Can he be accused for

breakup of Pakistan in
1971?

By Syed Jaffer
Late Syed Najiullah was the holder of document on the basis of which this paper has
been written the document in question can be termed as a visa from the Bangladesh
government. The date on which this visa was issued is October 1971 a date when
Pakistan was yet to recognize Bangladesh as an independent state.

It is significant that the Bhutto government allowed the holder of the document to
proceed to Dhaka through India supposed to be our adversary. It is also significant to
note that the Bangladesh government gave permission and not only allowed Mr.
Najiullah and his companion to come to Dhaka but also instructed the concerned
authorities to be courteous and facilitate them.

The following pages will show that Mr. Bhutto did not do what he is accused for. Not
only that he was not responsible for the breakup, he tried even after the debacle to
salvage the situation and keep the name Pakistan for the two parts of subcontinent.
Preceding document the special visa and the following document the instrument of
surrender will prove the point.

Syed Najiullah was a popular journalist in the eastern wing of Pakistan, he used to write
for “Pakistan Observer” Dhaka an English Daily, Bengal having a good literacy rate Mr.
Najiullah could be termed as popular among the masses in East Pakistan, and was
taken as a spokes person for the Bengalis in Islamabad. He was the founder president
of Karachi press club and gave the constitution to the press club.

Hardly any one dared write against Ayub Khan who was above everything, without any
legal or moral sanction had made himself Field-Martial the highest rank even among the
dictators. Mr. Najiullah was a strong critique of the so-called Field-Martial and was
barred entry in every event related with the dictator. There was harsh censorship and
correspondence containing material of political nature was banned transfer within and
outside the country.

Mr. Najiullah had employed a way of sending his articles to be published in the daily
Pakistan Observer which was based in Dhaka. The articles used to be transferred
through mail bags specific for the government. I remember before the shifting of the
capital Mr. Najiullah was based in Karachi my home town, which was then the capital of
the country Mr. Najiullah was my uncle. I used to deliver the articles and news letter to
government official’s residences on Garden road.

Mr. Najiullah in 1969 was convicted sentenced and jailed for 5 years rigorous
imprisonment for writing an article in a Weekly “Interwing” Islamabad. The paper was
owned by Mr. Shamsul Huda, a Bengali. The article was against Legal Framework
Order of General Yahya Khan. The article suggested that the laws emanate from the
assemblies and not from an individual and that Yahya had no right to impose his will on
the people of Pakistan.

This sentence passed by a summary military court got widespread protests Mujeeb was
most vocal amongst the protestors. Mr. Najiullah loved writing for free for any one on
the national issues, this article too must have been an effort free of cost, and the reward
from the dictator in return; Mr. Najiullah used to consider punishment from a dictator a
reward for his service to the nation.

If one is honest about his profession journalistic duties do demand hard and laborious
work, but it was different when you write something against a sitting dictator. During
Ayube’s and Yahya’s regime he used to send a story, spend the following night walking
restless anticipating and waiting for the authorities to come for his arrest.

Being a journalist was a 24-7 job, he was not in the era where you could pickup details
of your story from the internet, nor was he facilitated with compiling on a computer using
drag and drop possibility. The job would require door to door visit to the government
functionaries and bureaucrats collecting information and manually typing till late
midnight.
On the advice of Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung in 1940 he joined the then only Muslim news
agency “Orient Press” of India. This is when he started his carrier as a working
journalist; he always had a pride in being a working journalist. Being vocal and straight
forward he was respected among all the leaders of Indian subcontinent including
Jawaharlal Nehru; that respect was carried over to Indira Gandhi the next generation.

He was respected by the leaders of National Awami Party of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan,
to the extent, that he used to writ resolutions and press statements of that party and its
leaders for which the opponents of the NAP, the Muslim leaguers lead by Khan Abdul
Qaium Khan, tried to kill him. He survived after being hospitalized for several months.

Jung, Dawn, Outlook, Current, Pakistan Economist, Musawat, Frontier Gaurdian and
many dailies and periodicals have published his articles. He was visiting professor to
the Quaide Azam University, Islalmabad to teach journalism students and used to give
lectures to the Foreign Office in Islamabad. A few Organs including FAO and UNCTAD
of the United Nations used to get his comments and analysis on its programs. He was
twice part of Pakistan delegation to the United Nation.

Among all the notables of that era He was a very close friend of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and
Dr. Mubashir Hasan. His friendship with Bhutto was typical; they would fight at public
places. Mr. Najiullah used to narrate one such fight when Bhutto ran after Mr. Najiullah
hurling what ever he had in his hands. Mr. Bhutto was looking for some books at
London Book Depot Rawalpindi. This was after when Bhutto resigned the Ayub’s
cabinet and travelled to Lahore where his hankie with absorbed tears of Mr. Bhutto was
auctioned. Mr. Najiullah playfully asked, Mr. Bhutto being out of job if he was selling
handkerchiefs for his living.

This friendship brought Mr. Najiullah as a volunteer into the initial setup of Mr. Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto. He served Bhutto as a Copy-Writer and used to right portions of the formal
speeches which Mr. Zulfikqr Ali Bhutto used to read, pertaining to the economic affairs,
Mr. Bhutto otherwise used to deliver extempore speeches.

His earlier contributions to the nation as a journalist brought him recognition and he was
given responsibilities in Zulfikar Ali Bhutto government. He served State Bank of
Pakistan on its Board of Directors. He was nominated Additional Secretary Finance
attended the office as secretary for a few months but could not accept he being named
a bureaucrat. He was an advisor to Radio Pakistan during Bhutto’s period while as
early as 1950-51 he used to deliver speeches on Radio Pakistan on air.

He liked to be called a working journalist and remained so till his departure from this
world to leave behind one and a half ton of journalistic literature as his assets and
collection. His collection included complete collection of budgets of Pakistan and India
since 1947, all the issues of Pakistan Economic Surveys full file of several dailies and
periodicals including Economist, Wall Street Journal, UN reports concerning Pakistan’s
economy many more.
Almost 40 years after the breakup of Pakistan opponents of Bhutto still try to argue that
it was Bhutto who did this heinous act. The highest authority in control of East Pakistan
now called Bangladesh was lieutenant general Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi who handed
over the control of that territory to Jagjeet Singh Arora. Niazi formally signed the
instrument of surrender and allowed full control of East Pakistan to the General Officer
Commanding in Chief of the Indian and Bangladesh forces. The very first paragraph of
that paper signed by Niazi on the 16th of December 1971 renames East Pakistan as
Bangladesh. Those who accuse Bhutto and hold him responsible for the fall of Dhaka
can only be excused for being ignorant of the facts and history.

If one goes through the findings of Hamoodur Rahman Commission will find astonishing
facts. The report proposes that “Lt. Gen. A.A.K. Niazi, former Commander, Eastern
Command among others, be punished by court-martial on 15 charges as set out in
Chapter III of part V of the Supplementary Report regarding his willful neglect in the
performance of his professional and military duties connected with the defence of East
Pakistan and the shameful surrender of his forces to the Indians at a juncture when he
still had the capability and resources to offer resistance.” The commission had held
many others responsible and suggested their court-martial as well; here they are not the
subject of discussion.

Hamoodur Rahman report “further states that he was guilty of conduct unbecoming a
Officer and Commander of his rank and seniority in that he acquired a notorious
reputation for sexual immorality and indulgence in the smuggling of Pan – (beetle leaf)
from East to West Pakistan, with the inevitable consequence, that he failed to inspire
respect and confidence in the mind of his subordinates impaired his qualities of
leadership and determination, and also encouraged laxity in discipline and moral
standards among the officers and men under his command; That he was unduly
friendly with the enemy during the period of his captivity, so much so that he was
allowed to go out shopping in Calcutta, a facility not allowed to anyone else by the
Indians;”

“That he willfully, and for motives and reasons difficult to understand and appreciate,
stopped the implementation of denial plans, with the result that large quantities of
valuable war materials were after surrender handed over intact to the Indian forces, in
spite of the fact that GHQ had specifically ordered by their Signal (formal telegraphic
order) of the 10th December, 1971, to carry out denial plans;” Denial operations are an
important facet of modern warfare, denial plan is a systematic exercise by which the
surrendering forces destroy everything which could be of use and utility to the
advancing enemy.

If one recalls Niazi was not there in East Pakistan to protect the country, they were
there to protect Islam a wrong notion cultivated by Maudoodi in the minds of pseudo-
intellectuals. While Yahya was busy drinking and womanizing his cabinet was full of
Jamaat Islami people who were on a crusade to Islamize this country.
Minister for information of Yahya regime Nawabzada Sher Ali was a known pro-Jamaat
person. While the nationalist tendencies were on the rise in the subcontinent Jamaat’s
slogan was Asia Sabz hay (Asia is green; green color is associated with Islam) to
counter the slogan of leftist’s movements--Asia Surkh Hai (Asia is red; red color is
associated with socialist revolutionary movements). Jamaat’s stake was to propagate
Maudoodi’s philosophy in Pakistan while the generals were taking the opportunity to
indefinitely continue their rule in the country. Moulvi Tufail of Jamaat went to the extent
of recognizing the Yahya’s constitution as an Islamic constitution.

As early as 1949 the favorite of Mr. Jinnah a staunch Muslim leaguer Huseyn Shaheed
Suhrawardy left Muslim league and formed Awami Muslim league which after shredding
the word Muslim ultimately turned into Awami league that party later was headed by
Sheikh Mujeeb ur Rahman. It is argued by many that Suharwardy was assassinated in
Beirut and Ayub was involved in it. Ironically even the politicians known to be
progressive or leftist could not go together and were divided into Bengali and non-
Bengali, pro-Moscow and pro-Peking factions. National Awami Party which was
supposed to be on the left of the political thinking was divided on the basis of two wings
East and West Pakistan NAP Bhashani Group and Wali Khan Group.

Kazi Nazrul Islam was their national poet Dr. Iqbal was promoted in the western wing of
the country. The whole population of east was looked down as an inferior race of
human kind. Rabindranath Tagore was a hero in the east and banned in the West
Pakistan. The Bengali language was taken as unislamic while Urdu was forced on the
Bengali population. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had no direct influence on the events that took
place between the times of partition of the subcontinent to the breakup of Pakistan.

Bengalis had to part ways because the seeds for the separation of East Pakistan from
the west were sown just when Pakistan got independence no one was cognizant of this
and no one took any action to avoid the ultimate not even the founders of this country.
After the breakup two journalists Mr. Syed Najiullah and Mr. Mazhar Ali Khan
approached Bhutto to seek permission to go to Sheikh Mujib-ur Rahman and explore if
it is possible to form a confederation of the two countries and keep the name Pakistan.

Both these journalists had good rapport with the three ruling leaders of the countries
involved in unfortunate happenings – the fateful happenings not because of the true
leaders or the peoples of these countries but because of the shortsightedness of the
military dictators and power hungry bureaucrats. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto agreed to the
scheme of Syed Najiullah and Mazhar Ali Khan. Indira Gandhi facilitated and provided
assistance for the journalist to travel through her country. Sheikh Mujib-ur Rahman
permitted them to visit Bangladesh by issuing a special letter of permission, while
Pakistan and Bangladesh had yet to recognize each other.

The trip did materialize and the journalist reached Dhaka where situation was not and
could not have been in favor of Pakistan. In Dhaka the whole show was run by the
militants and radicals of Mukti Bahini, emotions were high against Pakistan and its Army
they were demanding action against those who were responsible of atrocities against
Bengali people. The situation demanded very careful and subtle approach to the
problem. Instead of being careful the establishment in Islamabad issued a press
statement declaring that Mr. Najiullah and Mr. Mazhar Ali Khan were in Dhaka at the
invitation of Mujeeb ur Rahman. Maulana Kausar Niazi known to be an establishment
man planted in PPP issued the statement without Bhutto’s consent.

That was reckless on the part of Pakistanis and an embarrassment for Mujeeb he had
yet to consolidate his position. Radical like Tajuddin Ahmed and others had the central
position in decision making. Without losing time both the journalist were confined to the
hotel where they stayed in Dhaka until flown out of Bangladesh. The whole idea of any
confederation died before it could takeoff.

One argument given against Mr. Bhutto is that he stopped elected members of the
assembly to attend the session called by Yahya Khan. To counter the allegation
explanation given is that the elections were held on the basis of LFO the Legal Frame
Work Order. Awami league contested the elections on the basis of its 6 point manifesto
and got landslide victory, there was no constitution to govern and control the events. 6
points of Sheikh Mujeeb and the LFO were the de facto documents governing the state
of Pakistan.

LFO was the only and de facto law of the land accepted by all the parties who contested
the 1970 elections, LFO imposed certain conditions on the elected members. The
condition imposed was that the assembly was given only 120 days to draft, discuss and
approve the constitution of Pakistan failing which the Martial Law Administrator was the
authority to give the constitution.

Yahya Khan when took over, accepting a popular demand broke one unit, the one unit
had earlier created two provinces of Pakistan one in the east know as East Pakistan
and other West Pakistan comprising of 4 provinces joined together in the west. In the
eastern part of the country Mujeeb lead Awami League and Mulana Abdul Hameed
Khan Bhashani lead National Awami Pary – NAP. NAP if not as popular as Awami
League was not far behind Awami League in popularity. Bhashani boycotted the 1970
elections and let Awami League sweep; favour for the 6 points of Mujeeb in the east
was unanimous.

The party that emerged as majority was Awami League its manifesto was
implementation of 6 points. Implementation of the 6 points on the whole of Pakistan
would have created one sovereign country in the east and 4 sovereign countries in the
west of Indian sub continent.

The six points of Mujeeb came to surface during the round table conference and given
to Mr. Mehmood Ali and Nurul Ameen Bengali politicians attending the conference
called by Ayub Khan. Six points demanded separate currencies of the federating units
separate bank reserves, separate fiscal and monitory policies, separate foreign
exchange accounts, right to impose taxes separate armed forces for the eastern wing
etc. Bhutto and Bhashani were not the participants of the conference.

The portion on the east would have survived in spite of all the odds but in the west no
one except the military would be powerful enough to keep 4 divergent provinces
together. Politician of Bhutto’s caliber could understand the future events and resisted
the move. His argument was that it is a trap laid down by the dictator to prolong the
Army role in the west while the ruling clique knew that east is going away anyway. It is
suggested that the 6 points of Awami League were drafted by a bureaucrat in Ayub’s
regime; the junta knew and planed to get rid of the Bengali politicians, in whose
presence it was impossible to cling to the power. It is interesting to put here that instead
of going by his own constitution Ayub Khan preferred abrogating it and handing over
power illegally to Yahya fearing that the Speaker of the National Assembly was a
Bengali and would come into power – the height of mistrust.

Bhutto knew the consequences of a constitution reflecting only the wishes of one
section of the population and was sure that it would be disastrous and certain death of
Pakistan in the west. He has put his argument on record as press statements and
press conference. His argument was that 120 days imposed by LFO were not enough
for sorting out wrongs committed during the previous 25 years. Ordinary man on the
streets of West Pakistan was not responsible for the miseries of the common man on
the streets of East Pakistan; it was the conspiracies of the ruling clique.

Everyone except for the Punjabis was voicing apprehensions that they will ever get their
rights in Pakistan. Borders on the west were defined neither geographically nor as a
democratic will of the people. Factions like GM Syed seemed popular who publically
uttered that they have closed the file of Pakistan. Pukhtoons were suspected that they
will breakup and join their Afghan brothers. Leaders in Baluchistan were painted as
secessionists, situation was most uncertain, his first speech when he took over as the
president and the chief martial law administrator his words reflect his feelings when he
says that he has pickup bits and pieces to make a new Pakistan.

Mujeeb was indifferent on the issue when his attention was called for, regarding the
consequences in the Western part of the country; he is on record saying if the leaders in
the west are interested in living together as a single country they are independent to
decide what they like. During all his election campaign his sympathies were for “Sonar
Bangla” meaning golden Bengal. He hardly mentioned Pakistan, West Pakistan or East
Pakistan during his public meetings if ever he uttered those words those were in context
of and to accuse for the access done against the Bengalese. Leaders of the party of
Mujeeb who had the sway hated the word “Pakistan” to the extreme.

What Bhutto wanted was consensus among all the parties on a draft before going to the
parliament to agree on a constitution. He was sure that the problems and suspicions
piling up for the last half a century can’t be solved within a short period of 120 days. He
otherwise wanted the limit of 120 days to agree on a constitution should be lifted and
everyone be given a chance to argue his point in the parliament.

Mujeeb the aggrieved one was in a hurry to implement his plan and doubted the
intention of Yahya and Bhutto and thought it was yet another conspiracy of the west to
deprive Bengalis of their rights. It served the interest of military junta and bureaucracy
that the politicians were fighting and there was mistrust among them. There are
inductions to prove that the military junta and the bureaucracy in the west were planting
mistrust in the minds of the politicians who mattered at that point in time.

When Bhutto took over he did what he was demanding. He brought together all the
major parties to evolve a consensus on a draft constitution before taking it to the
parliament. The three major parties Pakistan Peoples Party, National Awami Party and
Jamiat Ulma e Pakistan, who won the election, went into an agreement for the salient
features of the proposed constitution. That is the beauty of the 1973 constitution of
Pakistan and that is why it survives till now it is not a constitution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto it
is “our” constitution.

There is no doubt that Bhutto was a Pakistani with all his heart and soul. I can’t say this
about Mujeeb with certainty I don’t think anyone can.

There is yet another argument submitted by the opponents of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto that
had he not torn out the Polish resolution in the UN Security Council Pakistan would
have survived as a country -- This is the weakest argument. Poland was a satellite of
the USSR. The USSR with all its allies had every kind of civil and military pacts with
India, and India was totally aligned with USSR at the same time the other super power
the USA was not against India.

We were the most allied ally of the USA with several pacts against the Communist bloc
only a fool could expect USSR or Poland will do anything for our benefit. Liaqat Ali
earlier had put us in the American basket visiting the US and ignoring the Russian
invitation, antagonizing that super power for all the times to come. On issues like
Kashmir USSR vetoed all decisions of the UN which went in Pakistan’s favour. Bhutto
said just before tearing the resolution that the Security Council was using delaying
tactics and waiting for Dhaka to fall nothing could be truer.

Some pseudo-intellectuals argue that Bhutto was power hungry and could not resist
grabbing the post as Chief Martial Law Administrator the only civilian ever to hold that
post. The only law of the land at the time was The LFO, on the basis of that order
Yahya was the head and Bhutto was made to takeover from him. Bhutto got rid of the
stigma as soon as he was able to put things in order and provide the interim basis to
govern the country democratically.

Hamood ur Rahman Commission findings hint that the breakup of Pakistan as a country
was the planning of the ruling elite in West Pakistan and that the Six Points of Mujeeb
were drafted by Altaf Gohar a civil servant under Ayub Khan. Individuals like Altaf
Gohar turn pages of history black praising dictators, do every wrong while in power and
end up planted in journalist community and ultimately translate Quran and go to heaven.
The ruling elite in Pakistan comprises of civil and military bureaucracy, landlords, tribal
chieftains and a section of politicians if these people can ever be called as politicians
who thrive only under martial law.
On the basis of the above arguments and the document I have put, there is no reason
to doubt that Bhutto was in any way conspiring to break up the country or doing
something foolish which would result in the breakup of Pakistan. What he did was
politically and technically right, the history and later events have proved that.

It is a fact that sowing the seeds for the separation was not the doing of the politicians
who were in control after the partition of the subcontinent. The seeds were sown as
early as the Lucknow pact in 1916. The following editorial has that to suggest:

EDITORIAL Daily Times: Thursday, December 18, 2003: Talking about ‘fall of Dhaka’

We routinely discuss the tragedy of the separation of East Pakistan in December 1971,
but it is only this year that some of us have told the truth about what happened.
Appearing on private TV channels, Mr Mehmood Ali held the martial law of 1958
responsible for what later transpired. He accused General Yahya Khan of having lost
control of the Bengali bureaucracy which had all but deserted to Mujib ur Rehman.
General (Retd) Zaidi accused West Pakistan of evolving a military strategy that
pretended to defend East Pakistan by building up the military defence of only West
Pakistan. General (Retd) Farman Ali accepted as true the Bengali accusation that most
of the foreign exchange earned in East Pakistan was spent in West Pakistan. Raja
Tridev Roy stated that West Pakistan ignored the linguistic nature of Bengali
nationalism in East Pakistan and tried to impose Urdu there.

This is not what our textbooks say. Our ‘official version’ is that the Indians invaded East
Pakistan and separated it in collaboration with the Hindus living there. Our ‘political
version’ is that Z A Bhutto was responsible because of his ‘udhar tum idhar ham’ (you
rule there and we rule here) slogan. It isn’t that the truth has not been told at all about
what really happened or what led to the break-up of Pakistan. Fifteen years ago, civil
servant Hassan Zaheer laid out all the causes of the break-up in his definitive book on
the separation of East Pakistan. His story begins in 1947 and by the time he comes to
1970 the reader is already convinced that the causes of the break-up were planted
firmly in the process of ‘nation-building’ started by the leaders of the West Pakistan after
partition. However, a latest version, an even more significant one, has come to light with
the publication of historian KK Aziz’s book ‘World Powers and 1971 Break-up of
Pakistan’. The following facts extracted from the history of the Pakistan Movement raise
the question whether or not East Bengal should have joined West Pakistan in the first
place.

The Aligarh movement set up Urdu as the language of all Muslims of India, ignoring the
fully developed Bengali language in which the Muslims of that part of India expressed
themselves. Most northern Indian Muslims thought Bengali a Hindu language. But the
real bias against the Bengalis came to the fore when the Muslims went to meet the
viceroy in a delegation in 1906, later to be known as Simla Delegation. The delegation
was 35 strong with only five members from Bengal. Out of the five, three were actually
not from Bengal, and of the remaining, one was Urdu-speaking, which left only one
Bengali to represent Muslim majority Bengal. Yet the Muslim League was founded in
Dhaka in 1906, and in the first session, East Bengal sent 35 members while the UP had
only 16. Then, when the provisional committee of the new party was set up, there were
only four members from East Bengal while the UP bagged 23. And both the joint
secretaries were from the UP! When the Simla Delegation was deliberating what to tell
the viceroy in Simla, a Bengali member suggested a defence of the partition of Bengal
because that was close to the heart of Bengali Muslims. But the Delegation ignored the
proposal and the subject was not mentioned to the viceroy. The Aga Khan, it may be
recalled, was the permanent president of the League, and he was opposed to the
partition of Bengal. In fact, the Muslim League was to mention the partition plan only
twice in its numerous resolutions.

Then the All India Muslim League did something that actually inserted a wedge between
the Muslims of North India and East Bengal. The partition of Bengal was annulled in
1911. The Muslim League reached an agreement over separate electorates with the
National Congress in a joint session at Lucknow known as the Lucknow Pact of 1916.
The Muslims of Bengal were not given a fair allocation of seats (they demanded 50 per
cent on the basis of population) under separate electorates and appealed to the All
India Muslim League to agitate the demand, but to no avail. When the Bengal Muslim
League failed to elicit a response from the central party in 1920 it encouraged Bengali
leaders to turn to the Hindus for support, arriving at what was later known as the Bengal
Pact. Thus the truth is that the Muslim League leaders from the United Provinces
dominated it and were most reluctant to reopen the question of representation as that
would have threatened the exaggerated quotas of seats they had won for the Muslim
minority areas. In 1930, AK Fazlul Haq denounced the Lucknow Pact and called for its
revision. The same year the Bengal League did not send its delegation to the All-India
Muslim League session at Allahabad (1930) where Allama Mohammad Iqbal spoke of a
Muslim state in the Northwest of India. The Bengalis also boycotted the 1932 session of
the party convened to consider the Communal Awards of 1932.

Then in 1935 the central League decided to contest the coming elections. And it
decided to stuff the Bengal Muslim League with non-Bengali and Urdu-speaking office-
bearers. The 54-member Central Parliamentary Board had only eight Bengali seats.
And when the session was called, only two members from Bengal attended and they
were not Bengalis! After that all changes made in the structure of the Bengal Muslim
League from the centre excluded the Bengali-speaking Bengalis, replacing them with
either non-Bengali residents of Bengal or Urdu-speaking Bengalis. No secretary of the
All-India Muslim League was to be from Bengal: “No Bengali was ever to sit in the
secretariat of the Muslim League”, writes Prof Aziz. Finally, when in 1946 the Muslim
League decided to join the Interim government in Delhi it sent five men to the Viceroy’s
Council. The Bengali member it chose was a Hindu from the non-scheduled castes! No
wonder therefore that East Pakistan opted out in 1971 by calling in India and thus
rejecting the two-nation theory.