explain how race has suddenly become an issue in his life. Add that to
Calderns frequent use of the term niggawhich immediately conjures images of
gang-themed Hollywood films and rap videos set in crime ridden inner city
neighborhoodsand the white kid from the colony cannot be anything but scared (y si
veo tu crew/ cerca de mi neighborhood/ te voy a joder la salud/ you know how we niggas
do [And if I see your crew/ around my neighborhood/ Im gonna fuck you up/ you
know how we niggas do]).
Continue administering the dosage, and the kid is completely blown away by
visions of an almost overwhelming Black presence and pride on the Island that find no
parallel in the images of the Puerto Rico he grew up in. Theyre not in the countrys
official seal. Not on television. Not in magazine covers. Not in his neighborhood. Yet all
of a sudden they materialize in poignant lines such as Zulu como Chaka and lo que yo
tengo de blanco/ t tienes de gangster [Zulu like Chaka and you have about as much
of gangster in you/ as I have of white in me].
The listening experience becomes downright dangerous once Caldern starts
deconstructing the racist myths upon which the white kids national identity has been

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based. His entire belief system is confronted and formally challenged when Caldern
spews Nuestra historia es vergonzosa entre otras cosas./ Cambiaste las cadenas por
esposas [Our history is shameful among other things,/ you switched the chains for
handcuffs]. For a moment, there appear to only be two options for the kid: to wholeheartedly deal with the messages being communicated in the music or throw the CD
away. The intensity of the rappers social critique does not immediately offer any other
solution. On the contrary, it seems to build up more strength as he starts directly
criticizing political figures from the left who according to Caldern, would much rather
deal with pressing political issues, than actually face up to the injustices committed
against the Black Island population: Nunca he visto a Ruben Berrios abogar por los
mios/ Por so en ninguno confio// Todos con Vieques/ Y mi pueblo negro no padece?
[Ive never seen Ruben Berrios stand up for my people/ Thats why I dont trust any of
them//Everybody with Vieques/ But my Black people dont suffer?]
The experience however starts becoming less torturous and very much pleasing
once the rappers race-based posturing is challenged and at times over taken by a strictly
(almost raceless) male posturing in tracks that steer away from the political and social
realms and instead focus on going out and having a good time. White and Black cease to
be an issue the minute proving ones worth as a man in the face of other men as well as in
the face of women becomes overly important to Caldern. Both his race and the kids
take a back seat. He is finally able to enjoy and nod his head to the music of his fellow
man.
Me Sobra lo que te Falta
There is no doubt that Calderns musical persona is very much built on traditional
notions of masculinity. There is nothing soft about him. Song after song he makes it clear

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to his rivals (whoever they may be) that he is nobody to mess with: Jode con Calde y se
te acaban las aventuras [Fuck with Calde/ and your adventures are over]. In this
regard, Tego Caldern is no different from other popular reggaetn singers like Daddy
Yankee and Don Omar or from African-American Hip-Hop luminaries like 50 Cent and
Jay-Z. However, contrary to his fellow rappers, Calderns masculinity depends
primarily on his God-given courage. There is no gun talk in Caldern. No elaborate
descriptions of killings. There are no lists of deceased rivals. Nobody dies in Tegos
music. Furthermore, there is no mention of physical strength. He does not make any
reference to the number of people he may have in his entourage. Nothing. In fact, he is
more concerned with letting people know about his intellectual capabilities (tengo
bastante y en la cabeza [I have enough meddle in my head]), than about his physical
prowess. His violence thus appears to be purely lyrical. The beat-downs he offers to
fellow rappers are meant to stay in the realm of rap as he warns them of the real-life
consequences that quarrels between artists can have when taken too seriously. He states:
las batallas entre cantantes y el odio/ pueden terminar como Tupac y Notorio,/ no es
satisfactorio/ ms velorio [battles between rappers and hatred/ can end up like Tupac
and Notorious,/ More funerals are not ideal] Much of his work can thus be taken as
moralistic. His rapping style even becomes somewhat preachy as he goes on constructing
what a real man is and how he should act.
Not surprisingly then, Calderns own claims to masculinity are based on standing
for the good; on being real. He states: yo no le temo a la maldad porque yo soy de
verdad [I dont fear evil because Im for real]. In this sense, he appears before the
listening audience more as a well-meaning action hero than as a gangster or hustler. His

145
masculinity then, is cloaked in a subtle yet definite nobility. He makes it clear that he is
only against those who have wronged him or those close to him. Consequently, his lyrical
threats are completely justified. One perceives him not as vicious, but rather as
passionate. And as a passionate and well-meaning individual, he vacillates between
threats of actual physical violence like si jodes con mi raza/ te saco las patas [If you
fuck with race/ Ill rip your legs out] and more metaphorical and romanticized lyrical
attacks like si me tiran piedras,/ yo tiro pa tras/ y los mato con humildad [If they
throw stones/ Ill hitem back/ and kill them with humility].
One may question exactly how such a poetized and romantic conceptualization of
manliness can maintain itself in the testosterone charged and graphically violent realm of
Island rap music. More precisely, how is Calderns image of a self-made, well-meaning
man equally as, if not more believable than the thugged-out images of rappers that
characterize the genre? After all, he speaks of holding no ties to any criminal enterprise.
For all intensive purposes, he does not brag about having a criminal past and actually
speaks of having held a series of odd jobs; of having legally and genuinely struggled to
get to where he is today. Doesnt this image seem outdated?
It is and the artist readily admits it in lines like: pa la nueva era,/ un poco de vieja
escuela [for the new era/ a small old school dosage]. He even refers to himself as
granpa. Tego is there to school other rappers and the listening audience not only on
how to rap but given much of his lyrical content on how to live a better life (coge
consejo de Tego paque llegue a viejo [Take Tegos advice so you can make it to old
age]).

146
The granpa moniker is interesting considering that Tego at 32 years of age, is
older than most rappers, yet he only recently broke into the Island rap scene. In this
sense, he is both a veteran and rookie, both young and old. This dynamic is important
when examining how ideas of gender and masculinity are communicated in his music.
The fact is that Caldern is using a musical genre that is directly associated with people
in their teens and early twenties to communicate more traditional, less flashy notions of
masculinity. In analyzing this image, one realizes that his posturing is reminiscent of the
classical salsa singers of the 60s and 70s. This is no coincidence. Much of Calderns
distinctive style and wide ranging appeal is attributable to the blending of rap and salsa
rhythms in his music and his frequent referencing of old school salsa idols, especially
Ismael Rivera. A thorough listening of his material shows an artist who is much more
interested in presenting himself as the descendant of Ismael Rivera and other famous
soneros than of any rapper, past or present.
Tegos frequent use of salsa music as a cultural and musical reference point, his
professed knowledge of the genre along with the musics status as one of the Islands
premier popular expressionsits proven allegiance to the streetgives Caldern
something that his fellow rappers do not have: tradition. Salsa music, in the eyes, of an
older public, ties him down to the street, gives him a permanent place and therefore
makes him more credible; more authentic. He does not need any guns for the same reason
that Ismael Rivera did not need any guns: his people love and respect him. No one is
going to harm him in the streets because the streets are his. This perceived authenticity
then permits him to be more romantic, more metaphorical in his threats. It enables him to
craft himself as a loner; confident and dependant only on his will and heart.

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Caldern then is authentic in regards to music (no me copio,/ sal con un flow muy
propio [I dont copy anyones style/ I have my own flow]). He is racially and
ethnically authentic (Tego Caldern,/ el negro de Borinquen bella [Tego Calderon,/
the Black man from Puerto Rico the beautiful]). And perhaps more importantly, he has
authenticity in the streets (Fiel a la brega ms que a la Vega,/ sal de aqu no de donde
quiera [More loyal to the hustle than to the Vega/ I came from here not just from any
other place]).
Las Gatas Gozan Ms con el Canchanchn
Authenticity, however, only takes him so far and Tego as an atypical reggaetn
artist does make some concessions in his lyrical content to better fit in within the genre.
This is precisely where the women begin to suffer. Tegos references to women and
womens bodies are laden with sexism. Like many of his fellow rappers he is only
interested in sex not love (ando en busca de enganche/ no de romance [Im looking for
a hook up/ not for love]). If he ever were to settle down with one woman, she would
have to accommodate his gigolo life style (necesito una gata que no me pelee cuando
llegue tarde [I need a girl that doesnt fight when I get home late]). More demeaning
however, is the interchangeable character of women and womens bodies in his music.
Song after song, women are either let go and replaced or under the threat of being let go
and replaced (no respeta tu gata, hazle las maletas [If she doesnt respect you, send
her packing]). The importance of their presence and company is reduced to sex or more
precisely to their acting out of the rappers sexual desires (vamos a hacerlo como nunca/
dejate llevar/ no me hagas preguntas [were gonna do it like never before/ let yourself
go/ dont ask me anything]).

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It could be argued that Tegos treatment of women in his music, though not any
more startling than that of his fellow rappers, becomes more problematic once one
considers the fact the he already had the listener respecting and admiring his unique and
noble image of masculinity. The sexism, because it is packaged in a more attractive
manner, is that much more insidious. The listener shows less resistance to it and it is able
to seep in his/her head with much more ease. Thus, Tegos visions of masculinity serve
two important purposes. On the one hand, they overshadow his Blackness, making the
music more agreeable to white Puerto Ricans. And on the other, they make sexist thought
and action more acceptable to otherwise non-receptive ears. The end result is that the
artist ends up conceding the veracity and vitality of the social criticism inherent in his
musicespecially in regards to race and racismby reinforcing traditional notions of
male/female oppression. Ultimately, a person like myself can feel down with his race
without actually having to deal with his race (or mine).
The Impact of Reggaetn and the Future of Racial Discourse
The commercial success of reggaetn musicits continued acceptance in
mainstream U.S. musical outletscan very possibly impact the way race and racism are
thought and talked about in Puerto Rico. As discussed, increased contact between Island
artists and African-American rappers can lead to important reformulations of traditional
Puerto Rican racial identities. A good number of the negotiations Island rappers must
make in order to find acceptance and commercial success in the U.S. are racial in nature.
Artists seeking to crossover to the U.S. market will come to form part of a genre that is
viewed by the American public as inextricably and irreducibly Black. Therefore they will
have to find ways to relate their experience as marginal figures within Island society to
those typically undergone by the youngest and most marginal segments of the African-

149
American population. The racial identities they craft then as both Puerto Rican artists and
individuals will not only affect the way they as Puerto Ricans are perceived in U.S.
society but will also affect the way Puerto Ricans view themselves in relation to Island
rappers. Increased attention to this genre by both Island and U.S. media channels would
then make it possible for critical dialogues on race, racism and Puerto Ricans to take
place on both sides of the Atlantic; possibly setting the groundwork for open and
extensive explorations of how race is experienced in Puerto Rico.
This, of course, seems idealistic, especially when one considers the sexist character
of the majority of reggeatn music and how it is that aspect of the genre in particular that
is garnering so much attention in the U.S. It is true that reggeatn as a woman-hating
cultural and commercial product holds no possibilities for social change. In fact,
reggaetn, if marketed as an exotic, sensual and explicitly sexual genre, instead of
providing a social space for critical dialogues on race in Puerto Rico, serves up Puerto
Rican women as simple objects of desire for the mainstream American public. There
would be no cultural shock whatsoever. Puerto Rican males would be able to gloss over
national, cultural and racial/ethnic differences and bond with African American and white
males at the expense of Island women. All possibility for change would be lost.
It thus becomes clear that the genre warrants our attention and critique. Analysis of
the work of Island rappers are of critical importance at this juncture. The gender and
racial messages Island artists are sending and will continue to send in their lyrics will
undoubtedly play an active part in shaping the Island social climate in the coming years.
It is up to us, as social scientists, to decide whether we are going to be an active and
influential part as well.

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Conclusion: Coming to Grips with the Problem
Toward the end of his book Racism without Racists (2003), Eduardo Bonilla-Silva
theorizes that considering the increasingly encoded character of white racism in the U.S.
the pervasiveness of a color blind ideology that purports equality for all Americans
regardless of their racial/ethnic background while simultaneously ignoring extreme racial
inequality in all facets of social lifethis country could very well be headed towards
what he terms the Latinization of race relations. According to Bonilla-Silva (2003), as the
social impact of race continues to be downplayed and/or disregarded by the American
media, government and the public; as racial discussions become less frequent and more
taboo; as white privilege is left unchecked, American racism could very well mirror the
unspoken and insidious character of the racist thought and praxis found in many parts of
Latin America. If Bonilla-Silvas theorizing is in fact accurate, then a study on the way
race and racism are perceived and talked about in Puerto Rico is nothing less than timely.
One could assume that an exploration into any aspect of the workings of race and racism
in a particular socio-cultural context (such as Puerto Rico) where racism is perceived as
completely alien to that society, would definitely give the U.S. race scholar a glimpse of
what is to come in the realm of race relations in America. This dissertation, in part,
attempts to offer colleagues and readers that exact glimpse.
The problem, however, is that the characteristic that makes Puerto Rican race
relations so intriguing to study is the same one that seems to impede an adequate and
complex discussion on the topic. Perhaps the most appropriate and therefore daunting
question posed in this work was asked in the first chapter: how does one talk openly and
critically about a subject that as of yet does not have a socially accepted and proven
language to employ in the dialogue? As discussed, both my talk and respondents

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testimonials were plagued by frequent and anguishing moments of silence where we
would find ourselves searching for the precise words with which to describe how race
was working in our lives as Puerto Ricans. Consequently, this work has been
compromised since the beginning in the sense that it could only serve as an exploration
into the little that could be articulated about race and racism by both respondents and me.
Perhaps it is this lack of articulation what respondents and I have most in common.
Forget ethnic and/or national identity or shared history or culture or status as colonial
subjects. As it pertains to this work it is our inability to talk about race as acutely raced
individuals that unites us and distinguishes us as a set group of people.
Articulation in Black and White
In the midst of these silences, however, certain key elements of Puerto Rican
racial/racist thought and praxis have come to light in this work. Though for the most part
highly encoded and even cryptic in their social nature, meanings and messages about
racespecifically about the social desirability and undesirability of whiteness and
Blackness respectively have been found to be actively communicated in respondents
talk. As discussed, conversations about differences based on social class invariably led to
comments about race which posited images of whiteness and Blackness at opposing ends
of the social spectrum. These comments served to not only racialize the speaker and those
around him/her, but also served to racialize Puerto Rican identity in general.
Conversations with self identified white and Blanquito-identified respondents, for
example, uncovered a view of a low class, low brow and ultimately murky and darkened
Puerto Rico that seemed to embarrass respondents and thus impeded them from
connecting with the rest of the Island population and whole heartedly identifying as
Puerto Rican.

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Furthermore, and possibly more important, conversations with all ten self-identified
whites respondents exhibited a clearly demarcated though somewhat embattled Island
white consciousness. Respondents like Ernesto, Paola and Teresa spoke of the privilege
inherent in being or passing for white on the Island (see chapter three). Island notions of
whiteness in these conversations very much mirrored the notions of U.S. whiteness
discussed and unpacked in Peggy McIntoshs (1988) White Privilege Exercise.
Whiteness on the Island is replete with unacknowledged perks and privileges that must be
protected whether by shying away from racial mixing or by crossing the street when
faced with a Black passerby.
Blackness, on the other hand, presented itself as a destabilizing and problematic
social force or presence. Simply put, it made light skinned and/or self-identified white
respondents nervous. They did not know how to appropriately and respectfully talk to or
about Black people. For the most part their interactions with dark skinned and/or Black
Islanders were not with the actual people themselves, but with a type of composite of the
Black body informed by myths and stereotypes. As discussed in chapter five, there was
no discernable difference between Ernestos sensational tales of running into Black men
on the street and Javiers ugly Black game. Here, the alleged lived experience is almost
completely indistinguishable from the rhetorical and fantastic. Taking this into
consideration, one could argue that in the light skinned and/or self-identified white Puerto
Rican mind, Black Islanders do not really exist outside of whites image of them; outside
of the simulation (Baudrillard, 1994).
Blackness and Black Islanders, then come to occupy a space outside of real
and/or actual Puerto Ricanness. Consequently, as this research has shown, Black

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Islanders either stand out or are invisible and therefore ignored. There is no middle
ground. Blackness in the Island imagination stands in direct opposition to Puerto
Ricanness, which impedes Black Puerto Ricans from occupying an acknowledged central
and defining position in both Island discourse and society.
Looking Ahead
In an effort to combat and subvert the social and discursive marginality to which
Black Islanders have been subjected, two important social locations were proposed as key
sites for the construction of a public and effective discourse on race and racism: Black
Puerto Rican families and rap and reggaetn music.
As discussed, self-identified Black respondents interviews spoke of the importance
of their familial unit in providing them not only with the understanding and support
necessary to withstand and counteract instances of discrimination, but more importantly,
their family members served as key role models and mentors who instilled in respondents
a sense of pride in their racial heritage and identity. It was in the familial space where
respondents were first taught about how Blackness was experienced on the Island and
what their race should mean for them. Here, sincere and honest talk about the race
problem in Puerto Rico is not taboo. There appears to be no ambiguity; no coded
language; no insidious disregard shown for the experiences of Black Islanders.
Furthermore, the conversations that occur in this space are important and ultimately
useful for those of us interested in formally addressing the state of race relations in Puerto
Rico, because they are the direct product of the day to day experience of Black Islanders.
Consequently, they employ a language that has proven to be functional in peoples daily
life. And considering the silence, avoidance and misrepresentation that have
characterized the race problem in Puerto Rico throughout its history, we, as social

154
scientists must look at those spaces of Island society where the talk on race has proven to
be more sincere, honest, freer of stereotypes and more representative of Black Islanders
experiences.
Second, reggaetn music as the cultural and commercial product of a marginal
racial and class group, is imbued with racial and class messages and meanings. Also, the
professional, personal and artistic relationships that Island rappers have begun to form
with African American artists coupled with Island acts desire to cross over to the U.S.
market, places reggaetn music in an ideal place for important explorations as to the
future of Puerto Rican race relations. Increased contact with the highly racialized U.S.
Hip Hop music market may very well influence both Island rappers artistic persona and
their lyrical content. These ideas would then find themselves widely distributed through
the Island and abroad. Taking into consideration the level of popularity the genre
presently enjoys, it is safe to say that the medium presents itself as quite possibly the
premiere channel for the distribution of new racial messages that would challenge the
prevailing view of a raceless Puerto Rico.
All in all, this dissertation has attempted to shed light on the ways in which notions
of whiteness and Blackness influence, shape and to an extent determine Island Puerto
Ricans vision of themselves and others, as well as of Puerto Ricanness as a whole.
Though the analysis of this facet of Island race relations has been very much tied to
understandings of U.S. racial workings, this dissertation breaks with previous work on
race and racism in Puerto Rico in that white American racism is neither portrayed as the
father figure of Island Racism nor used as a conceptual scapegoat. Furthermore,
contrary to previous work on the topic, racism is examined and discussed from the

155
perspective of what it says about whiteness and white people. This is important for it
places the guilt and responsibility of racial discrimination on those that benefit directly
from it, thus doing away with the vision of race and racism as simply a Black thing. In
the end, this work hopes to contribute to a more nuanced and workable vision of racial
dynamics in contemporary Puerto Rico that would ultimately lead to a more positive and
constructive conception of us as a people.

APPENDIX
INTERVIEW GUIDE
Guillermo Rebollo-Gil
University of Florida Institutional Review Board
The following areas will be the focus of the study interviews, with sample questions
listed below:
1. How do you call yourself in terms of race?
2. What, if any, contact have you had with dark-skinned/black Puerto Ricans?
3. How would you characterize in general your contact with dark-skinned/black
Puerto Ricans?
4. What is your perception/ how do you feel about dark-skinned/black Puerto
Ricans?
5. What qualities do you associate with light skin/whiteness? With dark
skin/blackness?
6. Do you have mostly light-skinned/white friends? Dark-skinned/black friends?
7. On the average, do people initially think you are light-skinned/white or darkskinned/black? How does this make you feel?
8. Do you think that there is racism in Puerto Rico? Why? Why not?
9. Have you ever experienced racism? If so, please elaborate on this experience.
10. What does it mean for you to be light-skinned/white in Puerto Rico?
11. Do you think that there are any advantages that come with being lightskinned/white in Puerto Rico? With being dark-skinned/black?
12. How often do you think about being light-skinned/ white?
156

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13. In your opinion, is Puerto Rico made up mostly of light-skinned/white people or
dark-skinned/black people?
14. What contact have you had with members of other racial/ethnic groups?
15. How would you characterize that contact?
16. How much is race/ethnicity a factor in determining the kind and amount of
contact youve had with members of other racial/ethnic groups?

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Guillermo Rebollo-Gil was born in San Juan, Puerto Rico in 1979. He is the author
of the books Veinte (2000), Sonero (2003) and Teora de Conspiracin (2005). At
present, he holds a Visiting Instructor position in the Department of Sociology and
Anthropology at University of North Florida in Jacksonville. His main research interests
focus on racial/ethnic inequality in the United States with particular emphasis on the
effect of alternate racial markers (i.e. language, migration history etc.) on non-Black
People of Color; pedagogical strategies for teaching anti-racism in college classrooms;
images and representations of race and racism in popular culture; as well as on the
intersections of racism, classism, sexism and homophobia.

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