Koha Digest # 143

Front Page: EUROFOR

Date: 2 April 1997

KOSOVA

BETWEEN ROUND TABLES AND OPTIONS

by ARBËR VLLAHIU & BESIM ABAZI / Prishtinë

The chairman of the PPK, Adem Demaçi just published recently a political project on the
creation of new association of three independent states to be called Balkania. In this project,
Demaçi foresees that Balkania would be composed by three independent and sovereign states
of the Balkan Peninsula: Kosova, Montenegro and Serbia. Launched as an idea in the
Belgrade media, this project caused different reactions. The Kosova Information Center (KIC)
rushed to ask the PPK to declare itself immediately whether this was a personal project of
Demaçi or was this the posture of the party itself. Initially, Kadri Kryeziu, member of the
presidency of the PPK declared that "...for the time being, this is Demaçi's personal project,
but it will soon be discussed by the leading structures of our party and there we will have a
clear standpoint about it". Demaçi's deputy, Kosumi, declared that "Demaçi's Balkania is in
principle supported by the membership of the party".

Justifying the moment of the publication of the project, PPK stresses a couple of reasons".
Firstly, because "the Kosova problem is reaching its final point and secondly, the
international decision-making centers are far away from perceiving the problem objectively
and justly and are exerting ever more pressure on the Albanian side to accept a solution
within Serbia". This is why the publication of this projects, according to PPK, "an attempt of
the author to draw the attention but also get the support of a part of the international public in
its efforts for Kosova's independence. Because it considers that by safeguarding the Dayton
decisions and making efforts for the Albanians' freedom, it will attract the appreciation of the
international community". Also, "this is an attempt to gain the support of a part of the Serb
and Montenegrin public opinion so once we start negotiating, if the Socialist party of Serbia
or Milosevic don't agree to talk about the independence of Kosova, we can always say there
are other people we can talk to about this matter". As the PPK states, symbolically this is an
attempt of Demaçi to save the Albanian "chariot" that is rumbling down quickly, even
sacrificing himself if necessary". They do express their conviction that "... Demaçi's option is
not contrary to the '91 referendum, because it's essence is the independence of Kosova".

However, for a large part of other political subjects, Demaçi's project is unacceptable and thus
they express their reserves to it. LDK's vice-chairman, Fehmi Agani, declared that "a concept
for a new confederation of states from the former Yugoslavia that still remain undefined had
been announced before. In this text, in which if we remove unnecessary elements as the
design of the flags, and if some issues that are constant in all constitutions (human rights,
collective rights, etc.) and if some characteristics are abstracted, such as rotation in the
presidencies, which are known from before, a central idea in this project is: the confederation.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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The truth is that this is not in concordance with the demands for the independence of Kosova,
and although this project foresees that the members states of the confederation should be
independent (the idea of independence excludes the need for their confederacy links) but, this
is only one of the ideas in circulation". Agani believes that this idea "is hardly
accomplishable". In his opinion, "Serbia would rather accept Kosova's independence than
confederacy with Serbia and Montenegro".

Meanwhile, Mark Krasniqi, chairman of the Albanian Christian- Democratic Party, considers
that "..this is Demaçi's personal point of view since it has not bee adopted by his own party.
Our party as determined to respect the expressed will of the Albanian people in the 1991
referendum.

UNIKOMB, although considered close to the Parliamentarians, is another one of the parties
that has declared itself against Demaçi's idea. The vice-chairman of this party, Afrim Morina,
says: "With all due respect for Demaçi, his project has not impressed us much. UNIKOMB
understands the historical need of European and Balkans integrations, but in any of these
associations, Albanians should come in as an integrated nation. Although presented as a
confederation, Demaçi's project is actually a federation, in essence, doesn't give self-
determination to Albanians". At the end of his pronouncement, Morina declares that "no one
has the right to link the fate of the Albanian people with two other people that have
historically been hostile towards Albanians - not even Adem Demaçi". Anyhow, Demaçi's
Balkania will continue being the object of discussions, especially because he has announced
that this "will be the platform of his discussion in New York". Although he didn't want to
further elaborate on his project, Demaçi promised he would do it in a press conference just
before going to New York.

Within the last initiatives for the establishment of the Albanian-Serb dialogue, the most
serious one is the meeting in New York, organized by PER and which is foreseen to take
place at the beginning of April, although there is a series of contradictory discussion going
on. Initially, in the first meeting that was postponed by the events in Serbia, only four
representatives from Kosova, including Rugova, had been foreseen to participate. Since the
Serbian side would be represented by seven people, including a representative of the Serbian
Resistance Movement from Kosova (this, following the events in Serbia), another Albanian,
Demaçi from the PPK, was invited later. Evaluating that the Albanian side "is discriminated
in numbers", Demaçi conditioned his trip to New York with the participation of another
member of his party. His suggestion was adopted by the organizer's representative, Alan
Kasoff, and now, according to the new list, Albanians will also be represented by Abdullah
Karjagdiu, the fourth vice-chairman of the PPK. The other news is that the LDK will finance
Edita Tahiri's (LDK's secretary for foreign relations) participation in New York, although
rumors are that she could be replaced by Mark Krasniqi (chairman of the Albanian
Christian-Democratic Party). But, the invitation for Krasniqi has not arrived yet.
Anyhow, this meeting in New York, which is supposed to precede the one in Vienna,
although the most important for the time being, will leave dilemmas about the differences in
the options to present. Sources close to the PPK state that Demaçi will defend his idea on
Balkania, while "the other group" will defend the idea for "the independence of Kosova".

An announced meeting in Brezovicë between the Albanian and Serb intellectuals was
postponed because "of the events in Albania", although different sources evaluated that this
was not the real reason. Moreover, one of the organizers, Behxhet Shala from the CDHRF,
had directly accused the LDK because it conditioned the celebration of the meeting with the

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participation of its representative. In the meantime, Bajram Kosumi had evaluated that the
meeting in Brezovicë could have been politically very positive, precisely because of the list of
the participants.

After this postponement, the doubts about the organization of the next Albanian-Serb meeting
in Kotor (Montenegro) grow bigger. Organized by the Foundation for Peace and Conflict
Resolution, seated in Paris, the meeting should be informal and at the level of the
vice-chairmen of the non-governmental political parties, in this case "Zajedno" and Albanian
political parties.

The intention of this meeting is to "take the pulse" says Azem Vllasi - to see what the Serbian
opposition coalition thinks about the solution of Kosova's problem, and what does the
Albanian side think on the establishment of the Albanian-Serb dialogue for the solution of
this problem. Apparently, this was the place where Zajedno's project on Kosova was to be
presented and argued. Seemingly, this project has been evaluated and has received principled
support. One of the vice-chairmen of the PPK, Jonuz Salihaj, has confirmed that same as in
the case of Brezovicë, this meeting was also postponed for an undefined period of time - the
justification is the same: the situation in Albania.

Sources close to the LDK state that their representatives had no intention to participate in the
Kotor meeting, because the co- organizer from Prishtinë was "not serious enough".

Anyhow, the long expected Albanian-Serb dialogue will start after New York and especially
after the new elections in Serbia. The encouraging detail is the statement made by the Serbian
opposition that there will be no preconditions for their start, and the only condition stated is
"giving up on violence".

INTERVIEW

VUK DRASKOVIC, Chairman of the Serb Renewal Movement

"I WILL NOT PARTICIPATE IN NEW YORK"

Interviewed by FISNIK ABRASHI & GJERAQINA TUHINA

KOHA: You will soon participate in the New York meeting. What are
your expectations?

DRASKOVIC: As the things stand now, I will not participate in

this meeting, because neither the Albanian side nor the SPS are
sending delegations of the adequate level.

KOHA: What is your information on the level of the

representatives? According to our sources, Demaçi has accepted
the invitation, as well as the two vice-chairmen of the LDK and
the other participants. Or is it maybe that you have some other
information?

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DRASKOVIC: Yesterday, we saw published an information that Demaçi
wouldn't participate. If he doesn't attend, and if SPS will send
its vice-chairmen, then SPO will send its adequate
representative, but not the chairman of the party.

KOHA: Do you think the meeting should be attended by Rugova

proper?

DRASKOVIC: Naturally, both Rugova and Milosevic should be there.

In fact, since Milosevic's chairmanship in the party has been put
"on ice", then Sainovic who actually replaces him while he is
still in the fridge, should be there.

KOHA: Have you informed the organizer about you postures in this
regard?

DRASKOVIC: Naturally, since the beginning. On the other hand,

these conversations in New York are not perceived by us as
negotiations and we don't support the idea that negotiations
between Albanians and Serbs are held abroad. We were told that
this is a round table organized by an NGO, the Carnegie
Foundation, and in this sense we will send our representatives.
But there is no need, and this is our posture, to establish
negotiations with citizens of Serbia outside the country.

KOHA: Have you communicated these postures to the organizer?

Would you be willing to accept Cyrus Vance's role as that of a
personality that would help the long-term solution of Kosova's
problem?

DRASKOVIC: The agreement was that this would be a round table,

a professional meeting. Such round tables are organized all over
Europe and the world about different topics. This is acceptable,
in this sense. But, if this is an official conversation about the
solution of Kosova's problem, then there are many reasons why we,
in SPO, are sceptical about.

The first reason is that we see no reason why citizens of Serbia,

regardless of whether they are members of Serbian or Albanian
political parties, must start a dialogue or conversations about
the solution of Kosova's problem outside the country.

Secondly, we consider that it is necessary to have a previous

dialogue among Serbian parliamentarian parties, before going
there. Such a dialogue doesn't exist, because Milosevic doesn't
allow it to happen. He wishes not to solve Kosova's problem,
because he needs it to bargain with. He needs Kosova as the focus
of tragedies and unrest, because that is how it is holding it
still. He always needs Kosova before the electoral campaign, and
in any moment, he can accuse the democratic forces in Serbia that

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they are betraying Kosova, and thus present himself as its
defender. No one has brought so much unhappiness to both
Albanians and Serbs in Kosova than Milosevic. Thus, he can't set
traps in places where I wish to be part of. Our postures
regarding the solution of Kosova's problem are known.

KOHA: Have they changed since the unique platform of "Zajedno"

has been published?

DRASKOVIC: No, and I wish not to repeat our postures in regard

to Kosova. Kosova represents the center of the memory, of the
Serbian state and national culture and it is a fact that the
Albanians make up the absolute ethnic majority there. We must put
these two facts together - Kosova should be part of Serbia, and
at the same time Albanians in Kosova should be guaranteed the
maximum of human, civil, religious and political rights,
including the right to a territorial autonomy, within Serbia,
based on the existing European standards. The other fact we are
insisting on is the radical decentralization of the government
in Serbia and the establishment of effective rule at the level
of the region and municipality.

KOHA: So your decision is final: you are not going to New York?

DRASKOVIC: I am clear in my postures. If Rugova and Sainovic

come, and if there is no official character in these talks, but
this is only a chance to exchange non-obligatory opinions in a
professional consultation organized by an NGO, then I will go.

KOSOVA

ALBANIANS AND SERBS IN MANHATTAN

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtinë

As the meeting date in New York is coming closer, it is

actualizing ever more the old question - what will the American
approach towards the Kosova problem be?

This question is based not only the fact that the USA have the
supremacy as the only super-power in the world already
guaranteed, but also because of the fact that Americans had the
leading role in the previous Balkan crisis, which seems not to
have ended yet. Moreover, Americans, during all these years, have
warned Serbia about Kosova. The “outer wall of sanctions” were
initiated by the USA, which differing from the members states of
the EU, didn’t recognize FRY, or at least didn’t increase the
relations at the level of ambassadors.

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These are sufficient arguments that allow this question, of great
interest for Kosovars: how do Americans perceive the solution of
Kosova’s problem, during and after the New York meeting, where
does it finds its grounds and why are there critical voices among
Albanians that state that Americans are not able to support the
Kosova issue “till the end”!

The Americans, since the beginning of the former-Yugoslav crisis,

in times of ambassador Zimmerman, had a critical stand towards
Belgrade, especially in regard to human rights. On the other
hand, the Americans critical towards Belgrade and supportive of
the political course of the Kosova Albanians, especially in times
of the warring actions in the former Yugoslavia, never declared
themselves openly in favor of the independence revindication of
the Albanians, although there are arguments for a ambiguous
evaluation of this matter...

Staring from the diplomatic standpoints, as the one revealed by

former Secretary of State Christopher, “Serbia will never be able
to have full representation in the international community nor
will it be fully recognized by the USA as long as the Kosova
issue is not solved” or Holbrooke’s repetition that “there will
be talks with the Yugoslav authorities on Kosova” - at least
proves that there is a high level interest within the American
diplomacy which seems to see the Kosova issue as an open one.
Nevertheless, Christopher’s statement that Kosova should have a
status that would guarantee its citizens the respect of human and
political rights, allows the possibility for different

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-7-
Berisha's campaigning for the new Constitution in 1994. Unlike
his Socialist mates, he received Berisha, greeted him in his
town, and after respecting the President by listening to his
speech, he addressed the citizens calling them to vote against
Berisha's proposal. Several days later, the voting showed that
the citizens of the town were in their majority against Berisha's
stand.

Although he has learned quite some things about diplomacy,

leading a town inhabited y Albanians and Greeks, Fino has a huge
burden on his back now. He must solve very difficult issues by
maneuvering between the parliament and Berisha in a political
scene that is burdened with many uncertainties His cabinet has
the support of 10 political parties out of which 9 have
ministerial posts. The Democratic Alliance didn't want to get any
of the posts because it didn't agree the Democrats to have the
Ministry of Interior under their control again.

The three main ministries, Interior, Foreign Affairs and Defense,

have besides the ministries also a secretary of state each, thus
assuring reciprocal control between the position and the
opposition. The new Minister of Foreign Affairs is 42-years-old
Arjan Starova, from the small Social-Democratic Union. Starova
has been the deputy-minister since five years ago and is known
to be Berisha's “spoiled kid”. He is a philosopher by profession.
His secretary of state is Pavli Zeri, from the rival Social-
Democratic Party, known for his good connections in the Socialist
International. The most disputable post is held by the Interior
Minister Behlul Çelo. He comes from the Fier branch of the
Democratic Party and is quite unknown to people in Tirana. He is
an engineer by profession. His aide is the former vice-Speaker
of the first multi-party Albanian Assembly, Lush Përpali. He
reappeared in the political scene when everyone saw him lost.
Although originating from Berisha's town, Përpali has been his
strongest critic. The Socialists hold the very important post of
the Defense Minister. Former minister Zhulali has fled to Italy
and has sought political asylum, he was replaced by a "hard-core"
Socialist, Shaqir Vukaj, former vice-Speaker of the previous
parliament. Vukaj's obligation is to reorganize a dissipated
army. He has made a call to all the military that had been
discharged during the so called "Zhulali reformation" to come
back. Vukaj has been often seen on TV meeting with Western
ambassadors asking for logistical help to reorganize the Albanian
army.

Socialists also hold the Ministry of Finances, very important in

this precise moment. The new minister of finances, Arben Malaj
was one of the authors of the economic program of the SP.
A number of small parties hold other posts. The Legality Party,
the Royalists, have the Minister of Justice, a very well known

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attorney, Spartak Ngjela, who spent over 17 years in Enverist
prisons. Ngjela used to be one of the leaders of the Democratic
Alliance, but then he left the party as he felt "that it was
sliding to the left". Actually, Ngjela has the support of the DP,
which had declared him a traitor four years ago after he paid a
visit to the Socialist party in Belgrade. He is a pragmatic
politician and it is considered that he has influence in this new
cabinet. But, he is facing a terrible situation in a state that
has no prisons and whose judicial system has been completely
paralyzed. The Social-Democrats have the Minister of Agriculture,
Haxhi Aliko, the former Rector of the Agricultural University,
a very much respected intellectual. Aliko has a long experience
in this field, and he is currently trying to assure food
assistance from the West. The Party of Human Rights, that
represents the Greek minority, holds the ministry of Transports,
and their representative Foto Duka is quite unknown to the
public.

Engjëll Ndocaj, a TV journalist has been appointed Minister of

Culture. He is a Catholic from Shkodër and member of the
Christian-Democrats. The new cabinet was established not only
taking into account the representation of the political parties
but also the three confessions. It is hoped that this will be the
cabinet of hope for the Albanians that find it hard to hope for
anything.

MACEDONIA

AN AFFAIR WAITING FOR A SOLUTION

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

Two meetings of the Macedonian parliament celebrated last week

only reflect what is happening around these days. Lately,
Macedonia has been suffering dramatic moments: the protests of
students and the hunger-strike of some of its organizers because
of the adoption of the Law on the Instruction Language in the
Pedagogical Faculty were only one more proof that something
serious was going on in the inter-ethnic relations. The "burst"
of the "TAT Savings" affair (a pyramidal bank from Manastir whose
25 thousand people have deposited some 112 million DEM) and the
alleged involvement of government officials in the biggest fraud
in Macedonia, were only linked to the previous frauds in other
banks amounting some 20 million DEM. There is, therefore, no need
to state that things are cracking in Macedonia in the social and
inter-ethnic aspect.

The events caught the actual government by surprise. Almost a

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month long protest of students in the center of Shkup quite full
of Albanophobia and then political requests for the resignation
first of the Minister of Education and later even the whole
government, initially didn't worry it much. It was even
considered that it is usual arrogance, the government wasn't even
noticing what was going on.

When the TAT affair came onto the surface, the government
"urgently" asked the parliament to debate on the inter-ethnic
relations and the their harmonization within the frame of the
system! The reaction of an amoeba reflex can be explained with
the panic of the ruling structures, because the explosion of TAT
and the previous banks shocked the altogether weak social
structure of the state.

Maybe the events occurred in Albania have no chance to be

repeated in Macedonia, as many politicians declared that Manastir
is not Vlorë, but the truth is that the poorest layer of the
population "burned-out" in this affair and will probably go after
the guilty wishing to apply the punishment it/he/she deserves.

The responsibility of the state could be found in the non-defined

regulations and the poor control of the criminal activities of
the people that owned the savings banks. However, TAT proves to
have involved also some people belonging to the system. It was
soon proved that the owner of the bank used to present only 10%
of the turnover she registered. Then, it came out that all her
"official" documentation was in fact a falsification, and that
she had a secret accounting that was ten times bigger than the
amount presented. Another fact appeared: that the vice-governor
of the National Bank, in charge of the revision/control of the
saving banks, made money out of nothing. First, he got a loan
worth 50 thousand DEM from TAT and then he deposited the whole
sum and based on the system "interest over interests", he gained
890 thousand DEM. It became immediately clear that the owner gave
some very much privileged loans to some very privileged
personalities.

Many things in this affair remain unclear, the government didn't

react as it should have, and the opposition used this once again
as a plastic example to show the incapacity and corruption of the
actual government.

In such a situation, the first parliamentary session, that was

dedicated to the inter-ethnic relations, although it lasted three
days, actually served to those that wished to buy some time. This
had as an effect the relativization of the peoples' discontent.
Now it became clear that if this meeting's intention was to
harmonize the inter-ethnic relations, it came too late. Because
as things stand now, these relations can't look prettier even if

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"fixed" from the outside. It is very strange to see the people
who have been in power for over six years not being able to
realize that they are to blame for the bad relations between the
majority Macedonian people and the "others". The hypocrisy of the
ruling structure was visible also in the case when both VMRO-
DPMNE and PPDSH were qualified as "extreme political groupings".
The intention of the ruling party to promote itself as the
representatives of the civic option was just too transparent,
knowing that it actually started promoting itself as the only
representative of the Macedonian national interest.

The adoption of the Declaration on Inter-Ethnic Relations is pure

cynicism, first of all because it is imagined as a tool for the
establishment of the dialogue, although it was precisely the
actual government that tried to evade dialogue as a way to solve
problems.

The same was the impression made by the partially pathetic speech
delivered by President Gligorov, whose motto was "we are not
headed by the Balkans Apocalypse Riders" and whose conclusion was
that "national radicalism are reappearing".

The second meeting that discussed the TAT affair started as

expected - with the attacks of the opposition against the actual
government, with the justification of the SDLM MPs and the
attempt of the government officials to take-off all
responsibility and throw it on the Governor of the National Bank.
The justifications of the ruling structures went quite bad in the
two days' discussions, and their positions are actually going
weaker - there is still no certainty on the number of people that
have deposited money in TAT, how much of that money is "real" and
how much is made up of the "interests", where has the money ended
and who has profited and how much from it. Even the public
appearance of the Minister of Interior claiming that he would not
let this affair just go, didn't convince the people who are sick
of everything. The more the meeting was approaching the end, the
more it was becoming clearer that complete information on
everything would be impossible to gather. This puts all the
variants in orbit. And, all of this favors the ruling party.
At the end of the meeting, the premier and chairman of the SDLM
asked for the support of the Parliament until the National Bank
of Macedonia's report was ready: "It will discover what is there
to see and the sick part of the body will be removed by all
means, so the whole organism of this state is saved", said
Crvenkovski.

His most important message was that after the clarification of

this affair he was willing to talk with the opposition about the
package of electoral laws and the determination of the date for
the new elections.

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The applause heard at the end of his speech was actually only a
support of the members of his party. But, it is evident that the
uncertainties related to TAT are huge and that there is something
in it that can harm the actual regime very much and what's more,
that things in the country can go in the wrong direction. This
is the first time that the premier and the ruling party has
offered a dialogue to the opposition about the electoral laws -
and apparently this is it's last resort.

INTERVIEW, LIV ULMAN

I CAME TO LEARN ABOUT AND FROM KOSOVA

by DUKAGJIN GORANI / Prishtinë

KOHA: You have come to visit an area which is still not being
taken seriously within the problems in the Balkans.

ULMAN: On the contrary, Kosova is not an unknown territory to the

West, especially in Norway, where a large number of Kosova
Albanians live. Many of them are political refugees, many of
them live in churches and almost all of them live in very
difficult conditions. There are quite many Albanian children that
were born in Norway during these difficult years. Naturally,
there are also Norwegians that are not happy about the asylum-
seekers and insist that the latter should be expelled,
repatriated. My duty will be to explain to my compatriots about
the difficult conditions Albanians face in Kosova.

KOHA: When did you start your human rights activity?

ULMAN: Maybe it was the end of the '70s when IRC approached me
for assistance. Ever since I have been actively engaged in IRC's
activities. I travelled and visited many countries in the world.
The assistance that must be given to the shelterless and the
abandoned children and mothers has become my lifetime obligation.

KOHA: Was it IRC's mission that brought you to Kosova?

ULMAN: No. Both I and my daughter Lynn have come here without a
prior engagement. I once visited Kosova 18 years ago - and the
situation now is completely different. Now the people of Kosova
is deprived for the basic rights and freedoms, which can be
enjoyed, for example in Belgrade or other parts. The only thing
I can say is that the Kosovars must enjoy these rights fully and
equally.

KOHA: It seems that your original profession has been completely

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replaced by humanitarian activities?

ULMAN: ...Yes, and it is not only IRC. For years I have been, I
must admit, a passive member of Human Rights Watch/Helsinki and
UNICEF too.

KOHA: It doesn't look as an easy enterprise...

ULMAN: It is not hard. The life of the people I meet is hard,

their tragedies are endless. Nothing is as terrible as the horror
of life that a refugee family can experience.

KOHA: You are also active in the struggle for women's rights.

ULMAN: Yes, and what I have seen during my journey here, I have
noticed a traditional attitude towards the women here that I hope
walking very soon. But, we couldn't say that a gender harmony
exists in Norway too. There too, men treat women as less
important beings, since we can't fight and are less stronger.

KOHA: But, don't you believe that there are some traditional
parameters in marriage, e.g., that if reformed would cause its
ruin?

ULMAN: Why should life be full of discontent and quarrel? No one

should suffer because of such a decision. It is clear that some
relations can't change, but in common life many things can
change, for the good or for the better. The repulsion of
undesired relation is much bigger than separation. I believe that
the lack of matrimonial harmony is also reflected in the decision
of the politicians. Decisions that can be terrible.

KOHA: This is really true in the case of the Belgrade couple...

ULMAN: True.

KOHA: You used to be wife of the famous director Ingmar Bergman,

and you divorced him.

ULMAN: Yes, and I can say that I loved the man I married much
more when I divorced him than when I joined him in matrimony.
While we lived together, we had negative disposition towards one-
another.

KOHA: Going back to your engagement. How successful are you in

transmitting your experiences from the field to the decision
making centers?

ULMAN: I really don't know what to say. I try not to be only an

ordinary observer of events. I think that as long as you do

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nothing but observe, you become a participant of the tragedy,
even with personal responsibility for what is happening. I must
reiterate that I don't know your situation well and this was what
made me come - thus showing my interest for the situation in
Kosova.

Here I would like to make a digression. As a child, I loved my

grandmother more than anything in life. Once, I gave her a
bouquet of flowers and told her that I loved her more than
anything in the world. She asked me: "Do you know what hurts me
the most in the world?" "No", I replied. "So, how can you love
me if you don't know what hurts me?"

I believe that this responds to all your questions. No one can

help you if he/she is incapable of understanding the hurt and
misfortune you are experiencing. I came to learn here...

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