JOURNAL for the

STUDY of
ANTISEMITISM

Antisemitism in France
Volume 7 Issue #1 2015

JOURNAL for the

STUDY of
ANTISEMITISM

Volume 7, Issue #1, 2015

Antismitisme en France

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Volume 5 Number 2
Guest Editor
Editors Note: There is no antisemitism in France
Antisemitic Incidents from Around the World
JanJune 2015: A Selected List

Shimon T. Samuels
Steven K. Baum

Articles
Une intifada franaise.
Haine et violences antismites en France, 2000-2013
La judophobie en France, 2000-2013
La vrit est en marchelinterview
Le BNVCA
Thtre anti-isralienne Avignon

Nidra Poller
Marc Knobel
Pierre-Andr Taguieff
Philippe Karsenty
Sammy Ghozlan
Micheline Servin

Original Research
Anti-Zionism and the Iranian Press

Rusi Jaspal

Essays
Lantismitisme franais pendant laffaire Dreyfus
France and its Antisemitism
I am Charlie. I am a police officer I am a Jew. I am Belgium
Head On (Collision) at Hebdo

Robert S. Wistrich
Michel Gurfinkiel
Joel Rubinfeld
Nidra Poller

Reviews
Aisenberg's Hate Mail
Simon Cohen
Connellys From Enemy to Brother
Peter Katel
Foxman and Wolfs Viral Hate
Andre Oboler
Goldhagens The Devil That Never Dies
Alexander Traum
Mayers Chestertons Jews
Carolyn Robinson Sanzenbacher
Small (ed.)s Global Antisemitism Vols. I-V
Steven K. Baum
Goldhagens The Devil that Never Dies
Alexander Traum
Nelson and Brahm's The Case Against Academic Boycotts of Israel
Steven K. Baum
Romirowski and Joffes Religion, Politics and the Origins
of Palestinian Refugee Relief
Jonathan Adelman
Film: Pigndes Oligarques et le Sionisme
Didier Bertin
Film: Robbinss Some of My Best Friends Are Zionists
Cary Nelson
Film: Percivals The Book Thief
Dianne Layden

Antisemitica
Amusant antismite!
Postcard from Narbonne
Palestinians of the World, Unite!

Editors
Editors
Internet Blog

Journal for the Study of Antisemitism

Steven K. Baum, Editor

Shimon T Samuels, Board Chair

Associate Editors
Florette Cohen, CUNY, Staten Island NY
Steven Leonard Jacobs, University of Alabama
Lesley Klaff, Sheffield Hallam University, UK
Neil J. Kressel, William Paterson University, Wayne, NJ
Richard Landes, Augean Stables, Jerusalem
Kenneth Lasson, Law, University of Baltimore
Kenneth L. Marcus, Louis D. Brandeis, DC
Consultants
Michael Berenbaum, Los Angeles,
I.W. Charny, Jerusalem; Manfred Gerstenfeld, Jerusalem
Judith Bosker Liwerant, Mexico City
Daniel Pipes, Philadelphia; Nidra Poller, Paris
Robert S. Wistrich, Jerusalem
Ayaan Hirsi Ali, DC
Paul Bartrop, Florida Gulf Coast University, Ft Myers, FL
Hadassa Ben-Itto, Tel Aviv
Michael Berenbaum, Sigi Ziering Institute, Los Angeles
Andrew Bostom, Brown University, Providence, RI
Jonathan Boyd, Jewish Policy Research, London
Harold Brackman, San Diego
Ben Cohen, New York
Irwin Cotler, MP (ret) Montreal
Richard L Cravatts, SPME, Boston
Sammy Eppel, Miami
Ronnie Fraser, Barnet College, London,
Sander Gilman, Emory University, Atlanta
Ari Goldberg, AIPAC, DC
David Hirsh, Goldsmiths University of London
Clemens Heni, BICSA, Berlin
Jim Heller, Victoria, BC
Gunther Jikeli, Berlin
Paul Iganski, Lancaster University, UK
Rusi Jaspal, De Montfort, Leicester,UK
Andras Kovacs, Central European University, Budapest
Walter Laqueur, Georgetown University, DC
Hubert G. Locke, University of Washington, Seattle
David Matas, Hon. Counsel, Bnai Brith, Winnipeg
Fiamma Nirenstein, Jerusalem
Andre Oboler, Global Forum, Melbourne
Andrei Oisteanu, Institute History of Religions, Bucharest
John Pawlikowski, Catholic Theological Union, Chicago
Dina Porat, Tel Aviv University
Gregg Rickman, Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism, DC
Asaf Romirowski, SPME, DC
Richard L. Rubenstein, University of Bridgeport CT
Frederick Schweitzer, Manhattan College, Bronx
Milton Shain, History, University of Cape Town,
Marc I. Sherman, Hebrew Univ, Jerusalem
Marcia Sokolowski, Baycrest, University of Toronto
Philip J. Spencer, Helen Bamber, Kingston University, UK
Pierre-Andre Taguieff, CNRS (Sciences Po), Paris
Diana Siegel Vann, American Jewish Committee, DC Sue
Vice, University of Sheffield, UK
James E. Waller, Keene State College, NH
Shalva Weil, Hebrew University, Jerusalem
Bat Yeor, Independent Scholar, Switzerland
Andreas Zick, University of Bielefeld, DE

JSA Submission Guidelines

Journal for the Study of Antisemitism (JSA) is the peer-reviewed
periodical of independent scholars who examine antisemitism in
traditional and emerging forms. The Journal is not affiliated with any
particular institution or dependent on a single source of funding. The
authors have in common the belief that antisemitism is a social, political
and psychological virus worthy of scholarly investigation. Hoping for
the day when their efforts will contain the virus, they apply Spinosa's
dictum vowing not to execrate human actions, but to understand them.
JSA is an educationally based concern with tax exempt status 501(c)(3)
The ideas represented in the JSA are those of the contributing authors,
and not reflective of the JSA, its Board members, or the authors
institution. JSA welcomes unsolicited manuscripts.
E-mail submissions should be original, and electronic copy in MS Word
format. Citations Chicago Manual of Style format.
All electronic journal submissions: skbaum1@gmail.com or
jsantisemitism@gmail.com.
ISSN on File

Ddie la mmoire des victims de la France de

l'antismitisme et ceux qui luttent contre ce flau.

Hlne Berr, diarist

Paris, 1944

*Yids to the oven.

Jewish school graffiti*

Marseille, 2014

This issue was made possible by a grant funded by V&L and our readership

A Return to the Antisemitism-Terrorism Nexus

Shimon T. Samuels*
I had been invited in March 1980 to open the European
office in Paris of the Anti-Defamation League of Bnai Brith. At
that time, the greatest threat to the Jews of Western Europe
appeared to come from an increas- ingly violent extreme right.
On October 3, Erev Succoth, I was delivering festive
greetings at the home of Paris Maariv correspondent Tamar
Golan. Her weekend houseguest, Alizawife of prominent
Jerusalem film-maker Micha Shagrirhad just arrived from
Israel. Asking Tamar if she needed anything for dinner, the latter
replied: Perhaps a few figs. Aliza and I took the lift down to the
street and walked together to the corner. I continued to my car
and Aliza toward the fruit shop opposite the synagogue on the rue
Copernic. A few seconds later, she met her death!
The following morning, Prime Minister Raymond Barre
publicly announced: A bomb set for Jews killed four innocent
Frenchmen! In fact, one was a Chinese waiter, another a
Portuguese postman, third was Aliza, fourth an innocent
Frenchman. Forty-two worshippers were wounded inside the
synagogue. The motorbike bomb outside exploded at 6:38 p.m.;
thirty minutes later would have resulted in a massacre as over two
hundred congregants exited at the end of the service. President
Giscard dEstaing, who refused to return to Paris from a hunting
weekend, was to lament in May 1981: I lost my reelection at
Copernic.
The 1980 synagogue bombing launched two years of
violence that I was to denote the antisemitism-terrorism nexus,
compiling a list of 73 shootings and bombings of Jewish targets
across Western Europe, of which 29 had occurred in France. It
began with four dead at Copernic and ended with nine dead in the
rue des Rosiers, machine-gunned down as they walked through
the Jewish quarter in August 1982.
The shooting and bombing stopped as a byproduct of Israels
military incursion into southern Lebanon to curb a wave of PLO
terrorism. Euro- pean, Latin American, and Asian terrorists at

PLO training bases in the line of fire fled home. Once repatriated,
they used their expertise against banks, embassies, and other
targets; Jews were no longer their priority victims. Governments
now cracked down. The French national security alert system
Vigipirate crushed extreme-left Action Directed, as was the fate
of their German Bader-Meinhof/RAF and Italian Red Brigade
ideological allies. As Simon Wiesenthal would say: What starts
with the Jews never ends with them!
For over two decades, many believed that Copernic was the
work of neo-Nazis, but French intelligence long knew it as the
Palestinian transplan- tation of the Middle East conflict to
European soil and, in alliance with Europes extreme-left terror
network, a war on Jewish targets.
In November 2010, while attending the Ottawa InterParliamentary Coalition to Combat Antisemitism, I learned that in
the Federal Court a few blocks away, a French extradition request
had opened against Carleton Uni- versity sociology professor
Hassan Diab, identified as a former PFLP asso- ciate and prime
suspect in the Copernic bombing. The courtroom was filled
mostly with men wearing Palestinian keffiyeh scarfs and women
in hijab veils, who, through a Hassan Diab solidarity campaign,
were intent on turn- ing a simple extradition procedure into a trial
against the State of Israel. Three and a half years later, despite the
judges favorable decision to extra- dite Diab for trial in Paris, the
Canadian authorities have yet to do so, thereby denying the
Copernic victims and their families a much-delayed closure.
Flash forward thirty-four years from Copernic, we once
again confront an antisemitism-terrorism nexus. Due to
demographics, however, this is no longer a Middle East import
but a home-grown anti-Jewish hatred.
When the several thousand young European-born Muslim
youth, recruited to Jihad in Syria or in training camps in Pakistan,
return home, Western Europe will, again, learn that what started
with the Jews never ends with them!
As chair of the Journal for the Study of Antisemitism, I felt
that much significant work by non-English-speaking scholars and
social activists was lost to the field. The JSA has done much to
grant a podium to such voices. I was honored to edit a special
Latin-American edition for those that could read only in Spanish
or Portuguese. On this occasion, the contributors are
predominantly Francophone.
Pierre-Andre Taguieff is a highly respected researcher
prolifically pub- lished on Holocaust denial, anti-Zionism, and,
above all, renowned for his voluminous work on the Protocols of
the Elders of Zion. Micheline Servin contributes regularly to the
prestigious journal Les Temps Modernes and here presents the
first part of her study on anti-Israeli influence at the Avi- gnon
Festival. Didier Bertin is a prominent French Protestant leader
who was codefendant with me in a case of criminal libel brought

against us by a Franco-Palestinian support organization. Such

attempts at intimidation were, as witnessed here, happily
unsuccessful. Sammy Ghozlan was a for- mer police detective
and bandleader when we met in the 2000 tsunami of the Second
Intifada blowback against Jewish life in France. Government,
police, and the official community were in denial. The Wiesenthal
Center immediately partnered with Sammy to create the BNVCA
(the National Bureau Against Antisemitism) as a voice for the
victims of Islamist attack. BNVCA today is the major juridical
arm against increasing BDS cam- paigns. Mark Knobel, my
assistant for over a decade, is now an official of the CRIF, an
umbrella lobby of French Jewry. Knobels latest publication
focuses on current Jihadist incitement and violence. Philippe
Karsenty is the indefatigable champion of truth in media, known
especially for his cam- paign against French television to expose
the Muhommed Al-Durrah affair; this became an Arab-world
blood libel against the Israel Defense Forces.
The study of French antisemitism cannot be complete
without an understanding of the Dreyfus case. Whether its
influence on Theodore Herzls vision and passion for a Jewish
sovereign solution, or the honor and courage of an Emile Zola, or
as an antecedent to the crimes of Vichy, Drey- fus is here treated
by eminent Francophile expert Robert Wistrich, and Michel
Gurfinkiel contributes his excellent reporting on French politics.
As home to Western Europes largest Jewish and Muslim
communi- ties, France has become a touchstone for our
elucidation of what has become known as the new antisemitism.
May this special edition of the JSA contribute to that awareness
and presage well for our Journal.
Shimon T. Samuels, Chair
Journal for the Study of Antisemitism
Paris

From the Editor . . .

There is no antisemitism in France
and moreover, there are no antisemites in France
--Jacques Chirac,
Prime Minister and President of France

When Prime Minister Jacques Chirac made the 2002 statement that
"there is no antisemitism in France," he was in keeping with a long-standing
tradition of politicians extolling the virtues of libert, galit fraternit and
closing their eyes to French antisemitic discrimination and hate crimes. Mr.
Chirac's denial of French antisemitism is juxtaposed to police reports for the
same time period of Jan-April 2002, the period of time preceding his statement.
La Courneuve, Seine St Denis 1/25/02 A Jewish school bus is attacked by
youths. Avignon 1/30/02 Graffiti and swastikas are painted on a synagogue.
Toulouse 3/31/02 Two gunshots are fired into a kosher butcher shop. Lyon
3/31/02 A Jewish couple is attacked in a suburb. Paris 4/2/02 Antisemitic
graffiti is found on Otzar HaTorah synagogue. Paris 4/3/02 Stones are thrown
at worshippers at the pinay Sous Senart synagogue. Paris 4/9/02 A
synagogue is set on fire in Garges-les-Gonesses. Paris 4/10/02 A school bus is
pelted with stones as students were boarding. Strasbourg 4/12/02 Jewish
cemetery is vandalized in suburban Cronenbourg. Paris 4/12/02 A Molotov
cocktail is thrown into a Jewish family apartment. Paris 4/28/02 Jewish day
school is set on fire in Sarcelles. . .

As well Mr. Chirac may have covered his ears when his ambassador
Daniel Bernard made a faux paus. Perhaps taking on de Gaulle's concerns of an
"elite people sure of themselves and domineering" once assembled via
statehood, would inevitably show off their "burning and conquering ambition."
Covering both eyes and covering both ears to his host's religious and
ethnic background, London journalist Barbara Amiel documented her
experience with Ambassador Bernard
"[he] politely told a gathering at my home that the current
troubles in the world
were all because of that shitty little country
Israel."
In all fairness to Mr. Chirac who was first French head of state to
apologize for Vel-d'Hiv (police roundup of 13,152 Paris Jews), even the
experts could not have predicted the meteoric rise in antisemitic attacks for
2012--a crescendo that would continue for the next few years with more
attacks, Charlie Hebdo assassinations and summer pogroms.

This is a full issue dedicated to those of the Republic who fight the good
fight. We start with American in Paris expat and writer Nidra Poller and her
trenchant analyisis the French Intifada. Moving quickly into the unprecedented
number of antisemitic events via Marc Knobel (the details of each event are too
numerous to list and appear on the website www.jsantisemitism.org). PierreAndr Taguieff weighs in on the culture of haine that pervades Jewish life for the
same time period and Phillippe Karsenty explains the story behind the story of
Mohammed al-Durah's well publicized death--aptly subtitled for Ms Poller's book
of the same as Long range ballistic myth. Micheline Servin offers a glimpse into
how the new antisemitism pervades the theatre performances at Avignon. Top
cop Sammy Gohzlan essay was written just before he announced that he leaving
for Israel--joining 5,000 of his fellow French Juifs in their annual departure for
safer lands. In the end, historian Robert Wistrich predicted, Jews will leave
France and he was right. Perhaps it is his masterful command of the Dreyfus
Affair in this section that permits and understanding that with antisemitism, past
is prologue. British psychologist Rusi Jaspal then shares his Iranian anti-Zionism
findings by examining original newspaper articles. His ideas dovetail with
sociologist Michel Gurfinkiel hard look at French antisemitism.

Retaliatory satire at its finest.

--L'Audace (Tunis, 1/29/15)

The impact of Charlie Hebdo continues to reverberate and the

remainding essays try to close the chapter though new chapters seem to be
opened perpetually. While the Western world mourned the assault on freedom
and loss of life, newspapers in Tunis were busy showing that when it came to
satire, they were second to none. After the Charlie Hebdo assasinations, the cover
of the next issue depicted the Prophet and the unprecedented empathy of buttons
and signs that read "I am Charlie." Not to be undone, Muslim news satirists
pointed up the West's hypocrisy and produced the equivent --a cartoon of an
orthodox Jew holding a sign that reads "I am Gaza."
Reviews of Goldhagen's work by Alex Traum, Romirowski and Joffe on
Palestinian Refugee politics (Jonathan Adelman) BDS by Baum, Abe Foxman's
internet concerns by Andre Oboler, the Catholic Church by Peter Katel, Salo
Aisenberg's Hate Mail (Simon Cohen) and Simon Mayers concern for the
curmudgeon Chesterton (Carolyn Sanzenbacher) round some of the key readings
for the year. Film reviews of Perival's The Book Thief are followed by the college
conspiracy circuit viz., Robbins Some of My Best Friends are Zionists and
Pignede's Oligarchy and Zionism. Not to be undone with the nonsensicle, the
Antisemitica section concludes with tongue in cheek collections and a tribute to
Charley Hebdo.
As with Rusi Jaspal, Veronique Altglas has argued that "it is these

polarized representations of the social world, opposing imaginary Jewish

oppressors to their victims that grants antisemitism its extraordinary efficacy in
mobilizing such a variety of organizations and individuals."1 The larger question
is how to make it stop.
Steven K. Baum
Albuquerque, NM
1

Veronique Altglas "Antisemitism in France." European Societies,14 (2) 2012: 259-274.

Countdown to Conflagration
Jan. 26, 2014: Video footage captures anti-government protestors shouting Juif, la
France nest pas a toiJew, France is not yours in Paris.[
March 2, 2014: A Jewish man is beaten on the Paris Metro by assailants who
reportedly told him Jew, we are going to lay into you, you have no country"
March 10, 2014: An Israeli man is attacked with a stun gun in the Marais district
March 20, 2014: A Jewish teacher is attacked leaving a kosher restaurant in Paris.
After breaking his nose, the assailants drew a swastika on his chest.[2
May 9, 2014: A number of antisemitic scrawlings were found across the Alsace region
in eastern France. Stars of David and the words Juden Raus were written on
a car near the synagogue in Saint-Louis in southern Alsace. Other antisemitic
graffiti was discovered in nearby Huninge as well as in Village-Neuf, both close
to the German and Swiss borders.
May 15, 2014: A Jewish woman was attacked at a bus stop in Paris Montmartre
district by a man who shook her baby carriage and said, Dirty Jewess, enough
with your children already, you Jews have too many children, screw you.[
May 16, 2014: A dozen inscriptions were found in Toulouse including: "SS", "Hitler
burned 6 million Jews and forgot half" and "Long live Palestine".
May 25, 2014: Two Jewish brothers who were dressed in traditional Jewish clothing
were attacked near a synagogue in Creteil. One of them suffered severe injuries
to his eye. They were attacked by two men who were armed with brass knuckle.
June 9, 2014: Two Jewish teenagers and their grandfather are chased by an axwielding man and three accomplices as they walk to their synagogue in the Paris
suburb of Romainville.
June 10, 2014: A Jewish teen wearing a yarmulke is attacked with a Taser by group of
teens at Paris Place de la Republique Jewish teens wearing yarmulkes are
sprayed with tear gas (Sarcelles)
July 2014, dozens of young men protesting Israels actions in Gaza (following Israeli
military move into Gaza briefly besieged Don Isaac Abravanel Synagogue in
Paris and clashed with security Accroding to Serge Benham, the president of
the Don Isaac Abravanel Synagogue, no one inside the building itself was
attacked.[
July 14, 2014: Bastile celebrations in Paris turn violent. Anti-Israel rioters attack the
l Don Isaac Aravanell synagogue.
July 20, 2014: Sarcelles anti-Semitic rioting. In November a 27-year-old man was
convicted of arson for having deliberately set fire to a kosher grocery store.[
Sept. 2, 2014: Two French teenage girls are arrested for plotting to blow up a
synagogue in Lyon. A Central Directorate of Homeland Intelligence source said
the teens were part of a network of young Islamists who were being monitored
by security services.[
Nov. 12, 2014: A kosher sushi restaurant in Paris is firebombed.[
December 2, 2014: "A Jewish woman was raped in an apparent anti-Semitic attack in
Crteil, a commune in the southeastern suburbs of Paris," according to Ynetnews
The rapist told the woman that he was raping her "because you are Jewish."

France 2015
JANUARY
Paris 1/7/15 Four Jewish hostages are murdered in cold blood at kosher supermarket in
Paris. Political satire newspaper Charlie Hebdo staff is massacred. Undeterred by the

January 7 attack, the surviving staff go to press distributing 3 million copies of

the next edition. Its cover depicting a tearful Prophet carrying the popular protest
sign "Je suis Charlie." Over the Prophet's head are the words "all is forgiven."
Within hours, death threats were received at the newspaper. Within days, protests
in Pakistan netted two injured journalists, one police officer and a French press
photographer shot. Khartoum protesters demanded expulsion of French
ambassador. Afghanistan's president calls the Prophet issue magazine cover
blasphemous and caricature "barbaric," Niger news reported that "at least ten"
[Christians] were killed. Iran retaliates by banning one of the few free press
newspapers.
St-Sauveur 1/31/15 Nancy Antisemitic graffiti have been sprayed on the walls of a
private Catholic school in Nancy.
FEBRUARY

MARCH

APRIL
MAY
JUNE

Antisemitic Incidents from Around the World

JanJune 2015
A Selected List

Charb (1967- 2015)

Laugh, For God's Sake

Paint a glorious Muhammad, you die.
Draw a funny Muhammad, you die.
Scribble an ignoble Muhammad, you die.
Make a crappy film about Muhammad, you die.
Resist against the religious terror, you die.
Lick the fundamentalists' ass, you die.
Take an obscurantist for an idiot, you die.
Try to debate an obscurantist, you die.
There is nothing to negotiate with the fascists.
The liberty to laugh without any reserve has been given to us already by law,
the systematic violence of the extremists gives it to us, too.
Thank you, you assholes.

Editor Stephane Charbonnier, 47

Grocery Store Yoav Hattab, 21, Yohan Cohen, 22, Philippe Braham, 45,
Franois-Michel Saada, 63
Law Enforcement Ahmed Merabet 42, police Clarissa Jean-Philippe, 26,
(student) police Franck Brinsolaro, 49, Security
Visitor Michel Renaud, 69
Cartoonists Jean Cabut 76, Philippe Honore 73, Bern Verlhac 58,
Georges Wolinski 80,
Columnists Elsa Cayat, 54, psychoanalyst, Bernard Maris, 68, economist.
Fred Boisseau, 42, maintenance Mustapha Ourrad, 60, copy editor
(Nous Nous Souviendrons)

JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF ANTISEMITISM

Une Intifada francaise

Nidra Poller*
Lechec de lassimilation musulmane a cree un certain nombre de problemes
sociaux`a travers lEurope. Avec une des plus grandes communautes musulmanes
dEurope, les musulmans francaises maintiennent un certain nombre de valeurs et
de croyances par exemple se affrontentlantisemitisme, les croyances antidemocratiques anti-occidentaux qui font lassimilation moins susceptibles et les
tensions sociales inevitables. Musulmans nes francais peut-etre pas moins
vulnerables `a la radicalization en cas de retard ou dassimilation incomplete se
produit. Renforce par la structure familiale autoritaire, les Etats-nations
autoritaires et croyances religieuses souvent comme une consquence de
lidentite sociale, il ya la xenophobie bien plus apocalyptique imperatifs des
ecrits de combattre dans le sentier dAllah ceux qui vous combattent (2:190193). Les consequencesde lassimilation contrecarre sont adressees.
Mots cles : lAntisionisme, lAssimilation, Banlieue, la France, lIslam,
Israel, les Palestiniens
Un processus dcrit par certains comme l'Islamisation de l'Europe, par d'autres
comme l'chec des Europens intgrer les immigrants musulmans, a atteint un
point de rupture en France. Une des plus troublantes manifestations de cette
divergence est le dveloppement d'un type particulier de violence qui dpasse la
somme de ses parties. Un chantillon de l'actualit de cette anne se lit comme un
catalogue de pitinements, poignardages, fusillades, renvois, agressions de
professeurs, policiers, pompiers, femmes ges, modestes retraits, guerres de
territoires, guerres tribales, meurtres de femmes, pour une attitude, pour rien,
jeunes morts, corps parpills sur un champ de bataille national.
Y a-t-il un rapport entre la srie sans fin d'incidents criminels en apparence
disparates et les signes ouvertement affichs lors des meutes insurrectionnelles
et des manifestations : keffiehs dissimulant les visages, drapeaux du Hezbollah,
slogans tirs de l'Intifada, chants islamiques ? Une tendance gnrale franaise
taire l'information et une dcision dlibre d'occulter les symboles ethniques et
religieux amne enfumer la couverture mdiatique de la criminalit. Les noms,
photos et informations personnelles au sujet des coupables, suspects et victimes
sont habituellement supprims, plus particulirement quand ils seraient
susceptibles de vhiculer une mauvaise image de l'islam.
Pourtant, il y a nombre de preuves que l'immigration a entrain une antipathie
islamique spcifique des Juifs, un mpris des valeurs occidentales, et autres
attitudes antisociales renforces par le zle religieux et le clash de la
confrontation entre une structure familiale autoritaire et la permissivit de la
socit franaise. Beaucoup de musulmans ns en France, de la seconde et
troisime gnration, soucieux de se dpartir d'une identit franaise qu'ils

rejettent, ne sont pas moins vulnrables ces influences que les immigrants plus
rcents.
Un ce n'est pas Chicago , supposment rassurant, assn la fin d'un reportage
au sujet d'une zone de non droit, ajoute la confusion. En fait, ce n'est pas
Chicago mais bien plus Alger, Djnine ou Bamako.
Gaza sur Seine
Nous ne voulons pas importer le conflit du Moyen-Orient . Ces mots
rassurants ont t rpts par les officiels de droite comme de gauche chaque fois
que la rage musulmane contre les perscutions supposes des Sionistes envers les
Palestiniens a t venge par des violences contre les Juifs en France,
notamment des attaques innombrables contre les juifs comptabilises depuis le
dbut en septembre 2000 de l'Intifada Al-Aqsa. Au dpart minimise comme des
insultes et intimidations , la pire vague d'agressions anti-juives depuis la
seconde guerre mondiale a t par la suite attribue l'importation d'un mal
tranger venu troubl les harmonieuses relations entre les communauts juives et
musulmanes locales. Pendant ce temps, les mdias, avec toute leur puissance,
importaient le conflit , les associations pro-palestiniennes faisaient campagne et
les marches contre la guerre en Irak se transformaient en actions punitives contre
les Juifs.
Bien que les statistiques ethniques et religieuses y soient interdites, la France est
considre comme ayant la plus forte population musulmane d'Europe
occidentale, quelque part entre cinq et dix millions, contre 550.000 juifs. Plus de
la moiti de la population juive est spharade, principalement compose de
rfugis d'Afrique du Nord. La population musulmane, essentiellement arrive au
dbut des annes 70, est majoritairement issue du Maghreb et d'Afrique subsaharienne avec un contingent important de Turquie, de plus petites
communauts venant du reste du monde musulman, et un nombre grandissant de
convertis.
Les identits ethniques ou religieuses et les motivations sous-jacentes des
individus qui attaquent les Juifs en France ne sont pas plus mystrieuses que
celles des djihadistes qui frappent ailleurs, des doux terroristes du World Trade
Center ceux ayant chou Times Square et des dizaines de milliers d'autres de
la mme veine. Un voyou franais musulman ne fracasse pas la tte d'un franais
juif parce qu'il ne peut pas passer sa colre sur un isralien : ses pieds, poings,
barre de fer et couteau, fracassent la fausse distinction entre antisionisme et
antismitisme.
En mai 2004, des dizaines de milliers de manifestants, principalement juifs,
protestant contre les attaques terroristes frappant les civils israliens et les
agressions contre les Juifs en France, scandaient : Synagogues brles,
rpublique en danger (1). Aujourd'hui, alors que la situation des franais juifs
s'est fige dans une trve inconfortable, avec une lente mais continue
dcroissance de la population, une immigration continue vers Isral, et
l'vitement si possible des quartiers forte population musulmane, la Rpublique
franaise est en danger car la haine contre les juifs s'est tendue l'encontre du
reste de la population, les sales franais et les sales blancs .
La Politique arabe de la France (politique pro-arabe) a t transpose de faon
inattendue la situation intrieure. La logique vicie et l'thique frelate utilises
pour condamner Isral coupable d'avoir chou apporter la paix au reste du
monde, se retournent contre les Franais. Un discours compassionnel qui exonre

les Palestiniens des atrocits commises contre les civils israliens au nom d'une
raction l'injustice , exonre galement la criminalit domestique franaise
vue comme monnaie de la pice de la colonisation, de la discrimination, de
l'exclusion, du chmage, et du harclement policier. La confusion entre des
intentions gnocidaires avoues et des aspirations lgitimes difficiles cerner (un
Etat palestinien vivant en paix aux cts d'Isral) gnre l'interne de la
confusion entre les casseurs et les immigrants frustrs mais respectueux des lois.
L'accusation de raction disproportionne utilise comme atout majeur contre
Isral, devient un Joker quand les CRS sont dcrits comme des Robocops
oppressant une population immigre palestinise . En ayant priv les soldats
israliens de tout sens moral en les chargeant de mille maux, les autorits
franaises se retrouvent dsarmes dans leur propre confrontation avec les
shabab ou jeunes du cru.
Ainsi les terroristes palestiniens sont appels militants , la flottille djihadiste
de Gaza est prsente comme tant humanitaire et les jeunes criminels
franais comme des jeunes . Ces dcevants termes gnriques utiliss pour
masquer l'identit des voyous maghrbins ou africains sont une traduction
paradoxale du mot arabe shabab . En fait, il n'est pas rare de lire qu'un jeune
de 36 ans a particip des chauffoures ou est suspect de meurtre.
Les jeunes franais sont-ils devenus des sauvages ? Volent-ils les sacs main des
vielles dames et tuent ils un homme qui ne leur donne pas une cigarette ? Sontce l les mmes jeunes qui participent aux marches pour la paix, vivent
cologiquement, dtestent la religion et chrissent la diversit ? Les jeunes
franais grent-ils le trafic de drogue tout en prparant le Baccalaurat ?
Rentrent-ils par effraction dans les coles pour tuer les dealers rivaux ou
poignarder des enseignants prtentieux ? Les jeunes franais assis aux terrasses
des cafs avec leurs Iphones et qui bronzent nus sur les plages sont-ils les mmes
qui se jettent vingt contre un sur un homme qui aurait zieut leur petite amie ou
se serait plaint qu'on ne respecte pas la file d'entre d'un parc d'attraction ? Et que
dire du jeune couple de garons marchant main dans la main rue Ste Croix de la
Bretonnerie dans le Marais ? Rencontrent-ils leurs rivaux pour une bagarre au
couteau la station Gare du Nord ? Difficile croire.
Durant le soulvement de 2005, quand les jeunes meutiers musulmans brlaient
des voitures et des btiments publics dans les cits travers tout le pays et
affrontaient les forces de scurit essayant de restaurer la loi et l'ordre, les
parisiens se croyaient en scurit derrire des murailles invisibles alors que l'autre
ct du priphrique brlait. C'est juste la banlieue disaient-ils. Un autre
discours sur le besoin urgent d'amliorer l'habitat, les infrastructures, les
transports et les offres d'emplois circonscrivit le problme. Il fallut moins d'un an
pour que les flammes s'lvent du centre ville et que les problmes de la banlieue
ne s'tendent comme un feu de brousse. (2)
Le regard objectif et celui des mdias
Cinq ans plus tard, alors que la France est secoue par une autre vague de
violence plus diffuse et insaisissable, le discours est tout autant strile. Les
journaux dbitent une litanie d'incidents violents dans une rptition de phrases
prfabriques et de vocabulaire opaque. Des prsentateurs la voix suave jouent
leurs petits airs de violences tribales, de guerres de territoires, de coups de
couteaux fatals en reprsailles pour un regard , une attitude, ou une femme,
comme si cela tait anodin. Des noms d'endroits bucoliques, rappelant les

promenades en barque des impressionnistes sont maintenant le lieu de meurtres

sanglants. Des bagarres au couteau l'issue mortelle, dans des coles portant le
nom de hros de la rsistance, sont attribues l'influence de jeux vidos et la
soif de consommation attise par le capitalisme. Un petit chantillon dpeint le
menaant tableau :
14 janvier 2010 : Adrien, un jeune de 18 ans de Sannois (val d'Oise) est
sauvagement assassin par une bande de jeunes arms de btons,
couteaux, clubs de golf, et sabre japonais. Il tenta de se rfugier dans un
garage, mais le grant qui s'tait vu ordonn de ne pas s'en mler, resta
dsesprment l'cart pendant que les jeunes battaient et poignardaient
mort Adrien. L'enqute ultrieure rvle que le meurtre est le dernier
acte d'une journe d'affrontement entre deux bandes. La mre, gare,
reproche aux jeunes d'tre source de dsordre, de donner mauvaise
rputation au quartier, met l'agression sur le dos du harclement policier.
(3)
23 janvier : un jeune de 26 ans poignard mort est retrouv dans la rue dans
la cit Orgemont Epinay-sur-Seine (Seine-Saint-Denis). Un suspect se
rend de lui mme, les circonstances n'ont pas t lucides. Le mme
jour, quatre personnes sont blesses par des armes plomb, dans un
combat Tremblay en France (Seine-Saint-Denis), une fois de plus sans
que cela ne soit lucid. (4). Et une fille de 16 ans, Saint Gratien (Val
d'Oise) est svrement battue par ses deux frres et parents, musulmans
rigoristes, pour avoir bavard sur Internet ; Les mdecins craignent
qu'elle ne perde un il. (5)
Le 31 janvier : Un combat entre bandes impliquant une centaines de jeunes,
certains arms de couteaux, a eu lieu la station RER de Boissy-saintLger, apparemment en raison d'un concert de Hip-Hop. (6)
Le 6 fvrier : Un jeune de 17 ans est poignard mort ct du Parc des Princes
dans le XVIme arrondissement. (7)
Le 7 fvrier : Des jeunes affrontent la police pendant deux heures ChanteloupLes-Vignes (Yvelines). Le jour suivant, deux hommes d'origine
africaine , probablement membres de gangs, sont abattus dans le IXme
arrondissement de Paris, et le 20 fvrier, un homme est abattu en plein
jour rue des Pyrnes dans le XXme arrondissement. (8)
Le 21 fvrier : A Conteville (Seine-Maritime), un homme g de 73 ans en visite
chez un ami, retrait ferrailleur, est tu par des voleurs entrs dans la
maison par effraction. (9)
Que s'est-il pass ensuite ? Les circonstances ont-elles t lucides ? Les
coupables apprhends ? Condamns ? On ne le saura probablement jamais.
Convaincus que l'identit des coupables est tue pour des raisons idologiques, les
lecteurs se muent en dtectives partir d'indices rvlateurs et de similarits
exasprantes. Jeunes, couteaux, banlieue ? Vingt contre un ? Guerre de la drogue
? Guerre de territoire ? Combat de bandes ? Le citoyen perplexe situe chaque
incident sur une ligne allant du tapage intimidant en public aux rvoltes de
masses vues la tlvision.
Le 28 fvrier : Une veuve africaine, aime de ses voisins, est poignarde
mort dans une banque devant les clients et le personnel impuissants et
horrifis. Le jour suivant, un couple de retraits de 76 ans, sont
brutalement assassins dans leur maison de Pont-Saint-Maxence (Oise),
juste au nord de Paris. (10)

 Le 1er mars : Un garon de 16 ans se noie dans l'Yerres Villeneuve-SaintGeorges (Val de Marnes) en tentant d'chapper ses assaillants qui le
poursuivaient alors qu'il sortait de l'hpital o il tait soign pour des
blessures reues lors d'un prcdent pisode. (11)
Le 10 mars : 4 jeunes masqus arms de couteaux et d'une fausse arme feu
pntrent par la porte rserve aux handicaps dans un amphithtre de
l'universit Paris XIII-Villetaneuse (Seine-Saint-Denis) et volent un total
de neuf tlphones portables et 40 aux lves et professeur. (12)
Le 3 avril : 15 jeunes sont expulss du tramway dans le centre de Grenoble.
Trois jeunes gens et une femme descendent au mme arrt. Les jeunes les
embtent, demandent la femme une cigarette ; elle dit qu'elle n'en a
plus. Ils cognent un des jeunes hommes, lui donnent des coups de pieds
dans la tte, le battent de faon insense, le poignardent, lui perforant un
poumon et partent en courant, laissant la victime, un cartographe de 24
ans identifi comme tant Martin , entre la vie et la mort. (13)
Le 30 avril : Un homme portant une Kippa est attaqu dans le centre de
Strasbourg par deux Musulmans qui le tabassent avec une lourde barre de
fer et le poignardent deux fois dans le dos. (14)
Le 14 juillet, Nantes : Un handicap de 52 ans est battu mort par quatre
jeune de type africain la recherche de cigarettes et de quelques
Euros. La police recherche des tmoins. (15)
Le 4 aot : Un homme de 64 ans est kidnapp par trois jeunes devant sa
maison, forc monter dans une voiture, emmen dans un endroit retir,
battu et tortur jusqu' ce qu'il avoue o sont caches ses conomies,
quelques milliers d'Euros. La victime fut hospitalise dans un tat
srieux, son visage lacr, un bout de doigt arrach. (16)

Conflit de basse intensit

O que les punks djihadistes dcident d'tablir leur territoire, un coin de rue, un
banc public, une place dans une file ou une cit HLM, ils punissent les intrus
avec une violence sans merci.
Un jeune couple vivant dans le centre de Perpignan, ville du Sud-Ouest, qui ont
os protest d'un rodo motocycliste qui leur cassait les oreilles sous leurs
fentres au beau milieu de la nuit, ont failli le payer de leur vie. Quinze jeunes
hurlant on va vous tuer sont entrs dans leur immeuble en force, ont grimp
les marche toute allure et frapp leur porte avec tant de force que le mur
mitoyen a commencer s'effondrer. Ils se sont disperss et ont pris la fuite
l'arrive de la police. (17)
Des jeunes de l'Essonne ont puni une famille parce qu'un de leurs garons a fait
une remarque quand ils les ont dpasss dans une file d'attente au Parc Astrix,
30km au Nord de Paris. Ils sont appel des renforts, rattrap la famille sur le
parking, tabass les garons et frapp leur mre. (18)
Le 13 juillet, veille de la fte nationale franaise, est gnralement clbre par
des bals populaires. Des jeunes tirant des fuses interdites de feux d'artifice ont
caus au moins 47 incendies. Une femme de 63 ans est morte aprs qu'une fuse
soit passe par sa fentre ait mis le feu son modeste appartement. Le second
tage d'une caserne de pompiers du XIXme arrondissement, touch par une
fuse, est parti en fume alors que des gens dansaient au rez-de-chausse. (19)
Une accident mineur de la circulation sur une autoroute en dehors de Paris s'est
termin en meurtre sanglant parce que la victime, un jeune pre de famille

nomm Mohamed, a demand la femme responsable des dommages de signer

un constat amiable. Tu essayes de te comporter comme un franais objecta telle, avant d'appeler des amis des Mureaux, une cit voisine, la rescousse. Les
jeunes, identifis dans un des articles comme noirs , sont arrivs en force,
hurlant on va te tuer devant ta mre , et ont commenc frapper la tte de
l'homme avec une sauvagerie non refreine, le tuant sur place, devant sa famille,
comme promis. Deux des tueurs ont t identifis par leurs noms et leur origine
sngalaise sur un site Web sngalais. (20)
Plusieurs semaines plus tard, un journaliste amricain enqutant sur les
problmes des minorits dans une cit HLM franaise, a t agress par des
jeunes aux Mureaux. Dcrit comme un vanglique de cinquante ans, il a t
transport inconscient l'hpital le plus proche. Il a t frapp la tte et s'est fait
voler son quipement d'une valeur de plus de 15.000$. Les circonstances n'ont
pas t encore lucides. (21)
Chambre de rsonance
Dans une transposition de la mentalit du processus de paix au Moyen-Orient,
l'chec de l'intgration est mis sur le dos de la France, comme l'chec de la
cration d'un Etat palestinien est mis sur le dos d'Isral. La cause palestinienne
est pardonne de ses 60 ans d'agression ; les immigrants dlinquants sont
exonrs de la responsabilit de leur comportement antisocial et stratgies autodestructrices. Le Hamas attaque Isral depuis des annes sans interruption, Isral
finit par ragir et se fait trainer dans la boue. Les cits sont dlabres par leurs
propres habitants dlinquants pour tre montres comme preuve de l'injustice
sociale. L'opinion internationale regarde ailleurs tandis que le Hamas impose la
Sharia Gaza ; les mdias ferment les yeux quand les voyous imposent leur loi
dans les cits.
Banlieue-Gaza-sur-Seine pour les insurgs locaux, Banlieue-Gaza-Prison--cielouvert pour le chur compatissant. Qu'importe combien est fait ou donn, ce
n'est jamais assez ; qu'importe combien sauvage est le comportement, il est
toujours excus. Ici, l, et partout, les frontires ethniques sont effaces et la
logique capitule devant la pense magique. Quand des mres offrent leurs enfants
la mort en shahid (meurtriers martyres), l'horreur de leur vengeance est vue
comme le degr de l'oppression qu'elles endurent. En France, toute forme de
brutalit, y compris le meurtre d'Ilan Halimi, un jeune juif franais enlev par un
gang de banlieue en janvier 2006 et tortur mort pendant trois semaines (22),
est attribu une forme d'exclusion (23). L'antismitisme hont de Youssouf
Fofana, le chef du gang, un musulman antijuif enrag, a t utilis pour masquer
les motivations des quelques vingt membres de la bande d'origines diverses qui
ont particip ce crime. Les avocats, pour la dfense, ont organis une
confrence de presse et crit des ditoriaux pour nier l'antismitisme des
banlieues et dcrire leurs clients comme des jeunes dfavoriss gars.
La mme chronologie inverse qui expliquait dans les premires semaines de
l'Intifada Al-Aqsa que les Palestiniens taient passs du lancer de pierres aux tirs
armes feu parce que les forces israliennes avaient surragi la rvolte
initiale (lgitime), explique maintenant que les jeunes de banlieue ont commenc
tirer sur la police avec des armes automatiques parce que les forces de l'ordre
sont devenues quasi militaires.
L'identification avec la rsistance palestinienne enhardit les dlinquants
franais. Les punks djihadistes qui boivent de l'alcool, portent des survtements,

n'ont quasiment jamais mis les pieds dans une moque, et ne peuvent lire le coran
en arabe classique, tablissent leur domination comme s'il s'agissait d'un waqf
(donation religieuse).
Aucun diffuseur franais ne toucherait le reportage du photo-journaliste Jeanpaul Ney Hamas sur Seine publi par le l'agence francophone base en Isral,
Metula News Agency, le 31 mai 2010, dcrivant des pro-palestiniens enrags, le
visage masqu par des Keffiehs, scandant Mdias vendus aux sionistes ,
Juifs au four , France va te faire foutre , Sarkozy le petit juif , Obama le
ngre des juifs , forant rptitivement les lignes de police, dtermins
atteindre l'ambassade d'Isral et dcharger leur rage cause par l'incident de la
flottille de Gaza. Rejoints par les anarchistes des Black-Blocks , les meutiers
ont dtruits des biens, jet des pavs sur la police et caus des dommages pendant
plusieurs heures dans le quartier des Champs-Elyses. Ney a clairement entendu
des ordres donns la police anti-meutes : ne tentez pas de les arrter . (24)
Le Bondy Blog de Marseille a clbr la fte nationale sa faon en faisant un TShirt reprsentant un drapeau algrien ayant la forme de la carte de France,
portrait crach de l'image du drapeau palestinien couvrant la carte d'Isral. Les
jeunes immigrants de deuxime et troisime gnration originaires du Maghreb,
des Comores etc. dit une jeune femme identifie comme Sonia, essayent de se
trouver . Le T-shirt est une rponse leur qute. Nous avons vraiment une
double culture, on est la fois franais et algriens . (25)
Les mdias franais favorisent automatiquement l'autre version de tout incident
auquel Isral est ml. Les journalistes peuvent crire les yeux ferms. Ou
simplement avaler ce que diffuse leur intention l'agence France Presse.
L'histoire de l'incident sur la frontire isralo-libanaise en aot 2010, lors duquel
un officier isralien, trois soldats libanais et un journaliste libanais furent tus
quand les forces libanaises ouvrirent le feu sur les soldats de Tsahal occups
des travaux de maintenance de routine du ct isralien de la frontire, est arrive
en France dans sa version libanaise. La falsification fut rvle dans les 24 heures
et confirme de faon fiable et dtaille, mais les alchimistes des mdias ont
transform le plomb des faux faits en or d'ambigut. (27) Pourquoi croire les
sources israliennes mme quand elles sont corrobores par les troupes des
nations Unies prsentes sur place ?
La galerie des glaces
Etant donn que le hoax Mohamed Al-Dura (la mise en scne de la mort et
subsquemment le martyre du gazaoui g de 12 ans, soi-disant tu de sang froid
par les soldats israliens le second jour de l'Intifada Al Aqsa (28)) fut produit par
Charles Enderlin, correspondant de longue date de la chaine nationale France 2,
les autorits vivent dans la terreur comprhensible d'un rel Mohamed Al-Dura
sur leur propre sol, pas moins, depuis que les jeunes fabriquent sans hsiter leurs
propres enfants martyrs dans la fureur de la vengeance. Les meutes de 2005
furent dclenches par la mort de deux mineurs qui trouvrent refuge dans un
transformateur lectrique, prtendument poursuivis par la police, soi-disant sans
raison valable. (29) En novembre 2007, plusieurs policiers furent blesss par
balles durant une bataille contre 200 jeunes Villiers-le-Bel (Val d'Oise) aprs
que deux jeunes, sur des mini-motos interdites, ne portant pas de casque, aient
trouv la mort en heurtant une voiture de police. (30) Il n'y a pas moyen de savoir
si Abu et Adama Kamara, Ibrahim Sow, Maka Kante et Samuel Lambalamba,
condamns en juillet 2010 entre trois et quinze ans de prison sont innocents

comme ils le clament, ou condamns la place d'autres jeunes ; (31) c'est comme
si le tribunal jugeait un incident survenu dans un distant pays lointain. Aprs un
incident similaire Woippy, dans la banlieue de Metz, les gendarmes furent
accueillis coups de pierres, 14 vhicules, y compris un bus, furent brls, des
cabines de tlphone et une cole mises sac. Ce ne sont l que quelques
incidents parmi une multitude o des jeunes, aux commandes de voitures ou
motos voles, fuyant la police, ont eu des accidents et sont tus tout seuls.
Pourtant, peu importe quel point la version de la partie afflige est tire par
les cheveux, elle prend toujours l'avantage sur la version officielle dans les
mdias franais. Toute enqute de police est, selon la dfinition des mdias,
suspecte. Selon les mdias, la police ne devrait pas se livrer des courses
poursuites. Un sympathisant expliqua devant les camras que la police
connaissait les noms des chauffards dans la voiture vole et aurait pu les laisser
rentrer chez eux et les arrter le jour suivant. Aprs tout, qu'importe si les garons
causent un accident mortel pendant ce temps ?
Les mdias offrirent un bref aperu quand la police fit une descente dans une cit
contrle par des dealers de drogues Sevran (Seine-Saint-Denis) en banlieue
parisienne. Des graffitis en forme de flches indiquaient les boutiques , les
habitants expliquaient la faon dont ils devaient passer des checkpoints pour
accder leurs immeubles, et les cameramen peuvent s'estimer heureux d'avoir
pu s'en chapper avec leur reportage. Les militants rpondirent la descente
avec les dsormais familiers incendies, saccages, et tirs sur les policiers. Les
promesses du gouvernement de faire appliquer la loi provoqurent les cris
d'orfraie des sociologues compassionnels, des magistrats et maires de gauche, des
membres des associations de bienfaisance protestant que la rpression n'est pas
la solution . L'imposition de restrictions la police a simplement donn des ailes
leurs adversaires. Plus de 5000 furent blesss en service en 2009, et en janvierfvrier 2010, quelque 1100. (32) Dans de rcents incidents, la police a t cerne,
bombarde de pavs, battue, frappe, cogne la tte coups de marteaux,
humilie, et traite comme des victimes d'agressions et non comme des agents
des forces de l'ordre.
Les mdias internationaux, relayant lourdement les dpches de l'Agence France
Presse et d'Associated Press, a montr peu d'intrt pour le problme de la
dlinquance en France. L'Intifada de novembre 2005 a t faussement mise
en perspective avec les meutes de Watt, la rcente loi anti-burqa (voile
recouvrant compltement le visage) a t mise sur le compte de l'intolrance. Les
griefs des minorits sont pris pour argent comptant et les efforts du gouvernement
pour faire respecter la loi sont dnoncs comme des concessions l'extrme
droite.
En fait, et contrairement ce qui a t crit sur la socit franaise, il n'y a
aucune tradition de sgrgation ou de ghettos. Les gens sont constamment en
mouvement ; les transports publics amnent les passagers des banlieues aux
centres villes et les quartiers sont mlangs. La rcente ghettosation de certains
quartiers (toujours incomplte) est la rsultante de leur criminalisation. Quand les
cads tiennent le pav, ceux qui le peuvent partent ; ceux qui ne le peuvent pas se
soumettent. C'est un djihad petite chelle.
Le gangster victime
Le braquage d'un casino Uriage durant la nuit du 15 juillet 2010, aurait t une
affaire de plus sur la longue liste de crimes non rsolus si la police n'avait t

amene, lors d'une course-poursuite, pntrer en profondeur sur le territoire des

gangsters Villeneuve en Isre, une cit HLM de la banlieue de Grenoble. Les
deux gangsters vtus des gilets pare-balles ouvrirent le feu l'arme automatique.
La police rpliqua, tuant l'un d'entre eux d'un tir dans la tte. Son complice
s'chappa. Tout l'enfer s'abattit sur la cit. La victime cette fois n'tait pas un
jeune moto, mais plutt un criminel multi-rcidiviste de 27 ans, Karim
Boudouda, condamn pour trois affaires distinctes de vol main arme mais
toujours en libert. 90 voitures furent brles la premire nuit, 20 la suivante. Des
vhicules blinds, des commandos, et les gardes mobiles y furent dpchs, mais
les amis de Boudouda tirrent sur la police pendant que sa mre annonait son
intention de poursuivre la police. Le propritaire d'un bar, sens tre le cousin de
Boudouda, fut arrt aprs qu'une cache d'armes et un stand de tir furent
dcouverts sur place. Plusieurs personnes furent arrts puis relches en
connexion avec la traque du complice de Boudouda, dont le nom et la description
ne furent pas rendus publics. Durant la premire semaine de septembre, le
complice suppos, le multircidiviste Monsif Ghabbour, fut finalement localis,
arrt et mis en examen puis immdiatement remis en libert sous contrle
judiciaire. Les policiers sont outrs et le procureur a fait appel de cette dcision.
Des policiers directement mls la fusillade furent muts dans d'autres rgions
ou mis au vert dans ce qui ressembla une honteuse retraite. Regonfls par cette
victoire, les hommes de Karim les poursuivirent de leurs menaces de morts
personnalises.
Onze jours plus tard Saint-Aignan, Luigi B. percuta une barrage, trainant un
gendarme sur le capot de sa voiture sur 500 mtres, puis fit mine de s'arrter un
second barrage, acclrant soudain, allant droit sur deux gendarmes. L'un d'eux
tira sur la voiture quand elle passa devant lui en trombe. Quand le corps de Luigi
fut retrouv dix kilomtres plus loin, la colre de la communaut des gens du
voyage (nomades de diverses origines, certains devenus sdentaires) clata. Des
vandales saccagrent un poste de police, terrorisrent un boulanger, abattirent une
douzaine d'arbres et attaqurent des btiments publics dans une demie douzaine
de villes diffrentes les jours suivants. Le sociologue Michel Wieviorka analysa
les deux cas avec une rhtorique typiquement franaise : Les nomades
n'attendent rien de la socit, les attentes des banlieues ont t dues . Il ajouta,
C'est territorial, pas ethnique ou religieux . (34) Personne Saint-Aignan ne
s'attendait tre touch d'une balle dans la tte comme le fut l'officier isralien
lors d'un incident avec les libanais pour avoir coup une douzaine d'arbres du
ct isralien de la frontire.
Le schma familier de la retraite vers l'arrire a correspondu avec le
renversement en terres trangres. En aot, Al Qada au Maghreb islamique a
menac de punir les traitres apostats, les enfants et agents de la France
chrtienne (et) Sarkozy, l'ennemi d'Allah pour une tentative maladroite de
librer un otage franais, dcapit une semaine plus tard, au Mali. (35) Deux
journalistes franais sont retenus en otage en Afghanistan depuis dcembre 2009.
Des villageois libanais encerclrent, dsarmrent, lapidrent et menacrent de
tuer des membres d'un contingent franais des Nations Unies comme s'ils taient
policiers dans une cit HLM.
Contrairement ce qu'on pouvait attendre, le gouvernement ne s'est pas vanoui
dans la nature pour les vacances du mois d'aot, esprant que les esprits se
calmeraient d'ici septembre Villeneuve en Isre. Le prsident, flanqu du
ministre de l'intrieur Brice Hortefeux et de l'immigration Eric besson, sont

entrs dans l'arne, annonant une srie de mesures muscles et osrent lier la
criminalit et l'immigration. Pas toute la criminalit, pas tous les immigrants.
Mais il brisa un tabou, simplement en disant une vidence suivie de promesses de
mesures svres contre les criminels qui tirent sur la police. De plus, les tueurs de
flics naturaliss perdront leur citoyennet. Des inspecteurs des impts seront
envoys dans les cits HLM pour traquer les gens vivant dans le luxe alors qu'ils
bnficient d'allocations chmage. Le march de la drogue sera dmantel. La
grande dlinquance, la polygamie, l'excision, seront aussi des motifs de perte de
la nationalit (cette dcision a t par la suite retire). Les campements illgaux
de Roms seront dmantels, et les rsidents illgaux renvoys en Roumanie,
Bulgarie, etc. (36)
Subitement, les mdias se sont intresss Villeneuve en Isre, dveloppe il y a
30 ans comme un modle d'harmonie sociale avec de l'habitat public et priv,
nichs cte cte dans un cadre magnifiquement amnag l'extrieur de la ville
universitaire de Grenoble. Qu'est-ce qui s'est mal pass ? La crise, selon les
officiels, a t cause de dtrioration ; les propritaires de la classe moyennes
sont partis. Par dessus le march, il fut rvl que Boudouda tait le lieutenant
d'une des familles du crime. La gnration actuelle de voyous maghrbins est
plus violente et sans piti que les premires gnrations de gangsters italomafieux grenoblois, suivis par la gnration franco-italienne no-mafieuse. (37)
Leurs oprations sont d'autant plus brutales qu'elles sont mal prpares et
excutes. Ils sont source d'incomprhension avec leurs enlvements, tortures ou
tirs d'armes automatiques.
Xnophobie, Islamophobie ou dhimmitude ?
Le franc-parler du gouvernement a secou la France. Le prsident Sarkozy fut
accus d'aller cyniquement la pche aux voix des lecteurs du populiste Front
national, renouant avec le honteux pass collaborationniste de Vichy, sparant les
franais-franais des franais-trangers (pareil aux slections des camps de la
mort) et tentant perfidement de crer une diversion pour faire oublier les
scandales frappant son administration. (38) Dans leur hte de condamner le
gouvernement pour avoir dit l'indicible, les critiques ont omis avec insouciance
de faire la distinction entre un voleur de bicyclette de 12 ans et un
multircidiviste de 27 ans qui tire sur la police l'arme automatique.
Pas un jour ne passe sans un tir de barrage de dclarations condamnant le
prsident. L'ancien premier ministre socialiste Michel Rocard, dont on se
souvient qu'il dclara au dbut des annes 80 que la France ne pas accueillir
toute la misre du monde (39), colla l'tiquette de Nazi sur le prsident Sarkozy
en l'accusant de fomenter la guerre civile. Tous les leaders de l'opposition, petit
ou grand, prit la plume ou le micro pour condamner le prsident dans les termes
les plus emphatiques. Aucune mtaphore sur l'holocauste ne lui fut pargne.
L'expulsion des Roms clandestins quivalait aux rafles des juifs dans les annes
40. La boucle de la rhtorique est boucle : Les immigrants (signifiant arabomusulmans et africains sub-sahariens) sont les juifs d'aujourd'hui quand en fait
ceux qui perscutent aujourd'hui les Juifs appartiennent ce groupe sans loi
improprement appels immigrants .
Les mdias assurent une couverture totale des critiques les plus svres
l'encontre du prsident en laissant la dfense du strict respect des lois aux
officiels, donnant ainsi l'impression que le gouvernement est isol, en dpit des
notables 2% d'augmentation de la cote de popularit du prsident et du Premier

Ministre Franois Fillon. Dominique De Villepin, le rival du prsident au sein de

l'UMP, accusa le prsident de transgression . (40). Avec sa coutumire
grandiloquence, Villepin a dclar que Sarkozy entachait le drapeau franais de
honte. (41)
La vrit au sujet du gangster de Villeneuve en Isre peut-elle tre extrapole
d'autres banlieues, d'autres crimes, d'autres nuits de flambes et de destructions ?
Est-ce que les citoyens respectueux des lois, musulmans y compris, sont supposs
grimacer et le supporter ? Si cette criminalit n'est pas strictement dlinquante
mais plutt lie un assaut plus large contre les valeurs et modes de vie
occidentaux, la socit franaise doit le regarder en face. Les voyous, le
lumpenproltariat et les dlinquants juvniles sont facilement enrlables comme
pitaille d'une entreprise totalitaire. Ces pas-si-franais, jeunes sans lois jouent
leur rle dans un conflit qui irradie depuis son point d'origine au Moyen-Orient.
Tandis que les avocats dsabuss de la loi et l'ordre pensent qu'aucune des
mesures annonces ne sera jamais applique, les dfenseurs des opprims jurent
que chaque affaire criminelle impliquant un immigr est dlibrment monte en
pingle pour crer de l'hostilit leur gard et justifier la rpression. De telles
accusations peuvent sembler plausibles tant qu'elles demeurent abstraites. Mais
les faits rels sont ttus.
Lies Hebbaj, g de 35 ans, a t connu du grand public quand il organisa une
confrence de presse Nantes pour contester une contravention reue par sa
femme pour conduite avec visibilit obstrue par un Niqab. (42) Il a depuis tait
mis en examen pour fraude aux aides sociales, irrgularits financires, violation
du droit du travail et viol et agression sur une femme qu'il rpudia en 2007. Il est
allgu qu'Hebbaj, qui a quatre femmes voiles et seize enfants, bnficie de plus
de 300.000 d'aides sociales, un tiers venant frauduleusement de ses pouses
multiples dclares en tant que mres clibataires. Devrait-il tre dchu de sa
nationalit franaise acquise par mariage ? (43)
Deux femmes voiles, perdues sous des couches de tissus noirs, sont passes la
tlvision pour se plaindre qu'Hebbaj, respectivement leur mari et compagnon et
pre de leurs enfants, est un bouc missaire. Les opposants de Sarkozy disent que
l'affaire Hebbaj a t sortie du chapeau pour servir les nfastes projets du
gouvernement. Mais c'est Hebbaj qui s'est fait connatre par sa confrence de
presse controverse. Pourquoi, alors qu'il y a des preuves videntes de polygamie
et de fraudes aux aides sociales, s'est-il senti invulnrable ? Pourquoi est-ce que
les bandits de Villeneuve en Isre se croient-ils plus forts que la police ?
Ils se sentent invulnrables car ils ne sont pas arrts et punis et, de plus, ils ne
peuvent tre critiqus ou identifis sans provoquer un toll. Des centaines de
punks djihadistes hurlant qu'ils baisent la France peuvent tre enrags, mais
personne n'a le droit de dire qu'ils appartiennent un groupe ou un courant
spcifiques. Personne n'est mme autoris spculer sur ce qu'ils pourraient avoir
de commun avec d'autres dlinquants, moins qu'on ne les dcrive comme
victimes infortunes d'injustices.
Conclusion
Le gouvernement franais a t-il la libert, les moyens ou la volont d'imposer la
loi et l'ordre ? Toute tentative d'imposer le respect de la loi est source de danger
de mettre le feu aux poudres d'une insurrection grande chelle. Il est ais de
critiquer le prsident Sarkozy comme le fit le New York Times, (44) en jouant le
perroquet des gauchistes franais, ou d'autre part de se moquer du prsident pour

la longue liste de promesses non tenues en la matire. Mais il serait plus sage de
se demander pourquoi les autorits de ces nations occidentales, qui ont tant
perdre, continuent cette politique d'apaisement envers ces lments antagonistes
dans l'espoir vain d'viter la confrontation. Et en quoi cela est-il diffrent du
monde libre se cachant sous couvert de processus de paix pendant que l'Iran
avance inexorablement vers le point de non-retour ?
Le facteur islamique est ni, tant dans les problmes intrieurs que dans les
conflits extrieurs. Les intentions gnocidaires inscrites dans les chartes du
Hamas et de l'OLP, les documents des Frres Musulmans, les sermons dans les
mosques les dclarations des leaders arabes et musulmans, aussi bien que dans
le coran et les hadiths sont ignores. Les crimes et actions djihadistes sont traits
comme des aberrations diverses. La preuve cohrente est dchire en mille
morceaux jets au vent et les penseurs qui essayent de rassembler les pices du
puzzle sont rembarrs.
Il n'y a pas d'images des attaques brutales cites ici ou des centaines d'autres
commises jour aprs jour. Le rseau franais de surveillance vido est sousdvelopp, partiellement en raison de l'opposition des maires socialistes et des
dfenseurs des liberts civiles. Mais on peut trouver une image en miroir de ces
comportements sauvages, armes primitives et rage meurtrire de ces jeunes dans
des tmoignages en vido de la dernire tl ralit moyen-orientale : la flottille
de Gaza. Monsieur tout le monde du monde libre est un soldat dlibrment non
entrain descendant en rappel vers le pont du Mavi Marmara.
La radio franaise rapporte que Nicolas Sarkozy a press Benjamin Netanyahu
se retenir aprs l'attaque sournoise libanaise d'aot 2010. Mme si cela est faux,
a demeure plausible et montrerait que le prsident, en dpit de ses discours
muscls, n'a toujours pas fait le lien entre sa faiblesse envers les insurgs en
France et la droutante politique de paix au Moyen-Orient.

A French Intifada
Nidra Poller*
A process described by some as the Islamization of Europe, by others as
the failure of Europeans to integrate Muslim immigrants, has reached a breaking
point in France. One of the most troubling manifestations of this discord is the
development of a particular type of violence that is more than the sum of its parts.
A sampling of this year's news reports reads like a catalogue of stomping,
stabbing, shooting, torching, and sacking; attacks on teachers, policemen,
firemen, old ladies, and modest retirees; turf wars, tribal fights, murder over
women, over attitude, over nothing; dead youths, murderous youths, bodies
scattered across a national battlefield.
Is there a connection between the endless series of seemingly disparate
criminal incidents and markers openly displayed in insurrectional riots and
demonstrationskaffiyeh face masks, Hezbollah flags, intifada slogans, Islamic
chants? A general French tendency to withhold information and a deliberate
decision to avoid ethnic and religious symbols leads to white noise coverage of
criminality. Names, photos, and background information about perpetrators,
suspects, and victims are usually suppressed, especially those that might create a
negative image of Muslims.
Yet there is ample evidence that immigration has brought specifically
Islamic antipathy to Jews, contempt for Western values, and other antisocial
attitudes reinforced by religious zeal and aggravated by the clash between an
authoritarian family structure and permissive French society. Many second and
third generation, French-born Muslims, anxious to separate themselves from a
"French" identity they reject, are no less vulnerable to these influences than
recent immigrants.
A supposedly reassuring "it's not Chicago" occasionally tacked on at the
end of a report about a lawless neighborhood adds to the confusion. In fact, it is
not Chicago but more like Algiers, Jenin, or Bamako.
Gaza on the Seine
"We don't want to import the Mideast conflict." These soothing words
were repeated by officials from Left to Right every time Muslim rage over
supposed Zionist persecution of Palestinians was "avenged" by violence against
Jews in France, notably the countless attacks against Jews tallied since the
outbreak in September 2000 of the "al-Aqsa intifada." Initially dismissed as
"insults and bullying," the worst wave of anti-Jewish aggression since World War
II was subsequently attributed to the quirky import of a "foreign bug" that
troubled harmonious relations between local Jewish and Muslim communities.
Meanwhile, the media were importing the conflict with all their might, proPalestinian nongovernmental organizations were agitating, and peace marches

against the Iraq war blossomed into punitive actions against Jews.
Though ethnic and religious statistics are prohibited in France, it is
estimated to have the largest populations of Muslims, anywhere from five to ten
million, and Jews, around 550,000, in Western Europe. Over half of the Jewish
population is Sephardic, mainly refugees from North Africa. The Muslim
population, most of which arrived since the early 1970s, is primarily from the
Maghreb and sub-Saharan Africa with large contingents from Turkey, smaller
communities from the rest of the Muslim world, and a growing number of
converts.
The ethnic or religious identities and underlying motives of individuals
who attack Jews in France are no more mysterious than those of jihadists who
strike elsewhere, from the smooth World Trade Center terrorists to the bungling
Times Square bomber, and tens of thousands of the same stripe. A French
Muslim thug does not bash the head of a French Jew because he cannot vent his
rage against an Israeli: His feet, fists, iron bar, and knife, in fact, slash the false
distinction between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism.
In May 2004, tens of thousands of mostly Jewish marchers protesting
terrorist attacks against Israeli civilians and assaults on Jews in France chanted
"Synagogues brles, Rpublique en danger [torched synagogues, endangered
republic]."[1] Today, when the situation of French Jews has jelled into an uneasy
trucewith a slow but steady decrease in population, sustained immigration to
Israel, and avoidance when possible of heavily Muslim neighborhoodsthe
French republic is in danger as the anti-Jewish thuggery has been extended to the
general population, the "dirty Frenchies" and "filthy whities."
France's politique arabe (pro-Arab policy) has been unwittingly transposed to the
domestic scene.
The twisted logic and adulterated ethics devised to blame Israel for
failing to bring peace on earth has come back to haunt the French. A
compassionate discourse that excuses Palestinian atrocities against Israeli
civilians as a reaction to "injustice" also excuses French domestic criminality as
payback for colonization, discrimination, exclusion, unemployment, and police
harassment. Confusion between avowed genocidal intentions and elusive
legitimate aspirationsa Palestinian state living side by side in peace with
Israelbreeds confusion at home between insurrectional thugs and frustrated but
law-abiding immigrants. The "disproportionate reaction" accusation played like
the ace of spades against Israel turns into a joker when riot police are portrayed
as Robocops oppressing a "Palestinized" immigrant population. Having
expropriated the moral high ground by rough riding over the heads of Israeli
soldiers, French authorities are disarmed in confrontations with homegrown
shabab or youths.
So Palestinian terrorists are called "militants," Gaza Flotilla jihadists are
presented as "humanitarians," and the young French criminals are "youths." This
deceivingly generic term used to mask the identity of local Maghrebi and African
thugs is a paradoxical translation of the Arabic shabab. Indeed, it is not rare to
read of a "36-year-old adult youth" involved in a rumble or suspected of murder.
Have French youngsters become savages? Do they steal handbags from
elderly women and kill a man who will not give them a cigarette? Are these the
same youths who join peace marches, live ecologically, hate religion, and
worship diversity? Are French youth running the drug traffic while studying for
the baccalaureate exam? Do they break into schools to kill rival dealers or stab

uppity teachers? Are the French youth who sit in cafes with their iPhones and
sunbathe naked on beaches the same ones that gang up twenty to one on a man
who looked twice at their girlfriends or complained when cut in front of in line at
an amusement park? What about the youthful French boy couples strolling hand
in hand on rue (street) Ste. Croix de la Bretonnerie in the Marais? Do they meet
rivals for knife fights at Paris's north station? Hardly.
During the 2005 uprising, when rioting Muslim youths torched cars and
public buildings in housing projects throughout the country and clashed with the
security forces trying to restore law and order, Parisians believed they were safe
inside invisible walls as fires burned on the other side of the ring road. "It's just
the banlieue [working class suburb]," they said. A second round of discourse
about the urgent need to improve housing, infrastructure, transportation, and job
opportunities circumscribed the problem. Before the year was out, flames were
rising in the center of the city and the banlieue problems spread like wildfire.[2]
Naked Eye and Media Eyes
Five years later, as France is being rocked by another, if more diffuse and
elusive, wave of violence, the discourse is similarly sterile. Newspapers string out
a litany of violent incidents in a repetition of stock phrases and opaque
vocabulary. Honey-voiced newscasters warble little tunes of tribal violence as if
turf wars and fatal stabbings in retaliation for a look, an attitude, or a woman
were all in a day's work. Bucolic place names redolent with memories of
Impressionist boating parties are now the sites of bloody murder. Fatal stabbings
in schools named after resistance heroes are attributed to the influence of video
games and a hunger for consumer products stimulated by capitalism. A small
sample paints the grim picture:
January 14, 2010: Adrien, an 18-year-old from Sannois (Val d'Oise) is savagely
murdered by a gang of youths armed with sticks, knives, golf clubs, and a
Japanese saber. He tried to find refuge in a car repair shop, but the
manager, who was ordered out, stood by helplessly as the youths beat
and stabbed Adrien to death. Subsequent reports reveal that the murder
was the last act in a day of fights between two groups. The victim's
distraught mother berates the youths for making trouble and giving the
neighborhood a bad name, yet blames their aggression on police
harassment.[3]
January 23: A "26-year-old young man" stabbed to death is found in the street in
the Orgemont project at Epinay-sur-Seine (Seine Saint-Denis). A suspect
turned himself in, yet the circumstances have not been elucidated. That
same day, four people are wounded by BB guns, in a fight in Tremblay
en France (Seine Saint-Denis), again without elucidation.[4] And a 16
year-old girl in Saint Gratien (Val d'Oise) is severely beaten by her two
brothers and strict Muslim parents for chatting on the Internet; doctors
fear she will lose an eye.[5]
January 31: A gang fight involving a hundred youths, some armed with knives,
takes place in the Boissy-Saint-Lger RER commuter train station,
apparently connected to a hip-hop concert.[6]
February 6: A 17-year-old youth is stabbed to death near the Parc des Princes
stadium in the sixteenth arrondissement of Paris.[7]
February 7: Youths fight the police for two hours in Chanteloup-les-Vignes

(Yvelines). The next day, two men "of African origin," probably
gangsters, are shot in the ninth arrondissement of Paris, and on February
20, a man is shot dead in broad daylight on rue des Pyrnes in the
twentieth arrondissement.[8]
February 21: In Conteville (Seine-Maritime), a 73-year-old man visiting a friend,
a retired scrap iron dealer, is killed by robbers who broke into the
home.[9]
What happened next? Were the circumstances elucidated? The
perpetrators apprehended? Convicted? We may never know. Convinced that the
identity of culprits is withheld for ideological reasons, readers do the detective
work with telltale clues and exasperating similarities. Youths, knives, the
banlieue? Twenty against one? Drug wars? Turf wars? Gang fights? The puzzled
citizen situates each incident somewhere on a line traced from the intimidating
rowdiness observed in public to mass revolts seen on television:
February 28: An African widow beloved by her neighbors is stabbed to death
in a bank to the horror of helpless customers and personnel. The next
day, a retired couple aged 76, are brutally murdered in their home in
Pont-Saint-Maxence (Oise), just north of Paris.[10]
March 1: A sixteen-year-old boy drowns in the Yerres river at VilleneuveSaint-Georges (Val de Marne) trying to escape assailants who chased
him as he came out of a hospital after treatment for injuries sustained in
an earlier episode.[11]
March 10: Four masked youths armed with knives and a fake gun sneak
through the handicapped entrance into an amphitheater at the University
of Paris XIII-Villetaneuse (Seine Saint-Denis) and steal a total of nine
cell phones and 40 from the students and professor.[12]
April 3: Fifteen youths are kicked off the tramway in the center of Grenoble.
Three young men and a woman get off at the same stop. The youths
harass them, ask the woman for a cigarette; she says she does not have
any more. They knock over one of the young men, stomp his head, bash
him senseless, stab him, perforating his lung, and run, leaving the victim,
a 24-year-old cartographer identified as Martin, hovering between life
and death.[13]
April 30: A man wearing a yarmulke was attacked in the center of Strasbourg
by two Muslims who knocked him down with a heavy iron bar and
stabbed him twice in the back.[14]
July 14, Nantes: A 52-year-old handicapped man is beaten to death by four
"African type" youths scrounging for cigarettes and a few euros. The
police are looking for witnesses.[15]
August 4: A 64-year-old man was kidnapped by three youths in front of his
house, forced into a car, taken to a secluded place, beaten, and tortured
until he told them where he hid his savingsa few thousand euros. The
victim was hospitalized in serious condition, his face slashed, a piece of a
finger chopped off.[16]
Low Intensity Warfare
Wherever punk jihadists decide to stake out a territorya street corner, a
park bench, a place in line, or a housing projectthey punish intruders with

merciless violence.
A young couple living in the center of the southwestern city of Perpignan who
dared to protest the ear-splitting noise of motorcycle rodeos under their windows
in the middle of the night almost paid with their lives. Fifteen youths shouting,
"We're going to kill you," broke into their building, raced up the stairs, and
pounded on their door with such force that the adjoining wall started to collapse.
They scattered and ran when the police approached.[17]
Youths from l'Essonne punished a family because one of the boys made a remark
when they pushed ahead of them in line at the Asterix theme park, thirty
kilometers north of Paris. They called in reinforcements, caught up with the
family in the parking lot, beat up the boys and hit their mother.[18]
July 13, the eve of French Independence Day, is traditionally celebrated
with dancing in the streets. Youths shooting prohibited firecracker missiles
caused at least forty-seven fires. A 63-year-old woman died when a missile, shot
through an open window, set fire to her modest apartment. The second floor of a
nineteenth arrondissement fire station, hit by missiles, went up in flames as
people danced on the ground floor.[19]
A minor traffic accident on a highway outside Paris ended in bloody
murder because the victim, a young family man named Muhammad, asked the
woman responsible for the damage to sign an insurance declaration. "You trying
to act French?" she objected, before calling for help from friends from les
Mureaux, a nearby project. The youths, identified in one article as "black,"
arrived in force, shouting, "We're going to kill you in front of your mother," and
proceeded to bash the man's head with unrestrained savagery, killing him on the
spot, in front of his family, as promised. Two of the killers were identified by
name and Senegalese origin on a Senegalese website.[20]
Several weeks later, an American journalist investigating the problems of
minorities in French housing projects was assaulted by youths in les Mureaux.
Described as a 50-year-old evangelical, he was taken to a nearby hospital,
unconscious. He had been given a head bashing and robbed of equipment worth
more than $15,000. The circumstances have not yet been elucidated.[21]
Echo Chamber
In a transposition of the Middle East peace process mentality, the failure
of integration is blamed on France just as the failure to create a Palestinian state
is blamed on Israel. The Palestinian cause is forgiven for sixty years of
aggression; delinquent immigrants are acquitted of responsibility for their
antisocial behavior and self-destructive strategies. Hamas attacks Israel for years
on end; the Israel finally retaliates and gets its nose rubbed in the rubble; housing
projects are dilapidated by their own delinquent residents only to be displayed as
proof of social injustice. International opinion looks the other way as Hamas
imposes Shari'a law in Gaza; the media close their eyes as thugs impose their law
in the projects.
Banlieue-Gaza-on-the-Seine for the domestic insurgents, Banlieue-Gazaopen-air-prison for the compassionate choir. No matter how much is done or
given, it is never enough; no matter how wild the behavior, it is always explained
away. Here, there, and everywhere, ethical boundaries are erased and logic
surrenders to magical thinking. When mothers offer their children to die as
shahidsmartyred murderersthe very horror of their vengeance is held as a

measure of the degree of oppression they endure. In France, every form of

brutality, including the murder of Ilan Halimia young French Jew kidnapped
by a banlieue gang in January 2006 and tortured to death over a period of three
weeks[22]is attributed to some form of "exclusion."[23] The unashamed antiSemitism of gang leader Youssouf Fofana, a rabid Muslim Jew hater, was used to
mask the motives of some twenty gang members of varied origins who
participated in the crime. Lawyers for the defense organized press conferences
and wrote op-eds to deny banlieue anti-Semitism and portray their clients as
misguided underprivileged youths.
The same reverse chronology that explained in the first week of the alAqsa intifada that Palestinians had gone from throwing stones to shooting guns
because Israeli forces overreacted to the initialjustified"revolt," now
explains that banlieue youth have started shooting at the police with automatic
weapons because law enforcement has gone quasi-military.
Identification with the Palestinian "resistance" emboldens French-born
delinquents. Punk jihadists who drink alcohol, wear sweat suits, hardly ever set
foot in a mosque, and cannot read the Qur'an in classic Arabic establish their
dominion as if it were a waqf (religious endowment).
No French outlet would touch the "Hamas on the Seine" report by
photojournalist Jean-Paul Ney, published by the French-language, Israel-based
Metula News Agency on May 31, 2010, describing enraged kaffiyeh-masked,
pro-Palestinians chanting, "Zionist sellout media," "Jews to the ovens," "Fk
France," "Sarkozy the little Jew," "Obama the Jew's n___r," repeatedly breaking
police lines, determined to reach the Israeli embassy and vent their rage over the
Gaza flotilla incident. Joined by anarchist "black-blocks," the insurgents
destroyed property, threw paving stones at the police, and wreaked havoc for
several hours at the Champs Elyses Circle. Ney distinctly heard orders broadcast
to the riot police: "Don't try to stop them."[24]
The Marseille Bondy Blog celebrated French Independence Day in its fashion by
featuring a T-shirt emblazoned with an Algerian flag in the shape of France
spitting image of a map of Israel covered with a Palestinian flag. "Second or third
generation immigrant youths from the Maghreb, Comores, etc.," says a young
woman identified as Sonia, "are trying to find themselves." The T-shirt is the
answer to their quest. "We really have a double culture; we are both [French and
Algerian]."[25]
French media automatically favor the other version of any clash
involving Israel. Journalists can write with their eyes closed. Or simply swallow
what they are fed from Agence France-Presse dispatches. The story of the clash
in August 2010 on Israel's border with Lebanonwhen an Israeli officer, three
Lebanese soldiers, and one Lebanese journalist were killed when Lebanese forces
opened fire on Israel Defense Forces soldiers performing routine maintenance
work within Israelbroke in France, of course, with the Lebanese narrative. The
falsification was revealed within twenty-four hours and confirmed in full reliable
detail,[26] but media alchemists turned the dirty facts into ambiguous gold.[27]
Why believe Israeli sources, even when corroborated by U.N. troops on the
scene?
Hall of Mirrors
Given that the Muhammad al-Dura hoaxthe staged death scene and subsequent
martyrization of the 12-year-old Gazan allegedly killed in cold blood by Israeli

soldiers on the second day of the "Aqsa intifada"[28]was produced by Charles

Enderlin, long-time Jerusalem correspondent of the state-owned France 2
television channel, the French authorities understandably live in dread of a real
Dura on their own soil, not least since the youths readily fabricate their own child
martyrs and go on the rampage in revenge. The 2005 riots were triggered by the
death of two minors who sought refuge in an electrical substation, allegedly
pursued by the police, allegedly for no good reason.[29] In November 2007,
several policemen were wounded by gunfire in a battle with some 200 youths in
Villiers le Bel (Val d'Oise) after two youths without helmets sped down the street
on a prohibited mini-cycle, crashed into a police car, and were killed.[30] There
is no way of knowing if Abu and Adama Kamara, Ibrahim Sow, Maka Kante,
and Samuel Lambalamba, sentenced in July 2010 to prison terms ranging from
three to fifteen years, are innocent as they claim, or fall guys for fellow youths;
[31] it is as if the court were judging an incident that occurred in a distant foreign
land. After a similar accident in Woippy, a banlieue of Metz, gendarmes were
pelted with stones, fourteen vehicles including a bus were torched, telephone
booths and a school were sacked. These are but a few of many incidents where
youths in stolen cars or motorcycles, running away from the police, crash and kill
themselves.
Yet, no matter how far-fetched the version of the "aggrieved" party, it always
takes precedence over the official version in French media. Any police
investigation is, by the media's definition, suspect. The police, media suggest,
should not engage in hot pursuit. One sympathizer explained in front of TV
cameras that the police knew the names of the joy riders in the stolen car and
could have let them go home and then arrested them the next day. After all, who
cares if the boys cause a fatal accident in the meantime?
The media offered a brief tour when the police raided a housing project
in the Parisian banlieue of Sevran (Seine Saint Denis) controlled by drug dealers.
Graffiti arrows indicate "shops"; residents tell how they pass through checkpoints
to access their buildings, and TV cameramen were lucky to escape with their
footage. "Militants" responded to the raid with the now-familiar torching,
sacking, and shooting at policemen. Government promises to enforce the law
provoke an outcry from compassionate sociologists, left-wing magistrates and
mayors, members of do-good associations who protest that "repression is not the
solution." Imposing undue restraint on the police has simply emboldened their
adversaries. Over 5,000 were injured in the line of duty in 2009, and in JanuaryFebruary 2010, some 1,100.[32] In recent incidents, police have been surrounded,
pelted with paving stones, kicked, punched, hit on the head with hammers,
humiliated, and treated like mugging victims, not agents of law enforcement.
International media, relying heavily on Agence France-Presse and Associated
Press wire services, have shown little interest in France's delinquency problem.
The November 2005 "intifada" was mistakenly equated with the Watts riots; the
recent anti-niqab (full-face veil) law is attributed to intolerance. The grievances
of minorities are taken at face value, and government efforts to enforce the law
are denounced as concessions to far right extremism.
In fact, and contrary to what has been written about French society, there
is no tradition of segregation or ghettoes. People are constantly in motion; public
transportation carries passengers from banlieue to city centers, and
neighborhoods are mixed. The recent ghettoization of certain housing projects
always incompleteis a function of their criminalization. When the cads

(criminal bosses) rule the roost, those who can, leave; those who cannot, submit.
It's a small-time jihad.
The Gangster as Victim
The holdup of a gambling casino in Uriage on the night of July 15, 2010,
would have been one more item on the long list of unresolved crimes if the police
in hot pursuit had not been led deep into the gangsters' turf in Villeneuve en
Isre, a housing project in the banlieue of Grenoble. The two gangsters wearing
bulletproof vests opened fire with automatic weapons. The police returned fire,
killing one with a shot to the head. His accomplice escaped. All hell broke loose
in the project. The "victim" this time was not a youngster on a motorcycle but
rather a 27-year-old repeat offender Karim Boudouda, already convicted of three
separate incidents of armed robbery but still on the loose. Ninety cars were
torched the first night, twenty the next night. Armored cars, commandoes, and
riot police were brought in, but Boudouda's friends fired on the police while his
mother announced her intention to sue the police. The owner of a bar, said to be
Karim Boudouda's cousin, was arrested after an arms cache and shooting range
were discovered on the premises. Several people were detained and released in
connection with the search for Boudouda's accomplice, whose name and
description were not made public. In the first week of September, the alleged
accomplice, repeat-offender Monsif Ghabbour, was finally located, arrested, and
arraigned, then immediately released under supervision. The police are outraged,
and the prosecutor has appealed the release. Some officers directly involved in
the shootout were transferred to other regions or sent out to pasture in what
looked like a shameful retreat. Heady with victory, Karim's men pursued them
with personalized death threats.[33]
Eleven days later in Saint Aignan, Luigi B. crashed through a barrier,
dragging a gendarme on the hood of his car for 500 meters, then pretended to
stop at a second barrier, suddenly sped up, heading straight for two gendarmes.
One of them shot at the speeding car as it whizzed by. When Luigi's body was
found ten kilometers further on, his gens du voyage community (nomads of
various origins, some now sedentary) went on the rampage. Vandals sacked a
police station, terrified a baker, chopped down a dozen trees, and attacked public
buildings in half a dozen different localities in the following days. Sociologist
Michel Wieviorka analyzed the two situations with typical French rhetoric: "The
nomads don't expect anything from society; the banlieue's expectations are
disappointed." He added, "It's territorial, not ethnic or religious."[34] No one in
Saint Aignan expected to be shot in the head as was the Israeli officer in a
Lebanese incident for cutting down a dozen trees on the Israeli side of the border.
The familiar pattern of retreat on the home front was matched with
reversals in foreign lands. In August, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb threatened
to punish "the treasonous apostates, the children and agents of Christian France
[and] Sarkozythe enemy of Allah" for a bungled attempt to rescue a French
hostagebeheaded one week laterin Mali.[35] Two French reporters have
been hostages in Afghanistan since December 2009. Lebanese villagers
surrounded, disarmed, stoned, and threatened to kill members of a French U.N.
contingent as if they were policemen in a French housing project.
Contrary to expectations, the government did not slip away for the
August vacation, hoping heads would cool in Villeneuve en Isre by September.
The president, flanked by Interior Minister Brice Hortefeux and Immigration

Minister Eric Besson, stepped into the ring, announced a series of tough
measures, and dared to link crime with immigration. Not all crime, not all
immigrants. But he broke the taboo, simply by stating the obvious and followed
with a promise of harsh measures for criminals who shoot at the police.
Moreover, naturalized cop-killers will lose their citizenship. Tax officials will be
sent into the projects to crack down on people living in luxury while on the dole.
The drug market will be dismantled. Severe delinquency, polygamy, and female
circumcision will also be grounds for withdrawal of nationality (this provision
was subsequently withdrawn). Illegal Roma camps will be dismantled, and illegal
residents sent back to Romania, Bulgaria, etc.[36]
Suddenly, the media came forth with in-depth reports on Villeneuve en
Isre, developed thirty years ago as a model of social harmony with public and
private housing nestled side by side in a beautifully landscaped setting outside the
college town of Grenoble. What went wrong? The crisis, officials said, caused
deterioration; middle-class property owners left. More to the point, it was
revealed that Boudouda was a "lieutenant" in one of the crime families. The
current crop of Maghrebi kingpins are more ruthless and savage than earlier
generations of Grenoble gangstersItalian Mafiosi followed by French-Italian
neo-Mafiosi.[37] Their operations are all the more brutal for being poorly
planned and executed. They settle misunderstandings with sequestration, torture,
or bursts of automatic gunfire.
Xenophobia, "Islamophobia," or Dhimmitude?
The government's straight talk has shaken France to the timbers.
President Sarkozy was accused of cynically fishing for right-leaning-populist
Front National voters, replaying the disgraceful Vichy past collaboration,
separating the French-French from the foreign-French (akin to death-camp
selections) and, trying to draw attention away from his administration's perfidious
scandals.[38] In the rush to condemn the government for saying the unspeakable,
critics have blithely stampeded over the distinction between a misguided 12-yearold bicycle thief and a 27-year-old repeat-offender who shoots at policemen with
an automatic weapon.
Not a day goes by without a barrage of statements condemning the
president. Former Socialist prime minister Michel Rocardremembered for
declaring in the early 1980s that "France cannot take in all the world's
misery"[39]stuck the Nazi label on President Sarkozy and accused him of
fomenting civil war. Every opposition leader big or small took up the keyboard or
microphone to vilify the president in the most emphatic terms. No Holocaust
metaphor is left unturned. Deporting illegal Romas is equated with roundups of
Jews in the 1940s. The rhetoric has come full circle: "immigrants" (meaning
Arab-Muslim and sub-Saharan Africans) are today's Jews when in fact the people
who are now persecuting Jews belong to that lawless class loosely defined as
"immigrants."
The media are giving wall-to-wall coverage to the president's most
severe critics while limiting the defense of strict law enforcement to officials,
giving the impression that the government stands alonethe 2 percent increase
in approval ratings for the president and Prime Minister Franois Fillon
notwithstanding. Dominique de Villepin, the president's arch-rival within the
governing Union for a Popular Movement party, accused the president of
"transgression."[40] With his customary grandiloquence, Villepin declared that

Sarkozy has stained the French flag with shame.[41]

Can the truth about the Maghrebi gangsters of Villeneuve en Isre be
extrapolated to other banlieues, other crimes, other nights of flame and
destruction? Are law abiding citizens, Muslims included, supposed to grin and
bear it? If this criminality is not strictly delinquent but is rather allied with a
wider assault on Western values and way of life, French society must look it in
the face. Thugs, the lumpenproletariat, and juvenile delinquents are easily
enrolled as foot soldiers in totalitarian enterprises. These not-so-French, lawless
youths play their role in a conflict that radiates outward from a flash point in the
Middle East.
While disillusioned advocates of law and order think that none of the
tough measures announced will ever be applied, defenders of the downtrodden
swear that every criminal case involving immigrants is deliberately highlighted to
foment hostility and justify repression. Such accusations may seem plausible as
long as the issues are debated in the abstract. But concrete realities are stubborn.
Thirty-five-year-old Lies Hebbaj came to public attention in April 2010
when he called a press conference in Nantes to contest a traffic ticket issued to
his wife for driving with obstructed vision in a niqab.[42] He has since been
charged with welfare fraud, financial irregularities, violation of labor law, and
rape and assault on a wife he repudiated in 2007. It is alleged that Hebbaj, who
has four niqab-clad wives and sixteen children, has control of annual receipts of
more than 300,000 in welfare payments, a third of which is fraudulently granted
to his polygamous wives declared as single mothers. Should he be divested of the
French nationality he acquired by marrying a French woman?[43]
Two veiled women lost in yards of black fabric appeared on television to
complain that Hebbajtheir husband and companion respectively, and the father
of their childrenis a scapegoat. Sarkozy's critics say the Hebbaj case was pulled
out of a hat to serve the government's nefarious projects. But it is Hebbaj who
came to public attention with a controversial press conference. Why, when there
is ample evidence of polygamy and welfare fraud, did he feel invulnerable? Why
do the bandits of Villeneuve en Isre think they are more powerful than the
police?
They feel invulnerable because they are not apprehended or punished
and, furthermore, they cannot be criticized or identified without raising a hue and
cry. Hundreds of punk jihadists screaming "F__k France" can go amok but no
one has the right to say they belong to a specific group or current. No one is even
allowed to speculate on what they might have in common with other
lawbreakersunless one portrays them as hapless victims of injustice.
Conclusion
Does the French government have the ways and means or will to impose
law and order? Every law enforcement effort entails the danger of igniting a
generalized insurrection on an overwhelming scale. It is easy to scold President
Sarkozy as did The New York Times,[44] parroting the French leftists, or on the
other hand, to mock the president with a long list of unfulfilled law and order
promises. But it would be wiser to ask why authorities in this western European
nation with so much to lose keep mollifying antagonistic elements in the vain
hope of avoiding a confrontation. And how is this any different from the free
world hiding under the cover of peace processes while Iran moves inexorably to

the point of no return?

The Islamic factor in both domestic strife and international conflicts is
denied. Genocidal intentions inscribed in the charters of Hamas and the Palestine
Liberation Organization, Muslim Brotherhood documents, mosque sermons,
statements by Arab and Muslim leaders, as well as the Qur'an and the Hadith are
ignored. Criminal acts and jihadist actions are treated as miscellaneous
aberrations. Coherent evidence is smashed into a thousand pieces and thrown to
the winds, and thinkers who try to put the puzzle together are slapped down.
There are no images of the brutal attacks cited here or the hundreds of
others committed day in and day out. France's video surveillance network is
underdeveloped, in part because of opposition from socialist mayors and civil
libertarians. But one can find a mirror image of the savage gestures, primitive
weapons, and murderous rage of those youths in video footage from the latest
Middle East reality showthe Gaza flotilla. The free world's Everyman is a
deliberately unprepared soldier rappelling to the decks of the Mavi Marmara.
French radio reported that Nicolas Sarkozy urged Benjamin Netanyahu to
exercise restraint after the August 2010 sneak attack from Lebanon. Even if this
is false, it remains plausible, and would show that, for all his tough talk, the
president has not yet grasped the connection between his weakness against the
insurgency in France and misguided peacemaking in the Middle East.
*Nidra Poller is an American journalist residing in Paris since 1972. Her latest work is Al
Dura--Long Range Ballistic Myth. Originally published in Middle East Quarterly 2011,
Winter 25-36. Reprinted here via author permission.

Pierre Birnbaum, "Le recul de l'tat fort et la nouvelle mobilisation antismite dans la
France contemporaine," Ple Sud, Nov. 2004, pp. 15-29.
2
TCS Daily, Public Broadcasting Service 9/20/05
3
Le Parisien, Feb. 12, 2010.
4
Ibid., Jan. 23, 2010.
5
Ibid., Jan. 23, 2010.
6
Le Figaro (Paris), Jan. 31, 2010.
7
Ibid., Feb. 6, 2010.
8
Ibid., Feb. 20, 2010.
9
Ibid., Feb. 21, 2010.
10
Le Figaro, Feb. 28, 2010.
11
Le Parisien, Mar. 1, 2010.
12
Le Figaro, Mar. 11, 2010.
13
Ibid., Apr. 14, 2010.
14
Les Dernires Nouvelles d'Alsace, Apr. 30, 2010.
15
RTL.fr (Paris), July 14, 2010.
16
Le Figaro, Aug. 4, 2010.
17
Ibid., Aug. 3, 2010.
18
Libration (Paris), May 25, 2010.
19
Paris Match, July 22, 2010; Libration, July 14, 2010.

Haine et violences antismites en France

Marc Knobel *
Depuis le dbut de la seconde Intifada (en 2000), une violence antijuive a dferl de
faon quasi simultane en France et dans les dmocraties occidentales. Mais, en France,
tout commence rellement le 1er octobre 2000.
Key Terms France, Juif, islamistes, l'antismitisme, anti-sionisme, anti-isralienne

Un certain 1er octobre 2000

Que se passe-t-il ce jour-l ? Des fidles sortent de la synagogue dAubervilliers (une proche
banlieue parisienne). Une petite voiture de couleur blanche se met alors foncer brusquement sur
eux. Les gens scartent, il ny a aucun bless, et la voiture sloigne rapidement. La police,
prvenue, se rend sur place mais repart trs vite. Quelques heures plus tard, les fidles prsents dans
la synagogue sont aspergs de liquide, projet depuis laire de jeux mitoyenne. Affols, ils sortent
paniqus. Dautres agressions du mme type ont secou la communaut juive, ponctuellement,
rgulirement, durablement, faisant des lieux de culte et dcoles, des fidles, de certains
responsables ou membres de la communaut juive autant de cibles terriblement vulnrables, tout au
long de ces treize dernires annes.
Dans la semaine du 2 octobre 2000, une synagogue du XIXe arrondissement de Paris reoit des
menaces et des insultes tlphoniques. Une bouteille incendiaire est lance dans lenceinte de la
synagogue. Dans la nuit du 3 au 4 octobre 2000, un engin incendiaire est projet sur celle de
Villepinte. Les 4 et 5, des lves se font agresser la sortie de lcole Ohr Yossef, dans le XIXe
arrondissement de Paris. Le vendredi 6, des jeunes de lcole juive Gaston-Tenouji de Saint-Ouen
(prs de Paris) reoivent des pierres et sont insults. Le 7, un cambriolage lieu la synagogue de
Bagnolet ( quelques kilomtres de la capitale). Un cocktail Molotov est lanc le mme jour sur un
restaurant casher parisien. Et, durant loffice de Min ha, un inconnu en dpose un autre lintrieur
de la cour de lcole Chnei Or dAubervilliers. Un jeune fidle teint in extremis lengin
incendiaire. Le dimanche 8, ce mme type dexplosif atteint la synagogue de Clichy-sous-Bois,
tandis quau cimetire de Trappes (en banlieue parisienne), les tombes juives sont profanes, les
veilleuses arraches et des pots de fleurs casss. Le mme jour, trois cocktails Molotov sont lancs
sur la synagogue des Ulis. Le premier niveau de la synagogue est entirement ravag, le rabbin
monte au premier tage et chappe ainsi la mort. Trappes toujours, la synagogue est
compltement dvaste par un incendie. Quelques jours plus tard, le rabbin de la synagogue de Creil
est victime dinjures racistes. Deux engins incendiaires sont lancs contre ldifice, et plusieurs
fidles, la sortie de loffice, sont la cible dinjures racistes. Le lendemain, deux appartements sont
incendis Choisy-le-Roi (dpartement du Val-de-Marne, prs de Paris).
Paris, une personne qui portait un pendentif se fait agresser et frapper par un homme de type
nord-africain , prs de la station de mtro Pyrnes. Dans la nuit du 12 au 13 octobre 2000, un ou
plusieurs individus cassent deux vitres de la synagogue de Bondy et lancent un ou plusieurs engins
incendiaires dans la synagogue. Une pice de 30 m brle entirement. Dans la capitale, la porte
dune synagogue du XXe arrondissement est incendie une heure du matin. Le soir, un cocktail
Molotov est lanc sur lcole Tenouji de Saint-Ouen, au moment mme o dix personnes cagoules
(un commando) et armes de battes de base-ball et de barres de fer lancent des pierres et incendient
la porte dun particulier de Choisy-le-Roi en jetant un objet incendiaire. Dans la nuit du 13 au 14
octobre 2000, aux alentours de 22 h 30, quarante personnes scandent des slogans antismites dans le
XIXe arrondissement de Paris. Deux personnes portent sur elles des cocktails Molotov. Lun des
deux meneurs est apprhend. la mme heure, deux bouteilles incendiaires sont lances sur la
synagogue de Chevilly-Larue ; ils ne provoquent que des dgts mineurs. La police a t prvenue

Bagnolet. La nuit prcdente, dj, elle avait t la cible de jets de pierres. Villeneuve-laGarenne, prs de Paris, les incidents se multiplient : injures et menaces, agressions de fidles
rentrant chez eux aprs loffice, jet de pots de fleurs sur les fidles depuis des appartements. Trois
personnes sont poursuivies par des jeunes cagouls, qui leur jettent des pierres et profrent des
injures antismites. Dans la nuit du 15 au 16, Meudon, deux cocktails Molotov sont lancs contre
la synagogue, qui fait galement office de centre communautaire. Lun explose, lautre pas.
Quelquun qui se trouvait l aurait cri Allah Akbar , avant dtre arrt par la police pour
interrogatoire.
Tous ces faits tragiques ont t relevs ou relats brivement par la presse de lpoque. Pour la
priode sensible du 1er au 25 octobre 2000, nous avons relev une cinquantaine dagressions
intervenues Paris et en rgion parisienne. Ce sont les jets de cocktails comme dautres projectiles
lancs sur des coles ou synagogues qui priment. Les types de cible ? Des biens privs
(appartements ou commerces) ont donc t viss durant cette priode. Quant aux agressions sur les
personnes, elles npargnent personne. Enfin, la rpartition gographique des actes et agressions
antismites est vidente. Elle permet de voir avec un peu plus de prcision que cest notamment
dans lest parisien les XIXe et XXe arrondissements , o se concentrent des populations
multiethniques, qua lieu le plus grand nombre dagressions antijuives. Sur les 14 actes antismites
commis durant cette priode dans le XIXe arrondissement, on compte notamment 3 menaces, 3
insultes, 3 jets dobjets, 2 jets de cocktail
Molotov, 1 agression physique, 1 saccage et 1 dpt dobjet incendiaire. En banlieue, cest en
Seine-Saint-Denis (le dpartement le plus dfavoris de France) que les agressions antijuives sont
les plus leves : 14 actes, dont 7 sont constitus par des jets de cocktail Molotov et 3 par des jets
dobjets contendants. Ce dpartement est suivi de prs par le Val-de-Marne, limitrophe de la
capitale : 10 agressions antijuives y ont lieu, dont 3 incendies et 2 agressions physiques. Mais, que
ce soit Paris ou en banlieue, le paroxysme est atteint entre le mardi 10 et le mardi 17 octobre 2000.
Les ractions de la classe politique et mdiatique (2000 2003)
En une dizaine de jours, 70 incidents sont recenss de Toulouse Paris et de Lille Rouen :
inscriptions antismites, agressions verbales ou jets dengins incendiaires ici ou l. Devant ce que
lon peut appeler un fait sans prcdent et dune incroyable gravit, la classe politique et les mdias
semblent gns. Certes, le ministre de lIntrieur, Daniel Vaillant, confirme le renforcement de la
surveillance policire autour des lieux de culte de la communaut juive. Mais, Vaillant qualifie ces
actes de phnomnes de triste mode , perptrs par de jeunes dsuvrs . II affirme ne pas
croire un regain de lantismitisme. L, lexplication surprend. Sil ne sagit que de phnomnes
de triste mode , perptrs par de jeunes dsuvrs qui ne seraient pas dus un regain de
lantismitisme , pourquoi le ministre de lIntrieur prend-il toutes ces prcautions ? Sil ne peut
tre question dun regain de lantismitisme , mais dactions ponctuelles menes par des
dsuvrs , comment doit-on alors qualifier les violences commises par ces dsuvrs ?
Comment expliquer la multiplication dagressions, toutes antijuives, en un temps record et avec une
violence si soudaine, si brutale ? Les victimes ne sont-elles pas ici toutes juives ? Les lieux viss ne
sont-ils pas des lieux communautaires ? Ne sagit-il pas dantismitisme ?
Pendant plusieurs annes, les ractions ont t peu nombreuses, comme si les hommes politiques
taient gns et peu dsireux de commenter les vnements. Aussi, les agressions antijuives ontelles lieu dans un relatif dsintrt de lopinion publique et de la classe politique. Au sein de la
communaut juive, elles suscitent un sentiment dabandon et de drliction. Cependant, le 27 mai
2003, les choses changent. Jacques Chirac prononce dans le cadre solennel du palais de llyse un
discours combatif dans lequel il dnonce lantismitisme : Aujourdhui, vous ntes plus seuls.
Contre lantismitisme, la France est avec vous. Car cest bien la France qui est agresse sur son sol.
Car cest bien la France qui est insulte quand une synagogue brle sur son sol. Car cest bien la
France qui est humilie quand, sur son sol, un enfant juif est oblig de changer de collge pour

insupportable. Les actes antismites doivent tre combattus sans relche et punis avec la plus grande
svrit []. Nous ne laisserons pas faire lapologie du crime et de la haine. La France nest pas un
pays antismite
Cinq hypothses autour de lantismitisme depuis lanne 2000
Dans nos recherches et nos travaux, nous avons scrut de prs les actes (menaces et violences) qui
ont t commis contre la communaut juive du 1er octobre 2000 lanne 2013. Nous avons essay
de comprendre quelles pouvaient tre les motivations (si tant est que ce mot est un sens) des
agresseurs. Et, dans un rcent ouvrage que nous avons publi : Haine et violences antismites. Une
rtrospective 2000 2013 (Paris, janvier 2013, Berg International Editeurs, 350 pages) nous nous
sommes poss un certain nombre de questions : dans la France des annes 2000, lhostilit
lendroit des Juifs ne sest-elle pas largement dveloppe chez les jeunes qui vivent dans des
quartiers dits sensibles et qui, discrimins et trs souvent victimiss, sont en qute didentit ? Ces
jeunes ne sidentifient-ils pas (quelquefois) aux Palestiniens, quils pensent venger lorsquils
sen prennent aux Juifs ? Le conflit isralo-palestinien joue-t-il un rle trs important ? Bref, le
conflit isralo-palestinien nest-il pas un (faux) prtexte qui a fait sauter et de faon durable le tabou
de lantismitisme ? Les islamistes font-ils des banlieues dfavorises le lieu prfr de diffusion de
leurs pseudo-thses ? Et, est-ce la misre physique ou morale qui cr le terrorisme ou
lendoctrinement, lobscurantisme et le fanatisme ? De fait, ce qui est menac aujourdhui par
lislamisme nest-ce pas la Rpublique elle-mme, ses principes, ses valeurs et sa culture, car ce qui
menace les juifs LA menace ?
Trs vite, nous avons mis pos cinq hypothses de travail afin de tenter de comprendre ce dont les
Juifs sont les victimes ? Les cinq hypothses suivantes, nous semble-t-il, permettent de comprendre
cette situation.
Rponses.
-Premirement. Des individus sont anims par un sentiment dhostilit Isral plus ou moins diffus,
exacerb par la mdiatisation daffrontements au Proche-Orient. Ceci facilite leur projection dans un
conflit, qui leurs yeux, reproduit des schmas dexclusion et dchec dont ils se sentent euxmmes victimes en France. En 2000 dj, Mehdi Lallaoui, ralisateur, figure du mouvement
associatif, militant dans les banlieues depuis plus de trente ans et figure de la Marche pour lgalit
organise en 1983, lexplique fort bien : Pour moi, cest une identification dans un monde de
limage. Ces jeunes gens voient des affrontements trs violents la tl ; ils se sentent solidaires et,
par amalgame, sattaquent des symboles juifs, dfaut de cibles israliennes , dclare-t-il avec
justesse. Quant Malek Boutih, ancien Prsident de SOS Racisme (1999-2003), il a cette
observation trs intressante : Les jeunes ont un discours dstructur. Ils glissent trs vite de
lantisionisme lantismitisme, dIsral Juifs. Avec lucidit donc, des militants associatifs
rptent que lon ne doit pas importer le conflit sur le territoire national et que lon ne saurait viser
des lieux de culte de la communaut juive (pas plus que de la communaut musulmane). Ils lancent
aussi un avertissement, parce quils pressentent que ces agressions pourraient se multiplier.
Dailleurs, en quoi aide-t-on la cause palestinienne lorsquen France, de petits voyous viennent
agresser de jeunes Juifs ? De quel soutien sagit-il ? La cause palestinienne sen trouvera-t-elle
encourage, fortifie ? Bien sr que non. Disons-le clairement : rien ne justifie que lon attaque un
magasin casher, rien ne justifie que lon agresse un adolescent juif. Faut-il le rappeler ici ? Alors,
ny aurait-il pas l dautres raisons ? Ny aurait-il pas une culture de lantismitisme dans
certaines banlieues ? Ces jeunes ne sont-ils pas motivs plutt par la haine des juifs pour sen
prendre ainsi des cibles juives (coles, lieux de cultes, magasins, particuliers, etc.), tout
simplement ? Par ailleurs, ne sont-ils pas encourags et/ou endoctrins par des agitateurs islamistes
ou des prcheurs de haine ? Bref, le conflit explique-t-il tout ? Non. Il peut expliquer certaines
choses mais pas cette envie den dcoudre forcment avec les juifs en France, lorsque cela pte au
Proche-Orient.
-Deuximement. Cet antismitisme a conquis son droit de cit plantaire en aot 2001, Durban, en
Afrique du Sud, lors de la Confrence de lONU contre le racisme, la xnophobie et lintolrance.
Le conflit isralo-palestinien, qui navait rien y faire, a occup tous les participants : on a mis

 Durban, lantismitisme sest dpouill de sa gangue raciste pour snoncer dans la belle langue
cristalline de lantiracisme. Les Juifs, ces racistes , dit-on maintenant.
-Troisimement. Il est important de donner un aperu de la raction de la communaut musulmane
cette poque. Nous voulons aussi mesurer quel point et ventuellement des musulmans ont pu tre
entrans dans ces violences ds octobre 2000. Dans notre ouvrage, nous voquons cette gne des
politiques et des mdias, embarrasss lide de dnoncer les actes antismites sous prtexte que
certains auraient pu tre commis par des musulmans. Do cette question : pourquoi devrions-nous
forcment taire le fait que des agressions ont ou auraient t commises par de jeunes arabomusulmans ? Serait-il politiquement incorrect de le dire ? En ce qui nous concerne, nous pensons
que, quand un individu agit au nom dune religion, dune identit ou dune idologie pour porter
prjudice un individu en raison de sa religion, de son identit ou de son idologie, le public doit en
tre inform. Mais nous tenons viter tout amalgame. Il serait en effet injuste et particulirement
choquant de faire porter lensemble de la communaut arabo-musulmane de France les violences
commises par quelques individus. Des brebis galeuses, il y en a partout, nous ne le rpterons
jamais assez. Il faut donc les dnoncer. Mais on ne peut pas faire, on ne doit pas faire damalgame
avec lIslam. Nous insistons sur ce point.
Ceci tant dit. Que se passe-t-il ? On ne peut reprocher des musulmans de soutenir la cause
palestinienne. Chacun est libre dexprimer son point de vue, de soutenir une cause et daffirmer une
solidarit. Il en est de mme pour les Juifs qui soutiennent Isral. Cependant, il y a un risque
lorsquon quitte le terrain du dbat dmocratique et quon se laisse attirer, fasciner, voire subjugu
par des discours ou des prches enflamms qui, avec rage, parlent dIsral ou, linverse des
Palestiniens. force dentendre, de lire, de porter attention quelques prcheurs (de haine), on
risque dtre entran dans une spirale. Elle sera forcment douloureuse. Or, des musulmans
ragissent ds lors quil est question du conflit isralo-palestinien bien plus quils ne
sintresseraient dautres conflits : lIrak, la Tchtchnie, le Cachemire, la Bosnie, le Sahara et le
Front Polisario Mais cette focalisation nest-elle pas excessive ? force de lire, dentendre, et
finalement de rabcher que les Israliens se comportent comme des monstres, force, linverse,
didaliser la cause palestinienne, rige en nouvelle lutte des peuples, certains esprits faibles sen
prennent, dfaut dIsraliens, aux Juifs. Ces malheureuses cibles sont assimiles aux Israliens,
cest--dire aux oppresseurs. Pour venger leurs frres palestiniens, ils frappent des Juifs. Mais,
cette explication ne nous semble pas suffisante. Nous mettrons alors quelques autres hypothses.
Elles permettent galement de comprendre pourquoi les choses senveniment ce point ds lanne
2000 et quelles sont les autres (ventuelles) motivations des agresseurs.
-Quatrimement. En un sens, les agresseurs pensent que les Juifs sont protgs, ils les imaginent
tous riches et puissants. Les vieux strotypes sont l. Le meurtre tragique dIlan Halimi rsulte bien
de la survivance dun antismitisme structurel qui sappuie sur de vieux clichs nauseux les
mmes depuis des sicles : les Juifs travaillent forcment dans les banques, les mdias ou la
politique. Ils ont de largent et le pouvoir (sic) comme si aucun Juif ne pouvait tre ncessiteux,
voire pauvre, artisan ou petit commerant. Ce sont ces strotypes racistes, colports par de petites
frappes et de petits voyous, qui provoqueront la mort dIlan Halimi.
-Cinquimement. Les islamistes travaillent les banlieues, ils savent dsigner lennemi ou les
ennemis (les Juifs, la France). Pour eux, les Juifs et, dans une moindre mesure, les chrtiens, ont
rejet le Prophte et lislam. Dans les prches ou sur Internet, ils prsentent ainsi une vision
complotiste dun islam suppos assiger, menac par les Amricains, les Europens et les Juifs. Ils
sont minoritaires certes (quelques milliers, tout au plus), mais ils psent de plus en plus lourd. De
petits groupes islamistes (les salafistes) ont lanc loffensive auprs des musulmans de France.
Souvent violents et antismites, ils prtendent imposer tous leur conception de lislam. De fait, les
responsables de la lutte antiterroriste estiment que cest bien de leurs rangs que sortiront les
prochaines gnrations dactivistes radicaux.
Ainsi, partir de 2002, face la monte sensible de cet islam radical, les pouvoirs publics dcident
de renforcer leur vigilance lgard des prcheurs trangers. Des mesures coercitives sont prises,
souvent mdiatises, afin de sanctionner des propos incitant la violence, au djihad,

francophones sont suivis par les policiers. De mme que les cassettes vido, Internet permet aussi
aux salafistes de diffrentes rgions de tisser des liens entre eux. Rappelons que, ds la fin des
annes 1990, de gros moyens ont t mis en uvre pour lutter contre des cellules islamistes qui se
sont implantes sur notre territoire, susceptibles terme de perptrer de nouveaux attentats en
France ou de frapper des intrts franais ltranger. Prenons lexemple du rseau islamiste dit des
filires tchtchnes qui, on la rappel, prpare en 2001 et 2002 toutes sortes dattentats contre
des cibles touristiques : le Forum des halles ou la Tour Eiffel. Si ces attentats avaient eu lieu, il
aurait probablement fait de nombreux morts et blesss, linstar du double attentat des Galeries
Lafayette et du Printemps Haussmann, le 7 dcembre 1985 (43 blesss), de lexplosion de la FNAC
Sport du Forum des halles, le 5 fvrier 1986, qui fait 22 blesss. Celui du 17 septembre 1986 devant
le magasin Tati de la rue de Rennes (VIe arrondissement), entrane lui la mort de 7 personnes, 55
blesss. Les cibles des terroristes, bien identifies, trs symboliques, sont particulirement
vulnrables. Au dbut des annes 2000, les responsables politiques et institutionnels ont pris
conscience que la France ne sera pas pargne et quun jour ou lautre, des terroristes frapperont
nouveau la capitale. Il ne sagira pas des mmes terroristes, le contexte sera diffrent et les
motivations ne seront pas forcment les mmes.
Les services de renseignements et de police entreprennent donc de surveiller certains individus par
exemple ceux qui se rendent frquemment en Irak, en Afghanistan ou au Pakistan. Il sagit aussi de
disposer dinformations fiables sur leurs activits, leur famille et leur entourage. Certaines mosques
font lobjet dune attention rapproche, de mme que les sites Internet qui font lapologie du djihad
et endoctrinent des jeunes. Les services ont infiltr des rseaux acqurant ainsi une solide rputation
en la matire et empchant lexcution dattentats dans nos villes. Les salafistes dalors taient des
trangers installs en France, dans certaines cits. Cest de l quils ont commenc endoctriner les
jeunes. Des jeunes en rupture avec la socit, sans avenir et souvent dj fichs auprs de la
police Petits dlinquants ou trafiquants, ils ont organis et noyaut leur territoire : des immeubles,
un parking, des caves ou des cages descalier. Les guetteurs, des gamins, prennent leur part au
commerce de la drogue. La police les surveille, mais ils intressent aussi les salafistes, allchs par
lopportunit dutiliser ces gamins sans repres en les convertissant une idologie politicoreligieuse. Cest ainsi que, de dlinquants, ils deviennent djihadistes et tournent le dos la drogue et
aux trafics. Cette radicalisation peut se faire en quelques mois. Cest alors que la police perd leur
trace, quils disparaissent. Mohamed Merah tait lun dentre eux. Refuge identitaire pour les jeunes
perdus ou stigmatiss des banlieues dfavorises, pour les adolescents en rupture familiale, lislam
apporte bien des solutions et des rconforts ceux qui cherchent des repres, rpondant leurs
questionnements sur la famille, lautorit. En venant la mosque, des jeunes convertis retrouvent
un environnement, une dmarche communautaire, ils se sentent entours. Dailleurs, le converti
salafiste est souvent un homme de 18 35 ans, qui habite dans les banlieues difficiles des grandes
villes franaises, en souffrance : Ils ont gnralement un parcours de vie difficile, ils sont
dclasss socialement, en situation dinstabilit affective et vivent dans des lieux o il y a de la
violence, des problmes de transport, de logement, du chmage , dit le spcialiste Olivier
Bobineau.
Certes, les convertis ou de nombreux jeunes qui vivent dans les banlieues et certaines cits sont
dclasss socialement. Les politiques ont chou, cest un fait. Que la Rpublique ait abandonn ses
banlieues est vrai et cest une honte. Mais, ce nest pas parce que lon vit dans la misre que lon
doit devenir forcment un djihadiste. Ce nest pas la misre physique ou morale qui transforme un
homme en un parfait terroriste, en un monstre insensible, dshumanis et froid, mais bien
lendoctrinement, lobscurantisme et le fanatisme. Ajoutons quun homme (ou une femme) qui vit
dans un milieu ais peut tre entran dans le giron du djihadisme. Ce ne sera donc pas l un
problme social, mais un choix dlibr. Le terrorisme est un choix conscient, et il nest en aucun
cas une obligation sociale.
Et lantismitisme dans tout cela ? Les prdicateurs du salafisme sinscrivent dans un contexte arabe
domin par la problmatique du conflit isralo-palestinien. Ils surfent sur cette vague pour
mobiliser. Ils se solidarisent, par devoir, avec le combat des populations palestiniennes, selon

communauts musulmanes, explique Samir Amghar. Outre les liens avec le conflit isralopalestinien qui demeure un abcs de fixation , cest aussi le produit dun antismitisme des
pays dorigine auquel se mle lhritage antismite traditionnel franais des annes 1930 . Dans un
entretien de Pierre-Andr Taguieff par Violaine de Montclos : Taguieff : ces islamistes malades de
la haine des Juifs , parue dans Le Point, du jeudi 11 octobre 2012, pp. 36-37., le philosophe revient
magistralement sur ce sujet. Ses connaissances sont telles, quil livre une analyse juste de ce
phnomne. Que dit-il ? la question de savoir sil ny a pas dislamisme radical sans
antismitisme, Pierre- Andr Taguieff rpond : Dans lhistoire des formes de judophobie au XXe
sicle et au dbut du XXIe, le phnomne majeur, aprs lpisode nazi, aura t lislamisation du
discours antijuif. Cette islamisation ne se rduit pas linvocation de versets du Coran ou de
certains hadiths. Elle consiste riger, explicitement ou non, le jihad contre les Juifs en sixime
obligation religieuse que doit respecter tout musulman. Tel est laboutissement de la rinterprtation
doctrinale de lislam commence dans les annes 1930 par les idologues des Frres musulmans,
commencer par Hassan al-Banna (1906-1949), ainsi que par le Grand mufti de Jrusalem Haj Amin
al-Husseini (1895-1974), leader arabo-musulman ayant dclar la guerre aux Juifs ds les annes
1920, avant de sinstaller Berlin durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, pour collaborer notamment
la propagande antijuive destination du monde musulman, aprs sa rencontre avec Hitler le 28
novembre 1941. Lislamisation croissante de la cause palestinienne, cause victimaire
universalise par le jeu de propagandes croises, a confr cette dernire le statut symbolique dun
front privilgi du djihad mondial, poursuit Taguieff. Cest pourquoi la dernire grande vague
judophobe se caractrise par une forte mobilisation du monde musulman contre Isral et le
sionisme mondial, saccompagnant, chez les prdicateurs islamistes, dune vision apocalyptique
du combat final contre les Juifs.
Les actes antismites de 2001 nos jours
Examinons maintenant les chiffres dont nous disposons.
Entre janvier et juillet 2001, on note une lgre baisse des violences antismites. Mais en juin 2001,
les agressions remontent (on en compte 23) ; 29 sont commises en aot, 65 en septembre et 42 pour
le seul mois de dcembre 2001. Dans son rapport annuel, la Commission nationale consultative des
droits de lHomme (CNCDH) note que les violences et incidents recenss au cours des deux
dernires annes en France (2000-2001) laissent clairement apparatre un lien direct avec les
vnements internationaux, plus particulirement avec ceux lis au problme palestinien. En effet,
lexception dune agression imputable lextrme gauche, les exactions impliquent frquemment
des acteurs originaires des quartiers dits sensibles , souvent issus de limmigration, souvent
impliqus dans la dlinquance de droit commun, et qui paraissent se projeter dans le conflit du
Proche-Orient : celui-ci, leurs yeux, reproduit les exclusions et les checs dont ils se sentent euxmmes victimes, note la CNCDH. Lanalyse est juste. Et de 2002 2012 ? En relation avec le
ministre de lIntrieur, le Service de protection de la communaut juive (SPCJ) -qui travaille
remarquablement sur le sujet- dresse chaque anne la liste des types dactes antismites (actions
violentes et menaces et actes dintimidation) rpertoris sur le territoire franais. Nous obtenons les
chiffres suivants : 936 actes rpertoris en 2002, 601 en 2003, 974 en 2004, 508 en 2005, 541 en
2006, 402 en 2007, 474 en 2008, 832 en 2009, 466 en 2010, 389 en 2011 et 614 en 2012. Soit un
total de 6737 actes (actions violentes et menaces), de 2002 et 2012. Ce qui est considrable.
-La typologie des actions violentes correspond le plus souvent des atteintes aux personnes ou des
mineurs peuvent tre pris pour cible. Le reliquat concerne des atteintes aux biens (dgradations)
visant des biens privs (domiciles et vhicules) ou des incendies. Les atteintes visent aussi les lieux
de culte, des cimetires ou des lieux du souvenir. La plupart des actions sont recenses en Ile-deFrance, viennent ensuite (loin derrire) : les rgions Rhne-Alpes, Provence-Alpes- Cte dAzur et
Alsace.
-Pour les menaces et les actes dintimidation, ces faits se rpartissent le plus souvent en inscriptions,
agressions verbales contre les personnes, constitues de propos, gestes menaants et dmonstrations
injurieuses ou distributions de tracts, courriers et collages daffiches dans la capitale et la petite
couronne. Enfin, notons que la majorit des inscriptions a t releve sur des habitations ou des

Rhne-Alpes, PACA, Alsace et Nord-Pas-de-Calais.
Bref, ces actes et ces menaces refltent les diffrentes dimensions de lantismitisme daujourdhui,
de ses racines, connues, et de confluences politiques ou sociales plus rcentes, complexes mais que
nous savons analyser.
Lutte contre l'antismitisme : Chirac et Sarkozy
Nous rapportions prcdemment dans notre texte que le 27 mai 2003, les choses changent. Jacques
Chirac, loccasion du 67e anniversaire du CRIF, prononce dans le cadre solennel du palais de
llyse un discours combatif dans lequel il condamne lantismitisme. Les paroles qui sont
prononces sont fortes, lmotion est palpable et il touche son auditoire.
Par la suite, dautres Prsidents (et hommes politiques) dnonceront lantismitisme.
Nicolas Sarkozy fait de la lutte contre la recrudescence d'actes antismites en France une de ses
priorits.
-Le 15 novembre 2003, lorsque lcole juive orthodoxe Merkaza Thora est partiellement dvaste
par le feu Gagny (Seine-Saint-Denis), le ministre de lIntrieur de lpoque, Nicolas Sarkozy, voit
dans cet incendie une connotation raciste antismite vidente . Le mot dantismitisme doit tre
prononc. Lhonntet, cest que lon ne nie pas lvidence. Quand on met le feu dans une cole
juive, il mest difficile de ne pas penser quil sagit dun acte antismite , souligne-t-il.
-Fin novembre, des instructions prcises sont adresses aux prfets par Nicolas Sarkozy, pour
renforcer la scurit des lieux de culte et des tablissements denseignement . Ils sont invits
resserrer les relations avec les reprsentants de la communaut juive et sensibiliser les
communes la mise en place de dispositifs de surveillance de la voie publique prs des
tablissements de nature confessionnelle.
-Autre exemple : en 2009, Nicolas Sarkozy condamne fermement les violences inadmissibles
commises en France sous prtexte du conflit au Proche-Orient. Il assure que ces crimes ne doivent
pas rester impunis. En prsentant ses vux aux autorits religieuses, il exprime (galement) sa
plus vive solidarit envers les victimes directes et indirectes de ces comportements indignes de notre
pays, indignes du XXIe sicle .
-Surviennent ensuite les assassinats qui ont t commis Toulouse, le 19 mars 2012, par
Mohammed Merah. Peu avant 8 h 30 du matin, lheure o les lves de lcole Ozar Hatorah
sapprtent entrer en cours, que lhomme casqu gare son scooter. Il savance dun pas tranquille,
sort une arme et ouvre le feu sur un groupe de personnes masses devant ltablissement. Un
professeur de religion du collge, Jonathan Sandler, 30 ans, est atteint au ventre. Il scroule au pied
de son fils Arieh, 5 ans, mortellement touch lui aussi. Le tueur fait quelques pas dans la cour, ouvre
le feu nouveau. La fille du directeur de lcole, Myriam Monsonego, 7 ans, tente de schapper.
Elle ne fait que quelques foules, avant dtre atteinte dune balle dans le dos. Le tueur tire alors sur
le petit Gabriel Sandler, 4 ans. Puis, il revient vers Myriam, lempoigne frocement par les cheveux
et lachve dune balle dans la tte, avant de prendre la fuite sur son deux-roues. Un autre
adolescent est grivement bless. Les enfants crient dans tous les sens. Cest lhorreur. Des lves et
des membres du personnel emmnent les victimes dans la salle de prire. La plupart des lves
prient, dautres pleurent. Lagitation rgne un peu partout. Un jeune de 16 ans, secouriste, tente
vainement de ranimer lun des enfants. Le dsespoir se lit sur les visages. Lorsque, quelques
minutes plus tard, les parents viennent chercher leurs enfants, ceux-ci se blottissent dans leurs bras,
en larmes ou hbts.
9 heures du matin, lalerte est donne par la prfecture pour scuriser tous les tablissements de
confession juive et les synagogues du dpartement. 10 h 15, le procureur de la Rpublique de
Toulouse confirme que le tueur a tir sur tout ce quil avait en face de lui, enfants et adultes . Au
mme moment, Nicolas Sarkozy donne une interview sur Radio France Outre-mer (RFO), quand il
apprend la nouvelle : la tragdie de Toulouse le frappe de plein fouet. Aussitt, il donne ses
instructions :
1. Claude Guant, son ministre de lIntrieur, suivra les oprations depuis Toulouse.
2. Il recevra ensemble les reprsentants des communauts juive et musulmane, pour manifester
lunit nationale.

demandant une minute de silence dans toutes les coles de France la mmoire de ces enfants
martyriss .
Tous ces vnements surviennent en pleine campagne lectorale. Alors que lactualit se focalise
sur la prsidentielle, les sondages dopinion et les propositions des deux principaux candidats
(Nicolas Sarkozy et le socialiste Franois Hollande), ces tueries font leffet dun violent coup de
tonnerre. Journalistes franais et correspondants trangers, tous se prcipitent Toulouse. Il nest
plus question que de vivre, minute par minute, le sige de lappartement de Mohamed Merah et
lassaut final. Les tlspectateurs, les auditeurs, les lecteurs assistent donc ce spectacle,
accordant aux journaux tlviss du mercredi 21 et du jeudi 22 mars une audience en forte hausse.
La frquentation des sites Internet dactualits monte 3,45 millions de visites le mercredi (contre 2
millions par jour en moyenne) pour Le Monde, 2,9 millions (contre 1,7 million) pour Le Figaro.
Chacun des deux principaux candidats se doit de ragir.
Le journaliste Franz-Olivier Giesbert (dans Franz-Olivier Giesbert, Derniers cahiers. Scnes de la
vie politique en 2012, Paris, Flammarion, 2012) qui a ses informateurs, raconte comment laffaire
Merah a pu tre exploite par Nicolas Sarkozy et Franois Hollande. Ralit ou fiction, ce rcit,
en tout tat de cause, incite sinterroger sur la ralit de la vie politique. Selon Giesbert, au matin
de la tuerie de lcole juive, le Premier ministre Franois Fillon reoit un coup de tlphone furieux
de Nicolas Sarkozy, dcid se rendre Toulouse toutes affaires cessantes : Je ne sais pas ce
quon fout, personne nest mobilis, a ne va pas du tout. Il faut tout de suite protger les
synagogues et empcher les militaires de sortir de leurs casernes. Selon Giesbert, Franois Fillon
ne soffusque pas de cette injonction prsidentielle: Nicolas Sarkozy a un sixime sens, me dira-til, quelques jours plus tard. Une grande impatiente aussi. Quand il a une ide, il faut quon passe
sans tarder lexcution. On tait tous crass par linformation, dans un tat de sidration totale. Il
est probable que sil navait pas t l, la machine de ltat aurait mis plus de temps se mettre en
branle , rapporte Giesbert. Sarkozy sait que cette affaire peut le remettre en selle. Il transmet donc
immdiatement ses instructions ses troupes : dignit et sobrit. Quant Hollande, il a, selon
Giesbert, la sagesse de coller comme un sparadrap au chef de ltat. Personne ne pourra laccuser
de jouer contre la France ni de troubler, comme dautres candidats, le climat dunion nationale qui
se rpand peu peu dans le pays. En devenant la doublure de Sarkozy, il se prsidentialise,
imperceptiblement.
Leurs paroles se confondent, au point quon ne sait plus qui dit quoi , rsume Giesbert. Et
comme pour tayer son propos, le journaliste cite habilement Franois Hollande et Nicolas Sarkozy,
soulignant ltrange similitude des propos :
Nous devons tous tre unis. Lorsquil y a une agression, une horreur, un acte raciste, antismite,
nous devons tous tre rassembls. (Franois Hollande, le 20 mars, lendemain de la tuerie lcole
juive)
Nous devons tous tre rassembls. Nous ne devons cder ni lamalgame ni la vengeance. La
France ne peut tre grande que dans lunit nationale. (Nicolas Sarkozy, le 21 mars)
La scurit, cest la premire des liberts, la libert sans laquelle les autres liberts perdent leur
valeur et leur sens. (Franois Hollande, le 22 mars)
Selon Giesbert, en dpit des affirmations visant suspendre la campagne, laffaire Merah, bien
gre sur tous les plans, a profit au chef de ltat qui, les jours suivants, remonte quelque peu dans
les sondages : le prsident sortant et le candidat socialiste sont dsormais au coude coude au
premier tour, tandis que lcart entre les deux candidats se resserre au second.
Et Franois Hollande ?
Il prend la mesure du danger islamiste. Cest ainsi, par exemple, que Franois Hollande ne sest pas
content daffirmer que la scurit des juifs est une cause nationale. Ce sont dj des paroles fortes.
Il admet que lassassinat dun juif, parce quil est juif, puisse devenir aussi laffaire dIsral. Nous
vivons un moment exceptionnel parce quici sest produit une tragdie exceptionnelle , dclare
Franois Hollande, prsent Toulouse pour une crmonie dhommage aux victimes de la tuerie de
Mohammed Merah. Ctait le 19 mars 2012. La France tait saisie deffroi devant ce drame.
Jtais venu Toulouse ce jour-l exprimer ma compassion. Je revois encore les visages

Jentends encore les cris et les pleurs, je me souviens du courage de ces parents, je ne les ai jamais
oublis . La vie est plus forte que tout, et elle ne cde devant aucune menace, aucune tragdie.
Les parents ici en sont le tmoignage, ils ont fait confiance leur cole, la France , a dit Franois
Hollande. Nous retiendrons leurs mots comme autant de leons, a-t-il ajout en faisant rfrence
aux proches des victimes. Ohr Torah, cette cole qui reprsente la souffrance, mais aussi
lesprance []. Cest cette esprance dont la France sera digne avec vous dans les prochaines
annes a ajout Hollande. Cest dans lunit que nous devons combattre le terrorisme.
Lislamisme radical nest pas lislam. Le terrorisme concerne tous les Franais , ajoute-t-il.
20 mars 2013, le dner annuel du Conseil Reprsentatif des Institutions juives de France (CRIF) a
t loccasion de rassembler autour des responsables de la communaut juive de France la classe
politique au grand complet, au premier rang de laquelle le Prsident de la Rpublique et son
gouvernement, et de rappeler les risques que reprsente lantismitisme pour la dmocratie. Triste
hasard du calendrier, le dner du CRIF (2013) clturait une semaine de commmorations en
mmoire des victimes de Mohamed Merah Toulouse et Montauban. Le chef de lEtat a pris la
parole devant le millier dinvits prsents au pavillon dErmenonville, Paris. Franois Hollande a
fustig son tour lantismitisme qui nest pas seulement la haine des Juifs, mais aussi la
dtestation de la France , a-t-il dit. Comment admettre quau dbut du XXIe sicle la police soit
conduite protger des coles, comment supporter lide que des enfants puissent redouter de se
rendre lcole et des parents de les y envoyer , sest interrog le Prsident avant de trancher : la
Rpublique sera en paix avec elle-mme lorsque cette peur-l aura dfinitivement disparu . Pour se
faire, Franois Hollande a expliqu que la lutte contre lantismitisme passait par lducation et
lenseignement de la Shoah qui doit pouvoir tre enseigne partout, dans tous les collges et les
lyces de France, dans nos villages, dans nos cits, dans nos banlieues , ce nest pas un
enseignement option a-t-il insist. Evoquant la multiplication des tweets antismites , le chef
de lEtat a dit quil ne peut y avoir dimpunit pour les auteurs racistes et antismites []. Ils
doivent savoir quils seront poursuivis et condamns pour leurs agissements . Le chef de lEtat a
par ailleurs rappel sa dtermination lutter contre le terrorisme et lengagement de la France, en ce
moment mme, au Mali afin dradiquer ce mal profond qui menace directement toutes les
dmocraties. Il sest galement fait lavocat de lenseignement de la morale laque voulu par le
ministre de lEducation, Vincent Peillon, expliquant quil ne sagit pas de faire la morale , mais
rappeler les principes de la Rpublique : la lacit, les repres, les disciplines et les rgles.
Nous le voyons avec ces quelques exemples, il y a une continuit la tte de lexcutif ( partir de
lanne 2003) pour dnoncer lantismitisme. Les termes utiliss sont extrmement forts et
symboliques. Nul ne peut douter de la condamnation de lantismitisme au plus haut sommet de
lEtat et de la dtermination des pouvoirs publics. On peut mme parler ce niveau ou ce stade
dun vritable ge dor entre la communaut juive et les Prsidents. Fait rare dans la Rpublique.
Malgr tout, les actes continuent.
Malgr toutes ces dclarations, les actes antismites nont pas cess et la place de lantismitisme
dans les proccupations des Franais est trs faible (2 3% dans les sondages dopinion) car dans
limaginaire collectif contemporain, les Juifs sont perus comme tant bien moins vulnrables quils
ne lont t par le pass.
Expliquons.
1. Dans limaginaire collectif contemporain, les Juifs sont perus comme tant bien moins
vulnrables quils ne lont t par le pass. Un certain nombre de nos compatriotes pensent donc
quils sont ou quils pourraient tre protgs. Exemple ? Les prsidents ou les Premiers ministres ne
rappellent-ils pas que sattaquer un Juif, cest sattaquer la France ?
2. linverse, dautres savent que les Juifs ont t perscuts et quils continuent dtre agresss.
Cela ne suscite ni ne suscitera pas plus dmotion.
3. Ce nest pas parce quon lit de temps autre un article qui porte sur une agression antismite que
lon connat le sujet et/ou que lon mesure sa complexit et quel point les agressions ont augment.
Il y aurait donc ici une inaptitude comprendre et connatre les faits et le sujet.
4. Les Juifs sont menacs, et alors ?, rtorquent certains. Ne menacent-ils pas eux aussi les

lantismitisme ?
6. Enfin, dans certaines banlieues, la pression en faveur de lislamisation ou de la rislamisation
concerne en premier lieu les jeunes gens en voie de marginalisation. Lentre dans lislam
correspond une reconstruction de lidentit partir du rfrent islamique, aprs un engagement
antrieur dans les voies politiques et culturelles comme lantiracisme, la lutte pour les droits
civiques, etc. Ces voies leur sont apparues factices et voues lchec, notamment lorsquelles
nont pas permis denrayer le mcanisme de lexclusion. Les difficults dans laccs lemploi, le
sentiment dtre relgus socialement et de subir des discriminations, la perception de limage
ngative accorde lislam dans lopinion publique, la mmoire trs prsente des humiliations du
pass colonial franais transmises par le milieu familial, comme si une partie de leur histoire ne
sinscrivait pas dans lidentit nationale franaise, lpuisement de toutes une srie didologies
comme le marxisme ou le tiers-mondisme pour lesquelles leurs grands frres et surs staient
mobiliss, toutes ces raisons se conjuguent pour confrer lappartenance islamique une position
centrale. Ces jeunes r-islamiss sont donc sensibles au conflit isralo-arabe et aux diverses
thmatiques proposes et dveloppes ici ou l. Et, avec ou sans conflit isralo-palestinien, ces
jeunes chercheront en dcoudre avec les Juifs.
Que faire alors ?
Il faut donc lutter contre ce que nous appelons lesprit de Durban . La Confrence de Durban a
officialis, lgitim lantismitisme. Lutter contre lesprit de Durban, cest pointer du doigt lesprit
criminel qui prvalait lors de cette confrence, et qui a prvalu depuis, faisant dIsral, des Juifs, des
sionistes, les responsables de tous les maux de lHumanit, la quintessence du mal, dun mal absolu.
Il est donc ncessaire quau CRIF nous continuions de dsigner les multiples vecteurs de haine que
sont les sites extrmistes sur Internet, les programmes antismites diffuss par des tlvisions arabomusulmanes, les tracts et follicules antismites ou ngationnistes, les manifestations pro
palestiniennes qui dgnrent, les Mort aux Juifs ! que lon entend ici ou l, les prtendus
sketchs o lon bouffe du Juif , linquitante monte de sentiments antismites chez les jeunes de
banlieue, les accusations perfides et infamantes, les grandes messes racistes comme Durban,
les strotypes et tous les clichs nauseux, les islamistes qui menacent la Rpublique. Car quelle
trange dfaite de la dmocratie ce serait de laisser les extrmistes ou les islamistes envahir nos vies
et rgler notre monde. Quelle trange dfaite ce serait de courber lchine et de tolrer lintolrable.
Noublions jamais ceci : ce qui est menac aujourdhui par lIslamisme et lantismitisme, cest bien
la Rpublique elle-mme, ses principes, ses valeurs et sa culture, car ce qui menace les Juifs LA
menace.

*Marc Knobel est historien, chercheur au CRIF. Il vient de publier Haine et violences antismites. Menaces
sur la Rpublique. Paris, Berg International Editeurs, 2013

Antisemitic Hatred and Violence in France

Marc Knobel *
Since the start of the Second Intifada, a wave of anti-Jewish violence has
swept almost simultaneously over France and Western democracies. But, in
France, it all began on October 1st 2000.
Key Words: Antisemitism, Arab, Jew, Muslim, France, Intifada, Hate Crime, Violence,

Similar assaults have shaken the Jewish community over the past thirteen years, periodically,
repeatedly, endlessly, turning places of worship, schools, worshippers, and certain leaders or
members of the Jewish community into a long list of terribly vulnerable targets.
October 2000
--October 1, 2000 Congregants begin leaving their synagogue in Paris Aubervilliers district when a
small white car suddenly heads for them. They scatter, no one is injured, and the car speeds off. The
police are notified, rush to the scene, but leave just as quickly. Several hours later, worshippers are
doused with am unknown liquid sprayed from the adjoining playground. They run out in panic.
--October 2, 2000 a Paris (19th arrondissement) synagogue receives telephone threats and insults
and an incendiary device is thrown into the synagogue courtyard.
--October 3, 4 2000, an inflammatory device is hurled at Villepinte's synagogue.
--October 4, 5 2000 Jewish students are assaulted outside the Ohr Yossef school (19th
arrondissement, Paris).
--October 6, 2000 children attending Saint-Ouen's Gaston-Tenouji Jewish day school are pelted with
stones and insulted.
--October 7, 2000 a break-in and theft is reported at the Bagnolet synagogue.
--October 7, 2000 a Molotov cocktail is thrown into a kosher restaurant in Paris.
--October 7, 2000 an unidentified assailant places a Molotov inside the courtyard of in Aubervilliers
Chnei Or school but it is extinguished before detonation by student.
--October 8th, a similar device explodes at Clichy-sous-Bois's synagogue
--October 8th, 2000 Jewish tombstones in Paris's Trappes region are desecrated, eternal lights ripped
off, and flower pots smashed.
--October 8, 2000 three Molotov cocktails are hurled at an Ulis synagogue. The synagogue's ground
floor is ravaged.
--October 8, 2000 the Trappes synagogue is destroyed by a fire.
--October _ 2000, the Creil synagogue rabbi receives racist curses.
--October _ 2000 two firebombs are hurled at Creil's synagogue and escaping worshippers receive
racial insults.
--October _ 2000 two Choisy-le-Roi apartments are set on fire in (Val-de-Marne region)
--October _ 2000 In Paris, a person wearing a Jewish pendant necklace is assaulted by a North
African near the Pyrnes Metro station.
--October 12-13, 2000 Bondy synagogue windows break by firebombs burning one room.
--October 12-13, 2000 20th arrondissement Paris, a synagogue door is burned
--October 12-13, 2000 a Molotov cocktail is thrown into Saint-Ouen's Tenouji school,

--October 13, 2000, 19th arrondissement Paris, 40 men carrying Molotov cocktails and shouting
antisemitic slogans, throw two firebombs into Chevilly-Larue synagogue.
--October 13, 2000, unignited explosives are found in a Bagnolet synagogue pelted with stones the
night before.
--October 13, 2000 Congregants leaving services at Villeneuve-la-Garenne synagogue are cursed,
threatened, and pelted by apartment balcony flower pots. Stone-throwing youths armed with
balaclavas yelled antisemitic curses and chase three.
--October 15 -16 2000 two Molotov cocktails are thrown into the Meudon Jewish Community
Center and synagogue -- Allah Akbar, is yelled.
All these tragic incidents were noted or briefly reported in the media at the time. For the
crucial period between the 1st and 25th of October 2000, we noted fifty attacks in Paris and the
outskirts. The most recurrent are Molotov cocktails and other projectiles thrown at schools or
synagogues. What targets? Private property (apartments or business premises) were targeted during
that period. As for attacks against people, no category is spared. As for the geographic distribution
of antisemitic acts and attacks, it is obvious. We can see with greater precision that the highest
number of anti-Jewish attacks occurs in the eastern sector of Paris the 19th and 20th
arrondissements where there is a strong concentration of multiethnic populations. Out of a total of
14 antisemitic acts committed during that period in the 19th arrondissement, there were 3 threats, 3
insults, 3 objects and 2 Molotov cocktails thrown, 1 physical assault, 1 place sacked and 1 firebomb
placed. The highest number of anti-Jewish attacks in the banlieue occurred in Seine-Saint-Denis (the
most disadvantaged French department): 14 acts, including 7 Molotov cocktails and 3 blunt objects
thrown. This department is closely followed by the Val-de-Marne, bordering on the capital: 10 antiJewish attacks including 3 cases of arson and 2 physical assaults. Whether in Paris or the banlieue,
the paroxysm was reached between Tuesday the 10th and Tuesday the 17th of October 2000.
Political and Media Reactions (2000 2003)
Over the course of ten days, 70 antisemitic incidents were tallied covering Toulouse to Paris
and from Lille to Rouen marked by tags, verbal aggressions, and inflammatory devices. The
political class and the media seemed to be embarrassed by an unprecedented and terribly serious
phenomenon.
Interior Minister Daniel Vaillant reaffirmed the police presence surrounding Jewish houses
of worship. He stated there was no reason to believe in a resurgence of antisemitism-- and instead
classified the events as sadly fashionable phenomenon perpetrated by wayward youths.
It was a surprising explanation. If its only a sadly fashionable phenomenon perpetrated
by wayward youths that has nothing to do with a return of antisemitism, why did the Interior
Minister bother to take additional precautions? If the events in question have nothing to do with
antisemitism, and are isolated acts of the wayward, how should such violence be classified? How
else could one explain multiple and brutally violent anti-Jewish attacks conducted in record time.
Were not all the victims Jewish? Were not all the sites connected to the Jewish community? Isnt it
antisemitism?
For several years reactions were few and far between-- as if politicians were too
embarrassed to comment on the incidents. As well, the anti-Jewish aggressions were met with
disinterest by the public and politicians.
A feeling of deliberate abandonment pervaded the Jewish community -- until May 27, 2003
when things changed. Against the solemn setting of the presidential palace, [President] Jacques
Chirac made a combative speech denouncing antisemitism:
Today, you are no longer alone. France stands with you against antisemitism. Because
France is attacked on its soil. Because France is insulted when a synagogue burns on its soil.
Because France is humiliated when, on its soil, a Jewish child has to transfer to another
school to escape bullying, intimidations, and insults. The Republic owes all its children the
protection of the law. Antisemitism is contrary to all French values. It is intolerable.
Antisemitic acts must be relentlessly combatted and punished with utmost severity . We

Five Hypotheses on Antisemitism
In our research and studies, we took a close look at acts (threats and violence) committed
against the Jewish community from the 1st of October 2000 to the year 2013. We tried to understand
what could be the motives of the assailants. And, in the study we asked ourselves number of key
questions.
--In the France of the 2000s, isnt hostility against Jews widely developed among youths who live in
so-called sensitive neighborhoods, often victims of discrimination-- that may be seeking an
identity?
--do the youths identify at times with the Palestinians believing that they are avenging by
attacking French Jews?
--Does the Israeli-Palestinian conflict play an important role? In short, might the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict be a (false) pretext that durably breaches the taboo against antisemitism?
--Do Islamists take advantage of banlieues discontent by their disseminate their pseudo-theses?
--Does material or spiritual poverty create terrorism vs indoctrination, obscurantism, and
fanaticism?
--Is the French Republic and its core principles, values, and culture, endangered by Islamism?
We quickly elaborated five working hypotheses in an effort to understand of what the Jews
are victims. We believe that the following five hypotheses clarify this situation.
Responses
First. Some people are animated by a more or less vague sentiment of hostility to Israel exacerbated
by the mediatization of clashes in the Middle East. This facilitates their projection into a conflict,
that to their eyes, reproduces patterns of exclusion and failure of which they themselves feel like
victims in France. Already in the year 2000, film director Mehdi Lallaoui, a figure of the associative
movement, militant in the banlieues for more than thirty years and figure of the Marche for Equality
[march for equality] organized in 1983, explained it quite well:
For me, its an identification in a world of images. These youths see violent clashes on
television; they feel solidarity and, by association, attack Jewish symbols for lack of Israeli
targets, he correctly says.
And Malek Boutih, former president of SOS Racisme (1999-2003), offered this interesting
observation: These youths have a destructured discourse. They slip quickly from anti-Zionism to
antisemitism, from Israel to Jews.
The above statements and other lucid associative militants repeat that we must not import the
conflict to our national territory and target places of worship of the Jewish community (any more
than those of the Muslim community). They also issue a warning, because they foresee the possible
multiplication of these aggressions. Anyway, how does it help the Palestinian cause when petty
thugs assault young Jews in France? What kind of support is that? Is the Palestinian cause
encouraged, fortified? Of course not. Let us say clearly: nothing justifies an attack against a kosher
grocery store, nothing justifies an assault on a Jewish adolescent. Is this reminder necessary here?
So, might there be other reasons ? Might there be a culture of antisemitism in certain banlieues?
Arent these youths simply motivated by hatred of Jews to attack Jewish targets (schools, houses of
worship, shops, private homes, etc.)? Further, arent they encouraged and/or indoctrinated by
Islamist agitators or preachers of hate? In short, does the conflict explain it all? No. It may explain
some things but it doesnt explain this itch to have it out with Jews in France when sparks fly in the
Middle East.
Second. This antisemitism conquered its worldwide rights in August 2001, at the UN Conference
against racism, xenophobia and intolerance in Durban, South Africa. The Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, that had no place there, occupied all the participants: Israel was banned from the
community of nations, demonstrators marched and shouted: One Jew, one bullet, a slogan adapted

racist crud and pronounced in the beautiful crystalline language of antiracism. Now they can say,
Those Jews, those racists.
Third. It is important to take a look at the reaction of the Muslim community at that time. We also
want to measure to what degree Muslims might have been swept up in this violence since October
2000. In our study, we examine the embarrassment of politicians and the media, at the idea of
denouncing antisemitic acts on the pretext that some may have been perpetrated by Muslims. Which
leads us to ask why should we necessarily silence the fact that aggressions were or might have been
committed by Arab-Muslim youths? Would it be politically incorrect to say so? As far as we are
concerned, we think that when a person acts in the name of a religion, an identity or an ideology to
harm another person on the grounds of his religion, identity or ideology, the public should be
informed. But we try to avoid conflation. It would in fact be unfair and particularly shocking to
attribute to the entire Arab-Muslim community of France the violence committed by several
individuals. There are black sheep everywhere, we cannot repeat it often enough. They should be
denounced. But it should not, must not be conflated with Islam. We insist on this point.
This being said, what is going on? Muslims cannot be criticized for supporting the Palestinian
cause. They are free to express their opinions, defend a cause, and affirm their solidarity. The same
goes for Jews that support Israel. However, there is a risk when people leave the realm of
democratic debate and become attracted, fascinated, or subjugated by inflammatory preaching that
treats Israel or, on the opposite side, Palestinians, with rage. Listening, reading, heeding those
preachers (of hate) can lead to getting caught up in a spiral. It will be necessarily painful. Muslims
do react whenever its a question of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It interests them far more than
other conflicts: Iraq, Chechnya, Kashmir, Bosnia, the Sahara and the Polisario Front Isnt this
focalization excessive? Some weak-minded individuals constantly reading and hearing, and being
told day and night that Israelis behave like monsters while, on the contrary, the Palestinian cause is
idealized, elevated to the new liberation combat, take it out on Jews for lack of Israelis. These
unfortunate targets are assimilated with Israelis, the oppressors. To avenge their Palestinian
brothers, they beat up Jews. But this explanation does not satisfy us. So we advance some other
hypotheses that also help us understand why things have been empoisoned to this extent from the
year 2000 and what are other (eventual) motivations of the aggressors.
Fourth. In one way, the aggressors imagine that Jews are protected, that they are all rich and
powerful. The old stereotypes are here. The tragic murder of Ilan Halimi does in fact derive from
the survival of a structural antisemitism based on sickening old clichs that have been going around
for centuries: Jews surely work in banks, media, or politics. They have money and power (sic) as
if no Jew could be poor or needy, a manual worker or small shopkeeper. These are the racist
stereotypes peddled by small time thugs that provoked the death of Ilan Halimi.
Fifth. Islamists work over the banlieues; they know how to designate the enemy or enemies (the
Jews, France). They say Jews and, to a lesser degree, Christians rejected the Prophet of Islam. In
their sermons or on the Internet, they give a vision of Islam as victim of conspiracy, under siege,
threatened by the Americans, Europeans, Jews. Though these Islamists are definitely a minority (at
the most a few thousand), their influence is increasingly strong. Small Islamist groups (Salafists)
mounted an operation aimed at Muslims in France. Often violent and antisemitic, they are
determined to impose their conception of Islam on all. In fact, antiterrorist agents think the next
generations of radical activists will come from their ranks.
Face with the significant rise of radical Islam, authorities in 2002 decided to reinforce their
vigilance on foreign preachers. Coercive measures, often mediatized, were taken to punish
incitement to violence, jihad, antisemitism and racism. It rapidly became apparent that the Internet
has become a new mode de propaganda favored by Islamists. By the end of 2004, there were 15
Francophone sites followed by the police. Internet, like video cassettes, enabled Salafists of
different regions to make ties. We will recall that, from the late 1990s, significant means were
mobilized to fight against Islamist cells implanted in our territory and likely one day to perpetrate
terrorist attacks in France or strike French interests abroad. For example the Islamist network known
as the Chechnyan channels that, as we recalled, planned in 2001 and 2002 all sorts of terrorist

double attack at Galeries Lafayette and Printemps Haussmann, on December 7, 1985 (43
wounded), the explosion at the FNAC Sport in the Forum des Halles, February 5, 1986, that left 22
wounded. The attack on September 17, 1986 in front of the Tati shop on rue de Rennes (6th
arrondissement) that killed 7 and wounded 55. The clearly identified, highly symbolic targets
chosen by the terrorists were particularly vulnerable. In the beginning of 2000, political and
institutional authorities became aware that France would not be spared; sooner or later, terrorists
would strike the capital again. It wouldnt be the same terrorists, the context would be different, and
the motivations not necessarily the same.
Police and intelligence services began to track certain individuals for example those who
made frequent trips to Iraq, Afghanistan or Pakistan. The point was to gather reliable information
about their activities, their families and entourage. Certain mosques were closely watched as well as
Internet sites that make apologies for jihad and indoctrinate young people. The services infiltrated
networks, acquiring a solid reputation for foiling terrorist attacks in our cities. The Salafists in those
days were foreigners living in France, in certain housing projects. From there they started to
indoctrinate youths. Youths in rupture with society, with no future and often already with police
records Petty delinquents or drug dealers, they organized and set up cells in their territory:
buildings, an underground parking garage, basements or stairways. The lookouts, little kids, took
part in the drug trade. The police kept an eye on them, but were also interested in the Salafists,
allured by the chance to use the wayward kids by converting them to a political-religious ideology.
Thats how they went from being delinquents to jihadists, turning their backs on drugs and dealing.
They could be radicalized in a few short months. Thats when the police would lose track of them-they disappeared. Mohamed Merah was one of them. The Islamic identity is a refuge for lost or
stigmatized youths from disadvantaged banlieues, adolescents alienated from their families. It offers
comfort and solutions to people looking for meaning; it answers their questions about the family and
authority. Young converts who go to the mosque find a warm supportive environment and a path to
joining a community. In fact, the Salafist convert is often a man between 18 and 35 years-old, who
lives in one of the troubled banlieues of a big city in France, lost and bewildered: They generally
have troubled lives, are socially degraded, emotionally instable and live in neighborhoods plagued
by unemployment and violence, lacking good public transportation and decent housing, says the
specialist Olivier Bobineau.
Of course converts and many other youths living in the banlieues and certain housing
projects are socially degraded. The political system has failed, its a fact. Its true that the Republic
has abandoned its banlieues and that is shameful. But living in poverty doesnt automatically make
you a jihadist. Material or spiritual poverty isnt what transforms a man into a perfect terrorist, a
dehumanized, cold, merciless monster; its done by indoctrination, obscurantism, and fanaticism.
Furthermore, a man (or woman) living in a well-off milieu can be drawn into the arms of jihadism.
So it is not a social problem, its a deliberate choice. Terrorism is a conscious choice, never a social
obligation.
And where does antisemitism come in? Salafist preachers operate in an Arab context
dominated by the problematics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They mobilize by surfing on this
wave. Their solidarity with the combat of Palestinian populations is an obligation, according to
Dominique Thomas, research scholar at Ehess [School of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences]. Yes,
but this explanation does not suffice. While radical Islam is marked by a profound visceral
antisemitism, it touches all Muslim communities, explains Samir Amghar. Aside from connections
with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that remain a focal point for grievances, it is also the product
of an antisemitism of the land of origin that mixes with the heritage of traditional French
antisemitism of the 1930s. In an interview with Pierre-Andr Taguieff by Violaine de Montclos
Taguieff: ces islamistes malades de la haine des Juifs [those Islamists sick with Jew-hatred]
published in Le Point on Thursday October 11, 2012, pp. 36-7--the philosopher comes back to the
subject with maestro. His knowledge is such, that he delivers a perfect analysis of the phenomenon.
What does he say? Asked whether there is not some radical Islamism in antisemitism, Pierre- Andr
Taguieff replies:

Jewish discourse. This Islamization is not reduced to the invocation of certain Koranic
verses or hadiths. It consists of explicitly or implicitly raising jihad against the Jews to the
sixth religious obligation that every Muslim must respect. Such is the outcome of the
doctrinal reinterpretation of Islam started in the 1930s by Muslim Brotherhood ideologues
beginning with Hassan al-Banna (1906-1949), as well as the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Haj Amin alHusseini (1895-1974). Al-Husseini, an Arab-Muslim leader who had already declared war on the
Jews in the 1920s before settling in Berlin during the Second World War to collaborate with the
anti-Jewish propaganda destined for the Muslim world, after meeting Hitler on November 28, 1941.
The growing Islamization of the Palestinian cause, a victimary cause universalized by the game
of crisscrossed propaganda, conferred on it the symbolic status of a privileged front in the global
jihad, continues Taguieff. This is why the last great Judeophobe wave is characterized by a strong
mobilization of the Muslim world against Israel and international Zionism, accompanied, in the
case of Islamist preachers, by an apocalyptic vision of the final combat against the Jews.
Antisemitic Acts
Let us now examine the available statistics. Between January and July 2001, a slight
decrease in antisemitic violence is noted. But in June 2001, the number of attacks increases (to 23);
29 are committed in August, 65 in September, and 42 just in the month of December 2001. In its
annual report, the Commission nationale consultative des droits de lHomme (CNCDH) [National
consultative Human rights commission] notes that violent acts and incidents registered over the
preceding two years in France (2000-2001) clearly show a direct connection with developments on
the international scene, more particularly those related to the Palestinian problem. In fact, with the
exception of one assault attributable to the far right, exactions frequently involve perpetrators that
come from so-called sensitive neighborhood, often of immigrant origin, often involved in
common delinquency, and apparently projecting onto the Middle East conflict. The CNCDH
observes that in the eyes of these individuals the conflict reproduces the exclusion and failures of
which they feel themselves victims. The analysis is correct.
And, from 2002 to 2012? In relation with the Interior Minister, the Service de protection de
la communaut juive (SPCJ) does excellent work annually recording various antisemitic acts
(violent actions, threats, and intimidation) yields the following statistics: 936 (2002); 601(2003);
974 (2004); 508 (2005); 541 (2006); 402 (2007); 474 (2008); 832 (2009); 466 (2010); 389 (2011);
614 (2012). The ten year total for antisemitic acts is 6,737. This is substantial.

The typology of violent actions most often corresponds with physical assault against
persons or minors can be targeted. The remainder concerns property (vandalism) aimed at
private property (homes and cars) or arson. The attacks also are aimed at places of worship,
cemeteries, or memorials. The majority of actions are registered in Ile-de-France, followed
(far behind) by the regions Rhne-Alpes, Provence-Alpes-Cte dAzur, and Alsace.
Threats and intimidation are most often divided between graffiti, verbal aggressions
against individuals, including remarks, threatening gestures, insulting demonstrations,
distribution of tracts, mail, and posters in the capital and on the other side of the ring road.
Most of the graffiti were on private residences or vehicles and, to a lesser extent, on
professional, associative, or institutional premises and public buildings. The majority were
found in Ile-de-France followed by Rhne-Alpes, PACA, Alsace and Nord-Pas-de-Calais.
These acts and threats reflect different dimensions of contemporary antisemitism, its
familiar roots, and more recent, complex political or social junctions that we are able to
analyze.
Combatting Antisemitism: Chirac and Sarkozy
As we mentioned above, things changed after May 27 2003. On the occasion of the
67th anniversary of the CRIF, Jacques Chirac made a combative speech in the solemn

political figures) denounced antisemitism. Nicolas Sarkozy made the fight against the
recrudescence of antisemitic acts in France one of his priorities.
- November 15, 2003, when the orthodox Jewish school Merkaza Thora in Gagny (SeineSaint-Denis) was partially destroyed by fire then Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy
recognized an obvious racist antisemitic connotation. The word antisemitism must be
pronounced. Honesty means not denying the evidence. When a Jewish school is torched, it
is hard for me to not think that its an antisemitic act.
-At the end of November, Nicolas Sarkozy precisely instructed prefects to reinforce
security at places of worship and schools. They were invited to strengthen relations with
representatives of the Jewish community and alert communes to the need for surveillance
cameras in streets close to religious establishments.
-Another example: in 2009, Nicolas Sarkozy firmly condemned the unacceptable
violence committed in France under the pretext of the Middle East conflict. He ensured that
these crimes must not remain unpunished. Presenting his holiday wishes to religious
authorities, he expressed (also) his utmost solidarity with the direct and indirect victims of
this behavior that is unworthy of our country, unworthy of the 21st century.
-Then came the murders committed in Toulouse, on March 19, 2012 by Mohammed Merah.
Shortly before 8: 30 in the morning, when pupils were entering classrooms at the Ozar
Hatorah school, a helmeted man parks his scooter. He walks calmly toward the school,
takes out his weapon, and fires at a group standing in front of the building. A teacher of
religion at the collge [equivalent of Junior High], Jonathan Sandler, 30 years-old, is shot in
the stomach. He collapses at the feet of his 5 year-old son Arieh, also mortally wounded.
The killer takes a few steps into the courtyard and shoots again. The 7 year-old daughter of
the principal, Myriam Monsonego, tries to run away. She takes a few steps before being
shot in the back. Then the killer shoots little Gabriel Sandler, 4 years-old. Then he goes
back to Myriam, brutally grabs her by the hair, and finishes her off with a bullet to the head.
Then he rides away on his cycle. Another adolescent is critically wounded. Children are
screaming all over the place. It is a horror. Pupils and staff take the victims into the chapel.
Most of the pupils are praying, others are crying. The agitation is generalized. A 16 yearold boy, trained as a lifesaver, tries in vain to revive one of the children. All the faces are
twisted in despair. When, a few minutes later, parents come looking for their children, they
hug them to their chests, in tears or dazed.
At 9 AM, the prefecture is alerted to secure all Jewish schools and synagogues in
the department. At 10:15, the public prosecutor of Toulouse confirms that the killer shot at
everyone who crossed his path, children and adults. At the same time, Nicolas Sarkozy
was interviewed on Radio France Outre-mer (RFO), when he heard the news. Stunned by
the Toulouse tragedy, he immediately gave instructions:
1. His Interior Minister Claude Guant would follow operations from Toulouse.
2. He would receive representatives of the Jewish and Muslim communities
together, to demonstrate national unity.
3. He interrupted his presidential campaign activities for several days.
The president immediately went to Toulouse. Declaring This is a national tragedy, he
asked for a minute of silence in all French schools in memory of those martyred children.
All of this was happening in the middle of an election campaign. The killings burst like
thunder when attention had been focused on the presidential campaign, public opinion
polls, and the platforms of the two main candidates, Nicolas Sarkozy and the socialist
Franois Hollande. French journalists and foreign correspondents rushed to Toulouse.
Nothing else mattered but following, minute by minute, the siege of Mohamed Merahs

22nd of March. Visits to Internet news sites rose to 3.45 million hits on Wednesday (as
against an average of 2 million per day) for Le Monde, 2.9 million (as against 1.7 million)
for Le Figaro. Both of the major candidates had to react.
Journalist Franz-Olivier Giesbert (in Franz-Olivier Giesbert, Derniers cahiers.
Scnes de la vie politique en 2012, Paris, Flammarion, 2012) who has his own sources, tells
how Nicolas Sarkozy and Franois Hollande exploited the Merah affair. Reality or
fiction, this account makes one wonder about the reality of political life. According to
Giesbert, on the morning of the killings at the Jewish school, Prime Minister Franois
Fillon got a furious phone call from Nicolas Sarkozy, determined to drop everything and go
to Toulouse: What the hell is going on, no one is mobilized, thats not good, not good at
all. The synagogues have to be protected right away and the soldiers shouldnt leave their
barracks! Giesbert claims that Franois Fillon was not offended by the presidents
injunction: Nicolas Sarkozy has a sixth sense, he told me, a few days later. And he is
terribly impatient. When he has an idea, it has to be carried out without delay. We were all
crushed by the news, totally stunned. If he hadnt been there the machine of the State would
probably have taken much longer to get going, says Giesbert. Sarkozy knew that this affair
could put him back in the saddle. So he immediately transmitted instructions to his troops:
dignity and sobriety. As for Hollande, according to Giesbert he was smart enough to stick
like a Band-Aid to the president. No one could accuse him of playing against France or, like
other candidates, disturbing the climate of national unity that gradually spread. By
becoming Sarkozys inner lining, Hollande was imperceptibly becoming presidential.
Giesbert sums it up: Their words mixed together to the point that you couldnt tell
who said what. And, as if supporting his statement, the journalist skillfully cites Franois
Hollande and Nicolas Sarkozy, highlighting the strange similarity of their statements:
We must all be united. When there is an attack, a horror, a racist or antisemitic act,
we must
come together. (Franois Hollande, March 20, the day after the killings at
the Jewish
school)
We must come together. We should not succumb to conflation or vengeance.
France can
only be great when we have national unity. (Nicolas Sarkozy, March 21)
Security is the first freedom, without which the other freedoms lose their value and
meaning. (Franois Hollande, March 22)
Giesbert claims that, despite the presidents declarations about interrupting the
campaign, his skillful handling of the Merah affair on all levels showed up in a modest
improvement of his poll numbers in the following days. From then on, the president
running for reelection and the socialist candidate were neck in neck in the first round, while
the gap between the two candidates narrowed in the second.
And Franois Hollande? He measured the danger of Islamism. For example,
Franois Hollande didnt content himself with declaring that the security of Jews is a
national cause. Those are already strong words. He acknowledged that the murder of a Jew
because he is Jewish can also become Israels affair. We are experiencing an exceptional
moment because an exceptional tragedy occurred here, declared Franois Hollande at a
ceremony in Toulouse in honor of Mohammed Merahs victims.
It was March 19, 2012. France was horrified by this dramatic event. I came to
Toulouse
that
day to express my compassion. I see again the faces of the principal
and his wife distressed, twisted in chagrin. I remember the parents that received me,
divided between
dignity and dismay, to know who, how, why. I hear again the
screams and sobs, I remember the courage of those parents, I never forgot them. Life is

many lessons . . .Ohr Torah, this

school that stands for suffering but also for hope .
France will be worthy of that hope, shared with you, in the coming years . . We must be
united in our combat against terrorism. Radical Islamism is not Islam. Terrorism concerns
all French people,
The Annual dinner of the Conseil Reprsentatif des Institutions juives de France
(CRIF) of March 20 2013 was the occasion for the political class (the president and his
government in the front rows surrounding Jewish community leaders) to recall that
antisemitism endangers democracy. Sad coincidence-- the 2013 CRIF dinner coincided with
tributes to the antisemitic killings in Toulouse and Montauban. Speaking at Paris Pavillon
dErmenonville to a thousand attendees President Franois Hollande lambasted
antisemitism remarking that
is not only hatred of Jews but also detestation of France. How can we accept that
police have to protect schools today, in the beginning of the 21st century? How can we
accept the
idea that children can be frightened of going to school and parents terrified
to send them?:
The Republic will be at peace with itself when this fear has
disappeared forever.
To achieve this end Franois Hollande explained that the battle against antisemitism will be
carried out through education and the lesson of the Shoah that
must be taught everywhere without obstacles, in all collges and lyces of France,
in our villages, our projects, our banlieues it is not optional,
Evoking the multiplication of antisemitic tweets, the president said,
There can be no impunity for those who write racist antisemitic slurs . They must
know they will be pursued and convicted for their misdeeds.
President Hollande further recalled the determination to fight terrorism and Frances
engagement at this very time in Mali to eradicate this terrible evil that directly endangers all
democracies. He also expressed approval for the teaching of secular ethics in accord with
the wishes of Education Minister Vincent Peillon, explaining that it would not be about
giving morality lessons, but recalling the principles of the Republic: lacit, guidelines,
discipline, and rules.
These examples show continuity, on the level of the chief executive (starting in
2003), in the denunciation of antisemitism. The terms used are very strong and symbolic.
There can be no doubt about the condemnation of antisemitism at the summit of the State
and the determination of public authorities. One could even speak on this level of a golden
age between the Jewish community and successive presidents--a rare occurrence in France.
Despite it all, the acts continue. Despite all the declarations, nothing has stopped the
antisemites, and yet antisemitism is very low on the list of preoccupations of French people,
(2 to 3% in public opinion polls) because Jews are perceived in the contemporary collective
imagination as being much less vulnerable than they were in the past.
Let us explain.
1. In the contemporary collective imagination, Jews are perceived as being much less
vulnerable than they were in the past. A certain number of our compatriots think they are
or could be protected. Example? Dont presidents or prime ministers say that to attack a
Jew is to attack France?
2. On the contrary, others know that the Jews were persecuted and continue to be

3. Its not because you read an article from time to time relating an antisemitic attack that
you know the subject and/or can evaluate its complexity or realize to what extent the
attacks have increased So there will be an inaptitude to understand or know the facts and
the subject.
4. Some exclaim: The Jews are endangered, so what? Dont they also endanger the
Palestinians (sic)?
5. And then, exactly what are we talking about? Is there really antisemitism? Is it
antisemitism?
6. Finally, in some banlieues, the pressure in favor of Islamization or re-Islamization
concerns primarily young men in the process of marginalization. Entry into Islam
corresponds with a reconstruction of the identity on the base of the referent Islam after
an earlier commitment along political or cultural lines such as antiracism, civil rights,
etc. These paths came to seem factice and doomed to failure, notably when they didnt
succeed in checking the mechanism of exclusion.
Difficulties in finding employment, feelings of social relegation and discrimination,
perception of the negative image of Islam in public opinion, the ever present memory of
humiliation in the French colonial past transmitted by the family environment, as if a
part of their history were not inscribed in French national identity, the exhaustion of a
whole series of ideologies such as Marxism or Third Worldism that inspired the
mobilization of their big brothers and sisters, all these reasons conjugate to confer a
central position on the Islamic identity. These re-Islamized youths are sensitive to the
Israeli-Arab conflict and various thematics proposed and developed here and there. And,
with or without the Israeli -Palestinian conflict, these youths will be going after Jews.
So what can be done? We must fight against what we call the spirit of Durban.
The Durban Conference officialized and legitimatized antisemitism. Fighting
against the spirit of Durban is pointing the finger at the criminal spirit that prevailed during
that conference and ever since, making Israel, the Jews, Zionists responsible for all the ills
of Humanity, the quintessence of evil, absolute evil. Within the CRIF we must continue to
designate the multiple vectors of hatred that include extremist Internet sites, antisemitic
programs broadcast by Arab-Muslim television stations, antisemitic or negationist tracts
and booklets, pro-Palestinian demonstrations that degenerate Death to the Jews! heard
here or there, so-called comedy acts that trash the Jews, the troubling rise of antisemitic
feelings among banlieue youths, perfidious ignominious accusations, great racist
conclaves such as Durban, stereotypes and all the sickening clichs, Islamists that
endanger the Republic
Because what a strange defeat of democracy it would be to allow the extremists or
Islamists to invade our lives and rule over our world. What a strange defeat it would be to
bow our heads and tolerate the intolerable.
Do not forget: What is endangered today by Islamism and antisemitism is indeed the
Republic itself--its principles--its values and its culture. That which endangers the Jews
invariably endangers us all.
*Marc Knobel is a historian whose most recent book is Hate and Antisemitic Violence Paris, Berg
International, 2013, 350

=h1La judophobie en France

Rflexions sur antisionisme, propalestinisme et endoctrinement islamiste@
=n1Pierre-Andr

Taguieff*@

=abCulture pro-palestinien a envahi tous les aspects de la vie franaise. Juifs de France sont
rputes guerre sionistes criminelles traage gnocide musulman et la domination du monde. En tant
que victimes de diffamation en cours, les Juifs restent risque de violence identifis par une
augmentation des incidents de crimes haineux et le dsir de quitter la France.
Mots cls: Isral, les Juifs, les mdias de masse, musulman, Palestinien, sionisme@
En France, aujourdhui, les Juifs ne sont plus, quelques rares exceptions prs, victimes de
discrimination lemploi, lducation, au logement. Ils ont librement accs aux mtiers des
mdias et de la culture, aux carrires administratives ou librales, et ne font plus lobjet de
discriminations dans laccs aux postes de responsabilit politique. Mais ils sont victimes de
stigmatisations, de menaces et de violences physiques, provenant de nouveaux milieux sociaux,
culturels et politiques qui nont plus rien voir avec ceux qui portaient la vieille extrme droite
antijuive. Ils sont aussi, paralllement, victimes dune diffamation globale permanente, entretenue
par une partie du systme mdiatique, rallie au point de vue antisioniste et relayant des rumeurs
ngatives leur propos. Ce qui les expose un soupon permanent, portant sur leur solidarit,
perue comme une complicit criminelle, avec les Israliens. Aux violences antijuives << den bas
>>, attribuables pour lessentiel des jeunes issus de limmigration ou des islamistes radicaux ns
en France, sajoute la judophobie culturelle << den haut >>, produite et reproduite par les
reprsentants dun milieu politico-intellectuel et mdiatique << gauchiste >> mcaniquement ralli
la cause palestinienne, qui, de leurs postes de pouvoir ou dinfluence, contribuent un
endoctrinement judophobe de masse. Ce gauchisme culturel occupe un espace beaucoup plus vaste
que celui du gauchisme politique. Il traverse les frontires entre gauche et extrme gauche, et, sur
certains thmes d'accusation (anti-isralisme, anti-amricanisme, anticapitalisme), imprgne certains
secteurs de lopinion droitire. Il peut tre plus ou moins sophistiqu, selon quil se manifeste dans
les milieux associatifs ou dans lespace universitaire, o il prend les couleurs des modes
intellectuelles, empruntant notamment le vocabulaire et les reprsentations des << tudes postcoloniales >>.
=s1Face lislamisation de la << cause palestinienne >> : complicit ou complaisance@
En France, lune des principales formes dintellectualisation\ des passions antijuives

prsuppos de cette thse de la substitution, qui revient dclarer que lantismitisme en tant que
haine idologise des Juifs a dfinitivement disparu, est que lisralophobie et lantisionisme nont
rien voir avec lantismitisme, et quils ne reprsentent pas une nouvelle forme de haine des Juifs.
Ces negations sont prcisment au coeur de la nouvelle judophobie3. Analysons brivement la
rhtorique de la judophobie implicite, en partant des poncifs et des clichs travers lesquels circule
la rumeur ngatrice selon laquelle << il ny a pas (ou plus) dantismitisme en France >>. Elle fait
partie du contenu implicitement islamophile du poncif << Lislamophobie daujourdhui est la
rptition de lantismitisme dhier >>. Pour devenir crdible, ce clich de propagande doit tre
reli troitement au dogme idologique indfiniment rpt dans les mdias : << Les assassins
islamistes n'ont rien voir avec lislam >>.
abracadabra La thse de la substitution peut ds lors tre formul par ce slogan-type : <<
Antismites dans les annes 1930, islamophobes dans les annes 2000 >>. Le mme refrain
sloganique s'entend sous diverses variantes : << Les musulmans sont les Juifs d'aujourd'hui >> , <<
Les antijuifs d'hier se sont convertis l'islamophobie >>, ou encore << L'islamophobie a pris la
relve de l'antismitisme >>. Le prsuppos
commun de tous ces poncifs plus ou moins sloganiss est que l'antismitisme n'existe plus.
Ds lors, ceux qui dclarent vouloir lutter contre l'antismitisme ou la judophobie aujourd'hui
peuvent tre denounces comme des imposteurs, ayant invent de toutes pices une menace
dsormais inexistante. La thse de la substitution va de pair avec un dplacement du statut de la
victime, travers une lecture manichenne du conflit isralo-palestinien. Alors que les Juifs,
stigmatiss comme<< sionistes >> (donc << racistes), sont << nazifis >>, les Palestiniens sont
victimiss, prsents comme un peuple perscut par les Juifs << dominateurs >>. La figure
rhtorique sollicite est celle de
l'inversion des rles, exprime par une formule du type << Les victimes d'hier sont les bourreaux
d'aujourd'hui >>. D'o l'amalgame polmique : << Les Juifs, hier perscuts par les nazis, sont les
nazis
d'aujourd'hui, qui perscutent les Palestiniens >>. Cette thse a t soutenue par des personnalits
clbres telles que l'abb Pierre ou Edgar Morin, avant d'tre intgre dans le discours de
propaganda antisioniste. Cette double thse est diffuse par des sociologues,des historiens et des
politistes engags gauche ou l'extrme gauche, entrepreneurs idologiques travaillant <<
palestiniser >> les
campus universitaires. Elle est relaye par nombre de journalistes et d'enseignants du primaire et du
secondaire, ainsi que par des partis politiques et des syndicats de gauche.
Les thses << optimistes >> annonant le dclin ou la fin prochaine de l'antismitisme, assurment
rconfortantes aux yeux de certains militants engags dans le combat idologique contre Isral,
sont toutes fausses, au regard des statistiques disponibles sur les faits antijuifs relevs en France au
cours des annes 1998-2012.
L'analyse de l'volution des actes ou des faits antijuifs (violences et menaces confondues), recenss
en France de 1998 2012, montre une augmentation globale de la judophobie depuis le dbut des
annes
2000, avec des << pics >> en 2000, 2002, 2004, 2009 et 2012[4]. Le plus simple est de considrer
l'volution des totaux annuels des faits antijuifs (actions violentes et menaces) : 1998 : 81, 1999 :
82, 2000
: 744, 2001 : 219, 2002 : 936, 2003 : 601, 2004 : 974, 2005 : 508, 2006 : 571, 2007 : 402, 2008 :
397, 2009 : 815, 2010 : 466, 2011 : 389, et 2012 : 614. L'anne 2012 a commenc par une
recrudescence des
actions violentes contre les Juifs. Les meurtres antijuifs commis Toulouse par le jihadiste
Mohamed Merah le 19 mars 2012 semblent avoir ractiv les passages l'acte : selon le SPCJ
(Service de Protection
de la Communaut juive), 148 actes antismites, dont 43 violents, se sont produits entre le 19 mars

pour condamner ces assassinats antijuifs commis au nom de l'Islam :
organise par des musulmans le 28 avril Paris, quelques jours aprs la tuerie antijuive de
Toulouse, une manifestation pour dfendre les << valeurs de tolrance >> a runi peine deux cents
personnes. Mais les
violences antijuives ordinaires sont souvent dues de jeunes issus de l'immigration de culture
musulmane. Villeurbanne, le 2 juin 2012, trois jeunes Juifs, reconnaissables la kippa qui leur
couvrait la
tte, ont t insults, puis frapps coup de marteau et de barres de fer. Les agresseurs, des jeunes
dcrits par des tmoins comme d'origine maghrbine, se sont enfuis aprs avoir bless leurs
victimes. Dans la soire du 4 juillet 2012, un jeune Juif de 17 ans, qui portait une toile de David
autour du cou, a t rou de coups par deux jeunes gens d'origine maghrbine gs de 18 ans dans
le TGV Toulouse-Lyon. Le jeune Lior est un lve du lyce juif Ozar Hatorah de Toulouse, o il
avait assist au quadruple meurtre commis par Merah. L'agression aurait t motive par la mention
au tlphone du prnom juif du frre de la victime. Durant les cinq premiers mois de 2012, selon le
SPCJ, les faits antijuifs (violences et menaces) ont
augment de 53% par rapport la mme priode en 2011. Les personnes physiques sont dsormais
les premires touches par les actions antijuives. Le Rapport de la CNCDH pour l'anne 2012
retient 177 actions et 437 menaces antismites, soit au total 614 faits antijuifs. Des chiffres en forte
hausse par rapport 2011 : une progression de 57,8% par rapport l'anne 2011 (389 faits)[5]. On
peut faire l'hypothse que ces passages l'acte, notamment lorsqu'ils sont occasionnels et non
prmdits, sont l'expression de la banalisation d'une culture antijuive dans certains milieux issus
de l'immigration de culture musulmane.
La haine qui vise les Juifs aujourd'hui reste idologise, mais elle n'est pas pour autant explicite. Car
elle n'apparat gure dans l'espace public que sous la forme de dclarations virulentes contre
Isral et << le sionisme >> ou << les sionistes >>, catgories d'usage polmiques dont les frontires
sont indfiniment extensibles. Depuis la fin des annes 1960, la haine des Juifs est en effet porte
par ce
qu'il est convenu d'appeler l'antisionisme - mieux nomm l'antisionisme radical -, mlange
d'hostilit systmatique l'gard d'Isral, quelle que soit la politique du gouvernement en place, et
de compassion exclusive pour les Palestiniens, quoi qu'ils puissant faire. Le propalestinisme
inconditionnel est dsormais le principal vecteur de la haine des Juifs dans le monde. Il fournit en
mme temps les principaux motifs d'agir contre l'tat d'Isral, rduit une << entit >> criminelle,
et contre << le sionisme >>, figure incarnant l'un des grands mythes rpulsifs de notre temps. Dans
l'tat prsent des rapports de force gopolitiques, ceux qui veulent la disparition d'Isral dclarent
qu'ils aspirent << la paix >>. Ils peuvent ainsi participer la guerre polymorphe contre Isral en se
prsentant comme de courageux militants pacifistes, srs d'tre applaudis par tous ceux qui veulent
en finir avec l'tat juif, qu'ils rejettent comme l'tat en trop[6].
L'islamisation croissante de la << cause palestinienne >>, cause victimaire universalise par le jeu
de propagandes croises, lui a confr en outre le statut symbolique d'un front privilgi du jihad
mondial. C'est pourquoi la dernire grande vague judophobe se caractrise par une forte
mobilisation du monde musulman contre Isral et le << sionisme mondial >>, s'accompagnant, chez
les prdicateurs
islamistes, d'une vision apocalyptique du combat final contre les Juifs. Comme le rpte l'article 28
de la Charte du Hamas (aot 1988), qui rsume en une phrase l'idologie antijuive du mouvement
islamiste
: << Isral, parce qu'il est juif et a une population juive, dfie l'Islam et les musulmans. >>
Le programme << antisioniste >>, considr dans ses formulations radicales, a un objectif explicite
qui revient vouloir << purifier >> ou << nettoyer >> la Palestine de la << prsence sioniste >> ou
<< juive >>, considre comme une << invasion >> qui souille une terre palestinienne ou arabe

l'occasion de la commmoration des 25 ans d'existence du Hamas. L'appel la destruction d'Isral

est formul comme un appel la << libration >> de << toute la Palestine >> :
<< Librer la Palestine, TOUTE la Palestine est une obligation, un privilge, un objectif et un but. Il
est de la responsabilit du peuple palestinien et de la nation islamique (de librer la Palestine) (...)
Le jihad et la "rsistance" arme sont le moyen vritable et exact de cette libration et de la
restauration de nos droits (...). Un homme vritable est le produit de la carabine et du missile (...) La
Palestine - du fleuve [Jourdain] la mer [Mditerrane], du nord au sud [c'est--dire tout Isral] - est
notre terre, notre droit et notre patrie. Il n'y aura pas de reddition, mme sur le plus petit morceau de
cette terre. La Palestine est et a toujours t arabe et islamique. Depuis toujours la Palestine est
ntre, c'est la terre des Arabes et
de l'islam (...). Il n'y a pas d'alternative un tat palestinien libre, avec une vritable souverainet
sur l'ensemble du territoire de la Palestine[7]... >>
Une telle vision manichenne du monde exclut toute possibilit de dialogue et de compromis. Or,
les milieux propalestiniens la franaise, qui s'emploient transfigurer la dictature du Hamas
Gaza en mle de rsistance contre les << agresseurs >> israliens, font silence sur de tels propos. Le
belliciste islamiste explicitement revendiqu par Mechaal glisse sur leur bonne conscience, qui
consiste
ne dnoncer la volont de guerre qu'en l'attribuant exclusivement aux Israliens. Leur vision
enchante du << peuple palestinien >> leur interdit toute pense critique : ils restent enferms dans
leur culte palestiniste et leurs dogmes palestinophiles, sourds et aveuglesvdevant la menace
islamiste globalise (du Maghreb l'Afghanistan et au Pakistan), qui s'accrot notamment aux
frontires d'Isral.
L'enracinement et l'expansion, dans l'imaginaire du monde musulman, d'un grand rcit ngatif sur
Isral et << le sionisme >> constituent l'un des principaux obstacles l'tablissement d'une paix
vritable et durable au Proche-Orient. Or, l'analyse des ralits gopolitiques ne saurait alimenter un
regard optimiste sur l'issue du conflit isralo-palestinien, qui prend l'allure d'un mga-conflit <<
sionisto-islamiste >>. Les rcents bouleversements qui ont eu lieu dans certains pays du Maghreb et
du Machrek, de la Tunisie la Syrie en passant par la Libye et l'gypte, ont abouti partout la
monte en
puissance des mouvements islamistes, qu'ils s'agissent des Frres musulmans ou de courants
salafistes et jihadistes. En consquence, l'appel au jihad contre les Juifs s'est banalis, sortant de la
relative marginalit o le maintenait son appropriation par Al-Qaida dans les annes 1990 et 2000.
En gypte, depuis le 30 juin 2012, le chef de l'tat est un Frre musulman, Mohamed Morsi, qui,
dans un
discours diffus sur Internet le 10 janvier 2010, dclarait L'incomptence du gouvernement install
par les Frres musulmans en gypte a provoqu son renversement. Mais l'on a de bonnes raisons de
supposer que, dans l'opinion gyptienne, l'antisionisme radical reste au mme niveau qu'auparavant.
Pour en avoir une ide, donnons la parole au Frre musulman qui fut lu la tte de l'tat le 30 juin
2012, Mohamed Morsi. Dans un discours diffus sur Internet le 10 janvier 2010, Morsi dclarait :
<< Chers frres, nous ne devons pas oublier de nourrir nos enfants et petits-enfants de haine envers
ces
sionistes et ces Juifs, et tous ceux qui les soutiennent. Ils doivent tre nourris de haine. La haine doit
perdurer[8]. >> Quelques mois plus tard, dans un discours diffus le 23 septembre 2010 par AlQuds TV,
Morsi exposait sans fard sa vision jihadiste du confli isralo-palestinien : << Soit [vous acceptez] les
sionistes et tout ce qu'ils veulent, soit c'est la guerre. C'est ce que ces occupants de la
terre de Palestine connaissent - ces sangsues [suceurs de sang] qui attaquent les Palestiniens, ces
fauteurs de trouble, les descendants des singes et des porcs. (...) Nous devons employer toutes les
formes de

partage par le
guide suprme des Frres musulmans, Mohamed Badie, qui appelait le 11 octobre 2012 au jihad
pour la libration de Jrusalem : << Le jihad pour recouvrer Al-Qods est un devoir pour tous les
musulmans. (...) Les sionistes ne comprennent que la force et ne renonceront leurs transgressions
(...) que par le jihad sacr. >> Les principaux chantres du << printemps arabe >> se sont tus, sans
faire leur autocritique, qui
aurait pris l'allure d'un suicide intellectuel. Les milieu propalestiniens ont gard quant eux un
silence complice, tant ils se rjouissaient de ce que le vent de l'Histoire, semant l'islamisme radical
autour d'Isral, leur laissait prvoir l'limination de l'tat juif.
Pour clarifier la terminologie qui ne cesse d'tre obscurcie par l'effet des polmiques, il convient de
se donner une dfinition de l'antisionisme radical ou absolu dnue d'ambigut. Il importe en
effet de le distinguer clairement des formes dmocratiquement lgitimes de critique de la politique
mene par tel ou tel gouvernement isralien. Abord dans sa dimension idologico-politique,
l'antisionisme radical se reconnat son argumentation, dont la finalit est de lgitimer la
destruction d'Isral, en banalisant l'assimilation polmique d'Isral un << tat raciste >> ou d'<<
apartheid >>, << colonialiste >> et << criminel >>. Cinq traits permettent de dfinir le style et le
contenu du discours des antisionistes radicaux : 1 le caractre systmatique de la critique d'Isral,
une
critique hyperbolique et permanente faite sur le mode de la dnonciation publique et recourant aux
techniques de la propaganda (sloganisation, amalgames, etc.) ; 2 la pratique du << deux poids,
deux mesures >> face Isral, c'est--dire le recours au << double standard >>. Cette pratique
systmatique de la mauvaise foi, ds qu'il s'agit de l'tat juif, conduit la condamnation unilatrale
d'Isral,
indpendamment de toute analyse des faits ; 3 la diabolisation de l'tat juif, trait comme
l'incarnation du mal, impliquant une mise en accusation permanente de la politique isralienne
fonde sur trois
bases de rduction : le racisme/nazisme/apartheid, la criminalit centre sur le meurtre d'enfants
palestiniens (ou musulmans) et le complot dit << sioniste >> ; 4 la dlgitimation de l'tat juif, la
ngation de son droit l'existence - donc la ngation du droit du
peuple juif vivre comme tout peuple dans un tat-nation souverain -,
ce qui implique d'isoler l'tat d'Isral sur tous les plans, en organisant notamment contre lui un
boycott gnralis ; 5 l'appel rpt la destruction de l'tat juif, impliquant la ralisation d'un
programme de << dsionisation >> radicale, ou plus simplement une guerre d'extermination, o
l'Iran nuclaris jouerait le rle principal. C'est cet appel l'radication qui forme le coeur du
programme de
l'antisionisme radical, qui, mode de stigmatisation et de discrimination conduisant la diabolisation
de l'tat d'Isral, relve du racisme. tre un antiraciste consquent, c'est lutter contre l'antisionisme
radical, qui constitue l'une des forms contemporaines de la pense raciste.
Mtamorphoses de la judophobie et propalestinisme messianique
Ce qui caractrise la judophobie dans l'Histoire, c'est d'abord qu'elle est << la haine la plus
longue[10] >>, ensuite qu'elle n'a cess de prendre des formes nouvelles, de s'adapter l'esprit du
temps, de
trouver de nouveaux alibis, d'inventer des justifications indites. Peu importe aux antijuifs le
caractre contradictoire des griefs : les Juifs sont en mme temps et indiffremment accuss d'tre
trop <<
communautaires >> ou << identitaires >> (trop religieux, << solidaires >> entre eux, nationalistes,
sionistes, etc.) et trop cosmopolites (nomades, internationalistes, << mondialistes >>, etc.). Lon
Poliakov
rappelait que << les Juifs ont de tout temps stimul l'imagination des peuples environnants, suscit

superstitions[11] >>. Les Juifs sont perus par ceux qui les hassent comme aussi redoutables que
vulnrables. Cette perception ambivalente, projete sur << les sionistes >>, entretient et renforce la
haine antijuive. D'o, dans les passages l'acte aujourd'hui observables en France et plus largement
dans les dmocraties occidentales, ce mlange de lchet (s'attaquer des passants, des enfants ou
des coliers sans dfense) et de ressentiment, si l'on dsigne par ce mot la rage ne d'un sentiment
d'impuissance devant la satanique sur-puissance juive, invitablement occulte - ce qui explique la
persistance des rfrences au clbre faux antijuif, les Protocoles des Sages de Sion[12]. Dans tous
les
cas, la dfense des Palestiniens rigs en victimes du << sionisme >> constitue le noyau idologique
des modes de lgitimation des violences antijuives contemporaines, le thme majeur tant celui de
la <<
vengeance des enfants palestiniens assassins par les sionistes >>, thme qui rveille la vieille
accusation de << meurtre rituel[13] >>.Les rassemblements et les marches en faveur de la << cause
palestinienne >> constituent des rituels qui entretiennent ou intensifient les passions << antisionistes
>>, dont les frontires avec les passions antijuives sont devenues, dans la plupart des situations,
indiscernables.
Le propalestinisme est assurment le principal vecteur de la nouvelle haine des Juifs laquelle on
donne souvent le nom d'<< antisionisme >> - qu'il ne faut pas confondre avec la critique de telle ou
telle politique de tel ou tel gouvernement isralien, qui reste dans les limites du dbat dmocratique.
C'est en ce sens qu'on peut le considrer comme un propalestinisme instrumental. Mais il est plus
qu'un vecteur. Il marque l'entre dans un nouveau rgime de judophobie, fond sur l'attribution
exclusive aux Palestiniens des
traits d'un peuple messianique. Le plus talentueux dfenseur inconditionnel des Palestiniens, Jean
Genet, a pour ainsi dire vendu la mche en crivant sous couvert d'une question rhtorique : << Si
elle ne se fut battue contre le peuple qui me paraissait le plus tnbreux, celui dont l'origine se
voulait l'Origine, qui proclamait avoir t et vouloir demeurer l'Origine, le peuple qui se dsignait
Nuit des Temps, la rvolution palestinienne m'et-elle, avec tant de force, attir[14] ? >>. Genet
ajoutait qu' ses yeux << la revolution palestinienne cessait d'tre un combat habituel pour une terre
vole,
elle tait une lutte mtaphysique[15] >>. L'crivain ne savait pas qu'il retrouvait spontanment un
motif de l'antismitisme nazi, ainsi formul par Alfred Rosenberg en octobre 1924, dans la postface
de son
livre sur Les Protocoles des Sages de Sion et la politique mondiale juive (1923) : << Dans notre
histoire, le Juif se dresse comme notre adversaire mtaphysique. Malheureusement, nous n'en avons
jamais
clairement pris conscience. (...) Aujourd'hui, enfin, il semble que l'on eroive et hasse le principe
ternellement tranger et ennemi qui s'est lev si haut dans la puissance[16]. >>
Le << peuple >> dont parle l'crivain propalestinien est bien le peuple juif, rig en une entit
incarnant << le Pouvoir[17] >>, c'est--dire le Mal, dans la perspective de Genet. Les Israliens
disparaissent de l'horizon, comme les << sionistes >> mythifis et diaboliss. Il reste les Juifs. Mais
les Juifs transforms en une entit abstraite et dmonise. L'crivain engag affirme clairement
qu'il aime les Palestiniens dans l'exacte mesure o ils combattent les Juifs, c'est--dire le Mal. Les
Palestiniens sont ainsi rigs en contre-peuple lu, mais pour devenir eux-mmes le nouveau peuple
lu.
Nouvelle grande opration historique de substitution, nouvel acte de violence symbolique dont les
Juifs sont les victimes. Faut-il prciser qu'aujourd'hui, depuis la fin 2012, les Palestiniens sont le
peuple
lu par l'ONU, c'est--dire par l'opinion international hyperdominante ? la nouvelle vox dei ?
Le propalestinisme est devenu l'un des noms possibles de la nouvelle judophobie. Peut-tre le nom

tre propalestinien sans tre antijuif. Et la thse s'applique galement aux Juifs - Israliens
compris - qui ont pous la cause palestinienne. Au-del de la vieille haine de soi qu'on trouvait
chez les Juifs, convertis ou non, devenus des collaborateurs de la cause antijuive - de Nicolas Donin
au XIIIe
sicle Jacob Brafman au XIXe ou Arthur Trebitsch au XXe[18] -, on trouve l'entre en guerre
contre soi, incarne par les militants de la cause antisioniste radicale, sduits par le ngationnisme
(Noam
Chomsky) ou fascins par l'islamisme palestinien, machine fabriquer des fanatiques et des <<
martyrs >>. Loin de provoquer dgot et rpulsion, la radicalit exerce une sduction sur de
nombreux esprits.
Pour les propalestiniens inconditionnels de toutes origines, << le Juif est l'ennemi. Grce au
propalestinisme, la judophobie est la porte de tous, << sans distinction d'origine, de race ou de
religion
, comme dit l'article 2 de la Constitution de la Ve Rpublique. Le XXIe sicle commenant a
invent la judophobie universellement partageable.
Depuis les annes 1990, une cole informelle a pris figure dans le champ intellectuel : celle
du << Verus anti-Isral >>. La vieille thologie de la substitution faisait de l'glise chrtienne le
vritable Isral, la nouvelle thorie de la substitution fait des Palestiniens et d'autres catgories
groupales de victimes presumes les vritables << Juifs >> perscuts. Les reprsentants de cette
cole, appartenant presque tous une quelconque mouvance d'extrme gauche et s'affirmant <<
antisionistes >> avec plus ou moins d'intensit polmique, soutiennent la double thse selon laquelle
(1) la vieille <<question juive >> n'existe plus sous sa forme historique bien connue depuis le dbut
du XIXe sicle, et (2) elle s'est mtamorphose en s'appliquant des groupes humains autres que les
Juifs :
Palestiniens, musulmans, Arabes ou Maghrbins, Roms ou << immigrs >>. L'ancienne << question
juive >>, lie explicitement aux Juifs, aura disparu, faisant de la judophobie une chose du pass,
n'ayant laiss que d'insignifiantes survivances. Il s'ensuit que le << nouvel antismitisme >> serait
reprsent, selon les auteurs, par l'<< islamophobie >>, par le << racisme anti-Roms >>, par le <<
racism anti-Arabes >> ou << anti-Maghrbins >>, ou par le << racism anti-immigrs >>. La vraie
question juive d'aujourd'hui serait la
question musulmane, arabe ou immigre, ou encore la question << Roms >> (les << gens du voyage
>>). Les bons Juifs perscuts du pass, victims d'une forme aujourd'hui dpasse d'<<
antismitisme >>, auraient disparu, mais certains des survivants se seraient transforms en
<<sionistes >> agresseurs, spoliateurs et perscuteurs, formant une
nouvelle catgorie de bourreaux mondialement rpandue (en tant que reprsentants du << sionisme
mondial >>). Les << sionistes >> seraient au premier rang parmi les islamophobes, les arabophobes,
les anti-immigrs et les anti-Roms. Tels seraient les << nouveaux Juifs >> soumis des rejets, des
stigmatisations, des discriminations, des sgrgations, des violences.

Des manifestations << antisionistes >> au jihad antijuif

Les manifestations insparablement propalestiniennes et anti-israliennes de masse observables au
cours des annes 2000-2013, en France et dans de nombreux pays europens (ainsi qu'aux tatsUnis
et au Canada), ne se rduisent certes pas des expressions politises de la haine des Juifs. Il va de
soi que tous les manifestants propalestiniens ne sauraient tre, pris individuellement, considrs
comme des judophobes convaincus, et que leurs protestations peuvent tre motives par une
authentique compassion pour les victims palestiniennes du conflit. Le problme vient de ce que ces

attaques
terroristes ayant fait des victimes juives, de nationalit isralienne ou non. Ces manifestants ne se
mobilisent pas non plus pour la defense des victimes arabes de telle ou telle dictature arabe (le
rgime
syrien, par exemple). Bref, l'indignation et la compassion propalestiniennes sont sens unique,
cible exclusive, elles ne sont pas universalisables.
En outre, le simple fait que, dans ces mmes manifestations o l'on peut reconnatre une certaine
htrognit idologique (gauchistes de diverses obdiences, islamistes de toutes les
chapelles, etc.), puissent rgulirement tre scands ou arbors d'une faon simultane des slogans
tels que << Paix en Palestine ! >>, << Stop au gnocide des Palestiniens >>, << Stop au terrorisme
juif hitlrien ! << Sionistes assassins >>, << Bannissons le sionisme = racisme et
fascisme = terrorisme >>, << Juifs au four >> et << Mort aux Juifs ![19] montre que l'expression de
la haine antijuive s'y est banalise. considrer l'volution du discours judophobe depuis les
annes 1970,
on constate que la grande nouveaut idologique en la matire reside dans le fait que la haine des
Juifs s'exprime dsormais dans la langue de la << lutte contre le racisme >> ou de la << dfense des
droits de
l'homme >>. L'accusation d'islamophobie (ou de << racisme antimusulman) est venue plus
rcemment enrichir le stock des armes symboliques utilises contre les Juifs, comme l'atteste le
slogan dont on trouve
diverses variantes : << Les Juifs tuent les musulmans. >> La soeur admirative du tueur islamiste
Mohamed Merah, Souad, elle-mme rallie la vision jihadiste du monde, en a donn sa version :
<< Les Juifs,
tous ceux qui sont en train de massacrer les musulmans, je les dteste[20]. >> L'argument
lgitimatoire standard est illustr par cette accusation dont on trouve de nombreuses variantes : <<
Ils (les <<
sionistes >>, les Juifs) tuent les enfants palestiniens >>, << Ils tuent nos frres palestiniens >>. Le
raisonnement est simple : puisqu'ils << tuent nos frres >>, nous avons le droit de les tuer. Le vieux
strotype du Juif meurtrier entame une nouvelle carrire idologique.
Paralllement, on observe dans les nouveaux milieux antijuifs une monte de la jalousie sociale,
alimente par divers strotypes, don't celui du << Juif riche >>, celui du Juif puissant dans la
finance, la
politique, les mdias. Parmi les strotypes et les prjugs negatives qui circulent dans la France des
banlieues, ceux du << Juif riche >> et du << pouvoir juif >> sont les plus courants. Faut-il rappeler
la
boutade provocatrice mais symptomatique de Dieudonn : << Il n'y a pas de SDF juif >> ? Les
formules de Dieudonn sont souvent rvlatrices de l'imaginaire antijuif ambiant. D'o le
raisonnement-type qu'on
rencontre dans certains entretiens semi-directifs avec des << jeunes >> marginaliss : << Si nous
sommes malheureux, pauvres, exclus, sans travail, c'est de leur faute >>. Les Juifs sont accuss de
prendre toutes les places (les bonnes), d'occuper tous les postes dsirables. S'ajoute l'accusation
classique de la << solidarit juive >> : << Ils se tiennent entre eux >>.
Les << jeunes >> issus de l'immigration peuvent ainsi s'imaginer tre les << victimes >> des Juifs,
de la mme manire que les Palestiniens ou les musulmans sont supposs tre les << victimes >>
des
<< sionistes >>. L'antiracisme slectif a entam une nouvelle carrier\ sous la forme de l'antiislamophobie. Un pseudo-antiracisme, devenu le coeur du no-antifascisme (instrumentalis par les
milieux d'extrme
gauche propalestiniens), est devenu le vhicule discursif privilgi de la nouvelle judophobie,
c'est--dire de l'antisionisme radical ou absolu.

permanence des passions antijuives de tradition catholique/ractionnaire ou de tradition
anticapitaliste/rvolutionnaire, ni dans les rsurgences du vieil antismitisme politique d'obdience
nationaliste, qu'on observe rgulirement dans les parages du Front national. Il n'est pas non
plus seulement li des rseaux islamistes internationaux qui organisent sur le territoire franais des
attentats antijuifs. Le phnomne inquitant rside dans l'irruption de la judophobie par la
porte de derrire, par les banlieues et les << quartiers sensibles >>, porte par le nouveau
Lumpenproletariat issu de l'immigration, endoctrin la haine des Juifs et de la France (et plus
largement de l'Occident) par des prdicateurs islamistes, encourag dans leurs\ actions violentes par
les agitateurs du nouveau gauchisme <<anticapitaliste >> et islamophile (voire << islamismophile
>>), ou depetits entrepreneurs appartenant l'industrie culturelle <<antisioniste >>, tel Dieudonn.
En dpit des campagnes lances par diverses associations antiracistes contre l'humoriste antijuif, la
tourne franaise de Dieudonn dans une vingtaine de villes (de\Marseille Perpignan, en passant
par Strasbourg et Toulouse), entre
fvrier et mai 2013, a t un succs (avec un public de 3 000 personnes en moyenne). Le 4 avril
2013, plus de 4 000 personnes ont assist son spectacle Bordeaux[21]. Il s'agit d'une forme
inedited de judophobie : la mise en scne de spectacles antijuifs. Comme le note le journaliste
Bernard Darmon, << des dizaines de milliers de spectateurs vont voir ses spectacles et chantent avec
lui "Shoahnanas", applaudissent Faurisson, et se dlectent du sketch qui fait l'apologie d'un assassin
qui va mettre une bombe dans un bus isralien[22] >>.
Les transformations de la composition ethnique de la population franaise ont engendr un monstre :
les nouveaux antijuifs sont des judophobes << de souche >>, qu'ils soient ou non directement issus
d'une immigration de culture musulmane. Les jeunes jihadistes formant un Lumpenproletariat
guerrier ont le plus souvent la nationalit franaise, et, parmi les cibles privilgies par les
idologues
contemporains du jihad, ils visent surtout les cibles juives (coles, lieux de culte, magasins, etc.). Le
propre de ce Lumpenproletariat mergent, c'est qu'il oscille entre la dlinquance, petite ou grande
(de l'conomie parallle au grand banditisme), et l'action jihadiste, c'est--dire le terrorisme au nom
de l'Islam. Le tueur islamiste Mohamed Merah est devenu l'emblme de ce type humain mergent,
dont
les pulsions criminelles, stimules par un fort ressentiment l'gard de la socit d'accueil, sont
lgitimes et transfigures, dans le cadre d'un islam politique centr sur l'appel au jihad << contre
les
Juifs et les croiss >>, par la << dfense >> des Palestiniens-victimes. Ainsi, en assassinant des
enfants juifs, Merah affirmait-il vouloir << venger les enfants palestiniens >>. D'autres jihadistes
disent
vouloir << venger le sang des musulmans >>.
Pour parler comme Marx, disons que ce nouveau Lumpenproletariat islamis ou islamisable est
l'alli objectif de tous les ennemis de l'Occident libral/dmocratique, tout particulirement des Juifs
(israliens ou non) et du peuple franais. On rencontre ces ennemis dans toutes les classes sociales
et dans toutes les mouvances
politiques, bien qu'ils soient sur-reprsents dans l'extrme gauche << rvolutionnaire >> et la
gauche dmagogique, soucieuse de s'adapter aux modes idologiques des fins lectorales. Pour
comprendre la
nouveaut du phnomne, il faut supposer l'existence, dans le champ des opinions et des croyances
idologises, d'une forte correlation entre la haine de l'Occident (l'hesprophobie), la haine de la
France (la francophobie) et la haine des Juifs (la judophobie).

Conclusion

intellectuels critiques >>. C'est l l'un des principaux facteurs, d'ordre culturel, expliquant la fois la
diffusion rapide et la virulence extrme des discours de condamnation d'Isral. Se dire
<<antisioniste >>, c'est se placer du << bon ct >>, du ct de <<l'antiracisme >> (du pseudoantiracisme transform en machine antijuive), et bien sr du ct des << victimes >> supposes du
<<\sionisme >>, assimil une puissance satanique. Tel est le dernier avatar de la corruption
idologique d'un certain antiracisme militant la franaise, issu de milieux communistes[23]. Il y a
l un paradoxe qui constitue un scandale sur le plan thique : l'antisionisme radical, mode de
racisation dsignant un ennemi liminer, reprsente le seul mode de racisation tenu pour une
position antiracist respectable dans le monde des lites culturelles, politiques et mdiatiques[24].
La question, ironique et grave, a t pose propos du mouvement << altermondialiste >> : un autre
monde, sans antismitisme, est-il possible[25] ? Et corrlativement : un mouvement <<
altermondialiste >> sans haine des Juifs est-il possible ? Plus gnralement : une autre Europe,
moins isralophobe, est-elle pensable? Mais une question plus modeste se pose, qui nous touche
directement\ : une autre France, sans islamisation judophobe croissante, est-ellepossible ? ces
questions, il n'y a pas de rponse optimiste, il n'y a qu'une rponse volontariste. Lucidit, fermet,
dtermination et courage plutt qu'abandon aux rves de lendemains qui chanteraient l'amour
d'Isral et la paix universelle, sur une musique joue par un orchestre mixte isralo-palestinien plac
sous la direction de Stphane Hessel, le matre incontest de la rhtorique de l'indignation
slective[26]. Les Juifs n'ont jamais eu autant de raisons de lancer leurs ennemis, comme Golda
Meir nagure aux dirigeants palestiniens rvant d'un << isralicide >> : << Je comprends bien que
vous voulez nous rayer de la carte, seulement ne vous attendez pas ce que nous vous aidions
atteindre ce but. >> Mieux vaut souffrir de n'tre pas aim que disparatre sous les
applaudissements de ses ennemis. Il est dangereux de croire que la marche de l'Histoire rcompense
les postures morales et les dmonstrations de vertu. Il est irresponsable pour un people d'attendre
d'une puissance trangre qu'il la sauve. Faut-il rappeler le mot de Renan, qui sonne comme un
avertissement ? << L'histoire est tout le contraire de la vertu rcompense. >> Le courage est sa
proper rcompense.
* Philosophe, politologue et historien des ides, Pierre-Andr Taguieff, n Paris le 4 aot 1946, est directeur
de recherche au CNRS, rattach au Centre de recherches politiques de Sciences Po (CEVIPOF, Paris). Cet
article suppose les analyses exposes dans certains de mes livres rcents : L'Imaginaire du complot mondial.
Aspects d'un mythe moderne, Paris, Fayard/Mille et une nuits, 2006 ; La Judophobie des Modernes. Des
Lumires au Jihad mondial, Paris, Odile Jacob, 2008 ; La Nouvelle Propagande antijuive. Du symbole alDura aux rumeurs de Gaza, Paris, PUF, 2010 ; Isral et la question juive, St-Victor-de-Mor, Les provinciales,
2011 ; Court trait de complotologie, Paris, Fayard/Mille et une nuits, 2013.

Bibliographie
[1]-[2]-[3] Pierre-Andr Taguieff, La Nouvelle Propagande antijuive, op. cit.
[4] Voir Pierre-Andr Taguieff, La Judophobie des Modernes, op. cit., pp. 376 sq. ;
CNCDH, La Lutte
contre le racisme, l'antismitisme et la xnophobie. Anne 2008, Paris, La Documentation franaise, 2009
;
ibid., Anne 2009, 2010 ; Anne 2010, 2011 ; Anne 2011, 2012 ;
Anne 2012, 2013.
[5] titre comparatif, on notera que, durant l'anne 2012, les faits << antimusulmans >>, avec 53 actions et
148 menaces (201 au total), ont augment de 30% par rapport 2011. Le total des fais antijuifs est
donc en 2012 trois fois plus important que celui des faits antimusulmans, en dpit de l'image de plus ngative
de l'islam en France. Selon l'enqute d'opinion de l'institut CSA ralise du 6 au 12 dcembre 2012, 55% des
personnes interroges considrent qu'il << ne faut pas faciliter l'exercice du culte musulman en France >>.
Parmi les diverses religions, seul l'islam fait l'objet d'un tel rejet. Prs de trois Franais sur quatre (73%) disent
avoir une image ngative de l'islam, quand les autres religions recueillent l'agrment d'une nette majorit,
selon un sondage rendu public le 16 avril 2013. Interrogs par le cabinet Tilder et l'Institut Montaigne, dans le

comme les autres et pour 40 %, la prsence de l'islam en France permet d'enrichir la culture franaise, 36 %
seulement pensent la pratique de l'islam compatible avec les lois de la Rpublique.
[6] Voir Pierre-Andr Taguieff, La Judophobie des Modernes, op. cit., pp. 15- 80, 353-374, 495-496.
[7] http://www.crif.org/fr/revuedepresse/khaled-mechaal-<<il-n'y-aucunelgitimit--isral-peuimporte-combien-de-temps-les-sionistes-ont-vcu- en-palestine>>/33887.
[8] Cit in MEMRI TV, Clip, n 3713.
[9] Cit in MEMRI, Dpche franaise, n 389, 6 janvier 2013.
[10] Robert S. Wistrich, Antisemitism : The Longest Hatred, Londres, Thames Methuen, 1991.
[11] Lon Poliakov, De Moscou Beyrouth. Essai sur la dsinformation, Paris, Calmann-Lvy, 1983, pp.13,
178.
[12] Pierre-Andr Taguieff, L'Imaginaire du complot mondial, op. cit.,pp. 109- 191;
Court trait de
complotologie, op.
cit.
[13] Pierre-Andr Taguieff, La Judophobie des Modernes, op. cit., pp.262-308 ; id.,
La Nouvelle
Propagande
antijuive, op. cit., pp. 229-374; id., Aux origines du slogan << Sionistes, assassins ! >>. Le
mythe du
meurtre rituel et le strotype du Juif sanguinaire, Paris, Les tudes du
CRIF, n
20, mars 2011.
[14] Jean Genet, Un captif amoureux, Paris, Gallimard, coll. << Folio, 1986, p. 239.
[15] Jean Genet, ibid.
[16] Voir Pierre-Andr Taguieff (dir.), Les Protocoles des Sages de Sion. Faux et
usages d'un faux,
Paris, Berg International, 1992, t.II, pp. 614-615.
[17] Jean Genet, op. cit., p. 239.
[18] Voir Pierre-Andr Taguieff, La Nouvelle Propagande antijuive, op.cit., p. 357363.
[19] Pour un inventaire des slogans de ce type inscrits sur des banderoles ou
des pancartes, voir, in PierreAndr Taguieff, Prcheurs de haine. Traverse de la judophobie plantaire (Paris, Mille et une nuits,
2004), le
cahier iconographique (non pagin) qui contient nombre de photos prises au cours de
manifestations propalestiniennes/anti-israliennes dans le monde entre 2000 et 2003. Pour
de
nombreux autres exemples, voir id.,La Nouvelle Propagande antijuive, op.
cit.
[20] << Souad Merah se dit "fire" de son frre >> (AFP), 10 novembre 2012,
http://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2012/11/10/souad-merah-se-dit- fiere- de-sonfrere_1788903_3224.html.
[21] http://www.pipole.net/dieudonne-bordeaux-video/177997/#!prettyPhoto/0/.
[22] http://www.crif.org/fr/tribune/soral-dieudonn-et-le-business-de- l'antismitisme/36605.
[23] L'exception reste sur ce point la Licra, qui a su rsister au chant des sirnes de
l'antisionisme
propalestinien et islamiste.
[24] Voir Pierre-Andr Taguieff, La Nouvelle Propagande antijuive, op.cit., pp. 57-74.
[25] Holger Knothe, Eine andere Welt ist mglich - ohne Antisemitismus?
Antisemitismus und
Globalisierungskritik bei Attac, Bielefeld, Transcript
Verlag, 2009.
[26] Sur le cas Hessel, voir Pierre-Andr Taguieff, Isral et la question juive, \op.
cit., pp. 67-102.

La verite est en marche, rien ne pourra larreter

linterview de Philippe Karsenty
Centre Simon Wiesenthal, Paris*
Le 26 juin 2013, la Cour dappel de Paris a condamne Philippe Karsenty
pour diffamation envers Charles Enderlin et France 2. Il devra en outre leur
verser 7000. Cela fait pr`es de 13 ans que la polemique se poursuit au sujetdu reportage
emblematique du debut de la seconde Intifada, reportage quisemblait montrer la mort dun enfant
en direct `a la television, le petit
Mohamed, un enfant palestinien. Depuis plus de 11 ans, Philippe Karsenty
affirme que ce reportage netait quune pure et simple mise en sc`ene.
Plus dune decennie de polemiques et de debats judiciaires au cours de
laquelle Philippe Karsenty rencontrait, le plus souvent, une opposition
generalisee. Depuis le 19 mai 2013, les choses ont evolue puisque le
gouvernement israelien a publie un rapport officiel, dune quarantaine de
pages, qui soutient ses accusations.
Mots cles: Al-Dura, France, Israel, La Politique, Medias, Palestiniens
Centre Simon Wiesenthal: Vous venez detre condamne pour diffamation
envers Charles Enderlin et France 2. Vous devrez en outre leur verser
7000 . Quel est votre sentiment apr`es ce verdict? Philippe Karsenty: Je suis assez triste dobserver
que mes arguments nont pas ete entendus par la Cour dappel de Paris. Je regrette aussi quelle ait
juge utile de me condamner `a verser une forte somme aux plaignants.
CSW: Pouvez-vous nous donner une analyse de larret qui vous condamne?
PK: La Cour dappel de Paris me condamne pour avoir dit trop t ot, en
novembre 2004, ce qui allait devenir une evidence par la suite pour tous les
esprits senses, `a savoir que le reportage de Charles Enderlin diffuse par
France 2 le 30 septembre 2000 etait une pure et simple mise en sc`ene.Si je
publiais cet article maintenant, je ne serais certainement pas condamne.
Jobserve avec interet que la Cour dappel de Paris ne me demande pas de

CSW: Disposez-vous de recours pour poursuivre le combat judiciaire?
PK: Oui, bien sur, je pourrais faire comme France 2 et Charles Enderlin
lont fait, lorsque jai gagne en 2008, et me pourvoir en cassation pour
tenter de faire casser cet arret de la Cour dappel sur des arguments
techniques.
CSW: Allez-vous le faire?
PK: Il existe deux bonnes raisons de ne pas le faire. La premi`ere est que
lattitude des magistrats francais ces derniers temps mapparait discutable
sur certains dossiers. Jai donc perdu une partie de ma confiance dans la
justice francaise. La deuxi`eme raison pour laquelle je nai pas tr`es envie
daller en cassation est que la justice ne fut quun outil, pas une fin en soi.
En effet, cest moi qui ai choisi de provoquer France 2 pour engager un
debat avec eux. Grace `a cela, nous avons obtenu deux choses importantes:
France 2 a ete contraint de presenter ses preuves, et on a vu quils nen
avaient pas. On a pu ainsi voir quils navaient pas ce quils pretendaient
detenir depuis des annees: lagonie de lenfant. Les medias du monde entier
se sont interesses `a laffaire al Dura; `a lexception notable de la plupart des
medias francais qui nous font vivre dans une petite Coree du Nord d`es que
ce sujet est aborde. Lecrivain francais Michel Onfray disait: La justice dit
le droit, elle ne dit pas le juste ni le vrai. Cela me semble particuli`erement
vrai dans le cadre de cette affaire. Il faut savoir arreter une bataille, utiliser
les avantages quelle a procures et mener le combat sur dautres terrains.
Cest aussi ce que je vais faire. Neanmoins, malgre toutes ces preventions,
je vais malgre tout me pourvoir en cassation afin daller au bout du syst`eme
francais. De plus, la lecture de larret me conduit `a penser que sil reste des
magistrats honnetes en France, ils ne pourront que casser cet arret qui comporte
de nombreuses bizarreries.
CSW: Sur quel autre terrain pensez-vous mener la bataille?
PK: Je pourrais par exemple prendre une page de publicite dans un grand
quotidien francais et renouveler mes accusations contre France 2 et Charles
Enderlin avec plus de force et delements que ceux que je detenais en 2004.
Oseront-ils me poursuivre? Jen doute. Je pourrais aussi lancer une association
qui se donnerait pour objectif de faire reconnaitre la verite par dautres
moyens. Nous serions plus forts si nous etions plus nombreux et surtout,
coordonnes. Je pourrais aussi continuer le combat en quittant la France.
Cest une eventualite que jetudie serieusement.
CSW: Et du c ote politique, que pouvez-vous faire?
PK: Bien evidemment, les politiques ont un grand r ole `a jouer car cette
affaire est eminemment politique. Lancien president du CRIF, Richard
Prasquier, a recemment publie une tribune en France dans laquelle il
affirmait: Compte tenu de son impact mondial et persistant, le dossier alDura doit etre rouvert et traite de facon transparente. Si France 2 ne sy
resignait pas, ce serait alors `a lechelon politique, `a lEtat francais, de prendre
ses responsabilites: on ne peut affirmer vouloir lutter contre
lantisemitisme en France et contre lislam radical dans le monde si on ne
lattaque pas `a la racine, la propagande de haine nourrie par des images
meurtri`eres, probablement mensong`eres. Je partage enti`erement son point
de vue.
CSW: Comment analysez-vous lutilisation que France 2 et Charles Enderlin
ont faite de la justice?
PK: En 2004, ils lont instrumentalisee pour faire taire les critiques mais

quils navaient aucune preuve pour soutenir leur accusation initiale. Pour
ma part, lobjectif poursuivi en attirant France 2 et Charles Enderlin sur le
terrain judiciaire, etait de les contraindre `a montrer tout ce quils detenaient,
et aussi en fait ce quils ne detenaient pas: les 27 minutes de rushes quils
pretendaient detenir et dont ils nont pu produire que 18 minutes encore
plus grotesques que ce que lon ne pouvait limaginer. lagonie de lenfant
quils pretendaient detenir et quils nont pu produire. En revanche, ils ont
du montrer les images qui suivent la mort de lenfant qui avaient ete
coupees au montage: on y voit un mouvement parfaitement contr ole de
lenfant qui l`eve le coude, tourne la tete en direction du cameraman de
France 2 alors quil est cense etre mort.
CSW: Maintenant que nous avons aborde lactualite recente, pouvez-vous
resumer votre position sur lAffaire al-Dura?
PK: Le 30 septembre 2000, France 2 a diffuse au journal de 20 heures un
reportage tourne par un cameraman arabe de Gaza, Talal Abu Rahma, puis
monte et commente par le correspondant de la chane `a Jerusalem, Charles
Enderlin, un journaliste franco-israelien. Son commentaire indiquait que
lenfant avait ete tue intentionnellement et le p`ere gravement blesse par des
soldats israeliens. Pourtant, contrairement `a ce qui nous est dit en commentaire,
limage montre que ni le p`ere ni lenfant nont ete tues ou blesses
par les tirs de larmee israelienne. Ce reportage est un faux, une pure et
simple mise en sc`ene. Je peux prouver qu`a la fin du reportage, lenfant
nest pas mort et que son p`ere nest pas blesse; aucun des deux n'ayant ete
touche. Ainsi, alors quils sont censes avoir recu 15 balles darmes de
guerre `a eux deux, il ny a aucune trace de sang sur leur corps, leurs vetements,
sur le sol ou sur le mur auquel ils etaient adosses. Et quelques
secondes plus tard, alors quil est annonce que lenfant est mort, il l`eve le
coude pendant 10 secondes, tourne la tete vers la camera, baisse le coude et
garde le pied suspendu au-dessus du sol. Si vous trouvez un seul medecin
au monde capable de soutenir que lenfant etait mort `a ce moment l`a, je
mincline. Ces constatations sont corroborees par des dizaines de travaux de
recherches effectues par des gens competents, et par des expertises balistiques,
medico-legales, biometriques et meme graphologiques.
CSW: Le p`ere et lenfant seraient donc vivants contrairement `a ce que sugg`
ere le reportage de France 2?
PK: Quand le cameraman de France 2 eteint sa camera, oui, ils sont vivants.
Cest le point essentiel `a prendre en compte car il demontre que ce reportage
est un faux de la premi`ere `a la derni`ere image. Tout ce qui se passe
apr`es ne rel`eve pas de notre demarche. Ceux qui nous demandent de presenter
lenfant vivant maintenant ne connaissent pas le dossier, ou bien sont
de mauvaise foi. En effet, je nai jamais dit que lenfant etait encore vivant
aujourdhui car je nai aucun moyen de le prouver, 13 ans apr`es les faits. Il
a pu lui arriver beaucoup de choses depuis. Et meme si nous retrouvions
Mohamed al Dura 13 ans apr`es les faits, il serait devenu un jeune adulte et
on nous dirait que ce nest pas le meme, que cest un fr`ere ou un cousin. En
effet, si des gens sont prets `a accepter les absurdites decrites precedemment
(le coude leve une fois mort et labsence totale de sang malgre les circonstances
decrites), ils rechigneront toujours `a voir la verite. Je leur montre
des faits. Ils mopposent leur foi. Leur foi que les Israeliens sont des tueurs
denfants.
CSW: Y a-t-il des gens au sein de France 2 qui soutiennent votre demarche?
PK: Oui, il y a aussi des esprits libres qui ne peuvent agir ouvertement car

accablants pour France 2. Cest ainsi que jai obtenu le document du cameraman
de France 2 qui, dans un fax envoye `a la chane d`es 2002, retractait
ses accusations initiales de crime intentionnel. Cette information capitale
na par exemple jamais ete revelee au public par France 2. Cest aussi
comme cela que jai obtenu les fameux rushes de France 2, les images `a
partir desquelles ce reportage emblematique de 50 secondes a ete monte.

CSW: Pouvez-vous nous en dire plus sur ces fameux rushes de France 2?1
PK: Trois jours apr`es les evenements, le cameraman de France 2 a effectue
une declaration sous serment au Centre Palestinien des Droits de lHomme
`a Gaza, dans laquelle il certifiait avoir filme 27 minutes de lincident.
Pendant des annees, France 2 a affirme detenir ces 27 minutes dimages qui
prouvaient lauthenticite de leur reportage. Une semaine apr`es la diffusion,
le directeur de linformation de France 2 declarait en direct `a la television
que, pour respecter leur charte ethique et la sensibilite des telespectateurs,
ils avaient renonce `a montrer les images des balles atteignant le p`ere et
lenfant. Puis, pendant de nombreuses annees, Charles Enderlin et ses coll`
egues de France 2 affirmaient detenir la sc`ene de lagonie de lenfant. Ces
informations mises bout `a bout, repetees par tant de monde, pouvaient legitimementintimider
tous ceux qui auraient eu lidee de remettre en cause la version des faits de France 2. Mais, en
octobre 2004, trois journalistes francais ont eu acc`es `a ces images et ils ont revele quelles ne contenaient
aucune sc`ene dagonie, quon ne voyait pas lenfant mort `a la fin des rushes
et aussi, que ces images comportaient de nombreuses sc`ene jouees. Cest
lorsque ces informations mont ete revelees par lun des trois journalistes
que jai compris que nous avions definitivement raison, cetait bien une
mise en sc`ene. Puis, en novembre 2007, lorsque France 2 a ete contraint de
montrer ses images `a la Cour dappel de Paris, on a pu observer que ces 27
minutes netaient plus que 18 minutes9 minutes dimages avaient disparumais surtout, que
lenfant etait bel et bien vivant `a la fin des images
de France 2, quil levait meme le coude de facon tr`es contr olee et tournaitsa tete en direction
du cameraman apr`es avoir ete declare mort par Charles Enderlin. Le visionnage de ces rushes
fut un veritable point de retournement: nous avions la preuve absolue du fait que France 2 ne
detenait aucune
preuve pour soutenir ses accusations et que la chane, et ses collaborateurs,
mentaient depuis plus de 7 ans sur le contenu de ces images.
CSW: Pendant de nombreuses annees, vous navez pas ete soutenu par
lEtat dIsrael. Pouvez-vous nous en dire plus sur cet etrange aspect de
laffaire al-Dura?
PK: La mort de Mohamed al Dura etait le premier attentat mediatique

israeliens ont admis leventuelle responsabilite accidentelle de leurs soldats.

Par la suite, ils ont pris peu `a peu conscience de la mascarade mais, pensant
que le mal etait fait et que rien ne pourrait etre fait pour le corriger, ils ont
prefere ignorer cet episode. Ils navaient pas compris que si eux voulaient
loublier, le monde entier le garderait en memoire. Ils ne se sont pas rendus
compte de limpact planetaire de ce reportage. Les Israeliens nont pas vu
que Ben Laden a utilise ces images dans des clips de recrutement qui ont
precede les attentats du 11-Septembre. Ils nont pas saisi que le journaliste
du Wall Street Journal Daniel Pearl avait ete egorge au Pakistan pour
venger cette mort. Ils ne se sont pas interesses aux timbres `a leffigie du
petit Mohamed qui ont ete imprimes dans de tr`es nombreux pays
musulmans . . . Puis, tout `a coup ils ont enfin compris en mars 2012, lorsque
Mohamed Merah a assassine les enfants juifs de Toulouse pour, selon
ses propres mots, venger les enfants palestiniens tues `a Gaza.
CSW: Pensez-vous que les Israeliens ont reellement pris conscience de la
guerre mediatique qui leur est menee?
PK: Je nen suis pas vraiment certain car je pense quils nont pas saisi que
cest une vraie guerre qui doit etre menee avec visions, strategie et constance.
Depuis la creation de lEtat dIsrael, les pays arabes ont tente de le
detruire avec des guerres conventionnelles (56, 67, 73). Ils ont echoue. Les
arabes ont poursuivi leurs tentatives de destruction de lEtat dIsrael au
travers du terrorisme et des bombes qui explosaient un peu partout dans le
pays. Les Israeliens ont aussi gagne cette guerre. Apr`es ces deux echecs,
observant que la force et la terreur ne fonctionnaient pas, les arabes tentent
depuis pr`es de 15 ans de detruire la legitimite de lEtat dIsrael au travers
dattaques mediatiques. Ces attaques, realisees avec parfois la complicite de
certains medias occidentaux, produisent leurs effets puisque limage de
lEtat dIsrael est tr`es fortement degradee dans le monde. Cette defaite
mediatique coute cher aux Israeliens, tant au niveau economique o`u les
operations de boycott se multiplient mais aussi sur le plan strategique,
militaire et meme humain. En effet, quand Israel perd la bataille mediatique,
Israel perd la bataille diplomatique et est entrave pour parachever ses
objectifs militaires. On a pu lobserver lorsque, en 2006, lors de la guerre
du Sud Liban contre le Hezbollah ou `a Gaza contre le Hamas, Israel a d u
stopper ses operations militaires `a la suite de manipulations mediatiques qui
ont produit leurs effets dans le monde entier. Le resultat est que les ennemis
dIsrael nont pas ete elimines et ont pu se rearmer de facon `a representer
une reelle menace pour les populations civiles israelienne. de bataille?
CSW: Comment expliquer cette incapacite des Israeliens `a se defendre sur
ce nouveau champ.
PK: Il faudrait dej`a quils prennent conscience du fait que cest un veritable
champ de bataille et quil est au moins aussi important que les terrains
doperation physique. La realite est quun Israelien qui vit en Israel ne
percoit pas vraiment cette menace puisquil nest que tr`es peu confronte aux
messages inamicaux de lexterieur. En revanche, on observe que les
nouveaux immigrants, tels que les Francais pas exemple, qui ont durement
experimente lhostilite des medias de leur pays dorigine sont plus receptifs
`a cette nouvelle dimension de la guerre. Comment expliquer cette reticence
`a se battre sur ce terrain?
CSW: Comment expliquer cette reticence `a se battre sur ce terrain?
PK: Il y a un grand sentiment de fierte nationale, de patriotisme, en Israel
qui a permis `a lEtat de gagner toutes les guerres precedentes. Certains se

pourtant simple: parce que cette nouvelle forme de guerre qui vise Israel
nest pas menee en Israel mais `a lexterieur mais aussi et surtout, parce
quelle nest pas reellement perceptible de linterieur du pays.
CSW: Pour conclure, dun point de vue personnel, il semble que cette
affaire soit devenue le combat de votre vie, nest-ce pas?
PK: Cest un peu exagere mais il est vrai que cette histoire a pris lessentiel
de mon temps pendant plus des 11 derni`eres annees. Jaurais pu ne pas
entrer dans cette bataille. Jaurais pu men retirer quand jai constate que
ladversaire etat coriace mais, je suis reste actif et concentre car limage du
petit Mohamed est lune des plus importantes de notre epoque.
Lextremisme islamiste, en guerre contre lOccident, sen sert. Elle renvoie
aux pires accusations antisemites du Moyen A ge, notamment lorsquon
accusait les Juifs de tuer les enfants chretiens pour boire leur sang. Pour la
paix dans le monde, nous devons retablir la verite. Pour quun jour, Israel et ses voisins puissent
se reconcilier, il faudrait dabord que les Arabes cessent de croire que les Juifs tuent leurs enfants
pour le plaisir, comme cette
image-l`a pouvait le laisser penser.
CSW: Pensez-vous que cela valait la peine dy consacrer plus de 11 ans de
votre vie?
PK: Je ne pensais pas que cela prendrait tant de temps `a faire admettre des
evidences aussi faciles `a comprendre. Avec le recul, je regrette davoir
attendu si longtemps le soutien de lEtat dIsrael mais je pense que ce combat
est tr`es important et quil valait la peine detre mene. Le reportage de la
fausse mort du petit Mohamed fut le point de depart de la strategie de
diabolisation mediatique dIsrael au debut du 21`eme si`ecle. Jai imagine que la lutte contre le
mensonge al Dura aurait d u rassembler tous les democrates epris de verite, juifs ou non. Al
Dura est dans les livres dhistoire dans le monde entier. Cest le travail de notre epoque de faire en
sorte que cette fausse accusation contre le peuple juif soit corrigee pour les generations
futures.
*Philippe Karsenty fondateur de Media-Ratings, une agence de notation des
medias, mais aussi maire-adjoint de Neuilly-sur-Seine. Interviewe par Centre
Simon Wiesenthal, Paris. http://www.wiesenthal-europe.com; csweurope@compu
serve.com

The Truth Marches OnNothing Can Stop It

Interview with Philippe Karsenty
Simon Wiesenthal Center, Paris*
On June 26, 2013, the Paris Court of Appeal sentenced French media analyst
Philippe Karsenty for defamation of Charles Enderlin and the French network France 2 in their role
in the Little Mohammed controversy andordered him to pay them 7,000. For nearly thirteen
years, the iconic tale detailing the death of a Palestinian child, Mohammed al-Dura, based on a live
television report on France 2, had become a source of internal and external condemnation. For the
past eleven years, Karsenty has alleged that the story was a pure and simple staging, opening him
up to widespread opposition that is often mired in controversy and legal proceedings. On May 19,
2013, this battle changed with the issuance of the Israeli governments 40-page formal report
supporting Karsentys accusation. The following interview presents his views on this latest verdict
of the Paris Court of Appeal, which refuted the findings of the Israeli report.
Key Terms: Al-Dura, France, Israel, Media, Palestinian, Politics
Simon Wiesenthal Center: You have been convicted of defaming Charles
Enderlin and France 2. You also need to pay them C= 7,000. What is your
feeling after the verdict?
Philippe Karsenty: Im pretty sad to see that my arguments were not heard
by the Court of Appeal of Paris. I also regret that the magistrate saw fit to
order me to pay a large sum to the plaintiffs.
SWC: Can you give us an analysis of the judgment that convicts you?
PK: The Court of Appeal of Paris convicts me for saying, in November
2004, something that later became evident to all reasonable minds: that the
al-Dura story of Charles Enderlin and broadcast September 30, 2000, by

Appeal of Paris does not ask me to remove it.
SWC: Do you have means to fight the legal battle?
PK: Yes, of course. I could do as France 2 and Charles Enderlin did when I
won in 2008, and file with the French Supreme Court to try to quash Court
of Appeal decision on technical grounds.
SWC: Will you do it?
PK: There are two good reasons not to do so. The first is that lately the
attitude of the French magistrates appears to me questionable in some cases.
So I lost some of my confidence in French justice. The second reason I did
not really want to go to the Supreme Court is that justice was only a tool,
not an end in itself. In fact, it was I who chose to initiate a debate with
France 2. Through this debate, we obtained this important outcome: France
2 was forced to present its evidence, and we saw they did not have it. It
was thus possible to see that what they claimed for yearsthe death agony
of the childwas not true.
Media around the world are interested in the al-Dura casewith the
notable exception of most French media. French writer Michel Onfray has
observed: Justice says the law does not say the right or true. This seems
particularly valid in the context here. I know that we must use the benefits
we have received from this battle to lead the fight into other areas. Despite
all these prejudices, however, I will nevertheless use the French Supreme
Court to go after the French system. In addition, the reading of the judgment
leads me to think that if there are honest judges in France, they can
only break this judgment, which has many quirks.
SWC: Can you fight the battle through any other avenues?
PK: I could, for example, take a full-page ad in a major French daily and
renew my accusations of 2004 against France 2 and Charles Enderlin with
more force. Dare they sue me? I doubt it. I could also start an association
that would aim to recognize the truth by other means. We would be stronger
if we were more numerous and coordinated. I could also continue the fight
by leaving France. It is a possibility I contemplate seriously.
SWC: And on the political side, what can you do?
PK: Politicians, of course, have an important role to play because this case
is highly political. The former president of Conseil Representatif des Institutions
Juives de France (CRIF), Richard Prasquier, recently published an
article in France in which he stated: Given its global and lasting impact,
the al-Dura case should be reopened and processed seamlessly. If France 2
does not resign it, then it would be at the political level, the French State to
take responsibility: we cannot say they want to fight against anti-Semitism
in France and against radical Islam in world if we do not attack the root
hate propaganda fueled by deadly images, probably false. I fully share his
view.
SWC: How do you analyze the tactics that France 2 and Charles Enderlin
have used to make their case?
PK: In 2004, they manipulated the images to silence critics, but this turned
against them. They thought I would give up the fight very quickly, and they
have not imagined that it would lead them to have to show that they had no
evidence to support their initial charge. For my part, my objective in engaging
France 2 and Charles Enderlin in the judicial field was tp force them to

found. Instead, they offered posthumous images of an unagitated boy lifting

his elbow and turning his head toward the France 2 cameramana boy who
is supposed to be dead.
SWC: Now that we have discussed recent events, can you summarize your
position on the al-Dura affair?
PK: France 2 broadcast the incident as a documentary, filmed on September
30, 2000, by Arab cameraman Talal Abu Rahma, and then edited by Jerusalembased French-Israeli journalist Charles Enderlin. Enderlin also provided
the voice-over.
In the broadcast, Enderlin states that the child was intentionally killed
and the father seriously wounded by Israeli soldiers. This report is a fake
pure and simple fabrication. Contrary to what Enderlin asserted, several
deleted scenes show that neither the father nor the child was killed or
wounded by Israeli gunfire. I can prove that the child is not dead and that
his father was not injured; the Israeli investigation shows that neither was
touched. So though both father and son are supposed to have received 15
bulletsweapons of warbetween them, there is no blood on their bodies,
clothes, the floor, or wall against which they were backed. Yet, within
seconds it is announced that the child is dead. even though he raises his
elbow for 10 seconds, turns his head toward the camera, drops the elbow,
and retains suspended above the ground on foot. If you can find one doctor
in the world supporting that this child is dead, I will bow. The findings cited
here are corroborated by great amounts of research work carried out by
competent people, and by those trained in ballistics, forensics, biometrics,
and even handwriting.
SWC: So contrary to what is stated in the France 2 report, the father and the
child did not die in this way?
PK: When the France 2 cameraman, Talal Abu Rahma, shut off his camera
they are alive. It is essential to take this fact into account because it demonstrates
that this story is a fake from the first to the last frame. Everything
that happens thereafter is not our concern. Those who ask us to present
Mohammed al-Dura as a living child now do not know the case or ask in
bad faith. In fact, I never said that the child was still alive today because I
have no way to prove it 13 years after the fact; a lot could have happened to
him in that time. And even if we ourselves did find Mohammed al-Dura 13
years later, he would have become a young adult he is not the same, and
may be instead a brother or a cousin. In fact, if people are willing to accept
the nonsense described above (an elbow lifted after he is dead and the
total absence of blood despite the circumstances), they still balk at seeing
the truth. I show them the facts; they oppose me with their faiththe faithful
belief that the Israelis are killers of children.
SWC: Are there are people in France 2 who support your approach?
PK: Yes. There are also those free spirits who cannot openly express support
for fear of losing their jobs. Over the years, these courageous people
have helped me by sending multiple damning documents, including a 2002
fax from cameraman Talal Abu Rahma to the network retracting his original
allegations. This retraction, along with the France 2 footage and the
images from Charles Enderlins 50 seconds, created an iconic tale that was
never made public.
SWC: Would you tell us more about these famous images from France 2?
PK: Three days after the events, Talal Abu Rahma made a sworn statement
to the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights in Gaza, in which he certified

the broadcast, the news director of France 2 said on live TV that to maintain
their code of ethics and respect viewer sensitivity, they had decided to show
images of bullets reaching the father and child. Then, for many years,
Charles Enderlin and France 2 colleagues claimed that they held the scene
showing the death agony of the child. This information was repeated and
promulgated so people could legitimately intimidate all those who intended
to question the story of France 2. But in October 2004, three French journalists
Denis Jeambar, Daniel Leconte, and Luc Rosenzweighad access
to these images, and they revealed that the images contained no scenes of
agony, that the dead child did not appear at the end of images, and that
these images contained many scenes already shown. It is when this information
was revealed to me by one of the three journalists that I realized we
definitely were right: it had indeed been well staged. Then, in November
2007, when France 2 was forced to show its 27 minutes to the Court of
Appeal of Paris, it was observed not only that those 27 minutes was more
than 18 minutes, meaning that 9 minutes of images had disappeared, but
alsoand even more importantthat the child was alive and well at the
end of the images from France 2; he raised and even bent his elbow in a
very controlled way and turned his head toward the camera after Charles
Enderlin declared him dead. Viewing the images was a real turning point:
we had absolute proof that France 2 had no evidence to support its and
Enderlins assertions and that he and the network and its staff lied for over
seven years on the content of these images.
SWC: For many years, you were not supported by the State of Israel. Can
you tell us more about this strange aspect of the al-Dura affair?1
PK: The death of Mohammed al-Dura was the first media terrorist
attacka real Pearl Harbor operation! The Israelis have had 12 years to
understand it, but unfortunately they did not. Once the images had been
broadcast by television stations around the world, some Israeli officials
have admitted the possible accidental responsibility for their soldiers.
Thereafter, they gradually became aware of the masquerade, but, thinking
that the damage was done and nothing could be done to fix it, they chose to
ignore this episode. They did not understand that even if they wanted to
forget, the whole world would remember; they did not realize the global
impact of this report. The Israelis have not acknowledged that bin Laden
has used these images in clips to recruit for the attacks of September 11.
They did not understand that Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl was
murdered in Pakistan to avenge the death. They were not interested in
stamps with the effigy of the small Mohammed that have been printed in
many Muslim countries . . . Then, suddenly, they finally woke up in March
2012, when Mohammed Merah murdered Jewish children in Toulouse,
France, to, in his own words, avenge Palestinian children killed in Gaza.
SWC: Do you think the Israelis have actually realized the scope and import
of the media war that is conducted against them?
PK: Im not really sure, because I think they have not grasped that this is a
real war, one requiring visions, strategy, and consistency to conduct. Since
the creation of the State of Israel, Arab countries have tried to destroy it
with conventional wars (56, 67, and 73). They failed. The Arabs continued
their attempts to destroy the State of Israel through terrorism and
bombs exploding everywhere in the country, but the Israelis have also won
this war. After two failures, noting that the force and terror did not work,
the Arabs have attempted for almost 15 years to destroy the legitimacy of

image of the State of Israel is continually degraded in the world. This media
barrage results in an expensive defeat for the Israelis, not only economically
and where such initiatives proliferate but also at the strategic, military, and
even human levels. Indeed, when Israel lost the media battle, it lost the
diplomatic battle, and thus is impeded from completing its military objectives.
It has been observed that, in 2006, during the war in southern Lebanon
against Hezbollah and in Gaza against Hamas, Israel had to halt its
military operations in the wake of media manipulation that had a negative
effect worldwide. The result is that Israels enemies were not removed and
were able to rearm to represent a renewed threat to Israeli civilians.
SWC: How do you explain the inability of Israelis to defend themselves in
this new field of battle?
PK: They should already realize that this is a real battlefield, an arena at
least as important as the physical land operation. The reality is that an
Israeli living in Israel does not really perceive the threat, as such long-time
residents are only slightly confronted with unfriendly messages from
outside. In contrast, we observe that new immigrants are more receptive to
this new dimension of the war.
CSW: How to explain this reluctance to fight on the ground?
PK: There is a great sense of national pride and patriotism in Israel, which
has allowed the state to win all previous wars. Some say, Why and how
people who do not live at home can dictate to us what we need to do? The
answer is simple: because this new form of warfare, which targets Israel, is
not conducted in that country but outside; even more important, because it
is not really noticeable from inside the country.
SWC: Finally, it seems that this case has become the fight of your life, has
it not?
PK: This is a bit of an exaggeration, but it is true that this story took most of
my time for over 11 years; I could remove myself only when I found that
the State is one tough opponent, but I stayed active and focused because the
image of the little Mohammed is one of the most important of our time.
In this image, the Islamist extremism at war against the West is used. It
refers to the worst antisemitic accusations from the Middle Ages, especially
the one accusing Jews of killing Christian children to drink their blood. For
peace in the world, we must restore the truth. So that one day Israel and its
neighbors can be reconciled, we must first stop the Arabs belief that Jews
kill Arab children for pleasure, as that image might suggest.
SWC: Do you think it worthwhile to devote 11 years of your life to this
fight?
PK: I did not think it would take so long to make this evidence so easy to
understand, I admit. With hindsight, I regret having waited so long for support
from the State of Israel, but I think this fight is very important and it
was worthwhile to conduct. The story of the false death of little Mohammed
was the starting point for the strategic media demonization of Israel in the
early days of this century. I imagined that the fight against the al-Dura lie
should gather all truth-loving democrats, Jewish or not. Al-Dura is in the
history books in the world. It is the job of our time to ensure that this false
accusation against the Jewish people is corrected for future generations.
*Philippe Karsenty is the founder of the media credit rating agency Media-Ratings
and the deputy mayor of Neuilly-sur-Seine. Interview conducted by the Simon
Wiesenthal Center, Paris. http://www.wiesenthal-europe.com; csweurope@compu

Thtre anti-isralienne Avignon

Micheline B. Servin*
. . .Quon ne vienne pas objecter cest du thtre ! , comme on le fait pour la littrature, en
justifiant lintolrable. Un fait saillant, dvelopp dans une forme implicite de sous-programmation,
a marqu ce 66e festival. Quel est-il ? Lanti-Isral.
Regarder productions similaires en 2011, je supposai que la carrire de cette performance

Isral ) et lantismitisme, ou surestimer lexercice de la responsabilit thique et esthtique des

gens de thtre, leur connaissance du problme abord. Je gardai la feuille de salle (plus franche du
collier que celle distribue lentre de la salle de lEcole dart, o la performance fut programme
par le Festival dAvignon). On y lit : Jrusalem plomb durci.
Pourquoi ce titre Jrusalem plomb durci? Parce que les noms doprations militaires
sont cyniquement potiques. Lopration militaire isralienne Gaza, en 2009, a dbut pendant la
fte de Hanoukka, plomb durci est tir dune comptine [un pome pour enfants de Ham Bialik,
dans lequel il est question dune dreidel, toupie, de plomb durci] chante loccasion de cette fte.
De plus Jrusalem est appele la ville dor, alors quil sagit nos yeux dune ville plombe
durement , exposent Ruth Rosenthal, musicienne et chanteuse isralienne, ne Hafa en 1977, et
Xavier Klaine, musicien franais. Ils se sont rencontrs Jaffa en 2004, depuis travaillent ensemble,
ont fond une famille et Winter Family. En 2008, loccasion des anniversaires simultans de lEtat
dIsral et de la runifica- tion de Jrusalem, le duo de musique exprimentale Winter Family a
enregistr une pice sonore produite par les Ateliers de la cration radiophonique de Radio France.
A la suite de quoi ils dcidrent dune performance thtrale, pour laquelle ils ont film, enregistr,
slectionn et crit. Annoncer un documen- taire dans la feuille de salle du Festival dAvignon
est la preuve dune dfaillance de savoir smantique et linguistique, et de ce got de faire vrai
comme la tlvision. En sous-titre : Un voyage hallucin dans une dictature motionnelle .
Selon Le Robert, hallucin signifie fou, victime dhallucinations. Effective- ment, ce voyage
entretient un rapport pervers la ralit, linstar de celui de tout bon anti-isralien, bon antismite
: pas une contestation de la politique de lEtat, mais celle de son existence mme, bien que reconnue
par lONU depuis 1948.
Jrusalem plomb durci, conception, enregistrements, mise en scne et scnographie de la
Winter Family, diffusion, sons et vidos de Xavier Klaine, avec Ruth Rosenthal, lEcole dart.
Une scnographie lmentaire: un cran au lointain destin la projection des
nombreuses vidos, des fils sur lesquels sont accrochs des petits drapeaux israliens dlimitant
laire scnique, videmment cense figurer lEtat dIsral dont le primtre sera augment ; lun
des rares jeux , avec la monte dun drapeau isralien un mt. Vtue dun chemisier blanc et
dune jupe plisse bleu marine, soit luniforme des coliers quelle dcrit en prcisant quil est
impos pour les crmonies et les commmorations, Ruth Rosenthal mne son entreprise tambour
battant, le pas vigoureux, les arrts francs pour de nombreuses adresses au public. Elle se pose
en tmoin mlant des souvenirs personnels tels ses rires pendant une crmonie la mmoire
des six millions de Juifs extermins dans la Shoah, sur lutilisation de laquelle elle revient
plusieurs reprises avec, entre autres : En 1942, soit, disons, trois ans avant la fin de la guerre
et la libration des camps, Ben Gourion, le futur Premier ministre dIsral, eut une ide : on va
construire un muse pour la mmoire de la Shoah. On va lappeler Yad Vashem une Main et un
Nom [sic]. Outre cette traduction fautive (Yad Vashem, Un Monument, un Nom), des erreurs
quil est difficile de supposer involontaires : anticipation grossire dune quarantaine dannes de
lemploi de Shoah pour nommer lextermination programme des Juifs dEurope, et dune
dizaine dannes pour la construction de Yad Vashem vote par la Knesset en 1953. Cela pour l
motionnel quelle accole la dictature , qui serait une manipulation intrinsque lEtat
dIsral et ses leaders, puisquelle dbuta avant mme sa fondation.
Elle grne une litanie de brefs extraits des rsolutions de lONU allant de la 43e (1er
avril 1948) la 1860e (le 9 janvier 2009), en ne retenant que les condamnations de lEtat isralien
aprs la guerre des Six- Jours, et en intercalant de censes informations, cependant aucune relative
aux attaques menes contre Isral depuis sa fondation, aux attentats meurtriers commis contre des
citoyens israliens jusque hors des frontires de lEtat (ainsi aux jeux Olympiques de Munich en
1972, par des agents de Septembre noir). En revanche, elle est diserte en matire de projections
montrant larme, variant les angles dune mme crmonie pour lillusion dune
multiplication ; pendant lune, elle relate que trois roquettes, tires depuis lautre ct de la frontire,
sont tombes prs dun cimetire, dans un champ ou prs dune maison, blessant un chien rest
dehors. Ds lors sa relation de sirnes retentissant et la projection de vido des crmonies la

dformer, mentir, assner sa propagande contre lEtat dIsral, dont elle chante lhymne, la
Hatikvah, un Etat menteur et militaire, une dictature , coup de ftes grandiloquentes la gloire de
Tsahal, avec des enfants embrigads et des agressions belliqueuses. Un Etat dont elle tisse
lillgitimit la responsabilit des maux de la rgion.
En introduction, sur fond de vue de Jrusalem, Ruth Rosenthal annonce: Un spectacle de
sons, lumires et pyrotechnique sur les remparts de la Vieille-Ville / Jrusalem fte ses 40 ans de
runification, et doccupation/ Joyeuses ftes.
Quelques lignes de la rsolution 48 de lONU, puis elle enchane : Les Polonais chantent
sur le mont des Oliviers , suivi de Venez les hommes du Liban ! Viens Hassan Nazrallah,
Grand aigle du Hezbollah, librer la Palestine . Quelle termine par le geste de lancer des
pierres, rfrence la guerre des pierres , comme il est de bon ton dans certains cercles et dans
la presse de nommer les attaques contre Isral, sinscrit dans sa version hallucinante de la ralit.
Un pamphlet falsificateur et haineux que lIran, via le Hez- bollah et le Hamas, aurait
d produire. Et non pas des directeurs de thtres publics franais, dont les codirecteurs du
Festival dAvignon, qui apportent leur caution, lancent la tourne1 et pro- meuvent Winter
Family en lannonant, dans la feuille de salle, pour un concert Brothers ! ( cycle des musiques
sacres ) et la musique en live de La Mouette, mise en scne dArthur Nauzyciel. La libert
dexpression est une chose, on sait quelle peut aller jusqu la justification, voire la glorification
du meurtrier, du terrorisme. La production et la programmation en sont une autre qui plus est
quand les dcideurs, producteurs et programmateurs, relvent du secteur subventionn, donc
du service public. Est-ce leur mission douvrir la scne la propagande anti-isralienne, la
propagation de la falsification des faits, de la haine, de la diabolisation et, partant, de la remise en
cause de lEtat isralien, et de lantismitisme, puisquil ne sagit mme pas de contester la
politique de tel ou tel autre de son gouvernement ? De cautionner, par sur crot en la qualifiant
documentaire , lentreprise malhonnte sur tous les plans, lopposition la politique
gouvernementale incluse. Ignoreraient-ils jusquaux uvres de David Grossman, Amos Oz ou
Avraham B. Yehoshua ( citer les romanciers les plus connus en France) qui publient librement et
critiquent frocement les politiques intrieure et extrieure de leur pays, et dont les protestations et
les arguments sont singulirement tus dans lHexagone, encore plus dans les milieux militants
pour la cause palestinienne ? Ignoreraient-ils que lcrivain arabe isralien, Sayed Kashua, a
reu des lettres dinsultes et de menaces en arabe parce quil avait particip une tourne aux
Etats-Unis durant lanniversaire de la fondation de lEtat dIsral ? Ignoreraient-ils ce quest une
dicta- ture et que les Palestiniens, soutenus par les pays arabes, nont gure besoin deux que
pour rpandre ce type de mensonges ? Pourquoi les artistes israliens, danseurs, musiciens,
plasticiens, juifs et arabes, sont-ils si absents quand ils ne sont pas dans la haine de leur pays /
haine de soi ? Ils connaissent le poids daffect de dictature pour sduire et susciter lindignation.
Pourquoi ne sengouent-ils pas pour les Saoudiens du Sud, victimes dun vrai dictateur ? Pour
les Tibtains ? Pour les Tchtchnes ? Pour la libert dexpression ou la condition des femmes
en Iran et dans dautres pays o lislam est religion dEtat ? Lhydre antismite possde
plusieurs ttes. Cette performance participait dune entreprise conduite. Sous couvert de fiction,
une autre prolongea len- treprise les 18 et 19 juillet, et ce ne fut pas la seule.
Elle est libanaise, de sa collaboration avec le performeur franais est issue la
compagnie Humus, qui prsente: Je suis venue, conception dYalda Youns et de Gaspard Delano,
criture et ide originale de Gaspard Delano, chorgraphie dIsral Galvn.
Sur le mur du lointain, la projection dune carte, jauntre et floue, de ce qui pourrait tre
la Palestine, sans mention de date. De chaque ct, un pupitre, derrire lequel se tiennent, jardin,
Yalda Youns et, cour, Gaspard Delano. Elle sexprime en arabe, il traduit en franais. Selon
la feuille de salle, il sagit dune conf- rence sur un mode parodique. Aprs ladresse dans les
termes convenus, il est annonc que, en accord avec sa majest, Albert II, roi des Belges... ,
leurs altesses de Monaco, du Lichtenstein et autres dEurope, un plan de paix prcis a t tabli
. Au terme de sa confrence, la paix sera effective. En arabe, donc. Sur le modle belge, un
seul Etat ; un prsident, une Chambre basse lue au suffrage universel, une Chambre haute au
suffrage censitaire ; trois langues : larabe, lhbreu et le wallon (ce dernier tant lune des rares
fioritures). Un seul Etat, dont lhymne, symbole premier, est chant en arabe ; les spectateurs sont
invits se lever pour le saluer ce quils font allgrement , tandis que le traducteur monte

nationale compose de joueurs dont les noms sont arabes, juifs ashknazes et spharades, de
mme pour les dplacements de lieu dhabitation. En fait de parodie, linsinuation que la
disparition dIsral signerait la paix. Un autre pan de la propagande anti-isra- lienne, plus
sournois, plus rus et apte sduire les bonnes mes qui smeuvent aux clichs
mensongers de lanceurs de pierres luttant contre des tanks, occultent les tirs meurtriers palestiniens et ne sindignent pas des Mort aux Juifs ! Yalda Youns annonce quelle va traduire en
danse la confrence. Elle change de costume : vtue dun gilet dhomme cintr et dun pantalon
moulant noirs, chausse de bottillons aux semelles et talons ferrs, elle danse un flamenco, tout
dattitudes et de pas masculins, mar- tiaux (tel un bras tendu comme si elle tirait au revolver). Son
parte- naire fait pitre figure, finalement scroule. Une singulire conception du rapport
lautre, lhomme. Cependant, compte tenu de la confrence et du prambule sa danse, tout incite
penser quil figurerait Isral. Applaudissements tout rompre. Il convient de ne pas tre dupe, ce
type de performance laboure le terrain poli- tique, promeut lacceptation dun seul Etat et dun
hymne en arabe, ce qui reflte la position du Hamas, du Hezbollah, de lIran, de bon nombre de
pays musulmans, et dune gauche franaise par- ticulirement rouge et verte.
Le 25 juillet, Robert Serry, le dlgu de lONU pour le Moyen-Orient, faisait
savoir lannulation du concert du West- Eastern Divan Orchestra, constitu de musiciens
israliens et arabes dont palestiniens, qui devait avoir lieu le 31 juillet Jru- salem-Est, sous la
direction de Daniel Barembom, son cofonda- teur avec Edward Sad, en raison de protestations
palestiniennes. En juin, au motif que Boualem Samsal avait particip au Festival international des
crivains de Jrusalem, le jury du prix du Roman arabe pour avoir lu Rue Darwin fut dsavou
par le mcne qui retira sa donation, 15 000, et qui nest autre que le Conseil des ambassadeurs
des pays arabes. Les Arabes qui osent un rappro- chement avec des Israliens encourent la
prison, plusieurs en ont perdu la vie, excuts pour trahison. De cela pas un mot. Il convient de
sinterroger sur ce qui a incit Hortense Archambault et Vincent Baudriller programmer ces
spectacles qui ngligent la critique dune politique gouvernementale pour contester lexistence
mme dun Etat et utilisent l art des fins propagandistes via laffect. Les raisons sont
multiples, connues et analyses, dont la judo- phobie (dans lentiret de son champ),
lanticolonialisme de gauche, les amalgames, la partialit vindicative, les mensonges en tout
genre, quoi il convient dajouter un no-orientalisme (laveu- glement sur les changements dans les
pays arabes, o les islamistes arrivent au pouvoir, ressemble fort celui concernant les harems ; le
rve du Moyen-Orient nen finit pas). On peut noter que ces choix politiques ont surgi aprs
ladmission lUnesco, en octobre 2011, de la Palestine sans que le reprsentant de la
France, Nicolas Sarkozy, tant prsident de la Rpublique, ne vott contre, la diffrence de celui
des Etats-Unis dont le prsident, Barack Obama, dcida dune rduction des subventions cette
instance de lONU, en consquence de cette admission vote sur un non-respect des statuts
fondamentaux. De son ct, le Syndicat de la critique dramatique a attribu son prix du meilleur
spectacle tranger au thtre national palestinien pour Antigone de Sophocle, grce un
tour : le texte de Sophocle a t traduit et adapt en fran- ais, avec linsertion dun extrait de Au
dernier soir sur cette terre de Darwich, par le metteur en scne franais Adel Hakim, codirec- teur
du thtre des Quartiers dIvry, depuis 1992, o il cra cette version scnique dans une traduction
en arabe dAbd el Rahmane Badawi ; ce centre dramatique du Val-de-Marne est coproducteur
avec le thtre national palestinien . Que les Palestiniens usent du qualificatif national ne
surprend pas. Quun organisme officiel franais soutienne au mpris de lhistoire, du droit des
nations, de lautorit des Nations Unies, en revanche, si. Le devoir de dso- bissance a bon dos
pour nier le pralable un Etat palestinien : la reconnaissance de lEtat isralien.
Pas de hasard.
Le 9 juillet, dans la cour dHonneur, lecture dune partie dA X de John Berger.
En introduction, la lecture par lauteur de son prologue ldition de son roman pistolaire
une voix, compos de paquets de lettres soigneusement ranges quil aurait retrouvs dans un
mur dans la cellule 73 dune ancienne prison de Suse (LOlivier, Paris 2009) ; les lettres crites par
A, comme Ada, lhomme aim X, Xavier, emprisonn la suite de sa condamnation une

Quel dieu ? Lombre, lombre porte, en exemple.
Sa lecture acheve, lauteur, qui fut de Durban 2001, sest distingu par ses attaques
mensongres contre Isral, quil clame le facteur des guerres au Moyen-Orient, lana le BDS et
multiplie les appels tonitruants au boycott (en 2008, il refusa de paratre au salon du Livre de
Paris en raison de son invit : Isral) va sasseoir au lointain. Debout un pupitre, Juliette
Binoche, habille banalement, lit des lettres dAda, une jeune femme qui fut elle-mme
emprisonne pour activit politique. Elles parlent damour, de souvenirs communs, de la vie
quotidienne (un vieux coiffeur dont la modeste choppe vient dtre rase par des militaires, un
bless soign clandesti- nement), ou du refus dautoriser quils se marient. Cependant, les
plantes, couleurs, fruits, chants, instruments de musique ou prnoms cits, indiquent le MoyenOrient arabe. La localisation se prcise, quand elle relate, par une inversion des paquets de lettres
(le roman ne fut pas lu dans son intgralit), des protestataires rfu- gis dans une usine dsaffecte,
sans arme, des hlicoptres Apaches tournant au-dessus du village, des tanks envahissant, les
femmes se portant devant eux, mains nues, et chants aux lvres ; les tanks faisant demitour mais
une des femmes fut tue.
Nous ne bougerons pas dici [...]. Ils ne peuvent rien, mme avec leurs saloperies de drones.
Peut aisment soublier que le destinataire des lettres a t condamn pour terrorisme, valoris au
motif quil est impossible pour eux de prvoir ce que nous allons faire . Les lments contribuent
lhrocisation dune lutte contre ils .
Le recours au pronom indfini est un refus de nommer, de reconnatre une identit, une
existence. Toutefois maints indices induisent que les ennemis, Ils , sont les Israliens. Tout vise
inspirer ladh- sion par le biais de la compassion pour Ada, et par consquence pour son
amant terroriste, dautant que la lecture de Juliette Binoche verse progressivement dans le
pathos et le larmoiement. Le troisime larron, metteur en espace, Simon McBurney, fidle de
John Berger et artiste associ de ce 66e Festival, lit les rflexions et les citations que X est cens
avoir crites au dos des lettres, autant de notations dun anticapitalisme (no-libralisme) ordinaire (attaques contre les sigles GATT, FMI, BM, dnonciation des dlocalisations qui entranent
des perturbations et la disparition de moyens de production) et dantiamricanisme dans labsolu,
peu importe la politique : Lempire des Etats-Unis constitue la plus grande menace qui pse
sur le monde aujourdhui... Les slogans et lmotionnel en place de la loi et du droit, le
terrorisme sublim. Les attentats contre le World Trade Center, les agressions contre des Juifs, les
assassinats dIsraliens ou, en mars dernier, ceux de trois militaires franais Montauban, de trois
enfants et un professeur juifs de lcole Ozar Hatorah de Toulouse commis par Mohamed Merah,
cet islamiste qui, concernant ces meurtres anti- smittes, a dclar avoir voulu venger des enfants
palestiniens . Ces actes terroristes seraient donc justifis.
Aprs les attitudes antismites, sur fond danti-Isral, sans sur- prise, un passage par la
Shoah, du moins annonc ; le tour est connu qui en arrive toutes les confusions, mensonges,
malver- sations, dont les Palestiniens victimes dun gnocide alors que la dmographie crot, et
autre Isral-nazi , en passant par lapar- theid, concept sud-africain, dont lemploi ne saurait
tre quen niant Isral son statut dEtat.
[Titre Retenu avec Steve Cohen] Une autre performance, interdite aux moins de dix-huit
ans, mais laquelle je ne pus assister bien quayant demand une place en mme temps que pour
les autres spectacles : ( Sans titre, pour raisons lgales et thiques ) de et avec Steven Cohen,
au motif quil ny avait que deux places pour la presse, mais que jtais sur une liste dattente (en
fait, davantage que deux journalistes furent admis mais pas moi). Je cherchai acheter un billet,
en vain. Deux sances de cinquante-cinq minutes par jour, du 11 au 16 juillet (relche le 14),
chacune destine quarante- deux spectateurs, dans un espace amnag sous le plateau de la
cour dHonneur. Je rencontrai plusieurs personnes ayant t invi Je tenais dautant plus voir
cette performance que Steven Cohen, qui se dfinit comme sud-africain, blanc, juif et
homosexuel (il est dsormais install Lille), se complat relater quil a achet, dans une
brocante, le journal que tint de 1939 1942 un jeune Franais juif dont il ne mentionne ni le
prnom ni le nom, ni le lieu de rsidence ; mais il expose quaprs de minutieuses recherches, il

sabat sur les Juifs de France pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale , de sa famille. De ce jeune
Juif, anonyme, lui-mme, un abme dans les situations, nanmoins il enchane, pratiquant un
tlescopage insens : Mes grandsparents ont chapp un rgime raciste qui dbuta avec la
rpres- sion et la discrimination, et se termina par lextermination des diverses communauts
dEurope de lEst. Mais en venant en Afrique du Sud, ils sont devenus ce quils mprisaient,
cest--dire des oppresseurs culturellement dominant qui ont tir profit dun systme politique
injuste. Pour moi, cest une meilleure base pour attaquer les politiques sionistes, car il se qualifie
aussi de Juif antisioniste , en prcisant : Il est trop facile dinterprter tort le slogan Juif
antisioniste. Je prfre me dcrire comme un Juif qui a dnormes problmes avec les ralits
politiques et les pratiques sionistes de lEtat dIsral. En tout cas, son prochain projet
sappuiera sur lexemple des Juifs devenus dans le systme de lapartheid en Afrique du
Sud de grands patrons tout puissants, crasant une population noire asservie et impuissante ; [...]
Je lai dj intitul, non sans autocritique, je suis un Aske- Nazi .
Rien dans ses dclarations ne laisse supposer quil pos- sde une connaissance minimale
du nazisme, de lhistoire (mot dont il abuse) ; en revanche les raccourcis, les amalgames
coupables mijotent dans son chaudron et il use de la provocation comme il respire, en mme
temps que de lapitoiement. Aske- Nazi ressemble diablement lobscne Isral-nazi .
Pour quoi, tout ignorant quil soit, ne met-il pas en regard les Juifs sud- africains, avocats et
mdecins, qui sengagrent aux cts des Noirs, luttrent contre lapartheid.
Sachant que la maison de production, La Malle des Indes, avait contrat dassurer la
captation vido des spectacles du Festival, je demandai voir un DVD. Le lendemain, le
responsable du service de presse me dit : Lartiste refuse, pas la direction, lar- tiste. Par
ailleurs, je cherchais la feuille de salle ; or, la diffrence de toutes les autres, elle ntait pas la
libre disposition au bureau de presse. Jappris que seuls les spectateurs en possdaient une. Je
parvins en trouver une : au recto, un extrait de lentretien avec Steven Cohen figurant dans le
dossier de presse ; au verso, la reproduction dune planche reprsentant, dun ct, une publicit
pour un raticide, de lautre un slogan sur la nocivit des rats, ron- geurs dessins sur les deux volets
que spare, au centre, une toile jaune incluant juif en lettres gothiques noires ; un tampon faon
administration nazie, encr rcemment de rouge, en bas. Une banali- sation double de divulgation
de la propagande antijuive nazie sortie de lhistoire et bascule dans le domaine artistique :
laffiche est numrote et signe de lartiste , Steven Cohen, selon la formule en usage sur le
march de lart ; pralable la collection, la spculation, rserve aux happy few. Dcidment,
des man- quements thiques au Festival dAvignon que les codirecteurs clament, abusivement,
inscrire dans la suite du thtre service public de Jean Vilar, dont ils ne retiennent gure que
le subven- tionnement publiqu. Bien que nayant pas assist une sance de _____ je fournis
quelques lments qui mont t rapports et que corroborent des articles. Espace dans la
pnombre, pas des visiteurs, au palais des Papes, audibles. Un rang de spectateurs assis sur
deux cts angle droit, sous une cage de forme rectangulaire troite, cernant lespace, et dans
laquelle des rats clairs de petites lumires cavalent (le curieux qui se lve voit que chacune
est fiche dans une toile jaune), puis iront dans une structure pose en retrait. Steve Cohen
entre, entirement maquill de blanc, une toile jaune sur le front, le torse serr dans un corset
blanc, une coquille de plastique sur le sexe, dextravagants cothurnes mtal- liques aux pieds,
marchant laide de deux btons. A divers moments, des chants juifs, des bribes de discours
(Hitler, Ptain). Equip dune petite camra qui transmet les images sur un cran, le performeur
montre lintrieur de sa bouche ou des insignes nazis poss sur la margelle dun puits. Sont
galement projetes des vidos (la gueule dun serpent avalant un rat), deux pornographiques
(sexes fminins, introduction dun reptile puis dun pois- son), ensuite quelques pages de
lnigmatique journal dont il a tant donne regarder, reproduites sur deux iPads fixs sur les
semelles des cothurnes, assis face quelques spectateurs, jambes cartes. Jai ferm les yeux,
javais son entrecuisse et son sexe dans du plastique en face de moi , conclut mon
informateur. Obscne me vient, il est vrai que je vis la seconde performance de Steven
Cohen, Vedne : Le Berceau de lhumanit

iden- tifi les premires traces de vie humaine remontant trois millions dannes. Des visites sont
organises, le tourisme se dveloppe prs de lun des sites. Dans la feuille de salle, on lit que
Steven Cohen fut autoris se filmer avec sa nourrice dans ceux de Sterk- fontein et Swartkrans, et
quils en furent profondment boule- verss . Du matriau pour le spectacle de soixante
minutes, muet mais non silencieux dans un espace blanc aseptis ; un immense ballon gris pos
au sol jardin, au centre un ange baroque en vol arrt. Sur un cran suspendu cour est projet
un film, montrant lun des sites en mme temps que sentend une musique tradition- nelle, puis une
foule de Noirs que lon peut supposer dansant, dont se dtache, en plan amricain, limage dune
femme trs ge, dont les seins pendent sur la jupette incongrue dun tutu blanc, au pliss rigide,
que ses mains effleurent. Sur fond de musique techno, Steven Cohen entre, entirement
maquill de blanc, juch sur des cothurnes ahurissantes, sexe dans une coquille ; une cration extravagante de soi-mme.
Suivent des squences. Il va chercher sa nourrice, la femme filme en plan amricain.
Avec des gestes prcautionneux et affec- tueux, il laide marcher jusquau centre, o elle reste,
seule, portant sur la salle un regard doux qui ma sembl traduire un malaise. Au bout de
quelques secondes, la prsentation devient exhibition devant des spectateurs en voyeurs, celle
dune trs vieille femme, au corps alourdi et puis, dont la jupette blanche ne cache rien de
lanatomie, et apporte une touche grotesque ; rsurgence des zoos humains. Je remarquai que
le corset blanc quil portait aurait pu tre le haut du tutu. Un lment esth- tique qui
contredit la volont de dnoncer les mfaits des Blancs en Afrique du Sud quil clame,
superficiellement transposs : les mesures anthropomtriques laide dune trs haute toise ; la
carte didentit projete sur le sol (nom : Nomsa Dhlamini, anne de naissance : 1921, origine :
Swaziland) ; des cordes aux chevilles et aux poignets. Si l art dulcore davantage encore que
les livres dhistoire frileux, quoi sert-il ? Dtournement et exploitation des fins narcissiques
dun artiste manipulant par laffect et la culpabilit. Un gospel sentend. Steven Cohen guide
sa nounou cour, puis sloigne un peu de biais et une matire lastique blanche, qui part de
lui (linverse et t plus significatif), stire en un lien entre leurs deux bouches. Des projections
de vido des deux partenaires dans les grottes de lun des sites classs, dautres darbres ou,
plusieurs reprises, de lui en crature effrayante portant une peau de singe naturalis sur le dos
et la tte (un fantasme de Blanc), ou des singes en libert dans les arbres. Serait-ce une rplique au
fardeau de lhomme blanc de Kipling ? Quil se proclame artiste ne justifie aucunement la
provocation tout crin. Le chant de La Marseillaise est diffus, dont le deuxime couplet est
accompagn par la projection dun anus souvrant et se fermant telle une bouche, flanqu dun
accessoire sexuel. Et cela passe comme une lettre la poste ; une poigne de spectateurs part
discrtement. A nouveau des vidos de singes, ensuite dune Blanche vtue dune longue robe
blanche dansant une mort du cygne . Les deux partenaires, qui staient esquivs,
reviennent pour saluer ; la simplicit de Nomsa Dhlamini, vtue dun peignoir, fait ressortir
lartifice, lesthtisme mode de Steven Cohen, sa complaisance et ses provocations adolescentes
qui font long feu comme ses dclarations : Pour moi, il est important de crer [dans lesprit des
spectateurs] un tat de conscience, une tension propice la dcouverte de soi.
Ambitionner un coup avec Steven Cohen qui sest fait remar- quer par des performances
relevant des arts plastiques, domaine auquel appartient ce genre qui apparut dans les milieux des
artistiques plastiques new-yorkais dans les annes 1960 et do provient le body-art, ne prouve
gure quune ignorance tant du thtre que des arts plastiques. Peur de rater lvnement, avidit
de le faire ? En tout cas, un sale coup.
Le Matre et Marguerite , Mikhal Boulgakov poste, ralis par Simon McBurney , Cour
d'Honneur . L'anne dernire Marthaler droula le poisson froid avec Paperlappap , la cration d'un
plus iconoclaste pour se moquer du pape profan place et est entr dans la lgende du thtre.
Aucun risque avec cette adaptation du roman de Boulgakov a donn le travail de 1927 sa mort en
1939 , les ciseaux de la censure sont intervenus avant sa premire publication , le texte est
maintenant disponible dans son intgralit , ce qui indique des rductions de supports imposes (
Boulgakov , uvres , vol . ii , " Pliades " ) .

Yeshoua retour entre les squences avec quelques autres personnages . Projection de " Moscou 1939
" et une scne silencieuse : une jeune femme offre des fleurs un homme ; Le Matre et Marguerite ,
ont encore besoin de connatre le roman . Suivi par un autre qui va au cur : le long chemin de la
lumire blanche qui se avance Yeshua maci , tissus sur les reins et les membres entravs , Ponce
Pilate , vtu de blanc, assis . Tout au long de ses passages successifs , presque l'identique ,
dvelopper un discours de l'amour et de la compassion , la comprhension entre eux . Ignorer la
volont de Pilate tuer perturbateur. " Ce sont eux qui l'ont tu , " il dira . Eux , suggre son
action est Caphe , costume sombre contemporain avec un talith blanc avec des rayures noires et
bleues , et une kippa noire ; antienne judophobie . Simon McBurney choix ne sont pas innocents .
Ainsi, mme lorsque les demandes Marguerite pour arrter touffement Frieda infanticide Woland
et il voque la compassion ; elle se oppose lui: Pas de compassion, le respect de la parole donne
" a t coup . Difficile lire et suivre les jeux excdents. Certaines scnes sont juxtaposes avec
retenue au cadre de chair . Ivan le dialogue sur l'athisme avec Berlioz , rdacteur en chef du groupe
Massolit ; Woland , silhouette mphistophlique , parlant et en dcrivant la mort de ce dernier dans
un accident peu aprs " jou " ( une ligne de caractres , perdre l'quilibre , la distraction du
conducteur) . Woland avec Behemoth , un chat de marionnettes anthropomorphis , vue manipul ,
une reprsentation anecdotique ( pas de rvlation de la pnurie de vtements et accessoires
raffins ) . Ivan arrive la clinique , un enseignant et une infirmire , la question de la folie , un
bref change entre Ivan et le matre . Trs intelligent qui , abstraction faite du roman , identifi.
La scne de la cour principale est grande , les lieux ne existent que par les accessoires (table
, lit ) impropres suggrer appartements , communaut ou grande , ou le club dans l'auberge ; la
clinique est une bote blanche dans la distance . Marguerite survolant Moscou banale porte de
bras . Aucune balle extravagante avatar de la Nuit de Walpurgis , ou retournement , finale de rve .
La relation entre Marguerite et matre diminu et dforme : deux ou trois runions , le livre qu'il a
assum perdu , trouv dans le tiroir du bureau ; sa publication refusant timide, il ne supporte pas sa
lchet et de dpart. Lorsque la fin, Woland , jetant son long manteau noir et son prothse apparat
dans Yeshua, le coup de thtre , signe invent curiosit thologique ( dans le roman , nous
comprenons que Woland vient de la mythologie germanique or dans cette adaptation , il serait le
diable , un ange dchu , il ne peut pas tre Yeshua fils de Dieu incarn ) . L'espace a t rarement
joue , cependant, les projections de la socit mre campagne de Jude sur toute la hauteur du
jardin de mur, un grand portrait de Staline (comme si l'image tait assez ) , le visage largi de
Marguerite superposes celle du Christ sur la croix , reproduction claire d'une peinture sur la
faade ; un bel effet , mais une interprtation spcieuse du personnage (une femme libre qui dfend
le courage et la loyaut , sans rfrence au christianisme ) . Une autre vido pour un effet
impressionnant final: les pierres de la faade semble se effondrer. Serait-ce une illustration de la
sparation de l'glise catholique , le btiment symbolise le message chrtien de grossirement
fourni dans cette adaptation ? Quoi qu'il en soit , ce est trangre Boulgakov ( et la Russie ,
chrtienne orthodoxe ) . Les joueurs expriments dans le jeu apporter le meilleur de ce que qualit
" son et lumire " , avec quelques clins d'il 2012 Parfait pour un souvenir touristique de la cour
principale , mais pas pour le roman qui subit l'adaptation , en d'autres temps et lieux , ont t classs
censure .
En marchant pour rejoindre la navette, Vedne se situe treize km de la ville, je
temptai contre la juxtaposition de La Mar seillaise et dun anus. Une trs jeune femme noire me
rattrapa et minterpela, rappelant Saartjie Baartman, la Vnus hottentote , cite dans le
programme, et la manire dont elle avait t exhibe ; elle aurait pu ajouter que ce fut pis encore du
fait de scientifiques, dont Georges Cuvier, de leurs successeurs ainsi que des politiques qui
refusrent de restituer la dpouille arguant quil sagissait dun bien du patrimoine national, cela
jusquen 2002 et le vote la majorit dune loi autorisant le rapatriement (un communiqu
argument sur le respect la personne humaine et les erreurs cou- pables de la France
laccompagnait), bien que Nelson Mandela, ds 1996, en et multipli les demandes officielles
pressantes afin que Sawtche, nom vritable de la victime, repost dans sa terre natale, donnant
par l mme une authentique leon de philosophie. Je tentai dexpliquer que les crimes de

Dialogue impossible, la colre, videmment attise par la performance, stait invite. Si,
par exemple, des footballeurs, qui plus est avec des noms trangers, staient livrs dans un
stade une improvisation dculotte avec ce chant, lhymne national, le toll eut t
immdiat. Mais, Avignon, rien de tel. Les artistes seraient-ils au-dessus du lot commun ?
Sous le parapluie de la provocation, la glorification du moi et la complaisance dans le drisoire,
la dsinvolture ou lignorance dun savoir lmentaire. Le thtre facteur daveuglement,
dispensateur de poudre aux yeux, lune des singularits de ce Festival, plus accuse que les
annes prcdentes. Les spectacles faisant excep- tion cette ligne ne furent pas majoritaires.
* Micheline B. Servin a rapport sur le thtre du Festival d'Avignon depuis 1993. Ce qui suit est un extrait du
66e Festival d'Avignon , l' anti- Isral inviter. Arturo Ui et . Les Temps Modernes , 2012/5 ( n 671 ) 140-206
. Reproduit avec la permission de l'auteur.

Anti-Israeli Theater at Avignon

Micheline B. Servin*
. . .Let no one object that it is theater and as in literature it sometimes justifies the
intolerable. One highlight marked [Avignon's] 66th Festival as an implicit form of subprogramming. What was it? Anti-Israelism.
Watching similar productions in 2011, I just assumed this low art performance would go
much further, that common sense would prevail; it was underestimating the anti-Israeli theme
Hamas and its supporters prefer the term Zionism and refuse to recognize Israel, or antisemitism, or
underestimate ethical and aesthetic responsibility of theater people and their knowledge of the
problem. I kept the announcement and free necklace handed out at the hall entrance at the School of
Art, -- It read: Cast Lead- Jerusalem.
Why the title Cast Lead-Jerusalem? Because military names are cynically poetic. Cast Lead
-- Israel's 2009 military incursion was named for the nursery rhyme Chaim Bialik--and Hanukkah

Both musicians met in Jaffa and since 2004 have worked together, as the Winter Family. During
the 2008 Israel and Jerusalem dual celebrations, the experimental duo recorded produced pieces
from Radio France workshops. Afterwhich time, they filmed, recorded, selected and written the
theatrical performance [Cast Lead].
Its description as a "documentary" is evidence of semantic and linguistic ignorance [further
evidenced by the subtitle] described as "a journey hallucinating in an emotional dictatorship."
According to Le Robert [dictionary] hallucinating is defined as crazy, imaginary perceptions.
Indeed, this keeps a perverse relationship with reality, like that of any good anti-Israel, antisemitic
right: not a challenge to the policy of the state, but of its very existence, although recognized by UN
since 1948.
Jerusalem Cast Lead, design, recordings, stage and set design of the Winter Family,
broadcasting, sound and video Xavier Klaine, Ruth Rosenthal at the School of Art.
A basic design: a screen for the projection distance of the many videos, son on which are
hung small Israeli flags defining the scenic area, obviously supposed included Israel, the perimeter
will be increased; one of the few "games" with the rise of an Israeli flag to a pole. Dressed in a
white blouse and a navy blue pleated skirt or the uniform of the school stating that she describes is
imposed for ceremonies and commemorations, Ruth Rosenthal conducts its business briskly, not
vigorous the francs stops many addresses to the public. She poses as witness combining personal
memories as his laughter during a ceremony in memory of the six million Jews murdered in the
Holocaust, the use of which she returns repeatedly with, inter alia:
In 1942 or, say, three
years before the end of the war and the liberation of
the camps, Ben Gurion, the future Prime
Minister of Israel, had an idea: we
build a museum to the memory of the Holocaust. We'll call
Yad Vashem - a
hand and a name [sic]. "In addition to this faulty translation (Yad Vashem,
a
monument, a name), errors that it is difficult to assume involuntary:
anticipation rough
forty years of the use of" Shoah "to name the planned
extermination European Jews, and ten
years for the construction of Yad
Vashem passed by the Knesset in 1953 for this "emotional"
it tacked onto the
"dictatorship" that would be an intrinsic manipulation Israel and its leaders
since started even before its founding.
She recites a litany of short extracts of UN resolutions from the 43rd (1 April 1948) to the 1860th (9
January 2009) retaining only the convictions of the State of Israel after the Six Days War and the
interposition of supposed information, however no on attacks against Israel since its founding in
deadly attacks against Israeli citizens far beyond the borders of the state (and the Olympic Games in
Munich in 1972 by agents of Black September). However, it is eloquent on projections showing the
army, varying the angles of the same ceremony for the illusion of multiplication; for one, she relates
that three rockets fired from across the border, fell near a cemetery in a field or near a house,
injuring a dog stayed outside. Therefore his relationship with sirens sounding and video projection
ceremonies "in memory of the civilians and soldiers who died in wars and in the attacks" appear as
state manipulation to deceive and condition the population, and foreign opinion. It uses the selection
and editing images with comments, to divert, distort, lie, Klitschko propaganda against the state of
Israel, she sings the anthem, Hatikvah, a liar and military state, a "Dictatorship", suddenly sounding
the glory of IDF holidays, with children indoctrinated and warlike aggression. A state of which he
weaves illegitimacy responsibility sore area.
In the Introduction, with views of Jerusalem, Ruth Rosenthal announces: "A spectacle of
sound, light and fireworks on the ramparts of the Old City Jerusalem celebrates 40 years of
reunification, and occupancy-- Happy Holidays."
Lines are repeated from UN Resolution 48 [Establishing a Palestine Truce Commission]
followed by "The Poles sing on the Mount of Olives; Come men from Lebanon . . . Hassan
Nasrallah come . . .Great Eagle Hezbollah liberate Palestine." [The play] ends with stonethrowing
and reference to the "war of stones," aka attacks against Israel --all part of the hallucinatory version
of the reality.
Pamphlet forgers, Hezbollah, Hamas should have produced this "art"--not managers of

launching pro tourne Winter Family move via Brothers concert! ("Cycle of Sacred Music")
annoucement re:The Seagull, (Arthur Nauzyciel, director).
Freedom of expression is one thing, we know that it is up to the justification or glorification
of the murderer, terrorist--production and programming are quite another. The decision makers,
producers and programmers, fall within the subsidized sector, so public service. Is it their mission of
opening the stage to the anti-Israel propaganda? To propagate and falsify facts? Since it is not even
challenged --is hatred, demonization and hence the questioning of the Israeli state existence and
antisemitism permitted in the name of art?
Calling propaganda "documentary" is dishonest business on all fronts, and opposition to
government policy is included. The artists ignore the writings of David Grossman, Amos Oz,
Avraham B. Yehoshua who publish freely their fiercely critical opinions of domestic and foreign
policies of their country, and whose protests and arguments are strangely silent in France--even
among activist circles for the Palestinian cause. The artists ignore the context of death threats when
Israeli Arab writer Sayed Kashua made a US tour marking Israel statehood. They ignore Muslim
dictatorships and how Palestinians are treated by fellow Muslims. They ignore the development of
Israeli art and culture where Jews and Muslims work together as artists, musicians, dancers and
performers. They know how dictatorships seduce and arouse indignation-- and avoid extreme
victimization of fellow Muslims such as Saudis or Syrians or Chechens? What of the identified lack
of freedoms cited in UN reports, the status of women, minorities throughout Islamic nations. The
hydra with its multiple Semitic heads should not be pointing at Israel. Under the guise of fiction,
another company lasted and it was not the only one.
I Came, is the brainchild of Gaspard Delano and Yalda Younes with choreography by
Israel Galvn. (She is Lebanese and collaboration with the performer is from Humus)
On the far wall is the projection of a map, yellow and fuzzy--what could be Palestine,
without mentioning the date. On each side, a desk, behind which stands a garden Yalda Younes, and
in court, Gaspard Delano speaking Arabic, translated it into French. According to the plays
description, this is a conference on a parody. After the address on the terms agreed, it was
announced that, in accordance with "His Majesty Albert II, King of the Belgians . . ." Their
Highnesses of Monaco, Lichtenstein and others in Europe, a peace plan accurate has been
established. After his lecture, peace will be effective. (In Arabic next).
On the Belgian model, a single state; a President, a lower house elected by universal
suffrage, an upper house poll tax; three languages: Arabic, Hebrew and Walloon (the latter being
one of the few frills) and only one state, whose anthem is sung in Arabic; Spectators are invited to
get up to greet him and they do happily--while the translator goes the flag, certainly white, though
one state says what this conference is disclosed.
The "occupied territories will be unoccupied," reserved for agriculture, a national soccer
team made up of players whose names are Arabic, Sephardic and Ashkenazi Jews, and for travel
from place of residence. Actually parody, innuendo that the disappearance of Israel sign peace.
Another piece of anti-Israel propaganda, more devious, more cunning and able to attract "good
people" who are moved to false stereotypes of stone throwers fighting against tanks, tires obscure
the Palestinian murderers and resent not "Death to the Jews"!
Yalda Younes announces that it will bring dance. She changes costumes: a man wearing a
vest and a curved black tight pants, boots floor of the soles and heels hooked, she dances a
flamenco, while attitudes and not male, martial (as an arm tense as if she drew the revolver). His
partner pales finally collapses. A unique design compared to the other man. However, given the
conference and the preamble to the dance, while suggests that Israel would appear. Cheers wildly. It
should not be fooled, this type of performance plow the political terrain, promotes acceptance of one
state and a hymn in Arabic, reflecting the position of Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran and most Muslim
nations as well as the French left particularly red and green.
On July 25, Robert Serry, Middle East Envoy to the UN cancelled the East Jerusalem
performance of West-Eastern Divan Orchestra--an Israeli and Arab collaboration Daniel
Baremboim conductor, (Edward Said co-founder), because of Palestinian protests. The month

donation, 15,000, by the Council of Arab Ambassadors. (Arabs who attempt rapprochement with
Israelis face prison time or may be executed for treason). Not one speaks a word of this--let alone
writes of protest theater.
What prompted Hortense Archambault and Vincent Baudriller to program anti-Israeli shows
that neglect criticism of government policy to challenge the very existence of a state and use the
"art" for propaganda purposes via affect. The reasons may begin with Judeophobia, anti-colonialism
left amalgams, vindictive bias, lies of all kinds, to which should be added a neo-orientalisme
(blindness to changes in the Arab world where Islamists come to power).
It may be noted that these policy choices have arisen after admission to UNESCO in
October 2011 of "Palestine" without the representative of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, as president, do
VOTAT against at Unlike the United States, whose president, Barack Obama, decided to reduce
subsidies to the UN body as a result of this admission voted on a non-observance of fundamental
statutes.
For its part, the Union of Drama critic awarded its prize for best foreign performance in
"National Palestinian Theatre" Antigone of Sophocles, with a tower: the text of Sophocles was
translated and adapted into French, with the insertion an extract of the last night on earth Darwish,
by French director Adel Hakim, co-director of the theater Districts Ivry, since 1992, where he
created the stage version in an Arabic translation of Abd el Rahman Badawi--the dramatic center of
the Val-de-Marne is co-producer with the Palestinian National Theatre.
Palestinians wear the national qualifier is not surprising. A French official support in
defiance of history, the law of nations, the authority of the United Nations, however, though. The
duty of disobedience is still good to deny a Palestinian state prior to the recognition of the Israeli
state.
No chance.
The Court of Honor, reading an X A portion of John Berger.
In the Introduction, read by the author of the Prologue to the edition of his epistolary novel
to one vote, made up of bundles of carefully arranged letters he would found in a wall in the cell 73
of a former prison Susa (L'Olivier, Paris 2009); written by A, as Aida, the man liked X, Xavier,
imprisoned following his conviction in a double life sentence for terrorism letters. The finding hints
the cauli hada (pl of shaheed.), The martyrs, "Where are today and Xavier Aida, dead or alive, may
God protect their shade. "What god? The shadow, the shadow cast by example.
Reading it over, the author distinguished himself by attending Durban 2001 and his false
attacks against Israel, starting wars in the Middle East, launched BDS and the thunderous calls for
boycott (In 2008, he refused to appear at the Paris Book Fair because of his guest: Israel) will sit in
the distance. Standing at a lectern, Juliette Binoche, dressed banal, reads letters Aida, a young
woman who was herself imprisoned for political activity. They speak of love, shared memories,
everyday life (an old barber whose modest shop has been razed by soldiers wounded cared
clandestinely), or the refusal to allow them to marry . However, plants, colors, fruits, songs, musical
instruments or names listed indicate the Arab Middle East. The location is accurate when it
describes, in a reversal of the packets of letters (the novel was not read in its entirety), protesters
refugees in an abandoned factory unarmed Apache helicopters swooping over the village, the
invading tanks, women carrying before them, naked, hands and singing lips; tanks being turned
around but one of the women was killed.
We're not going anywhere . . . They cannot, even with their crap drones. Can
we easily
forget that the recipient of the letters has been convicted of
terrorism, valued on the grounds
that it is impossible for them to predict what we will do. Elements contribute to the fight against
heroizing a "they".
The use of the indefinite pronoun is a refusal to name, recognize an identity, existence. However
many clues induce the enemy, "They" are the Israelis. All designed to inspire adherence through
compassion for Aida, and consequently for its terrorist lover, especially since reading Juliette
Binoche poured gradually into pathos and tearing. The third robber, theater space, Simon
McBurney, John Berger and faithful associate artist of the 66th Festival, reads the thoughts and

relocations that result in disruption and loss of means of production) and anti-Americanism in the
absolute, regardless of politics: "the empire of the United America is the greatest threat facing the
world today . . . "the slogans and emotional introduction of the law and the law, sublimated
terrorism. The attacks against the World Trade Center attacks against Jews, Israelis or the murders
in March, those of three French soldiers in Montauban, three children and a Jewish school teacher at
a Toulouse Jewish school--committed by Islamist Mohamed Merah, who explained that he "wanted
to avenge Palestinian children." These murders are justified.
After antisemitic attitudes, amid anti-Israel, not surprisingly, a passage through the
Holocaust, at least announced; the tower is known that reaches all the confusion, lies, bribery, which
the Palestinians victims of genocide while growing demographics, and other "Israel-Nazi", to
apartheid, South African concept whose jobs can not be by denying Israel its statehood.
[Titled Withheld-- with Steve Cohen] Another performance forbidden to those under age
eighteen, I was blocked from attending despite requests and reported on the grounds of limited
space. I tried to buy a ticket, to no avail. Two sessions fifty-five minutes a day, from 11 to 16 July
(release 14), each for forty-two spectators in a space provided under the top of the main courtyard. I
met several people who have been invited, which loathe talking, one emerging with "Wind, it's
nothing."
I wanted especially to see Steven Cohen, self-described as South African white, Jewish and
gay (he had moved to Lille). He takes pleasure relating that he sold newspapers from 1939 to 1942
in a flea market. As a young French Jew he mentions neither the name nor the name or place of
residence and exposes it only after careful research, after he found the heirs of the newspaper. He
speaks of drawings which illustrate, by an ardent desire to live and "trivial descriptions that
demonstrate the terrible trap, remarkably orchestrated, which falls on the Jews of France during the
Second World War," his family. This young Jew, anonymous, himself, an abyss in situations,
however he continues practicing foolish telescoping.
My grandparents escaped a racist regime that began with the repression and
discrimination, and ended by the extermination of the various communities of
Eastern
Europe. But by coming to South Africa, they became what they despised, that is to say, culturally
dominant oppressors who took advantage
of an unjust political system. For me it is a better
base to attack Zionist policies because it also calls "Zionist Jew", stating: "It is too easy to
misinterpret the slogan" Jewish anti-Zionist. "I prefer to describe myself as a
Jew who
has huge problems with the political realities and the Zionist
practices of the State of Israel. In
any case, his next project "will build on the
example of the Jews became" in the system of
apartheid in South Africa all- powerful bosses, crushing black population enslaved and
powerless; [...] I've
called, not without criticism, "I am a Aske-Nazi '.
Nothing in his statements to suggest that it has a minimal knowledge of Nazism, history (a
word he abuses); However shortcuts, guilty amalgam simmering in her cauldron and he uses
provocation as it breathes, along with self-pity. "Aske-Nazi" devilishly like the obscene "IsraelNazi." Therefore, while ignoring it, do not put it next to South African Jews, lawyers
and
doctors, who engaged alongside blacks fought against apartheid?
Knowing that the production house The Indian Mail, was contracted to provide the video
recording shows the Festival, I asked to see a DVD. The next day, the head of the press office said,
"The artist refuses, not the director--the artist." Also, I was looking for sheet room; -- unlike all the
others, it was not freely available to the press office. I learned that only spectators possessed. I
managed to find one: on the front, an extract of the interview with Steven Cohen contained in the
press release; the back, playing a board representative, on one side, an ad for rat poison, the other a
slogan on the harmfulness of rats, rodents drawn on the two aspects that separates the center, a
"yellow star "including" Jewish "in black Gothic letters; a way tobuffer Nazi administration recently
inked red at the bottom. Lined a trivialization disclosure Nazi anti-Jewish propaganda outlet history
and tilted in the arts: the poster is numbered and "signed by the artist," Steven Cohen, according to
the formula used to market the art; Prior to the collection, speculation, reserved for the happy few.

Although he had not attended a session of ____ . . . I provide a few items that have been
reported to me and corroborate articles. Space in the dark, not visitors to the Palace of the Popes A
row of spectators seated on two sides at right angles in a narrow rectangular cage, surrounding
space, in which rats and lit with small lights are riding (the curious who rises seen that each is stuck
in a yellow star), then go into a laid down structure. Steve Cohen from completely white makeup, a
"yellow star" on the forehead, chest tight in a white corset, a plastic shell on sex, extravagant
cothurni metal feet, walking with the aid of two sticks. At various times, Jewish songs, snatches of
speech (Hitler, Petain). Equipped with a small camera that transmits images onto a screen, the
performer shows the inside of his mouth and Nazi insignia placed on the edge of a well. Are also
projected videos (the mouth of a snake swallowing a rat), two pornographic (female gender,
introduction of a reptile and a fish), then a few pages of the newspaper whose enigmatic as he spoke
by putting forward strong; they follow each other very quickly. He gives to watch, played on two
iPads attached to the soles of buskins, sitting in front of a few spectators, legs apart.
"I closed my eyes, I had her crotch and sex in plastic in front of me," says my
informant.
I just obscene, it is true that I saw the second performance of
Steven Cohen, Vedne: Le
Berceau de lhumanit (The Cradle of Humankind).
Under that name, it was classified as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO (1998) an area
tens of kilometers from Johannesburg; scientists from various disciplines have found the first traces
of human life dating back to three million years there. Tours are available, tourism grows near one
of the sites. In the film room, we read that along with his nurse Steven Cohen was allowed to film in
the Sterkfontein and Swartkrans sections and they were "deeply shocked". The material for the
show Sixty Minutes, silent but not silent in a sterile white space; a huge gray ball landed on the
ground in the garden, in the center a baroque angel flying off. On a court suspended a movie screen
is projected, showing one of the sites at the same time means that traditional music, and a crowd of
blacks than we can suppose dancing, which is detached, the American plan, the image of an elderly
woman whose breasts hanging on the incongruous skirt with a white tutu, the rigid pleated his hands
against each other. Against a background of techno music, Steven Cohen among fully masked in
white, perched on breathtaking cothurni, sex in a shell; an extravagant creation itself.
Following sequences. He will look his nurse wife filmed American plan. With careful and
affectionate gestures, it helps to walk to the center, where she remained alone on the room a soft
look that seemed to translate discomfort. After a few seconds, the display reverts to the audience
voyeurs, that of a very old woman, the body weighed down and exhausted, whose white skirt hides
nothing of anatomy, and provides key grotesque; resurgence of human zoos. I noticed that he was
wearing white corset could be the top of the tutu. 'Aesthetic' element that contradicts the will to
denounce the evils of whites in South Africa he claims superficially transposed: anthropometric
measurements using a high fathom; map projected on the floor (Nomsa Dhlamini, year of birth:
1921 Origin: Swaziland name) identity; ropes ankles and wrists. If the "art" waters down even more
than the chilly history books, what is it? Misappropriation and exploitation for a narcissistic "artist"
by manipulating affect and guilt. A gospel that is. Steven Cohen guide her nanny to court, then
walks away a little bias and a white elastic material, that part of him (the reverse would have been
more significant), stretches a link between their mouths. Video projections of the two partners in the
caves of one of the listed sites, or other tree, repeatedly him in frightening creature carrying a
stuffed monkey skin on the back and the head (a fantasy Blanc), or monkeys in the trees. Could this
be a response to "the white man's burden" of Kipling? He proclaims artist no basis for provocation
at all costs. Singing La Marseillaise is played, the second verse is accompanied by the projection of
an anus opening and closing such a mouth, flanked by a sex toy. And it is as a letter in the mail; a
handful of spectators hand discreetly. A new video of monkeys, then a White wearing a long white
dress dancing a "Dying Swan." The two partners, who had dodged, returning to greet; simplicity
Nomsa Dhlamini, wearing a bathrobe, highlights the artifice, the fashion aesthetics of Steven
Cohen, his kindness and his teenage provocations fizzle as his statements: "For me, it is important to
create [in the minds of viewers] a state of consciousness, a tension conducive to self-discovery.

belongs where body art comes, proves that a little ignorance as theater as plastic arts. Fear of
missing the event greed to do? In any case, a dirty hit.
Walking to reach the shuttle Vedne is thirteen miles from the city, I tangled against the
juxtaposition of the Marseillaise and an anus you. A very young black woman caught me and called
me, Saartjie Baartman recalling "the Hottentot Venus", quoted in the program, and how it had been
exhibited; She might have added that it was even worse because of scientists, including Georges
Cuvier, their successors and policies that refused to return the remains arguing that it was property
of the national heritage, until it 2002 and the majority vote of a law authorizing the repatriation (a
statement argued on respect for the human person and culpable errors of France accompanied him),
although Nelson Mandela in 1996, had multiplied in applications official pressing so Sawtche, real
name of the victim, rested in his native land, thereby giving a true lesson in philosophy.
I tried to explain that the crimes of policies, statements of writers, intellectuals, merchants
and French scientists had nothing to do with the Marseillaise with what the song means and
symbolizes. Dialogue impossible, anger, obviously fueled by the performance, was invited. If, for
example, footballers, moreover with foreign names, had engaged in a stage to improvisation
hammering with this song, the national anthem, the outcry would have been immediate.
But in Avignon--nothing like that.
The artists would be above the common lot? Under the umbrella of the provocation, the
glorification of the ego and complacency in the ridiculous, the careless or ignorant of basic
knowledge. Factor theater blindness, dispenser of dressing, one of the peculiarities of this Festival,
more pronounced than in previous years. Shows an exception to this line were not the majority.
*Micheline B. Servin has reported on theatre from the Avignon Festival since 1993. The following is
excerpted from 66e Festival dAvignon, lanti-Isral invit. et Arturo Ui. Les Temps Modernes, 2012/5 (n
671) 140-206. Reprinted with author permission.

=h1Le

BNVCA@

=n1Sammy Ghozlan*@
=ab
Le BNVCA a t cree en 2000 pour identifier le nouveau phenomene dantisemitisme qui est apparu
incendies de synagogues, agressions de juifs, de rabbins, coktails molotov contre des ecoles juives
sur tout le territoire.

Termes cls : Anti-Isralienne, lAntismitisme, Anti-Sionisme, France, Islamistes, Juif@

Le BNVCA a t cree en 2000 pour identifier le nouveau phenomene dantisemitisme qui est
apparu incendies de synagogues, agressions de juifs, de rabbins, coktails molotov contre des coles
juives sur tout le territoire. Le BNVCA a mis en place un numero dappel durgence et des
formulaires qui evitaient aux temoins de se rendre a la police. En accord avec les procureurs, ces
formulaires tenaient lieu de plainte. Les signalements fournis par les tmoignages, mettaient en
cause des individus dorigine africaine et nord africaine dabord. Le recensement ainsi effectue a
permis de noter que les actes les plus graves et les plus nombreux etaient commis dans des villes a
direction communiste le BNVCA a reuni les presidents des communautes juives de ces villes, qui
nous ont fourni une litterature abondante municipale des actions pro palestinniennes, voyages en
palestine, jumelages avec des villages palestinines, stigmatisation dIsral et de Tsahal etc etc. Puis
est venu les temps des appels a boycotter Isral.
Le BNVCA a obtenu du Prefet du 93 quil saisisse le Tribunal administratif sur les subventions
publiques verses par les communes aux associations propalestiniennes. Le Tribunal a condamne
plusieurs communes, et lassociation france palestine a ete interdite desubventions publiques en
raison de son objet non caricatif, mais politique. Cette affaire a servi de jurisprudence au Tribunal
administratif de Marseille qui pris les mmes dispositions. Pour le BNVCA la source essentielle de l
antisemitisme est constituee par lincitation a la haine dIsral qui pousse a l acte antijuif. Le plus
grave est quelle est relayee par des medias, ou des hommes politiques, des elus, des intellectuels
des universitaires, engages, dans un plestinisme exacerbe.
Le BNVCA a t soutenu appuy et subventionne par le Centre Simon Wiesenthal ds notre
cration. Cest en suivant lexemple du CSW que le BVCA a men ses actions prventives et
rpressives. Parmi les sources de lantismitisme figure la campagne illgale de boycott dIsral.

laffaire de Toulouse et larrestation de ses dirigeants islamistes. Par exemple, le dernier problme
cause par une question pose a lexamen medecine par le Oberlin propalestinien qui a propos de
medecine humanitaire ne citait que lue les faits se rapportant a Gaza laissant sous entendre la
culpabilite de Tsahal. A chaque effervescense au proche orient, il y a des pics dactes antijuifs en
France.
Le BNVCA ne minimise aucun acte. Il communique car de notre point devue lopinion doit
savoir et pour le BNVCA si un homme averti en vaut 2, un juif averti en vaut 10 Aujourdhui le
cliche antisemite LE JUIF ET LA REUSSITE qui a conduit au meurtre de Sebastien Sellam par son
voisin musulman jaloux de sa reussite le clich le JUIF et LARGENT a pousse le gang des
barbares assassiner Ilan Halimi sest rajoute, le cliche LE JUIF TUE LES ENFANTS
PALESTINIENS qui est a lorigine de la tuerie antijuive de Toulouse, le phenomene MERAH EST
A PRENDRE en consideration car les jeunes arabes et musulmans en font leur heros, selon les
rapports qui nous sont fournis par ce qui sest passe dans les lyces, il est leur modele. Il semblent
meme le remercier pour son acte pourtant odieux.
Lantisemitisme sest banalise le juif na pour certains aucune valeur humaine le BNVCA reste
vigilant et travaille avec les elus et les membres du gouvernement ainsi quavec des associations
musulmanes qui ont eu le courage de condamner lislam radical. Le dernier menace relevee par le
BNVCA a t la menace fait via Internet et Facebook contre le grand rabbin de France en personne.
La France officielle nest pas antisemite, les pouvoirs publics tentent denrayer le phenomene
pour le BNVCA ce nouvel antisemitisme cessera lorsque cessera cette propagande palestinienne
nuisible et fausse. Les sources dinformation du BNVCA sont multiples, et immdiates, sest soit les
services de police, les journalistes, les victimes, ou les temoins dactes antisemites. Cest ainsi que
le BNVCA a pu alerter les services de police.
Le public sadresse de preference au BNVCA qui est ractif, proche du terrain, en relation
directe avec les prfets et les directeurs de la police et mme les magistrats. Il est trs mdiatis,
aussi bien en France quaux USA, ou en Israel. Les avocats qui travaillent pour le BNVCA sont
disponibles, efficaces, et militants. Ils suivent tous les dossiers, et dfendent les victimes. Sil est
vrai que il y a des antisemites a lextreme droite, a qui on peut reprocher des profanations de
cimetieres, des dessins de croix gammees, des sites negationnistes, ce ne sont pas eux qui ont brule
nos synagogues, jete des bombes incendiaires contre les ecoes juives, agresses nos enfants dans la
rue, le bus, a lcole publique, ni assassine nos enfants.
Nous avons t les initiateurs de la lutte contre le boycott et ce ds que celui-ci est apparu sur la
scne nationale. BDS, et les organisations qui pronent le boycott, ont des moyens considrables : de
trs nombreux permanents, et des moyens de propagande qui ncessitent des moyens financiers
normes ! Ce qui nous interpelle dailleurs sur lorigine de leurs fonds. Ce boycott touche tous les
secteurs dactivit : agricole, industriel, service, culturel, universitaire. Nous avons vu des hordes
dchaines envahir lespace public et les grandes surfaces, nous avons vu ces commandos perturber
lordre public : dans un premier temps dans lindiffrence gnrale puis avec des ractions plus
vives des propritaires de ces tablissements et des forces publiques. Le Boycott est illgal ! Ce
nest pas une expression politique mais un dlit prvu comme tel dans notre code pnal ! Le
boycott nest autoris que lorsquil est lmanation de la volont internationale exprime au Conseil
de Scurit comme ce fut le cas pour lex Rhodsie, lAfrique du Sud du temps de lapartheid, de
lIrak de Saddam Hussein et aujourdhui de lIran ! Tous les autres actes de boycott sont passibles
de sanctions pnales. Nous nous employons donc faire respecter les rgles et les lois de la
Rpublique. Cest pour cela que nous sommes et resterons inflexibles : toute action de boycott sera
poursuivie avec dtermination. Aujourdhui prs de 100 plaintes ont t inities, elles touchent aussi
bien les inconnus que les personnalits telles que Stphane Hessel ou autre politiques, ceux-ci ayant
une responsabilit accrue lorsquils bafouent les lois de la Rpublique.
De ce fait, la loi pnale franaise les sanctionne encore plus lourdement ! Il est dailleurs trs
tonnant de voir certains intellectuels ou politiques proner le boycott dIsral alors que les
mmes se sont opposs au boycott de lIrak ou de lIran ! Que ce sont les mmes qui manifestent
contre les dictatures arabes alors quils nont jamais pron le boycott contre eux ! Deux poids, deux

Nous ne faisons pas de distinction entre les grands et les misrables , nous npargnerons
pas ceux que la vie a pargn car ils sont encore plus coupables ! Alors, oui ! Nous avons eu des
pressions de toutes part pour que lon sabstienne de poursuivre monsieur Stphane Hessel mais
nous navons pas cd et nous avons t indign par une telle dmarche. Monsieur Hessel seraitil au-dessus des lois applicables monsieur tout-le-monde ? Y aurait-il une justice pour les gens
den bas et une pour les gens den haut ! Certes, non ! Ce ne sont l ni nos convictions, ni les
valeurs de la Rpublique ! Si Monsieur Hessel enfreint la loi, il en sera redevable ! Et quand nous
avons appris quun colloque pronant le non respect des lois tait organis dans lenceinte dune des
plus prestigieuse de nos coles, nous nous sommes dit : ce nest pas possible ! La directrice ne
doit pas tre au courant . Ce qui tait le cas ! Et lalerte a permis dviter cette ignominie, et nous
remercions la directrice de lcole pour son courage et sa dtermination. Enfin, ce nest pas parce
quun ouvrage se vend bien quil a de la valeur. Mein Kampf et Le protocole des sages de Sion
continuent se vendre des millions dexemplaires, ce nest pas pour autant des ouvrages de qualit
ou des ouvrages de moralit ! Malheureusement, notre poque perturbe est friante de ces romans
de la haine , cela a commenc comme a en 1933 !
Cest bien l le problme ! Les menaces, les pressions arrivent souvent faire flchir les
individus. Mais en franais, on appelle a du chantage et des menaces sous conditions . Cela
est intolrable, illgale et discriminatoire. Je tiens vous signaler que Sodastream est la premire
socit au monde dans son activit ! Si lon devait boycotter les produits israliens on se priverait de
la quasi-totalit des produits de haute-technologie ainsi que dune grande partie des avances
mdicales. Nous naccepterons jamais que ceux qui pronent le terrorisme, les prises dotages, . . . se
mettent en position de donneurs de leons. Le plus scandaleux dans cette histoires, cest que le
peuple palestinien soppose fermement ce boycott qui leur est totalement prjudiciable. Ces
mes bien pensantes ne se sont jamais offusqus des ventes de produits fabriqus par de vritables
esclaves ou par des enfants exploits . Ces boycotteurs ont une indignation slective !
Il faut les dmasquer, nous nous y attelons !
LEcole Normale Suprieure de Paris a annul le Colloque-Dbat prvu autour de lauteur du
livre Indignez-vous suite aux vives contestations dassociations juives. Lauteur nest autre que
Stphane Hessel, contre qui le BNVCA a dpos plainte il y peu . . .
Sodastream, une machine soda offerte aux gagnants dune mission de France Tlvision. Rien
dalarmant si lon omet le fait que la marque est isralienne. Lassociation France Palestine
Solidarit proteste, se bat, et russit faire supprimer le produit de lmission. Le BNVCA
intervient interpelle la direction de France Televisions et soutient quune plainte va etre deposee
pour Boycott illegal Immediatement la publicite de Sodastream reapparait sur le petit ecran.
Cette campagne du boycott est immonde ! Elle est un trouble lordre public et cest pour cela
que nous la combattons de toutes nos forces. Cette campagne a forcment des drives dangereuses
et laffaire Vanessa Paradis en est la triste illustration. Lors dune mission de Laurent Ruquier
sur une radio priphrique on apprenait que Vanessa Paradis avait t menace et nous savons
quelle a t harcele de plaintes et de menaces. Nous comprenons que des parents soient sensibles
ce genre de menaces et veuillent mettre labri leur famille. Mais cest le rle de la socit
dempcher de telles drives.
Notre derniere victoire est intervenue tout recemment les organisations poursuivies en justice
tentaient dentraver la marche de la justice en faisant appel devant les cours dappel ou de cassation,
et mme en invoquant la Question Prioritaire de Constitutionnalit, qui a t soumise au Conseil
Constitutionnel. Cette haute cour a donn raison au BNVCA et dvoute les boycotteurs le 2 avril
2013.
Le BNVCA oriente son combat vers une autre phnomne mis en exergue par les mmes
propalestiniens, qui avec laide de mairies communistes et associations de gauche et d'extrme
gauche, organisent des meetings en faveur des prisonniers palestiniens, et lvent au rang de citoyen
dhonneur des terroristes palestiniens.
Sagissant l du dlit dapologie du terrorisme le BNVCA dpose plainte contre les conseils
municipaux qui votent ces dliberations. Le BNVCA observe que les associations comme le MRAP

rafles et parques pour servir de dfoulement sexuel aux combattants syriens de lopposition.
Nous devons saluer les dclarations claires formules publiquement tant par le Prsident de la
Rpublique que le Ministre de lIntrieur, selon lesquelles lantisionisme est le masque de
lantismitisme. Ces propos ont t confirms par le Prsident de lAssemble Nationale lors du
colloque officiel organis par le BNVCA lAssemble nationale.
*Sammy Ghozlan, le commissaire de police honoraire et le prsident du Bureau National de Vigilance Contre
lAntismitisme, la recrudescence des actes antijuifs est manifeste. Il en appelle aux pouvoirs publics qui
doivent encore selon lui en faire davantage.

=h1The

BNVCA@

=n1Sammy

Ghozlan*@

=ab
The new antisemitism, a phenomenon raging throughout France, is marked by aggression toward
Jews and Jewish clergy, setting fire to synagogues, and hurling Molotov cocktails at Jewish schools.
This article presents the actions that the BNVCA is doing to combat this escalating, and alarming,
threat.
Key Words: Antisemitism, anti-Israeli, anti-Zionism, France, Islamic, Jewish@
Every time the situation in the Middle East gets explosive, there is a rise in anti-Jewish acts in
France. The Bureau National de Vigilance Contre lAntismitisme (BNVCA) was founded in 2000
for the purpose of identifying the emerging new antisemitism and was spreading all over
France. Synagogues were set on fire, Jews were attacked, rabbis were assaulted, Jewish schools
were firebombed.
The BNVCA considers that incitement to hatred of Israel is the fundamental source of
antisemitism and provocation of anti-Jewish acts. To make matters worse, this hatred is relayed by
the media, political figures, elected officials, and intellectuals and academics, who engage in
exacerbated Palestinism.
From its beginnings, the BNVCA has benefited from moral and financial support from the
Simon Wiesenthal Centre, which served as the example for the BNVCAs preventive actions and
and strong responses to provocative actions.
The BNVCA has multiple and rapid sources of information: police services, journalists, victims,
or witnesses of antisemitic acts. This is how the BNVCA was able to alert police services. The
public prefers to turn to the BNVCA because we react promptly, we are in the field, and we have
direct relations with political authorities, police chiefs, and even magistrates. We have a strong

The BNVCA has also set up a hotline and developed forms that people could use to file
complaints without going to the police station. Judicial authorities agreed to accept these documents
as formal complaints. Victims or witnesses primarily indicated people of North African or subSaharan origin as perpetrators of attacks.
Statistics have been collected, showing that the most serious and most frequent antisemitic acts
were committed in municipalities governed by officials from the French Communist party.
Presidents of Jewish community organizations in those municipalities met under the auspices of the
BNVCA. They brought abundant documentation of pro-Palestinian municipal activities,
including trips to what was described as Palestine and to twin-city associations with Palestinian
villages, along with stigmatization of Israel and the Israeli Defense Forces (Tsahal), and so on.
The BNVCA does not minimize any act. We communicate on acts big and small because we
think the public should be aware. If one forewarned man is worth 2, we think a Jew who is
forewarned is worth 10.
Today, the antisemite clich JEWS & SUCCESS led to the murder of Sebastien Sellam by his
envious Muslim neighbor. The clich JEWS AND MONEY drove the Gang of Barbarians to
murder Ilan Halimi. And the clich JEWS KILL PALESTINIAN CHILDREN was at the root of the
anti-Jewish killings in Toulouse; the Merah phenomenon should be taken seriously because Arab
and Muslim youths made him their hero. According to reports we received on what is happening in
high schools, he is their role model. It seems they are grateful to him for committing his act, though
it was disgraceful.
Antisemitism has become commonplace. For some people, Jews have no value as human beings.
The BNVCA is constantly vigilant and works with local officials and members of the central
government, as well as Muslim associations that had the courage to condemn radical Islam.
The most recent threat registered by the BNVCA was via the Internet and Facebook against the
chief rabbi of France. The French government is not antisemitic; the powers that be are trying to
wipe out the phenomenon. We think this new antisemitism will come to an end when the false,
harmful Palestinian propaganda stops.
Though some far-right antisemites that might in fact be guilty of desecrating cemeteries,
defacing property with swastikas, or running negationist websites, they are not the ones that burned
our synagogues, threw firebombs into Jewish schools, assaulted our children in the streets, on buses,
and in public schools. They arent the ones murdering our children.
The illegal boycott campaign against Israel, which contributes to propaganda aimed at
stigmatizing the Jewish State, is one of the primary sources of antisemitism.
The organization of boycotts is prohibited under French law. The BNVCA advised the Prefect of
the Seine-Saint-Denis banlieue to take legal action in the Administrative Court to stop communes
from contributing government subsidies to pro-Palestinian associations. Several communes were
convicted by the court. The France-Palestine association was ruled ineligible for public subsidies on
the grounds that its aims are political, not charitable. This case established a precedent, followed by
the Administrative Court of Marseille that delivered the same ruling.
The BNCVA initiated the fight against the boycott. We did it from the very beginning, as soon
as it first came onto the national scene. The BDS movement and organizations that promote the
boycott have substantial means. They have many employees and propaganda tools that require huge
financial resources; in fact, this makes us wonder where they get their funding. The boycott hits all
sectors of activity: agriculture, industry, services, culture, academia . . . We saw wild hordes invade
public places and supermarkets, weve seen commandos disturbing the peace. At first they were met
with general indifference, but then business owners and law enforcement started to react more
vigorously. The boycott is not a form of political expressionit is illegal, classified as an offense
in our penal code. A boycott is authorized only when it emanates from international resolve
expressed through the UN Security Council, as was the case for the former Rhodesia, apartheid
South Africa, Iraq under Saddam Hussein, and now Iran. All other acts of boycott are punishable by
law. We strive to enforce respect for the rules and laws of the French Republic. This is why we are
and will remain determined and committed: any and every boycott action will be forcefully pursued.

the Toulouse affair in 2012. Another example is the controversial question on humanitarian
medicine included in an exam given at Oberlin to medical students. The pro-Palestinian professor at
Oberlin put a question on the exam that concerned civilian victims of bombing in Gaza, giving the
impression that Tsahal was guilty.
If they are political figures, their responsibility is heightened when they disregard the laws of the
Republic; this is why French criminal law punishes them more severely. In fact, it is quite surprising
to see certain intellectuals or politicians promoting the anti-Israel boycott when they opposed
boycotts of Iraq or Irantheyre the same ones who demonstrate against Arab dictators but never
promoted a boycott against them. Double standard: thats the rule of the boycotters. Fighting the
boycott has become a major mission in the combat that defends the values of the Republic, and we
will always be in the forefront of this fight.
Nor do we do not make any distinction between the mighty and the meek. We do not spare
those that life has rewarded; their guilt is greater. The defendants may be nobodies or high-profile
personalities such as Stphane Hessel, the author of Indignez-vous (Get Angry!). The Paris branch of
the Ecole Normale Suprieure canceled a colloquium-debate on Hessel after strong protests by
Jewish associations.
We were under pressure from all sides to keep us from suing Mr. Hessel, but we didnt give in
and were indignant at the attempts to hold us back. Is Mr. Hessel above the law? Is there one system
of justice for those at the bottom another for those on high? Certainly not! Those are not our
convictions or the values of the French Republic. If Mr. Hessel breaks the law, he has to answer for
it.
And when we heard that a colloquium advocating disregard for the law was organized in one of
our most prestigious schools, we thought: Its not possible! The principal must not be aware of it.
This turned out to be true. We alerted her and this disgraceful event didnt take place. We are
grateful to the principal for her courage and determination.
Being a bestseller doesnt mean a book is necessarily worthy of respect. Mein Kampf and The
Protocols of the Elders of Zion are still selling by the millions; it doesnt make them works of
quality or morality. Unfortunately, in our troubled times people are avid for these novels of
hatred. Thats how it started in 1M3!and thats the problem. People easily give in to threats and
pressure. But thats blackmail, which is threat under duress. It is illegal, discriminatory, and
intolerable.
Anyone who would seeks to boycott Israel would have to sacrifice nearly all high-tech products
and a good share of medical discoveries. The BNCVA will never accept the moral pretentions of
people who promote terrorism, hostage taking, and all the rest. Whats more, Palestinians are firmly
opposed to this boycott, which is totally against their interests. Those do-gooders never objected
to the sale of products made by real slaves or exploited children. These boycotters indulge in
selective indignation. They should be unmasked. Were working on it.
Consider the handling of Sodastream, the top firm worldwide in its field. A Sodastream sodamaking machine offered to prizewinners on a France Tlvisions show would not be a matter of
concern except for the fact that its an Israeli brand. The France Palestine Solidarit association
complained, insisted, and got the product removed from the broadcast. The BNVCA intervened,
contacted France Televisions management, and let them know that a lawsuit will be filed for illegal
boycott. Immediately, the Sodastream advertisement is back on screen.
This filthy boycott campaign disturbs the peace and that is why we fight it with all our might. It
inevitably leads to dangerous excesses; the affair of the singer, model, and actress Vanessa Paradis
is a sorry illustration. Laurent Ruquier reported on his radio broadcast that Paradis had been
threatened; we know she was harassed with complaints and threats. We can understand that parents
are sensitive to this type of threat and want to keep their families out of harms way. But it is up to
society to prevent such excesses.
Recently, we won a decisive victory over organizations that we had taken to court. In an attempt
to hamper the march of justice they took the cases to appellate court or, one step further, submitted
the Question Prioritaire de Constitutionnalit (prior question of constitutionality) to the Conseil

The BNVCA is also combatting a practice of the same pro-Palestinians that, with the help of
Communist municipal governments and left and far-left associations, organize rallies in support of
Palestinian prisoners, and raise Palestinian terrorists to the rank of honorary citizens. This is a crime
of apology for terrorism. The BNVCA has brought lawsuits against municipal officials who vote in
favor of these motions. It observes that associations like MRAP (Movement against Racism and for
Friendship between Peoples) and the Ligue des Droits de lHomme (Human Rights League), which
support this lobbying, remain silent in the face of massacres of Copts in Syria and Muslims in
Burma, Syria, and Mali, and are indifferent to the fate of 14-year-old girls rounded up and corralled
to serve the unbridled sexual appetites of Syrian opposition fighters.
We must give credit to the president and the minister of the interior for their forthright public
declarations that anti-Zionism is the mask of antisemitism. These statements were confirmed by the
president of the National Assembly on the occasion of the official colloquium organized by the
BNVCA at the National Assembly.
*Sammy Ghozlan, an honorary police commissioner and the president of the Bureau National de Vigilance
Contre lAntismitisme, says the resurgence of anti-Jewish acts is evident. He calls on public authorities that
must, in his opinion, do more.

LAntisemitisme Francais pendant

LAffaire Dreyfus
Robert S. Wistrich*
Laffaire Dreyfus est `a juste titre consideree comme un tournant
important dans lhistoire de lantisemitisme europeen moderne constituant
aussi un probl`eme politique majeur pour la societe francaise. En effet, la
lutte de pouvoir de 1897 `a 1900 qui divisa la Republique francaise en deux
camps opposes, celui des Dreyfusards et celui des anti-Dreyfusards a pose `a
linitiative des antisemites, le probl`eme de la place des juifs dans la societe
francaise. Outre les publications antisemites comme La Libre Parole de
Drumont, La Croix publiee par les P`eres Assomptionistes, lIntransigeant
dHenri Rochefort, lAntijuif de Jules Guerin, on doit aussi noter des

hebdomadaire, soit ponctuel comme le Psst illustre, contenaient des caricatures antisemites faites
par dessinateurs connus en France comme JeanLouis Forain ou Caran dAche (Emmanuel Poire). Le camp anti-Dreyfusard
qui sopposait `a toute revision du jugement dAlfred Dreyfus a ete renforce par les actions
retentissantes dun certain nombre de ligues antisemites et populistes et par des associations qui ont
encourage des manifestations de rue, une agitation violente contre les juifs et la denonciation des
personnalites en faveur de Dreyfus.
Depuis 1889, le journaliste antisemite dEdouard Drumont, auteur du
best-seller La France Juive, avait fonde La Ligue Antisemitique de France.
Cette ligue et celles qui ont suivi, ont constitue une puissante force de
mobilisation contre les Juifs et la Republique. Le Catholicisme populaire
avait engendre une vision unificatrice pour ces associations comme lUnion
Nationale qui etait une organisation nationaliste, catholique et ultra-con- servatrice fondee en
1893 par labbe Garnier. Elle fut soutenue avec enthousiasme par le Vatican et de nombreux
eveques francais. Il faut noter que le chef de la Jeunesse antisemite et nationaliste, Edouard
Dubic, appartenait `a
cette ligue. Dubic a plaide pour une guerre totale contre les Juifs. Le
chant de marche de la Jeunesse antisemite commencait ainsi : Allons
chasser les youpins pour leur casser la tete.
Dubic a egalement ete etroitement lie `a Jules Guerin - un des agitateurs
antisemites les plus actifs pendant laffaire Dreyfus.

Guerin a axe son offensive sur les entreprises et les banques juives et
contre tous les speculateurs financiers. Il exploitait lantisemitisme comme
arme de predilection de la lutte sociale tout en se servant du sentiment anticlerical
dans la classe ouvri`ere. En Juillet 1898, son organisation comptait
dej`a plus de 10.000 militants dont des catholiques, des Bonapartistes, des
Royalistes et certains socialistes Blanquistes. Guerin a facilite lelection au
Parlement francais dEdouard Drumont `a Alger, fondee sur une campagne
anti-juive menee en mai 1898. Ces elections ont ete un triomphe pour les
antisemites. Max Regis, le nouveau maire dAlger age de 26 ans, etait un
etudiant en droit et le fils dun recent immigrant italien. En Janvier 1898,
Regis avait demande `a la foule parisienne d arroser larbre de la liberte
avec le sang des Juifs. Regis organisa le declenchement des pogroms en
Algerie au cours de laffaire Dreyfus ; de nombreux juifs furent tues, des
femmes agressees et les magasins juifs pilles.
En France, pendant les mois de janvier et fevrier 1898, pr`es de soixante
dix manifestations et emeutes antisemites eurent lieu `a la suite de la
publication de Jaccuse par Emile Zola. Dans toutes les villes grandes et
moyennes dont Paris, Marseille, Lyon, Bordeaux, Montpellier, ClermontFerrand, Nantes, Rouen, Tours, Dijon, Dieppe, et Nancy on pouvait entendre
le cri de Mort aux Juifs. Lantisemitisme touchait toutes les regions et
toutes les couches sociales dont laristocratie, les commercants, la bourgeoisie,

ladministration publique, du Parlement et des Academies. Ces

doleances furent debattues au Palais Bourbon `a partir de 1895 et recueillirent
un grand nombre de voix sans toutefois atteindre la majorite.
La montee de lantisemitisme lors de laffaire Dreyfus est refletee par
les nombreuses souscriptions au fonds destine au Memorial Henry en
1899. Un fonds avait ete lance par le journal de Drumont pour soutenir la
veuve du colonel Henry; celui-ci avait contrefait les documents accusant
Dreyfus et setait suicide en ao ut 1898 d`es quil fut demasque. Parmi les 25
000 souscripteurs, 300 etaient membres du bas clerge, 1000 etaient des
officiers dont 4 generaux, les autres etant repartis dans toutes les couches de la societe.
Edouard Drumont, le pape de lantisemitisme francais, a connu un
incroyable succ`es avec son livre La France Juive publie en 1886 et qui sest
vendu `a plus de 100.000 exemplaires. Le livre a ete reedite plusieurs fois.
Drumont a su faire le synthese entre un nationalisme fervent, lanti-capitalisme, le racisme et le
Catholicisme traditionaliste. Cette propagande a considerablement envenime le climat durant
laffaire Dreyfus. Drumont, un
journaliste doue, attire par le scandale, et le sensationnel, avait habilement
exploite la corruption financi`ere massive lors de lAffaire du Panama pour
lancer son journal antisemite La Libre Parole en 1892. Soutenu par
laventurier aristocratique le marquis de Mor`es, Drumont fut en mesure
dattirer non seulement le bas clerge, la bourgeoisie aigrie, les etudiants et
meme certains intellectuels, mais aussi les travailleurs decus, le tout en
denoncant la Republique juive, la corruption parlementaire et les inegalit
es entre riches et pauvres. La campagne calomnieuse de Drumont contre
linfiltration des Juifs dans les rangs superieurs de larmee francaise a
pave deux ans auparavant le chemin de larrestation de Dreyfus en contribuant `a creer un climat
de suspicion dans lEtat-Major. Son influence
nefaste a ete ressentie `a la fois dans les rangs de la gauche socialiste et de la
Droite radicale en France.
Beaucoup de socialistes et anarchistes se sont reveles etre favorables
aux tirades de Drumont contre la Banque Rothschild, lusure et la pretendue
exploitation par les juifs. Pour les conservateurs, les monarchistes et
presque toute la droite radicale, lantisemitisme de Drumont etait attirant en
tant que fait culturel, social et politique. Il a influence plusieurs ecrivains
connus comme Alphonse Daudet, Paul Bourget et Maurice Barr`es, inquietes
par lurbanisation, lindustrialisation, le deracinement et selon eux la decadence morale de la
societe francaise. Pour Maurice Barr`es, lantisemitisme etait destine `a devenir le moyen
dexpression de toutes sortes de frustrations, de peurs et de mecontentements issus tant de la
pauvrete que dun changement social juge trop rapide.Il a cree une union nationale sur le dos
des Juifs cosmopolites qui auraient desequilibre la cohesion sociale et lidentite nationale de la
France.
Cet antisemitisme socio-economique et culturel etait particuli`erement
repandu chez les universitaires, les journalistes, et les artistes. Il a egalement
prospere dans les salons de laristocratie, si subtilement illustre par le
grand ecrivain, Marcel Proust. Lanti-Dreyfusisme a ete souvent fonde sur
des prejuges nourris par la jaslousie du succ`es economique et culturel de
certains des Juifs sous la Troisi`eme Republique. Cette hostilite etait en plus
renforcee par la diffusion des concepts raciaux du comte Arthur de
Gobineau et dErnest Renan dans les annees 1850, suivis par les travaux
pseudo-scientifiques de Gustave Le Bon, de Vacher de Lapouge et de
Jules Soury `a la fin du XIX`eme si`ecle. Au moment de laffaire Dreyfus,
lantisemitisme raciste etait deja fermement ancre `a lAcademie, dans la

Dej`a en 1886, la vision de Drumont dans La France Juive a construit le stereotype du emite
venal, materialiste, traitre par sa nature ou son sang oppose au noble heros chretien et Aryen,
conduit par un ideal. Ainsi Maurice Barres a pu dire en 1898, Que Dreyfus est coupable je conclus
de sa race. Lheredite, la terre et les morts sont devenus decisifs dans lespirit des antisemites.
Un determinisme encore plus rigide a ete incarne par les theories de
lecrivain monarchiste Charles Maurras, fondateur en 1899 du nationalisme
integral et de lAction Francaise. Pendant 50 ans Maurras et ses disciples de
la droite radicale ont cultive une veritable obsession autour de laffaire
Dreyfus. Ils lont vu `a la fois comme un symptome et comme la source de
la faiblesse politique de la France, cest `a dire le reflet dune decadence
culturelle, de lanarchie sociale et des divisions sectaires endemiques. Derri`
ere la crise nationale francaise de 1900, Maurras voyait linfluence nocive
de quatre Etats confederes au sein de lEtat quil a stigmatise comme
lanti-France cest-`a-dire surtout les juifs, les protestants, les francsma
cons et les met`eques (etrangers). Pour cet athee tr`es catholique et
contre-revolutionnaire, qui detestait lheritage revolutionnaire de 1789, les
juifs constituaient le plus dangereux de ces Etats confederes et
representaient de multiples menaces pour lordre public, lautorite et la hierarchie.
Ainsi, lantisemitisme devint pour lAction Francaise le pilier de
son anti-republicanisme violent, la formule magique par laquelle toutes les
contradictions sociales et nationales pourraient finalement etre resolues.
Cette ideologie ultra-nationaliste et radicale nee de laffaire Dreyfus, est
restee constante durant les quatre decennies suivantes, influencant fortement
lantisemitisme dEtat du regime de Vichy de 1940 a` 1944. Cette
tradition maurrassienne de lantisemitisme francais a beaucoup contribue `a determiner le
Statut des Juifs en 1940 qui a notamment prive les israelites
francais de leur citoyennete acquise depuis 150 ans. Parmi les disciples de
Maurras certains ont trouve logique et naturel de collaborer `a laSolution
finale.
Laffaire Dreyfus naurait jamais pris une telle ampleur sans lhysterie
de masse induite par la propagation des doctrines judeophobe populaires `a
la fin du XIX`eme si`ecle et a meme conduit `a une transformation
lantisemitisme. Le flot de la propagande anti-juive a eu `a la fois un effet `a
court et `a long terme. En 1898, 23 deputes ouvertement antisemites
siegeaient au Palais Bourbon avec 40 autres deputes disposes `a soutenir des
propositions antisemites telles que labolition des droits civils et politiques
des Juifs en Algerie.
Les antisemites ont estime quils etaient desormais habilites `a mener
des campagnes appelant au boycott des boutiques, des entreprises et des
grands magasins appartenant `a des juifs. Ils soutenaient le protectionnisme
economique et linterdiction de limmigration etrang`ere, y compris celle des
Juifs dEurope orientale. En outre, les antisemites ont demontre `a plusieurs
reprises que leurs appels pouvaient transcender les vieux clivages politiques
entre radicaux et conservateurs, lacs anticlericaux et catholiques militants
et entre la Gauche et la Droite. Pendant lAffaire Dreyfus pour la premi`ere
fois il semblait que le nationalisme antisemite pouvait construire un pont
entre toutes les couches et les differentes composantes de la societe
francaise.
Le nouvelantisemitisme issu de laffaire Dreyfus etait impregne de
concepts raciaux stigmatisant les Juifs comme irremediablement differents
des autres Francais, jetant ainsi une ombre sur leur emancipation et sur

trouver des portraits assez stereotypes de Juifs parmi les adversaires

acharnes de lantisemitisme francais comme Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu, Leon
Bloy, ou Andre Gide. Meme constat chez les Dreyfusards militants comme
Emile Zola, Octave Mirbeau, le colonel Picquart, Fernand Labori, Georges
Clemenceau et Jean Jaur`es. En effet, de nombreux dreyfusards etaient loin
detre sympathisants des Juifs et gardaient une certaine suspicion a leur
egard. Neanmoins, leur lutte courageuse pour defendre linnocence de
Dreyfus et denoncer une injustice monstrueuse a fait oublier leurs prejuges.
Sous le gouvernement Waldeck-Rousseau `a partir de mi-1899, les autorites
francaises ont commence `a reprimer le mouvement antisemite organise
comme une menace reelle pour la Republique. A cause de cette repression,
les Ligues anti-dreyfusardes se sont progressivement eclipsees apr`es 1900
et la publication de La Libre Parole de Drumont diminua fortement, de
meme que la representation des antisemites au Parlement.
Pendant les annees de la Republique radicale (1902-1914),
lantisemitisme francais commencait a perdre de sa vigueur et de sa
resonance de masse, `a lexception de lAction Francaise et de ses jeunnes
militants - les Camelots du Roi. Neanmoins, lideologie antisemite et antidreyfusarde
nee `a la fin du si`ecle resta intacte et resurgit pendant les crises
des annees 1930.
Mais que dire de la communaute juive francaise au cours de ces annees
traumatisantes de laffaire Dreyfus? Dabord il est important de noter que
dans les annees 1890 la communaute juive de France ne comptait que 110
000 personnes (y compris les 30 000 Juifs de lAlgerie), cest `a dire pas
plus de 0,2% de la population totale. Malgre leur presence dans le secteur
bancaire, le commerce, le journalisme, les professions liberales et `a
lAcademie, les Juifs nont nullement exerce le pouvoir economique et politique
que leur attribuaient les antisemites. Il est frappant de constater que
dans des regions comme Sud-Ouest de la France, la Normandie et la
Bretagne lantisemitisme etait fort alors que le nombre de juifs y etait
infime. Pendant la Belle Epoque, il est dailleurs difficile de voir un lien
significatif entre lasension de lantisemitisme et limmigration juive de
Russie ou dEurope de lEst. Entre 1880 et 1900 cette immigration selevait
`a moins de 10 000 Juifs. En se confrontant `a lantisemitisme pendant
laffaire Dreyfus, les Juifs francais ont ete le jouet dune projection
mythique differente dune realite sociale quils auraient pu influencer ou
contr oler. Leur inclination naturelle, refletee aussi par le comportement de
la famille Dreyfus, etait de faire valoir leur patriotisme et de rester fid`eles
aux valeurs republicaines qui les avaient emancipes. La plupart des Juifs
setaient engages sur le chemin de lintegration dans la societe francaise.
Leur soutien `a lautorite dune nation francaise fondee sur la meritocratie, la
lacite et la primaute du droit etait constant.
En ce qui concerne la condamnation de Dreyfus pour trahison, les
choses etaient plus complexes. Il ny avait aucune base solide avant lete
1897 pour la plupart des Juifs ou non-Juifs de soupconner une erreur
majeure de la justice. En dehors de la famille Dreyfus elle-meme, et de
lanarchiste Bernard Lazare charge par Matthieu Dreyfus de mener des
investigations sur laffaire, les doutes exprimes sur la culpabilite de Dreyfus
furent rares jusqu en 1897. Lazare, qui avait lui-meme publie une histoire
importante de lantisemitisme en 1894 (non denuee de stereotypes antiJuifs) a ete pourtant profondement choque par les prejuges violents
exprimes contre les Juifs pendant et apr`es le premier proces. En 1896

tsariste jusqu aux mellahs dAfrique du Nord ou `a New York. Cela la
amene `a faire une critique acerbe de lassimilation des juifs francais qui les a amenes `a
abandonner leurs co-religionnaires pauvres et exploites. Cette
position quasi-sioniste netait pas du tout du go ut de lelite juive francaise.
Lazare neanmoins maintint des relations cordiales avec la famille Dreyfus,
malgre le fosse ideologique qui les separait.

En effet, Afred Dreyfus, comme la plupart des Juifs de France `a

lepoque, etait tr`es loin des idees soutenues par le fondateur du mouvement
sioniste moderne, Theodor Herzl. Pourtant ce dernier en a tire une partie de
son inspiration pour lidee de lEtat juif. Herzl avait personnellement assiste
a` la degradation publique de Dreyfus le 5 Janvier 1895 a` lEcole Militaire
de Paris, et il navait jamais oublie les hurlements de la foule parisienne
criant Mort aux Juifs! Comme il a rappele quelques annees plus tard,
laffaire Dreyfus contenait plus quun deni de justice, elle contenait le
souhait de la grande majorite en France de damner un Juif et `a travers lui
tous les Juifs. La conclusion de Herzl en 1899 etait que si le peuple francais
qui se trouvait au sommet de la civilisation pouvait arriver `a de telles
extremites, que pouvait-on attendre de pays beaucoup moins avances. Le
seul salut pour les Juifs serait donc le retour `a leur propre nation et il
fallait donc un Etat Juif!
Pour lecrasante majorite des Juifs de France une conclusion aussi
radicale etait inimaginable avant 1914. Lindifference des juifs de France `a
legard du sionisme `a cette epoque navait pas de lien immediat avec
lAffaire Dreyfus, mais la virulence antisemite a certainement augmente la
crainte de juifs detre accuses de double loyaute envers la France et
envers le peuple juif.
La presse juive de France a quand meme fermement repondu aux provocations
antisemites bien quen meme temps, le Consistoire Central ait
refuse de montrer publiquement le moindre signe de solidarite avec Dreyfus.
Tout laissait croire quil y avait une soumission excessive des dirige ants de la communaute juive
et des autorites rabbiniques envers la
Republique. Mais il serait peut-etre exagere de considerer cette position
comme signe de lachete ou de passivite. En effet le Grand Rabbin de
France, Zadoc Kahn, avait discr`etement cree en decembre 1894, un Comite
de Defense contre lantisemitisme qui fut longtemps clandestin et dont le
but visait `a endiguer la vague antisemite. Mais officiellement les dirigeants
communautaires ne voulaient pas montrer quelles se meler dune affaire

conception. Mais ces limites devaient etre depassees dans un cas aussi
exceptionnel que celui de lAffaire Dreyfus et ont finalement paralyse
laction de la communaute juive contre la vague dantisemitisme dont elle
etait victime.
Neanmoins, il y avait un nombre non negligeable de Juifs comme
Joseph Reinach, Bernard Lazare, Leon Blum, Daniel Halevy, Victor Basch
et les fr`eres Natanson qui militaient individuellement dans les rangs des
Dreyfusards. Certains comme lancien prefet et directeur de LUnivers,
Isae Levaillant, avaient adopte une attitude militante au sein de la communaute juive en insistant
sur le fait que les Juifs devaient soutenir Dreyfus dans le cadre dune lutte plus large pour la liberte
republicaine et le Droit.
En 1907, Levaillant avait fait valoir que si laffaire Dreyfus avait ete aussi
importante, cetait precisement parce quelle avait demontre que
lantisemitisme niait lessence meme de la Republique francaise et cette
affaire representait donc beaucoup plus quun simple danger pour une petite
minorite religieuse. D`es que lAffaire Dreyfus est devenue une lutte entre
lantisemitisme et les principes de la Revolution, Levaillant a estime quil
etait inevitable que les forces anti-juives seraient vaincues et bannies. Son
optimisme `a cet egard sest avere premature. Mais il avait bien vu le lien
etroit en France entre le sentiment anti-republicain et lantisemitisme issu
de la droite nationaliste et la gauche radicale. Levaillant pensait que la lutte
contre lantisemitisme politique en France avait plus de chance de reussir si
elle etait menee au nom des principes de la Republique francaise de liberte,
degalite et de fraternite, appuye sur les ressources dune nation democratique
forte.
Cette sagesse politique en depit de sa logique evidente, est loin detre
infaillible. Elle rend le destin juif `a tout moment largement dependant de la
stabilite economique et politique de la Republique. Le destin juif depend
alors de la rectitude morale de ses elites et de la cohesion de lidentite
nationale francaise meme dans des conditions eprouvantes. Cest un pari
dangereux comme on la vu en 1940.
Aujourdhui, les choses sont devenues encore plus complexes en
France, dautant plus que lEtat dIsrael est pris sous un feu intense et con tinuel et est souvent
denonce au nom des Droits de lHomme par les Palestiniens
et leurs nombreux allies. On decouvre que la banni`ere dreyfusarde
des Droits-de-LHomme na pas du tout empeche les nouveaux anti-Sionistes
(dont beaucoup sont de gauche), dutiliser des slogans anti-racistes
contre les juifs revenus dans leur pays. Les Arabes Palestiniens sont par
principe les innocents ` a priori les victimes du conflit qui se deroule au
Moyen-Orient. Aux Israeliens on reserve le r ole de matres impitoyables
voire de lincarnation meme de la force militaire brute, de la raison dEtat,
du fascisme, du racisme ou de loppression colonialiste. Cette rhetorique
anti-israelienne dont lantisemitisme est sous-jacent, a jete une ombre
troublante sur lidentification axiomatique des Droits de lHomme et de
lantiracisme face `a la Verite et au Droit. La Question Juive de notre
temps a change ses contours mais elle reste aussi complexe et sombre qu`a
l`epoque de lAffaire Dreyfus.
*Robert S Wistrich est Professeur emerite dHistoire juive et europeenne `a
lUniversite Hebraque de Jerusalem o` u il dirige le Centre International Vidal Sassoonpour letude de
lantisemitisme. Il est mondialement connu comme specialiste preeminent de lantisemitisme. Ses recents
livres comprennent: A Lethal Obsession. Antisemitism from Antiquity to the Global Jihad (Random House,

French Antisemitism during the Dreyfus Affair

Robert S. Wistrich*
The Dreyfus Affair is rightly considered as a significant turning point
in the history of modern European antisemitism, as well as constituting a
major internal issue in French society and politics. Indeed, the power struggle
over the essence of the Republic, which divided France between 1897
and 1900 into opposing camps of Dreyfusards and anti-Dreyfusards, was
profoundly influenced by the reemergence of a Jewish Question, deliberatelyfostered by the
antisemites. In addition to daily antisemitic publications like Edouard Drumonts La Libre Parole,
the Catholic La Croix,
Henri Rocheforts LIntransigeant, and Jules Guerins LAntijuif, there
were also mass-circulation newspapers like Le Petit Journal that unconditionally
supported the anti-Dreyfusard position, which remained dominant
in most of the French press. Equally, at the height of the Affair, there was a
rash of more short-lived antisemitic pamphlets and weeklies like the illustrated
Psst!, containing the toxic antisemitic caricatures of Frances leading
cartoonists, Jean-Louis Forain and Caran dAche (Emmanuel Poire). Further
reinforcing the anti-Dreyfusard camp (who fervently opposed any revision
of Alfred Dreyfuss conviction for spying) were the noisy activities of
a number of populist antisemitic leagues and associations that encouraged
street demonstrations, violent agitation against Jews, and vicious denunciations
of leading Dreyfusards.
Ever since 1889, when Frances best-selling antisemitic journalist
Edouard Drumont had founded La Ligue Antisemitique Francaise, the
leagues had become a potent force for collective mobilization and calls for
action against the Jews and the Republic. Popular Catholicism often provided

the Abbe Garnier. This organization was backed enthusiastically by the Vatican and many French
bishops. Significantly, the head of the Jeunesse
Antisemite et Nationaliste, Edouard Dubic, belonged to Garniers militant
Catholic League. Dubic advocated an all-out war against the Jews as part of
his anti-Dreyfusard agitation. The marching song of the Jeunesse
Antisemite began: Lets drive out the Yids by clubbing them on the head.
Dubic was also closely linked to Jules Guerin, one of the most effective
antisemitic organizers in France during the Dreyfus Affair, who had
established his own well-organized antisemitic league in 1897.
Guerin focused his offensive on Jewish monopolies, Jewish bankers,
and financial speculators in general, using antisemitism as a favored
weapon of social struggle while appealing to working-class anti-clericalism.
By July 1898, his organization already included over 10,000 activists,
attracting Catholic militants, Bonapartists, and Royalists as well as some
Blanquist socialists. Guerin was even able to manage Edouard Drumonts
entry into the French parliament following the May 1898 elections held in
the capital of French Algeria. These elections proved to be a triumph for the
French antisemites. The new mayor of Algiers, Max Regis, was a 26-yearold
law student and son of a recent Italian immigrant. In January 1898,
Regis had called upon a cheering Parisian mob to water the tree of freedom
with the blood of the Jews. He would unscrupulously use his office to
incite and unleash pogroms in Algeria during the Dreyfus Affair, in which
Jewish stores were looted, Jewish women criminally assaulted, and several
Jews killed.
In metropolitan France itself, following the publication of Zolas
JAccuse, during January-February 1898 there were no less than 70
antisemitic demonstrations or riots across the country. Violent disturbances
occurred in all the large and medium-size cities, including Paris, Marseille,
Lyon, Bordeaux, Montpellier, Clermont-Ferrand, Nantes, Rouen, Tours,
Dijon, Dieppe, and Nancy. The rallying cry, Death to the Jews, swept the
country and the antisemitic mobilization affected all regions and social
stratathe aristocracy, the mercantile classes, the petty bourgeoisie, peasants,
workers, intellectuals, and students, as well as the ranks of the army.

and the Church. Some of the more extreme pamphlet literature specifically
demanded the expulsion of Jews, or even their murder. More common,
however, were calls for the removal of Jews from army officer ranks, from
the State administration, politics, and the Academy. Such motions had been
debated in the French parliament since 1895, attracting considerable backing
from deputies without winning majority support.
A disturbing insight into the escalating potency of French antisemitism
at the time of the Dreyfus Affair is provided by the many subscriptions to
the Henry Memorial in 1899a fund established by Edouard Drumonts newspaper to support
the widow of Colonel Henry, the leading fabricator of General Staff documents against Dreyfus.
Henry had committed suicide in August 1898 following his exposure as a forger. Among the 25,000
subscribersto the memorial fund were at least 300 members of the lower clergy, more than 1,000
army officers (including four generals), representatives of the educated professional strata, and
many ordinary Frenchmen and women from all sections of society.

The attached comments of the subscribers were full of the most malevolent
antisemitism. One group of officers declared its impatience to try out
a new type of gun on the 100,000 Jews in the country; other subscribers
suggested that Jews should be pierced to death with needles, stewed in oil,
or circumcised up to the neck; several contributors openly advocated that
Jews should be torn to pieces, tortured, or boiled aliveespecially the Jewish
Dreyfusard politician Joseph Reinach (nicknamed Boule de Juif), who,
along with Captain Dreyfus and Emile Zola, was a special target of mob
hatred. The Henry Memorial materials, like much of the antisemitic press
tirades, tracts, pamphlets, caricatures, songs, poetry, postcards, and childrens
games, display an unmistakably eliminationist antisemitism to which
even distinguished intellectuals were not entirely immune.
Fin-de-si`ecle French intellectual Judeophobia had multiple sources and
contributed substantially to the explosive divisiveness of the Dreyfus
Affair. Much of this literature can be seen as an anti-modernist backlash
against the egalitarian and libertarian ideals of the Great French Revolution
of 1789 and the edicts of Jewish emancipation that had accompanied its
advance. The oldest layer in this hostility was the powerful Catholic strand
of anti-Judaism epitomized by the aristocratic Gougenot des Mousseaux,
whose Le Juif, le jud aisme et la judasation des peuples Chretiens (1869)
had been specifically blessed by Pope Pius IX. Like the Catholic
antisemites of the Dreyfus Affair who followed him, des Mousseaux
denounced a so-called Jewish conspiracy against Christendom, the Jewish
domination of Christian culture, and the efforts of Jews in alliance with
Freemasonry to seize the levers of political power in France. In the same
spirit, from the 1880s onward, other Catholic publicists would repeatedly

attribute social and cultural trends they deplored (growing secularism, atheism,
materialism, free-thinking liberalism, and aesthetic modernism) toJewish machinations. La Croix,
organ of the Catholic Assumptionist religious
order (which in 1890 proudly called itself the most antisemitic newspaper
in France), led the press campaign to brand Jewry as insidiously
subverting the Catholic identity of France.
Edouard Drumont, the new pope of French antisemitism, built on
this traditional foundation in his incredibly successful book La France
Juive (1886), which sold more than 100,000 copies. It rapidly catapulted
him into leadership of the antisemitic movement and was repeatedly
reprinted. Drumont blended intense nationalism (La France aux Francais),
anti-capitalist ressentiment, and pseudo-scientific racism with populist
Catholicism in a potent brew of antisemitic poison that greatly envenomed
the Dreyfus Affair. A skilled journalist with an eye for scandal, gossip, and
sensation, Drumont had shrewdly exploited the massive financial corruption
exposed by the Panama Canal scandal to launch his muckraking newspaper
La Libre Parole in 1892. Supported by street-brawling aristocrats like the
Marquis de Mor`es, he was able to appeal to groups such as the Catholic
lower clergy, the embittered lower middle class, disillusioned workers, students,and even some
intellectuals in denouncing the plutocratic Jewish
Republic, parliamentary corruption, and the inequalities of unbridled capitalism.

within the General Staff. His baneful influence extended both to the socialist
left and the radical right in France.
Many socialists and anarchists proved sympathetic to Drumonts
tirades against the Rothschilds, usury, and so-called Jewish exploitation.
On the traditionalist, monarchist, and radical right, Drumonts antisemitism
was even more attractive as a cultural phenomenon. It influenced important
fin-de-si`ecle writers like Alphonse Daudet, Paul Bourget, and Maurice Barr`
es, who were concerned by the growing urbanization, industrialization,
rootlessness, and moral decadence of French society. As Barr`es expressed,
la formula anti-juive was destined to become the vehicle of all kinds of
grievances in French societyarticulating the protest of the have-nots,
the malcontents, and the declining social strata against the disorienting
effects of rapid social change. It offered a seductive national union
against the allegedly alien, cosmopolitan Jews who were allegedly
threatening Frances social cohesion and national identity.
This socio-economic antisemitism, with its increasingly toxic mix of
elitist snobbery against parvenu Jews, sexual envy, and a very prickly
nationalist sensitivity, was especially widespread among academics, jour nalists, playwrights, poets,
and painters. It also flourished in the fashionable
salons of the aristocracy, so subtly depicted by the half-Jewish Dreyfusard
novelist Marcel Proust. Anti-Dreyfusard sentiment invariably drew on this
diffuse reservoir of social prejudice, which was nourished by the conspicuous
economic and cultural success of Jews under the Third Republic. Hostility
was further fortified by the spread of scientific racial concepts in
Francebegun with the writings of Count Arthur de Gobineau and Ernest
Renan in the 1850s, to be followed by the works of Gustave Le Bon,
Vacher de Lapouge, and Jules Soury at the end of the 19th century. By the
time of the Dreyfus Affair, racist antisemitism was firmly embedded in the
French Academy, politics, and popular folklore. Its trademark was the
relentless depiction of Jews as members of a sinister, cunning, and corrupt
inferior race of dangerous social parasites. Already in 1886 Drumonts
racist vision of Jewish France had sharply polarized the cowardly, venal,
and materialistic Semites with the noble, heroic, and idealistic Christian
Aryans. According to Drumont and his acolytes, the source of treason and
other endemic Jewish vices lay in the blood. Hence, the nationalist intellectual
Maurice Barr`es could confidently declare in 1898: That Dreyfus is
guilty, I conclude from his race. Heredity, blood, and soil were decisive in
the minds of the new antisemites.
A similar determinism pervaded the theories of the monarchist writer
Charles Maurras, founder in 1899 of French integral nationalism and the
Action Francaise movement. For the next half century Maurras and his disciples
on the radical right would cultivate a veritable obsession with the
Dreyfus Affair, which they saw as both a symptom and the source of
endemic French political weakness, cultural decadence, societal anarchy,
and sectarian divisions. Behind the French national crisis loomed the supposedly
noxious influence of four etats confederes within the State, who
represented what Maurras stigmatized as anti-Francethe Jews, the Protestants,
the freemasons, and the met`eques (foreigners). For the Catholic atheist
and counter-revolutionary Maurras (who passionately hated the French
Revolutionary legacy of 1789), the Jews were the most dangerous of the
multiple threats to French hierarchy, order, and authority. Hence, from the
outset antisemitism became for the Action Francaise the major pillar of its

ideology, born out of the Dreyfus Affair, remained astonishingly
consistent through the next four decades, strongly influencing the antisemitisme
dEtat of the Vichy regime between 1940 and 1944. The indigenous
Maurrasian tradition of French antisemitism undoubtedly helped to smooth
the way for Vichys notorious Statut des Juifs (stripping Jews of their French citizenship in 1940),
and provided an ideological justification for
French government collaboration in the Nazi Final Solution.
The Dreyfus Affair could never have gained such traction without the
mass hysteria induced by the spread of popular Judeophobic doctrines in
fin-de-si`ecle France. But at the same time it was also the Affair that transformed
antisemitism into an issue involving mass politics and the future of
the French Republic. The flood of anti-Jewish propaganda had both a shortand
long-term effect. It brought 23 avowedly antisemitic deputies to the
French parliament in 1898, with another 40 more deputies willing to support
antisemitic proposals such as the abolition of the full civil and political
rights of Algerian Jews. The antisemites now felt empowered to mount
campaigns calling for the boycott of Jewish shops, businesses, and department
stores. They openly encouraged economic protectionism and severe
limitations on foreign immigration, including that of destitute Jews from
Eastern Europe. Moreover, during the Affair antisemites repeatedly demonstrated
that their appeals could transcend old cleavages between radicals
and conservatives, anti-clerical secularists and militant Catholics, the left
and the right. It seemed for the first time that antisemitic nationalism could
provide a possible bridge between the aristocratic elite and the rootless
mob, between a corrupt political establishment and those on the social margins
between the haves and the have-nots.

As we have seen, the new antisemitism of the Dreyfus Affair was

highly receptive to racial concepts branding the Jews as ineradicably different
from non-Jewsthereby casting a long shadow over the core premises
of Jewish emancipation and assimilation. The antisemitic ideology in findesi`ecle France also left its mark on its opponents. One can, for example,
find strikingly stereotypical portraits of Jews among some of the most
prominent critics and adversaries of French antisemitism, including Anatole
Leroy-Beaulieu, Leon Bloy, and Andre Gide, and leading Dreyfusards like
Emile Zola, Octave Mirbeau, Colonel Picquart, Fernand Labori, Georges
Clemenceau, and Jean Jaur`es. Indeed, many Dreyfusards were far from

defend the innocence of Dreyfus and to expose a gross injustice did bear
fruit in the short term. Already under the Waldeck-Rousseau government in
mid 1899, the French authorities began to clamp down firmly on the organized
antisemitic movement as a palpable threat to the Republican regime.
Partly as a result of this repression, the anti-Dreyfusard Leagues suffered a
gradual eclipse after 1900 and the circulation of Drumonts La Libre Parole
steeply declined, as did the antisemitic representation in Parliament. During
the years of the Radical Republic (1902-1914), French antisemitism had clearly lost some of its
direction and mass resonance, except for the militant Action Francaise.
Nevertheless, the anti-Dreyfusard and antisemitic ideology born in the
fin-de-si`ecle remained intact, to resurface with a vengeance during the
political crises of the 1930s.
But what of French Jewry during these traumatic years of the Dreyfus
Affair? Given the central role of Jews in French nationalist ideology, it is
important to note that in the 1890s the French Jewish community numbered
only about 110,000 (including the 30,000 Jews of French Algeria), no more
than 0.2% of the total population. Though well represented in banking,
commerce, journalism, the free professions, and the Academy, Jews exerted
nothing like the huge economic and political power constantly attributed to
them by the antisemites. Nor, in cases like southwest France, Normandy, or
Brittanywhere antisemitism clearly flourishedwas there the slightest
correlation between its impact and the physical presence of Jews. Equally,
during the Belle Epoque, it is difficult to see any significant link between
antisemitism and Russian or East European Jewish immigration to France,
which between 1880 and 1900 amounted to less than 10,000 Jews. In confronting
rampant antisemitism during the Dreyfus Affair, French Jews were
in fact dealing with a mythical projection far more than a social reality they
could rationally influence or control. Their natural inclination (reflected in
the responses of the Dreyfus family) was to re-emphasize their enthusiastic
French patriotism and loyalty to the Republican values that had emancipated
them. For most Jews, this involved a continued commitment to their
integration within French society and their consistent support for the
authority of a French State based on meritocracy, secularism, and the rule
of law.
With regard to Dreyfuss conviction on charges of treason, things were
more complex. There was no solid basis before the summer of 1897 for
most Jews or non-Jews to assume that there had been a major miscarriage
of justice. Aside from the Dreyfus family itself, and the French-Jewish
anarchist Bernard Lazare, whom Matthieu Dreyfus had hired to investigate
the case, exceedingly few doubts were expressed for the first two years
about Dreyfuss guilt. Lazare, who had himself published an important history
of antisemitism in 1894 (one by no means devoid of anti-Jewish stereotypes),
had, however, been deeply shocked by the racist prejudice directed
at the Jews during and after the first trial. Increasingly, he came to see in
Alfred Dreyfus the tragic symbol of the oppressed, persecuted, and
enslaved proletarian Jews from the ghettos of tsarist Russia to the mellahs
of North Africa or the sweatshops of New York. This led him toward a
sharp critique of Jewish middle-class assimilation and to the adoption of a
revolutionary brand of Jewish nationalism. Though this stance was not at all to the taste of the
French-Jewish establishment, Lazare would nonetheless
maintain cordial relations with the Dreyfus family despite the ideological

outlook of political Zionism. Hence it is particularly ironic that the founder
of the Zionist movement, Theodor Herzl, should have drawn some of the
inspiration for his idea of the Jewish State from the Dreyfus case. Herzl had
personally witnessed Dreyfuss public degradation on January 5, 1895, in
the Ecole Militaire in Paris, and he never forgot the howls of the Parisian
mob screaming Death! Death to the Jews! As he would put it a few years
later, The Dreyfus case contains more than a miscarriage of justice; it contains
the wish of the vast majority in France to damn one Jew and through
him all Jews. . . . Herzls stark conclusion in 1899 was that if the highly
civilized French people could come to such a pass, then there was little
for Jews to expect from other, far less advanced nations. The only salvation
for Jews would be the return to their own nation and their establishment on
their own ground and soil. In other words, a Jewish State!
For the overwhelming majority of French Jews, such a radical conclusion
was unimaginable before 1914. Indifference to Zionism, however, did
not mean that Jews in France remained passive during the Affair. Individual
Jews fought for Dreyfus, and some even engaged in duels to defend their
honor. Moreover, the French Jewish press consistently and firmly
responded to antisemitic and clerical provocations. At the same time, there
was some criticism within this press of the seeming impotence of the Consistory
(Consistoire)the French Jewish Central Counciland of its
unwillingness to publicly proclaim Jewish solidarity with Dreyfus. Some
Jews eventually came to see the Affair as evidence of the excessive subordi nation of the Jewish
communal and rabbinical leadership to the French
State.
The communal response of French Jewry to the Affair was one of
excessive prudence rather than cowardice or passivity. As early as December
1894, the chief rabbi of France, Zadoc Kahn, had created a clandestine
Comite de Defense contre lantisemitisme (Defense Committee Against
Antisemitism), which included some prominent members of the Jewish
community. Though its activities remained secret, it tried to stem the
antisemitic tide by discreetly assisting non-Jewish opponents of antisemitism
through subsidies, propaganda materials, and legal advice. On the other
hand, neither the Consistory nor the Alliance Israelite Universelle ever publicly took the side of
Dreyfus, nor did they represent French Jewry politically before the authorities. Communal leaders
always insisted on the
official definition of Judaism as a religion and regarded the Consistory as a
purely religious body. Such self-imposed limitations had a somewhat paralyzing effect on Jewish
communal responses to antisemitism.
Nevertheless, there were many individual Jews like Joseph Reinach,
Bernard Lazare, Leon Blum, Daniel Halevy, Victor Basch, and the Natanson
brothers in the Dreyfusard ranks. There were also those like the former
prefect and editor of LUnivers, Isae Levaillant, who took a more activist
view from within the Jewish community, insisting that Jews must support
Dreyfus as part of a broader struggle for republican liberty and justice. In
1907, Levaillant argued retrospectively that the Dreyfus Affair had been so
important precisely because it had demonstrated that antisemitism negated
the very essence of the French Republic. It represented much more than
simply a danger to one religious minority; as soon as the struggle became
one between antisemitism and the principles of the Revolution, Levaillant
believed that it was inevitable that the anti-Jewish forces would be vanquished and banished. His
optimism in this regard proved premature,

right and the far left. Nor was Levaillant wrong to suggest that fighting
antisemitism politically in France was more likely to succeed when it was
conducted in the name of the universal principles of liberty, equality, and
fraternity, backed by the resources of a strong republican state.
Nevertheless, this conventional wisdom, despite its obvious appeal, is
far from foolproof. It makes the Jewish fate largely dependent on the economic and political
stability of the Republic at any given moment, the
moral rectitude of its elites, and the cohesion of the French national identity
under rapidly changing conditions of globalization. Moreover, the old
Dreyfusard rallying cry of defending universal human rights proved to be a hollow reed in
protecting Jewish lives, especially in 1940, after the military
defeat of France.
Today, things are still more complex, especially since the State of
Israel has come under intense fire as an allegedly serial violator of human
rights. The mendacity and hypocrisy of such anti-Zionist charges has not
prevented the new antisemites, many of them coming from the left, from
inverting classic Dreyfusard rhetoric in the most Manichean fashion. In
their eyes, it is the virginally innocent Palestinians who are invariably and
a priori the absolute victims of the contemporary Middle East conflict.
Israel and the Jews are, however, dogmatically represented as ruthless
oppressorsthe contemporary incarnation of brute military force, raison
detat, fascism, racism, and colonialist oppression. This anti-Israel rhetoric
has cast a shadow over the axiomatic Dreyfusard identification of the cause
of human rights with resistance to racism and Jew-hatred. Truth and justice,
it would appear, are no longer so blindingly obvious as they seemed to
Emile Zola at the height of the Dreyfus Affair.
*Robert S. Wistrich is the Neuburger Professor of European and Jewish History at
Hebrew University of Jerusalem and directs the Vidal Sassoon International Center
for the Study of Antisemitism. The preeminent scholar of antisemitism history, his
recent books include A Lethal Obsession: Anti-Semitism from Antiquity to the
Global Jihad (Random House, 2010) and From Ambivalence to Betrayal: The Left,
the Jews and Israel (University of Nebraska Press, 2012).

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Birnbaum, Pierre. The Antisemitic Moment: 1898. Paris: Fayard, 1998.
Delmaire, Danielle. Antisemitism and Catholicism in the North during the Dreyfus
Affair. Lille, France: Presses Universitaires de Lille, 1991.
Joly, Bernard. Nationalists and Conservatives in France, 1885-1902. Paris: Les
Indes savantes, 2008.
Poliakov, Leon. The History of Antisemitism: Suicidal Europe 1870-1933 .
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985.
Sorlin, Pierre. The Cross and the Jews 1880-1899 . Paris: Grassat, 1967.
Wilson, Stephen. Ideology and Experience: Antisemitism in France at the Time of
the Dreyfus Affair. Oxford, UK: Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 1982.
Wistrich, Robert S. A Lethal Obsession: Anti-Semitism from Antiquity to the Global
Jihad . New York: Random House, 2010.

Anti-Zionism and the Iranian Press

Rusi Jaspal*

Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, anti-Zionism has remained an important

ideological building block of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This paper
examines the manifestation of anti-Zionism in the English-language Iranian
press in order to elucidate how this ideology is exported to an international
readership. The paper presents the results of an empirical study of two leading English-language
Iranian newspapers: The Tehran Times and Press TV. The study uses Critical Discourse Analysis
and draws upon tenets of Social Representations Theory and the notion of delegitimization from
social psychology. The following themes are outlined: (a) problematizing Israels right to exist; (b)
unveiling the global Zionist conspiracy; and (c) leading global anti-Zionismthe declining Zionist
regime. Both anti-Zionist and antisemitic representations are observable in the corpus. The paper
identifies three key components of the delegitimization process and addresses the implications of
outgroup delegitimization for identity, emotion, and action.
Key Words: Antisemitism, Anti-Zionism, Critical Discourse Analysis, Iran,
Israel, Media, Social Representations
The Islamic Republic of Iran makes no secret of its fiercely anti-Zionist
position, which became an official state policy following the Islamic
Revolution in 1979. Iran vocally supports Palestinian sovereignty over the
whole of present-day Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza, and actively calls for
the destruction of the Jewish State. This position has drawn support from
other Arab and Muslim countries, and condemnation from much of the
Western world (Takeyh, 2006). There has been social sciences research into
the development and deployment of anti-Zionism and antisemitism in Iran
(Jaspal, 2013a; Litvak, 2006; Shahvar, 2009). Much research in this area
tends to focus upon the political functions of this ideological stance
(Kuntzel, 2010; Takeyh, 2006).
This paper makes a novel socio-psychological contribution to this field by examining textual social
representations of Israel in the English-language Iranian press. More specifically, there is a concern
with how the English-language Iranian press exports Irans anti-Zionist policy beyond the
national and linguistic borders of Iran. Through the lens of Social Representations Theory
(Moscovici, 1988), this paper\ examines how the press delegitimizes the State of Israel and how it
linguisticallynormalizes this prejudicial position for dissemination to an international readership.
DELEGITIMIZATION AND SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS
The concept of delegitimization was developed in order to describe
group categorization based on the negative traits of the outgroup that are
used to deny the humanity of the outgroup and exclude it from dominant
society (Bar-Tal, 1988). In his model of delegitimization, Bar-Tal (1990)
identifies a series of ways in which outgroups can be delegitimized: (a)
dehumanizationthe attribution of subhuman traits to a group (e.g., demon,
monster, Satan); (b) trait characterizationthe attribution of negative characteristics to a group
(e.g., liar, aggressor); (c) outcastingconstructs
groups as violators of pivotal social norms (e.g., murderers, thieves); and
(d) political labelingentails the allocation of groups into socially stigmatized
political categories (e.g., Nazi, imperialist). The process of delegitimization
typically constructs the outgroup as posing some kind of threat to

argues that delegitimization can arouse highly negative emotions of rejection

among the ingroup, such as hatred, anger, fear, and disgust, which collectively
can lead to aggression, violence, and even genocide against the
delegitimized outgroup. The Nazi persecution and systematic delegitimization
of the Jews, which culminated in the massacre of 6 million of them,
clearly exemplifies how delegitimization can eventually lead to extreme
aggression against outgroups (Bar-Tal, 1990).
In order to understand how delegitimization can become a pervasive
and socially acceptable policy in a society, it is useful to draw upon Social
Representations Theory. The theory was designed to address human
responses, both cognitive and rhetorical, to social information, by treating
seriously the information that circulates in society and the ideas in peoples
minds (Billig, 1988; Moscovici, 1988). A social representation is defined as
a system of values, ideas, and practices regarding a given social object, as
well as the elaboration of a social phenomenon by a group for the purpose
of communicating and behaving. Delegitimizing social representations of
Israel in Iranian media provide the readership with a shared negative social
reality in relation to Israel, facilitating meaning-making and the correspondinglyappropriate
social and psychological responses to it (Klein,
2009).
In his analysis of how representations are formed, Moscovici (1988)
outlines the processes of anchoring and objectification. Anchoring reflects
the categorization of unfamiliar objects through their comparison with an
existing stock of familiar and culturally accessible objects. For the readership
of the Iranian press to develop an understanding of Israel, it must first be named and attributed
familiar characteristics, which facilitate communication
and discussion about it. For instance, it has been observed that Iranian
Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini frequently linked the IsraeliPalestinian conflict to the Jews historical exploitation of Muslims,
thereby constructing Israel unambiguously as the villain in the IsraeliPalestinian conflict (Shahvar, 2009). This form of anchoring exemplifies
the outcasting function of delegitimization, following the construction of
Jews/Israel as violating social norms. Objectification is the process whereby
unfamiliar and abstract objects are transformed into concrete and objective
common-sense realities. In another media analysis (Jaspal, in press), it
has been observed that Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad refers to
Israel in terms of a cancer. Israel is attributed a concrete essence
through its objectification in terms of a metastatic disease, which must
therefore be destroyed. The processes of anchoring and objectification perform
both descriptive and evaluative functions by elucidating the essence
of Israel (i.e., what it is) and its social value (i.e., how it should be evaluated).
It is argued that a critical discourse analytical approach to anchoring
and objectification can elucidate how these processes function discursively
in the domain of text and talk (van Dijk, 1993).
THE ZIONIST REGIME
Zionism can be described as an ethnonationalist ideology, in which
Israel is regarded as the expression of the Jewish peoples right to national
self-determination (Beller, 2007, 226). Conversely, Iran has described
Zionism as a racist, oppressive Nazi ideology (Takeyh, 2006), which clearly
exemplifies the processes of trait characterization and political labeling.
After Iran withdrew its recognition of the State of Israel, it has systematically
referred to the Jewish State as the Zionist regime and Occupied

exist (Jaspal, 2013b). Indeed, Iran regards Israel as an occupation of Palestine,
conversely depicted as Muslim land (Shahvar, 2009). In addition to
its active dissemination of delegitimizing social representations, Iran is a
major funder of the Hezbollah movement in Lebanon and the Islamist party
Hamas in the Palestinian territories. Both openly express their commitment
to the destruction of the State of Israel and are regarded as terrorist organizations by the United
States and the EU (Palmer-Harik, 2004).
There has been some academic insight into the nature of social representations
disseminated by Iran, particularly in political and media discourses
(Jaspal, 2013a; Litvak, 2006; Shahvar, 2009). Indeed, given the
censorship of the media in Iran, political and media discourses tend to be complementary, which is
likely to produce coercive and uniform social representations.
In an account of the motives underlying Iranian anti-Zionism
and antisemitism, Jaspal (2013a) has argued that Iran deliberately disseminates
anti-Zionist and antisemitic social representations in order to: maintain
temporal continuity between the original tenets of the Islamic
Revolution and the present-day Islamic republic; restore acceptance and
inclusion in the Sunni Muslim Middle East; exhibit the influence and control
of Iran vis-`a-vis Jews and Israel; and construct Israel as a threat to be
fought by the Muslim world, demonstrating Muslim superiority.
Although these socio-psychological motives may explain political
rhetoric in Iran, it is unclear how they are disseminated in the Englishlanguage
Iranian press.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF ISRAEL
There is a body of research that examines media practices, journalistic
norms, censorship, and the long-standing anti-Western position of Iranian
media since the Islamic Revolution (Semati, 2008; Sweetser & Brown,
2010). Researchers interested in Iranian antisemitism and anti-Zionism have
to some extent examined media representations of Jews and Israel, although
there tends not to be systematic engagement with media reporting in Iran
(Litvak, 2006; Shahvar, 2009; Takeyh, 2006). This work has been useful in
elucidating the relationship between political and media discourses in Iran
and the ways in which Iran disseminates its anti-Zionist ideology to a
domestic Iranian readership. There have been, however, few systematic
media analyses focusing specifically on how the English-language Iranian
press represents Israel. Such analyses are key to understanding how Iran
exports its anti-Zionist ideology to an international audience in order to
broaden its sphere of ideological influence beyond the national and linguistic
boundaries of Iran. Moreover, given that sections of some ethno-religious
minority groups in Western countries (e.g., Muslims in Britain) may
feel disillusioned with the mainstream press due to perceptions of bias
and/or discrimination (Jaspal, 2011), it is possible that disaffected ethnoreligious
minority individuals may turn to alternative news outlets such as
the English-language Iranian press. Thus, these outlets may have some
clout in shaping perceptions of Israel among some groups in society.
To gain insight into the use of alternative news outlets, this study
examines The Tehran Times and Press TV. The Tehran Times, a daily newspaper
published in both print and online formats, was established by
Ayatollah Seyyed Mohammad Beheshti in 1979, following the Islamic
Revolution. According to Beheshti, [T]he Tehran Times is not the newspaper
of the government; it must be a loud voice of the Islamic Revolution and the loudspeaker of the
oppressed people of the world.1 Although the

As stated on its website, The Tehran Times makes a special effort to publish
reports on cultural and religious issues, in addition to various other
social concerns. Although there are no independent data concerning the circulation
of the outlet, The Tehran Times claims to be attracting readers
from over 80 different countries and that its website has over 10,000 visitors
each day. Conversely, Press TV is a state-owned media outlet, which
forms part of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting Corporation. It was
launched in 2007 to counter Western news reporting on global issues (in
particular, the Middle East). Thus, like The Tehran Times, it aims to provide
an alternative voice on global affairs and targets the West as its
primary readership. The official vision statement of Press TV is to to heed
the voices and perspectives of the people of the world; build bridges of cultural
understanding; encourage human beings of different nationalities,
races and creeds to identify with one another; bring to light untold and
overlooked stories of individuals who have experienced political and cultural
divides firsthand.2 Like The Tehran Times, Press TV is similarly conservative
in its ideological stance, and has been described as a
mouthpiece for Iran.
Kleins analysis of the Islamic Republic News Agency examines how
the outlet represented the Iranian nuclear issue and the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict during a two-month period in 2007 (Klein, 2009). Using a small,
purposive sample of online articles, Klein examined the news frames
employed in Iranian and Israeli media reporting, respectively. The study
was comparative in nature, focusing upon convergences and divergences in
media reporting in the two countries. It was found that the Iranian press
typically framed Israel as a savage regime and an enemy of Islam. It is
noteworthy that the sampling period was dominated by a speech delivered
by Irans Supreme Leader concerning the International Quds Day, the
annual Islamic resistance day celebrated on the last day of Ramadan.
Conversely, the present study focuses upon more habitual representational
practices in order to elucidate how Israel is represented to an international
readership in the absence of politically polarizing events. It builds upon
Kleins work by acknowledging the tendency of the Iranian press to delegitimize
Israel (see also Litvak, 2006), focusing specifically upon the discursive
elements of delegitimization. It does so to provide an important means
of understanding how subtler forms of linguistic expression can also result
in delegitimization, potentially leading to the uncritical acceptance of this
stance among the readership. Moreover, this study is concerned explicitly
with the formation of meaning in the media, that is, how delegitimizing
social representations of Israel are actually created and subsequently disseminated
and encouraged in media reporting. It offers a socio-psychological
approach to textual social representations of Israel, bridging social
representation, identity, and action. In sum, this study examines the discursive
aspects of delegitimizationthat is, how particular forms of language
are employed in order to delegitimize Israel, and how the processes of
anchoring and objectification are employed in media discourse to generate
delegitimizing social representations of Israel.
METHOD
This study presents a fine-grained Critical Discourse Analysis of a
small corpus of articles concerning Israel (Fairclough, 1995; van Dijk,

discourse, cognition, and power, and to bridge the epistemological
positions of social constructionism and realism. The technique provides
insight into how social reality is constructed in talk and text, acknowledging
the possibilities offered by, and the potential constraints imposed by, social
power relations (van Dijk, 1993). Finally, Critical Discourse Analysis helps
to reveal the rhetorical strategies for affirming and contesting social representations
of Israel.
Critical Discourse Analysis was considered particularly useful due to
its theoretical foci, which lie in describing (a) controlthat is, how groups
exert control over others through persuasion or by constructing their agenda
as natural; (b) social cognitionnamely, that discourse can create and
feed into social representations; and (c) rhetorical strategiesnamely, the
ways in which stakeholders rationalize and contest particular representations
of Israel. These theoretical concerns within Critical Discourse Analysis
are crucial for understanding how institutionalized representations, such
as those associated with Iran, can become popularized at the social level
(Jaspal, 2013a).
DATA COLLECTION
This study focuses on two English-language Iranian news outlets, The
Tehran Times and Press TV. The aim of the study was to provide a finegrained analysis of the
discursive aspects of media reporting on Israel, rather than to provide a longitudinal overview of
media reporting. The aim
was theoretical, focusing on how representations are constructed, disseminated,
and encouraged, rather than purely empirical; moreover, a key aim of
the study was to examine habitual ways of media reporting on Israel, rather
than polarized coverage of particularly contentious events (e.g., Lebanon
War; Gaza War).
It was decided that a relatively small and well-circumscribed corpus of
articles published during a short space of time would be adequate for fulfilling
this research aim. The websites of both outlets feature an online
database of published articles, all of which are available in PDF format.
Using the keywords Israel, Zionist, and Palestine, the author conducted
a search of the online databases for articles published between May
1, 2011, and September 1, 2011. The 214 articles published during this
four-month period contained one or more of these keywords and were
included in the output; all of these articles were subjected to Critical Discourse
Analysis.
It had been deemed appropriate to target a time period in which there
were no reports of major social or political events concerning Israel/the
Israeli-Arab conflict. Although there are frequent skirmishes between the
Israeli army and Palestinian militants as well as rocket attacks from Gaza,
which often feature in international news coverage (Philo & Berry, 2004),
this four-month period was in fact relatively uneventful.
In reading the articles, the left margin was used to code emerging
theme titles, which captured the essential qualities of the articles. These
initial codes included inter alia, for the general tone of the article, categorization
(e.g., regime), positioning (e.g., victimhood versus perpetrator),
particular forms of language (e.g., metaphor), and emerging patterns within
the data. Subsequently, the right margin was used to collate these initial
codes into potential discursive themes, which captured the essential qualities
of the articles analyzed. The themes were reviewed rigorously against

article extracts that were considered vivid, compelling, and representative

of the discursive themes were selected for presentation in this paper, and
appear below; the sources of the extracts are given in the footnotes. Finally,
three superordinate discursive themes representing the results were developed
and ordered into a logical and coherent narrative structure. Relevant
constructs from Social Representations Theory (e.g., anchoring/objectification) were drawn upon as
a means of theoretically enriching the analysis.
RESULTS
The analysis discusses the following three themes: (a) problematizingIsraels right to exist; (b)
unveiling the global Zionist conspiracy; and (c) leading global anti-Zionismthe declining Zionist
regime.
Israels Right to Exist
Iran actively contests and undermines the legitimacy of the State of Israel. Articles in the corpus
reproduce this political agenda by contesting the social representation that Israel is a Jewish state:
1. Benyamin Netanyahus government is facing serious conflicts within the occupied territories as a
result of his insistence on the recognition of Israel as a Jewish state . . . However, there are serious
disagreements about the definitions of the word Jew and the expression
Jewish state inside Israel . . . Despite this high level of disagreement, Netanyahu is still adamant
about Israel being recognized as a
Jewish state.3
When Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion declared the State of Israel in
1948, he explicitly referred to it as a Jewish State (Ben-Gurion, 1948), and
indeed the Basic Laws of Israel continue to define the state as a Jewish and
Democratic State.4 Pro-Palestinian proponents of the one-state solution
tend to contest the Jewish character of the territory, which they view as
being occupied by Israel, and instead regard it as Palestine (see Shahvar,
2009). Similarly, in extract 1, there is clear contestation of the notion that
Israel should be recognized as a Jewish state. It attributes the serious conflicts within the occupied
territories, which could refer to either the West
Bank/Gaza or present-day Israel, to this insistence upon being recognized
as a Jewish state. Thus, the very existence of the Jewish state is constructed
as the root cause of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, implicitly suggesting
that the conflict would cease to exist if the Jewish state were dismantled.
The representation is further challenged by constructing the terms Jew
and Jewish state as contentious and devoid of consensual interpretation.
By contesting the meanings of these terms, the extract denigrates the claim
that Israel can possibly constitute a Jewish state, which itself is problematized
through its positioning in quotes. The representation that there is a high level of disagreement is
invoked in order to construct Netanyahus
insistence on the recognition of Israel as a Jewish state as inappropriate
and perplexing.
While contesting the social representation that Israel is a Jewish state,
articles in the corpus conversely represent Palestine as indivisible and
thereby advocate the destruction of Israel:
2. Ayatollah Khamenei [Supreme Leader of Iran] said, Our declaration
is the freedom of Palestine not the freedom of parts of Palestine.5
3. Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi says Iran believes Palestine
cannot be partitioned and Palestinians are entitled to the entirety of the
Palestinian territories.6
In both extracts 2 and 3, there is an explicit rejection of the two-state

the existence of the State of Israel is not acknowledged, which essentially
obscures six decades of Israeli independence (Jaspal, in press). Conversely,
the articles employ the toponym Palestine in order to construct it as the
legitimate state vis-`a-vis the allegedly illegitimate State of Israel. Furthermore, by constructing the
Palestinians as being entitled to the entirety of the Palestinian territories rather than to parts of
Palestine, these articles
represent the two-state solution to the conflict as unjust and illegitimate; in
fact, it depicts the existence of Israel as a violation of Palestinian rights.
Thus, the rhetorical silencing of the State of Israel in these articles vis-`avis
the accentuation and legitimization of Palestine convincingly contests
the two-state solution and thereby advocates the dismantlement of Israel.
Consistent with this ideological stance, articles rarely refer to the State
of Israel by this term but rather construct it in terms of an illegitimate
regime:
4. This action [the interception of a Gaza-bound ship by the Israeli
navy] . . . is a political ignominy on the record of the fake Zionist
regime, Larijani [speaker of the Iranian Parliament] said.7
5. The illegitimate Zionist Regime of Israel has stained its hands with
millions of innocent blood [sic ] . . . The holy land witnessed a great
deal of injustice and bloodshed at the hands of their occupiers In both extracts 4 and 5, Israel is
referred to by the term Zionist
regime, which contributes to the social representation that Israel is an inanimate, inhumane,
authoritarian regime rather than a legitimate state (Jaspal,2013b). In extract 4, this social
representation is further accentuated by
characterizing the regime as a fake one, rather than as a democratically
elected government by the people of Israel. It is noteworthy that articles in
the corpus rarely acknowledge the people of Israel but instead construct it
as an illegitimate military regime. Its characterization as a fake regime
overtly delegitimizes Israel, implicitly constructing Palestine as the legitimate
state in the territory occupied by the Zionist regime. Similarly,
extract 5 anchors the illegitimate Zionist regime, which itself connotes an
inanimate, inhumane, authoritarian regime, to the bloodshed of millions.
The article is vague in specifying the identities and numbers of victims,
but is nonetheless successful in constructing the Zionist regime as
both illegitimate and responsible for mass genocide. The attribution of evil
characteristics to Israel results in its delegitimization (Bar-Tal, 1990).
Iran achieves its aim of delegitimizing Israel by anchoring it to social
representations of colonialism in political rhetoric. This is particularly evident
in the Friday sermons delivered by the upper echelons of the theocratic
political establishment (Shahvar, 2009). Similarly, in the corpus, the inhabitants
of Israel are represented as (Zionist) colonizers or occupiers:
6. Some American journalists said that these Zionists who come from all
over the world should go back to their origins and not stay in
Palestine.9
As noted above, articles in the corpus rarely acknowledge the inhabitants
or citizens of Israel. When they are implicitly acknowledged, as in
extract 6, they are anchored to the political ideology of Zionism, which in
turn constructs their presence in Palestine as a colonial occupation. This
extract delegitimizes these Zionists by representing them as a foreign
presence in Palestine from all over the worldthat is, they are not
indigenous to Palestine and hence have no right to be there. Extract 1
attests to the emerging social representation that the notion of a Jewish

by delegitimizing any Jewish claim to Israel in the first placethe

historical Jewish connection to Israel is simply not acknowledged
(Webman, 2010). Conversely, Israelis are constructed as individuals from
all over the world who should go back to their origins. Crucially, their
Jewish origins are not deemed to constitute sufficient cause for settlement
in Israel. It is noteworthy that, by naming the territory Palestine and
resisting social representations of Israeli statehood, articles in the corpus are
able to delegitimize Israel rhetorically.
In addition to denying any Jewish connection to Israel, there is a misrepresentation of the
demographic distribution of Israel, which serves to
rhetorically racialize the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and further delegitimize
the Jewish State:
7. How could the Palestinians be called terrorists in their own land when
they are fighting a foreign occupation by some Ashkenazi Zionist
Jews from Europe?10
As in extract 6, the presence of Jews in Israel is represented in extract
7 as a foreign occupation. Here, the origins of these occupiers are said
to be Ashkenazi and from Europe. This statement is erroneous, given
that approximately 45 percent of Israelis are in fact of (non-European)
Mizrahi or Sephardic background (Smooha, 2004). Its invocation here,
however, contributes to the social representation that Israel constitutes an
illegitimate, racist occupation of Palestine, due to the implicit anchoring of
Israeli occupation to historical European colonial policies. There is an
implicit racialization of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by referring to it as
one between Palestinians, the legitimate inhabitants of Palestine, and
(White) Ashkenazi Zionist Jews from Europe. Race is strategically
deployed to further divide and delineate the inhabitants of Israel (see Richardson, 2004, for an
example of how the press deploys the construct of
race in relation to Islam). It is against this backdrop of constructed occupation that the article
implicitly rationalizes Palestinian attacks (against
civilians) in Israel. Extract 7 contests the social representation that Palestinian
perpetrators of attacks against civilians are terrorists by constructing
them as fighting a foreign occupation . . . in their own land. This reflects
the common terrorist versus freedom fighter dichotomy in political discourse
(Halmari, 1993). Thus, the delegitimization of Israel (as an occupation)
is employed in order to legitimize all forms of Palestinian violence
against Israelis, including extreme genocidal measures:
8. We advise them [the Zionists] to return to their countries as soon as
possible if they want to survive, Naqdi [Basij commander] said.11
The rhetorical technique of disseminating a social representation
through the quotation of a socially powerful source has been referred to
as strategic quoting (Jaspal, 2011). Similarly, extract 8 strategically quotes
the commander of the Iranian Basij organization, which is a volunteer
paramilitary organization established by the Supreme Leader in 1979
(Abrahamian, 2008). Like extracts 6 and 7, extract 8 constructs the Jewish
inhabitants of Israel as Zionist foreigners and suggests that they return to
their countries as soon as possible; Palestine is not their country but rather
that of the Palestinians. Furthermore, the commander is strategically quoted
as constructing the survival of the Zionists (that is, the Jewish inhabitants of
Israel) as conditional upon their departure from Palestine. As demonstrated
by extract 7, articles in the corpus rationalize Palestinian violence against
Israelis as legitimate action against an illegitimate Zionist regime. Extract

delegitimization of the State of Israel culminates in implicit threats of genocide against the people of
Israel.
The Global Zionist Conspiracy
Given that Israel is constructed as a fake and illegitimate regime,
it is frequently stated that its existence is supported by a global Zionist
conspiracy. This social representation is further buttressed by the notion
that Israel (the objectification of this global Zionist conspiracy) attempts to
exert its influence over the internal affairs of Arab and Muslim countries:
9. Irans ambassador to Syria has said that Israel is meddling in Syria in
an attempt to make up for the collapse of its close allies in the
region.12
10. The global Zionism wants to target other countries after overthrowing
the Syrian government.13
In extract 9, Israel is represented as meddling in the affairs of Syria,
which, at the time this statement was made, was experiencing violent internal
unrest, due to widespread popular opposition to almost five decades of
Baath Party rule led by the Al-Assad family (Lesch, 2011). Iran regards
Syria as a close ally and is therefore opposed to regime change in that country,
although it has supported regime change in several other countries
involved in the so-called Arab Spring (Bauer & Schiller, 2012); indeed, a sizable number of
articles in the corpus expressed their unequivocal support
of the Al-Assad government.14 Consequently, political unrest in Syria is
attributed to Israeli meddling, rather than to the political aspirations of the
Syrian people. It is anchored to an illegitimate state, rendering the conflict
a product of global Zionism rather than of popular dissatisfaction
with the Syrian political system. More specifically, the unrest is constructed
in terms of a malicious plot by Israel in order to make up for the collapse
of its close allies, which is referring to the fall of ex-president Hosni
Mobarak in Egypt. Extract 10 explicitly refers to global Zionism as plotting
to overthrow the Syrian government. Moreover, the extract constructs
global Zionism as an active global threat by attributing agency to
its allegedly ubiquitous ideologythat is, it wants to target other countries.
Thus, the world is represented as an unsafe place, one that is susceptible
to the unrest currently unfolding in Syria so long as global Zionism,
objectified by the State of Israel, survives.
As demonstrated by extracts 9 and 10, the English-language Iranian
press reiterates the social representation that the Zionist regime poses a
threat to Iran, Muslims, and the world as a whole (Litvak, 2006). Iran is
represented as actively unveiling the global Zionist conspiracy:
11. Fortunately, all efforts and plots by the U.S. and the Zionist regime
have failed and the resistance movement is in a good situation in the
region. Iran has played an important role in foiling these conspiracies,
Lahoud [former Lebanese president] told Irans ambassador to
Beirut.15
12. The move [to hold an international conference in support of Palestinians
rights] has greatly helped thwart the U.S. and Israel plots
aimed at creating friction among regional countries.16
In both extracts, the Zionist regime is implicated, alongside the
United States, in creating friction among regional countries. These are
described as plots that evoke imagery of a malevolent conspiracy. Of

president is strategically quoted to this effect. This distances the statements

not as from Iranian sources but instead from an apparently objective third
party, namely the former Lebanese president. Similarly, in extract 12, Irans
decision to host an international conference in support of Palestinians
rights is said to thwart US and Israeli plots, although the article itself
does not explain how. This further accentuates the role of Iran in mitigating
the so-called global Zionist conspiracy.
Throughout the corpus, there is a clear emphasis of the global character
of the Zionist conspiracy. Powerful Western countries, such as Britain
and the United States, are represented as being dependent on the Zionist
lobby:
13. Britain bows to Zionist lobbies. The British government seems to be
risking its independence from Zionist lobbies after its recent moves
to protect Israeli war crimes suspects from prosecution and boycott a
UN anti-racism conference that could lead to the condemnation of
the regime.17
In extract 13, Britain is said to be subservient to Zionist lobbies. The
metaphor of bow[ing] represents the Zionist lobbies in regal terms as a
ruler. More specifically, the British governments subservience to Zionism
is exemplified by its decisions to: (a) withdraw from the UN antiracism
conference, which was regarded by several countries as in fact constituting
an attack against the State of Israel (Baum, 2012); and (b) amend
legislation that could permit the arrest of former Israeli minister of foreign
affairs Tzipi Livni for war crimes. These controversial decisions, as well
as Britains alleged refusal to condemn the Israeli regime, are presented
as evidence for Britains subservience to Zionist lobbies. The extract
problematizes the sovereignty of Britain over its internal affairs and politics
by highlighting that it is risking its independence from Zionist lobbies.
thereby representing it as dependent upon Zionism and not truly an independent,
sovereign state.
Similarly, articles in the corpus represent the United States as dependent
upon Zionism:
14. US deeply dependent on Zionist lobby18
15. Israel reigns over US polity . . . It is very clear that news media is
quite complacent in this whole situation that is going on with the
international bankers and with the Zionist lobby, the very people
who control American domestic and foreign policy
In these extracts, Zionism is said to be in control of US polity. In
extract 15, the metaphor of reign[ing] represents Israel (the objectification
of global Zionism) in regal terms, as is seen in extract 13. Key institutions
in the United States, such as the media and the banking sector, are represented
as being quite complacent in the Zionist lobbys alleged control of
US polity. Moreover, the Zionist lobby is said to control American
domestic and foreign policy and that the United States is deeply dependent
on Zionism. Collectively, these assertions attest to the social representation
that there is a global Zionist conspiracy extending well beyond the
geographical boundaries of Israel. This social representation is reproduced
in order to explicate implicitly the allegedly pro-Israeli decisions taken by
both the United States and UK governments, as exemplified by extract 13.
While extracts 13, 14, and 15 disseminate social representations of global
Zionist control of world governments, they are reminiscent of longstanding
antisemitic social representations of Jewish world domination (Herf, 2006;

American political scene that highlighted social representational conflation
of Zionist and Jewish conspiracies:
16. The only visible reason that I can see in the American political scene
is the unequivocal control of the one percent of the population,
namely the Zionist Jews (mostly with dual citizenship) in the US,
who control the key echelons of power (media, banks and politicians)
in the US.20
17. Dankof [Mark Dankof, former US Senate candidate]: There is an
issue here that involves Jewish control of the news media, Jewish
control of the American political process, disproportionate Jewish
control of the international banking system . . . and an Israel-driven
American foreign policy21
The extracts reproduce antisemitic social representations of Jewish
world domination, which were pervasive during the Nazi era and particularly
observable in notorious antisemitic Nazi propaganda (see Herf, 2006).
Extract 16 represents the Jewish population of the United States as Zionists,
essentially conflating the two constructs and portraying them as intertwined.
The extract features the rhetorical strategy of overcompleteness/
irrelevance by providing subordinate, yet superfluous, information of little
relevance to the report itself, in order to confirm and contribute to negative
social representations of the stigmatized Jewish Other (van Dijk, 1993).
More specifically, it is noted that Zionist Jews in the United States
mostly have dual citizenshipit is implied that they are simultaneously
citizens of the United States and Israel. This engenders imagery of a split
national loyalty of Zionist Jews, who in fact favor the interests of global
Zionism. The disproportionate control of the Jews is further accentuated
by highlighting that they constitute just one percent of the population, yet
their control of US politics is unequivocal, i.e., commonsensical, rather
than alleged. This serves to hegemonize the social representation that Jews
control the key echelons of power in the United States.
Both extracts 16 and 17 construct Jews as possessing disproportionate
institutional control that is subsequently abused in order to promote the
agenda of global Zionism, resulting in an Israel-driven American foreign
policy. There is an overarching allegation of corruption, as Jews are said to
control media, banks and politiciansnot just to influence but to control.
Mark Dankof, who is a former US Senate candidate, is strategically quoted
as highlighting Jewish control of key US institutions. This can appear to
lend the statement a thin veil of credibility, since the speaker is a US Senate
candidate and the United States is regarded by Iran as constituting the closest
ally of Israel.22 Furthermore, the technique of strategic quoting may
serve to distance these clearly antisemitic remarks from Iran, and construct
the Iranian-owned outlet as merely showcasing the remarks of a credible
source. This constitutes an important rhetorical strategy, given that Iran
(and indeed, its media) has been accused of antisemitismwhich it denies,
claiming that it is anti-Zionist, not antisemitic (Jaspal, 2013a; Litvak, 2006).
In short, articles in the corpus seem to draw upon longstanding
antisemitic social representations of Jewish world domination in order to
substantiate polemic representations concerning the global Zionist conspiracy.
In many cases, the representations themselves remain the samethe
only apparent difference is the superficial categorical shift from Jew to
Zionist. As exemplified by extracts 16 and 17, antisemitism does remain
a feature of Iranian media representations of Israel.

conspiracy, articles in the corpus represent Iran as valiantly leading this

global resistance movement against the Zionist regime:
18. Iran sees any act against Hezbollah, Hamas as a threat to its interests
. . . The worlds people should know that today the positions of
Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Palestine are considered as
Irans border with Israel23
In extract 18, the Lebanese Shiite Muslim movement Hezbollah and
the Palestinian Islamist organization Hamas are constructed as being the
proteges of Iran, which in turn sees any act against these organizations as
a threat to its interests. Given that these organizations are pervasively
represented as constituting the Islamic resistance against the Zionist
regime (Takeyh, 2006), Iran as their prime supporter is elevated to a position
of leadership in the anti-Zionist struggle. The article proceeds to
define the Hamas and Hezbollah positions as Irans border with
Israel, essentially obscuring national boundaries that delineate Iran, Lebanon,
and the Palestinian territories. This is consistent with the observation
that the Israeli-Arab conflict is frequently Islamicized by Iran and represented
as one between the Zionist regime and the global Islamic Ummah
(Jaspal, in press; Litvak, 1998). Despite never having engaged in an armed
conflict with the State of Israel, Iran is represented as a primary stakeholder
in the conflict and as leading the resistance movement more commonly
associated with Hezbollah and Hamas.
Similarly, articles in the corpus represent Iran as leading the ideological
dimension of the resistance movement by organizing the allegedly
well-attended International Conference on the Palestinian Intifada, for
example:
19. Iran intifada confab to host 70 states. 70 countries are attending24
Here, a conference is described as being the Irans intifada confab,
highlighting the centrality of Iran in its organization. The extract depicts
Iran as leading an increasingly global anti-Zionism, which is implied by the
large number of countries attending the conference. This seems to be consistent
with the notion that Iran, and its channels of societal information, are
eager to construct their anti-Zionist stance as a global and ubiquitous one,
shared by many other countries, in order to safeguard a sense of acceptance
and inclusion in the international community (Jaspal, 2013a).
This sense of self-inclusion and leadership in a global anti-Zionism,
which is largely ideological, is juxtaposed with more aggressive social representations
of Irans role in defeating the Zionist regime:
20. Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani said that Iranian nation has isolated the
Zionist regime in the international arena and tightened the noose
around it.25
According to articles in the corpus, anti-Zionist events such as the
International Conference on the Palestinian Intifada and International Quds
Day, which express solidarity with the Palestinian people and rejects Zionism,
exemplify how the Iranian nation has isolated the Zionist regime in
the international arena. Extract 20 clearly attributes the isolation of the
Zionist regime to the efforts of Iran. This is constructed as a struggle
between the people of Iran and an inanimate, inhumane, and militarized
Zionist regime, which further popularizes anti-Zionism, distancing it
from the confines of Irans political establishment.
Articles in the corpus actively encourage the social representation that
the entire world, not only the Arab world, is becoming increasingly opposed

many other countries of the world and Israel has more enemies than
it had sixty years back [sic ], for example its neighbor Egypt which
was an ally till yesterday is now a sworn enemy of the Zionist
regime.26
22. Governments that allow Zionist embassies to be set up must be reprimand
[sic ].27
Extract 21 constructs Palestine as a widely supported state, particularly
by its Arab neighbors, while Israel is depicted as gradually losing the
allegedly little support it originally had. The extract erroneously highlights
that Israel has more enemies than it had sixty years back [sic] and proceeds
to cite Egypt as a sworn enemy of the Zionist regime. It is noteworthy
that sixty years ago neither Jordan nor Egypt had diplomatic relations
with the State of Israel, but, at the time this article was written, these countries
had established such relations. It seems that the article is making
implicit reference to the popular storming of the Israeli embassy in Cairo in
September 2011,28 an act employed to argue that Egypt is now a sworn
enemy. The provision of inaccurate information is clearly intended to
accentuate the Iranian-driven anti-Zionist agenda by demonstrating that anti-Zionism is increasingly
pervasive, even in Egypt. In addition to the
construction of a pervasive global anti-Zionism, articles in the corpus construct
any implicit support for Zionism as reproachable, as exemplified by
extract 22. This is consistent with the observation that any support for
Israel, in whatever guise, is constructed as un-Islamic (Jaspal, in press;
Litvak, 1998).
The anti-Zionist stance of Iran is optimistically represented as successful
in its goal to eradicate the Zionist regime :
23. Some governments proposed the historical tactic of the formation of
a Palestinian government in order to buy time for saving the Zionist
regime [of Israel], [Iranian] President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said.
But this tactic will not be able to save Israel . . . The Middle East
region will not integrate the unseemly patch that is the Zionist
regime [of Israel] and will reject it29
In extract 23, the strategic quote from President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad represents the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict as a historical tactic of some [presumably Western] governments,
rather than as the stated policy of the Palestinian Authority (Parsons,
2005). The Palestinian statehood bid (based on the pre-1967 borders),
which was in fact initiated by the Palestinian Authority and opposed by the
United States, is thereby represented as part of this historical tactic. By
attributing the tactic to these governments and distancing it from the Palestinian
Authority, the internationally recognized representative of the Palestinian
people, the extract represents it as a malicious attempt to buy time
for saving the Zionist regime. Israel is optimistically represented as being
in danger of extinction beyond recourse. This is attributed to the hypothesis
that the Middle East will reject Israel, whose existence is represented as
conditional upon integration in the Middle East. The metaphorical objectification
of Israel as an unseemly patch and regime represents it as an
anomaly in the Middle East, further reiterating the hypothesis of its imminent
demise. It stresses that the collective rejection of Israel is said to lead
to its demise:
24. Today, the Zionist regime is at its weakest in history. Therefore, the
West including the United States and Europe are offering various

added.30
25. He [Parliament speaker Ali Larijani] added, Now that the ground
has been prepared for defending the oppressed Palestinian nation, the
Zionist regime is suffering horrendous hallucinations about its existence,
so is even scared of its own shadow.31
Extract 24 reiterates the social representation articulated in extract 23
that the West (e.g., the United States and Europe) is devising plans in
order to protect the Zionist regime, which here is described as a fake
regime. This contributes to the delegitimization of Israel, following the
previous discussion. Secretary Sheikholeslam is strategically quoted as optimistically
positioning the Zionist regime . . . at its weakest in history,
which creates the impression that Iranian-led global anti-Zionism is having
its intended effect. Similarly, in extract 25 the Zionist regime is metaphorically
depicted as suffering horrendous hallucinations about its
existence. This creates the impression that Israel as well is acquiring
awareness of its weak position and imminent demise, engendering
extreme panic and fear within the regime. This characterization is further
accentuated through the metaphorical objectification of Israel being scared
of its own shadow; similarly, in some articles, this fear has been cited as
an explanation for Israels alleged engagement in terrorism against Iran.32
Extract 25 thus juxtaposes the fear of the Zionist regime and its imminent
demise with the Iran-led duty of defending the oppressed Palestinian
nation. In short, Iran is represented as being successful and efficacious in
its longstanding commitment to defending the Palestiniansthat is, by
advocating a fervent anti-Zionist ideology and exporting it beyond the borders
of Iran.
DISCUSSION
This paper provides an analysis of two English-language Iranian news
outlets in order to discern how Iran exports its anti-Zionist ideology to an
international readership. It in no way aims to provide a comprehensive
overview of the English-language Iranian press but rather has the theoretical
aim of developing a tentative model outlining the discursive aspects of
the delegitimization process in textual representations of Israel. This textual
focus complements Bar-Tals (1990) work on the micro-level aspects of
delegitimization and its causes and consequences.
Consistent with previous research into Irans position on Israel, these
outlets are unanimous in their negative portrayal of Israel, e.g., as a corrupt
and illegitimate regime (Jaspal, 2013b; Klein, 2009). It is noteworthy that
these media outlets provide greater voice to members of the Iranian politicoreligious establishment than to Western politicians. Consistent with the
assertion that the outlets constitute the mouthpiece of Iran, they provide an
English-language journalistic space for the dissemination of ideas and arguments
associated with Irans politico-religious elite, which would habitually
be afforded minimal space in the mainstream Western press. This is consistent
with the aim of these outlets to provide an alternative news outlet.
Collectively, the results of the analysis point to a rhetorical delegitimization
process, which consists of three interdependent components: (a)
contesting the legitimacy of the targeted outgroup entity; (b) describing the
malevolent processes whereby the outgroup entity was established and is
currently maintained; and (c) problem-solving by demanding the destruction
of the outgroup entity.

The first component of the delegitimization process entails the notion
of Israels right to exist. This component can be manifested in the guise of
questioning the Jewish character of Israel, given that Israel presents itself
and is widely regarded as the Jewish State (Gilbert, 1998). Furthermore,
there is widespread disdain of Israel through the use of discrediting terms
such as regime, fake, and illegitimate. When Israeli citizens are mentioned,
they are denounced as foreigners and occupiers because of non-Palestinian
origins. Such labeling reflects Bar-Tals notion of trait characterization
i.e., the attribution of negative characteristics to the outgroup and their consequential otherization.
The inverted social representation of Israeli citizensas foreigners/occupiers is consistently employed
in order to rationalize violence(Bar-Tal, 1990).
The second component of the delegitimization process entails the construction
of social representations regarding Israel origins. A vast number of
articles in the corpus reproduce the social representation of a global Zionist
conspiracy, which continues to support it (Mottale, 2011). Israels allies,
e.g., the United States, are portrayed as dependent on the Zionist lobby.
Put simply, the world remains at the mercy of the Zionists. In the social
representations of a global Zionist conspiracy, the category Jew has
superficially shifted to Zionist in the English-language Iranian press, but
the core and structure of this delegitimizing social representation remain the
same: the Jewish Zionist is cunning, and poised for global takeover. These
social representations collectively exemplify Bar-Tals notion of outcasting,
in which the outgroup violates pivotal norms; global Zionism is further
demonized through anchoring to evil and objectification in terms of violent
unrest. Not surprisingly, plot and meddling are frequently employed
terms when actions of the Zionist are addressed.
The third component of the delegitimization involves problem-solving
how best to dispose of a fake and illegitimate enemy. Articles make
the case for stopping the Zionist regime in its tracks, preventing further
Palestinian genocide, Iranian terrorism, and world domination. As Bar-Tal
(1990) points out, it makes the outgroup unworthy of human treatment,
invariably permitting subhuman treatment of the Zionist Other. Given the
multiple threats posed by Zionism, anti-Zionism is the likely and logical
response. In the anti-Zionist narrative, Iran becomes a benevolent and brave
leader who saves the day from the ever-growing web of anti-Zionism. Articles
are replete with death imagery and describe a fearful and withering
Zionist regime.
LINKING IDENTITY, EMOTION, AND ACTION
Drawing upon Identity Process Theory (Breakwell, 1986), social psychologists have argued that
media representational practices (concerning
the ingroup vis-`a-vis outgroups) can reflect broader social psychological
motives (Jaspal & Cinnirella, 2010). More specifically, media outlets may
strategically represent the outgroup in ways that provide the ingroup with
collective feelings of self-esteem, meaning, belonging, and self-efficacy.
Similarly, it can be hypothesized that Iran intentionally disseminates representations
that enhance its own identity.
Delegitimizing Israeli social representations enhances Iranian national
self-esteem (Wills, 1981). As the antithesis of Israel, Iranian superiority
prevails (Jaspal, 2013a). The external attribution of both domestic and international
problems, such as the Arab Spring, to Israeli malfeasance enhances
national meaning-making (McAdams, 2001).
Demonizing Israel may promote acceptance in the larger Sunni Muslim

sectarian divisions (Takeyh, 2006). The social representation of Iran

as the leading force in thwarting anti-Zionism via Israels demise accentuates
national feelings of competence, control, and self-efficacy. Invariably,
these representational practices of the media can have only positive social
psychological outcomes for Iran.
Iran is eager to normalize these representational practices, which are
clearly beneficial for its own continuity and well-being. This necessitates a
socially acceptable means of disseminating its extreme anti-Zionist agenda
to an international readership. The news outlets perform this function by
delegitimizing Israel and thereby depriving it and its citizens of humanness
and the ability to evoke empathy and compassion (Kelman, 1976). Iranian
anti-Zionist ideology is endowed with a thin, superficial veil of acceptability
by drawing upon historical social representations that construct Israel as
an inhumane regime that oppresses and threatens, and as the product of a
global Zionist/Jewish conspiracy that mercilessly controls the world.
Such delegitimizing social representations are intended to arouse negative
emotions of rejection, such as hatred, anger, fear, and disgust, justifying
violence and genocide against the delegitimized target (Bar-Tal, 1990).
By reproducing these delegitimizing representations in the English-language
press, Iran continues to export anti-Zionist ideology to an international
readership, evoking global sympathy and calls for the destruction of
the Jewish State.
*Rusi Jaspal is a chartered psychologist and lecturer in psychology at De Montfort
University (Leicester, UK), where he leads the Self and Identity Research Group.
Dr. Jaspal has written several articles on antisemitism and is currently completing
the monograph Antisemitism and Anti-Zionism: Representation, Cognition and
Everyday Talk (Ashgate, forthcoming).

REFERENCES
Abrahamian, E. (2008). A history of modern Iran . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bar-Tal, D. (1988). Delegitimizing relations between Israeli Jews and Palestinians: A social psychological
analysis. In J. E. Hofman (Ed.), Arab-Jewish relations in Israel: A quest in human understanding (pp. 217
248). Bristol, IN: Wyndham Hall Press.
Bar-Tal, D. (1990). Causes and consequences of delegitimization: Models of conflict and ethnocentrism.
Journal of Social Issues, 46 (1), 6581.
Bauer, M., & Schiller, T. (2012). The Arab Spring in 2012. C.A.P. Perspectives , 1,
13.
Baum, S. K. (2012). Antisemitism explained. Lanham, MD: University Press of
America.
Beller, S. (2007). In Zions hall of mirrors: A comment on Neuer Antisemetismus?
Patterns of Prejudice , 41 , 215238.
Ben-Gurion, D. (1948). The declaration of the establishment of the State of Israel.
Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, May 14, 1948. Retrieved from http://
www.mfa.gov.il/mfa/peace%20process/guide%20to%20the%20peace%20pr
ocess/declaration%20of%20establishment%20of%20state%20of%20israel
Billig, M. (1988). Social representation, objectification and anchoring: A rhetorical
analysis. Social Behaviour, 3, 116.
Breakwell, G. M. (1986). Coping with threatened identities . London: Metheun.
Fairclough, N. (1995). Critical Discourse Analysis . Boston: Addison Wesley.
Gilbert, M. (1998). Israel: A history. New York: Doubleday.
Halmari, H. (1993). Dividing the world: The dichotomous rhetoric of Ronald
Reagan. Multilingua, 12 (2), 14376.
Herf, J. (2006). The Jewish enemy: Nazi propaganda during World War II and the
Holocaust . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

(Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Royal Holloway, University of London.

Retrieved from http://digirep.rhul.ac.uk/file/121ee91e-fdc9-b285-bf06bbc92147cd9a/1/Rusi_Jaspal_Sept2011PhD_thesis.pdf
Jaspal, R. (2013a). Antisemitism and anti-Zionism in Iran: The role of identity
processes. Israel Affairs, 19 (2), 231258.
Jaspal, R. (2013b). Israel in Iranian media: Demonizing the Zionist Regime,
Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, 7 (1), 7786.
Jaspal, R. (in press). Representing the Zionist Regime: Mass communication of
anti-Zionism in the English language Iranian Press, British Journal of Middle
Eastern Studies .
Jaspal, R., & Cinnirella, M. (2010). Media representations of British Muslims and
hybridised threats to identity. Contemporary Islam: Dynamics of Muslim
Life , 4 (3), 289
310.
Kelman, H. C. (1976). Violence without restraint: Reflections on the
dehumanization of victims and victimizers. In G. M. Kren & L. H. Rappoport
(Eds.), Varieties of Psychohistory (pp. 282314). New York: Springer.
Klein, A. (2009). Characterizing the Enemy: Zionism and Islamism in Iranian
and Israeli press. Communication, Culture & Critique, 2, 387406.
Kuntzel, M. (2010). Iranian antisemitism: Stepchild of German National Socialism.
Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, 4 (1), 4351.
Lesch, D. W. (2011). The Arab Springand winterin Syria. Global Change,
Peace & Security, 23 (3), 421426.
Litvak, M. (1998). The faction of the Israeli-Arab conflict: The case of Hamas.
Middle Eastern Studies, 23 (1), 148163.
Litvak, M. (2006). The Islamic republic of Iran and the Holocaust: Antisemitism
and anti-Zionism. Journal of Israeli History, 25 (1), 267284.
McAdams, D. P. (2001). The psychology of life stories. Review of General
Psychology, 5 , 100122.
Moscovici, S. (1988). Notes towards a description of social representations.
European Journal of Social Psychology, 18, 211250.
Mottale, M. (2011). Irans clerical regimes Jewish Problem. Democracy and
Security, 7 (3), 25870.
Palmer-Harik, J. (2004). Hezbollah: The changing face of terrorism . London, I.B.
Tauris & Co. Ltd.
Parsons, N. (2005). The politics of the Palestinian Authority: From Oslo to AlAqsa. London: Routledge.
Philo, G., & Berry, M. (2004). Bad news from Israel . London: Pluto Press
Richardson, J. E. (2004). (Mis)Representing Islam: The racism and rhetoric of
British broadsheet newspapers . Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Semati, M. (2008). Media, culture and society in Iran: Living with globalization
and the Islamic state. London: Routledge.
Shahvar, S. (2009). The Islamic regime in Iran and its attitude towards the Jews:
The religious and political dimensions. Immigrants & Minorities, 27 (1),
82117.
Smooha, S. (2004). Jewish ethnicity in Israel: Symbolic or real. In U. Rebhun & C.
I. Waxman (Eds.), Jews in Israel: Contemporary social and cultural patterns
(pp. 4780). Lebanon, NH: Brandeis University.
Sweetser, K. D., & Brown, C. W. (2010). An exploration of Iranian communication
to multiple target audiences. Public Relations Review, 36, 238248.
Takeyh, R. (2006). Iran, Israel and the politics of terrorism. Survival, 48 (4), 83-96.
Van Dijk, T. A. (1993). Principles of critical discourse analysis. Discourse &
Society, 4 (2), 249283.
Webman, E. (2010). The challenge of assessing Arab/Islamic antisemitism. Middle
Eastern Studies, 46, 677697.
Wills, T. A. (1981). Downward comparison principles in social psychology. Psychological Bulletin, 90, 245
271.

Head-On (Collision) at Hebdo

Nidra Poller*
Clash of civilizations, star wars, the big bang, a certain idea of France was murdered in cold
th
blood on January 7 . An allahu akhbar commando stormed into the offices of Charlie Hebdo,
executed twelve people, wounded another twenty; four of them critically. It is painfully difficult
to sort out nuggets of accurate information from the sound and fury that fills the airwaves and the
streets of Paris. [12 noon, one minute of silence has been decreed by the government, outside my
window I hear car horns furious at someone blocking the street, rumbling machines working on a
nearby building, almost
drowning out the dirge sounded by the church bell on the corner, icy rain pelts on hurried
passersby].
An infinitesimal minority of the 5 or 6 million Muslims living in France--two brothers
identified as Sherif and Said Kouachi wiped out the staff of an in your face magazine that has
been offending everyone for 45 years. A mixture of pornography and scatology was served up
weekly in a hallmark sloppy cartoon style with brief texts that lashed out like a not yet
emancipated adolescent at chosen targets. The sweet smiling faces of yesterdays victims Charb,
Cabu, Tignous, Wolinski, Honor, Maris convey the abiding innocence that was brutally
assassinated. They made good-natured grotesque fun of everyone including themselvesin a
heretofore protected world.
In 2005, Charlie published the Mohamed cartoons with the same insolence as it habitually
employed on priests, rabbis and other benighted believers. Courageous, yesbut also blinded by
their own enlightened tolerance. On this and subsequent occasions the Charlies reiterated their
faith in humanity, Muslims included. Mocking fanatics was a gesture of affection for fellow
citizens of the Muslim faith. The mockery was inclusive, not aggressive. It was a way of saying

published, cannot hold back his tears. Ive lost all my friends. Valls gives credit to French
governments Left and Right that protected him and his staff since that fateful day. Without
police protection we would not have been able to carry on. Though Charlie Hebdo was
acquitted of defamation in 2006, the court established de facto anti- blasphemy by granting the
magazine a limited right to offend Islam in the context of the worldwide controversy surrounding
the Mohamed cartoons. Dalil Boubaker, rector of the Central Mosque of Paris, one of the
plaintiffs in that case, was represented by Francis

Szpiner, who also represented France 2 in the case against Philippe Karsenty and, subsequently,
the family of Ilan Halimi against the Gang of Barbarians.
At the time, Boubaker voiced disapproval of the violence ripping through the Muslim world
over the cartoons, while pleading for respect for Islam and the prophet. Yesterday he rushed to
the site of the killings and voiced his disapproval of an act that sullies Islam and betrays its
sacred respect for human life. If the Charlie Hebdo massacre is Frances 9/11 as many suggest,
the religion of peace message that so quickly replaced dont tread on me in the US is even more
insistent here in France.
The usual array of experts, specialists, authors, former secret service agents and well-trained
journalists is making the distinction between Islam and these allahu akhbar fanatics. The bodies
of the victims were still lying in pools of blood in their boardroom while the concern had already
shifted to the innocent Muslims who might be fingered because of this aberrant misuse of their
beautiful religion.
Spontaneous demonstrations formed all over France, 100,000 in all, with 35,000 at Place de
la Rpublique. The Je suis Charlie [I am Charlie] slogan caught on instantly worldwide.
Sincerely moved, often to tears, honest citizens stood in the frosty cold, holding up pencils as a
sign of rsistance. We Are Not Afraid they declared in a little light show Place de la Rpublique.
Memorial candle burners occupied the field conquered last summer by flag burners, the black
mournful mockup of a Charlie Hebdo front page replaced the black flag of jihad flown last
August, a tribute was made to two policemen killed in the line of duty yesterday, there where the
caliphators had attacked police with rocks and bags of broken glass.
[2:30 PMit is reported that the two suspects robbed a gas station, abandoned the car they
hijacked on the run yesterday, and are somewhere in a zone between Villers- Cotterts and
Crpy-en-Valois. Commandos in Puma helicopters are circling over the area, under the watchful
eye of TV cameras. The bucolic place names have all the perfumes of an eternal France that is
slashed today by the intrusion of another world it still refuses to see.]
In 2008 a different sort of scandal targeted Charlie Hebdo: editorial director Philippe Valls
was accused in some quarters of censorship for kicking out the unashamed anti-Semite Sin. In
my coverage of that story-- Tempest in a Trashcan -- I noticed an element that had escaped other
commentators: an article by Charb making fun of those who claim the al Dura video is a hoax,
and relaying the bit about Israelis killing Palestinian children wholesale.
The firebombing of Charlies offices in 2011 raised a first ripple of public indignation.
Defiant, the staff brought out a CHARIA HEBDO issue, under the direction of editor in chief
Mohammed. On the next to the last page of that issue, chock full of scandalous acts, positions,
and nudity on the theme of sharia, a full-page interview with David Chemla, president of the
French branch of Peace Now and European secretary of the J Street lookalike JCall. The release
of 1,000 prisoners in exchange for Gilad Shalit, including 280 responsible for the death of 600
civilians shows, says Chemla, that Israel can erase its red lines for a good cause. They will have
to do some more erasing, he advises, in order to make peace with the Palestinians. [My coverage:
Auto da fe in Paris
In a video filmed before a mountain of charred documents, Charb admitted that he might
need police protection from now on. But he said he had more chance of getting run over by a
Vel-lib (municipal rental bike) than to be killed by an Islamist there are so

few in France.
th
The November 9 issue featured on its cover a cute little Charlie kid receiving a
drooling kiss from a sweet bearded guy in Salafist dress. Love is stronger than hatred,
proclaims the cover. The issue is filled with testimonials from all over the world, and strong
with a spirit of we will not be cowed. In his personal account of the aftermath of the fire, Charb
has a thought for the Muslims who are the first victims of this fire. Its going to be exploited
by the Far Right to discredit all Muslims. In fact, wrote Charb, we cant be sure the attack did
come from Islamists. Maybe it was fascist provocateurs! Anyway, the hacking and death threats
come from foreign Islamists.
But the Kouachi brothers, of Algerian origin, were born in Paris!
In January 2013 Charlie Hebdo brought out the first volume of an irreverent apologetic Life
of Mohammed [LaVie de Mahomet] comic book illustrated by Charb. The prophet is portrayed
with comical awkwardness but his message and life story are told with orthodox respect.
The philo-Muslim theme is endlessly repeated over the past 24 hours. Imams that swear
allegiance to the values of the Republic are featured on TV. Those who preach jihad are not
mentioned even in a whisper. The Muslim in the street is spotlighted, a caring citizen like any
other. A woman in hijab places flowers on the altar in front of the Charlie Hebdo offices. In reply
to a journalist who asks Are you concerned? she offers a little homily: The prophet never
attacked unless he was attacked. Then he responded with kind words and only if they were
ignored did he fight. When he fought, he really fought!
th
The younger brother, Sherif Kouachi, was briefly imprisoned for his activity in the 19
arrondissement terror cell that recruited jihadis for Iraq. At the time, journalist Mohamed Sifaoui,
himself a refugee from the Algerian terror wave, declared that it was the American invasion of
Iraq, not Islam that provoked the Buttes Chaumont terror cell.
Today Sifaoui claims that rising xenophobia in France fuels Islamic radicalization, and we have
to deal with both. The BBC outdid everyone, bringing in the sly wily Muslim Brotherhood Tariq
Ramadan to tell us infidels how we should behave to avoid this kind of attack.
I24 news commentator Ali Waked candidly admitted that he had been in the midst of a
group not far from the stations Jaffa studios Monday night: The majority said Charlie Hebdo
had insulted the prophet and got what was coming to them.
Worldwide media showed an unprecedented mobilization in France. Undeniably, a nerve
has been hit. There has been nothing like it since the first Islamic attacks going back to the 80s
and increasing exponentially since October 2000. There was no public outcry last month when
the I Tl channel dropped the popular debater Eric Zemmour, after publication of Le Suicide
Franais, in which he expands on the Islamic problem facing France. Of course the issue of
press freedom takes on immense significance when the staff of a magazine is decimated by two
men with Kalashnikovs. The reaction to the Charlie Hebdo massacre is neither artificial nor
hypocritical. But the question of Islam is an abyss. Unless it is faced honestly, fearlessly, without
false reassurance, the masses of enlightened citizens standing up for their freedom today will
slide into that chasm.

*Nidra Poller is an American writer who lives in Paris. Her latest book The Black Flag of Jihad stalks la
Rpublique is available via Amazon Dccember 2015.

I am Charlie. I am a police officer. I am a Jew. I am

Belgium.
Jol Rubinfeld*
I'm Charlie. I am a police officer. I am Jewish.
Once again, terrorism has spilled the blood of innocent people in the
streets of a European capital. This time it was in Paris that Islamist barbarism
took issue with the symbols of democracy: journalists, police and the Jews,
that is to say, freedom of expression, the guarantors of rule of law and the
most exposed minority of our society.
This totalitarianism that threatens us - and which, no doubt, will hit
again - is not his first attempt. It is this same hatred, the same absolute
rejection of what we are, which struck last year a few miles from here, the
Brussels Jewish Museum, but also in Australia, in a caf in Sydney center in
Israel in a synagogue in Jerusalem, at the headquarters of the Canadian
Parliament in Ottawa or even in Pakistan, in a school in Peshawar, where 132
Muslim students were brutally murdered.(. . .) Today, it is one minute to
midnight.
Soon there will be only one answer to the question posed by a
growing number of Jews in our country, our children do they still have a
future in Belgium? Soon, if nothing changes if nothing significant changes,
there will be only one answer to this question from - also in Israel, the United
States, Canada, Australia. That is to say the few places in the world where it is
still possible to be fully Jewish and citizen.
But it is one minute to midnight I said, this is to say that another
answer is still possible. For "stay here" this is another answer, it is imperative
that political actors, media, associations, academic understand immediately, as
even the French Prime Minister Manuel Valls, Belgium without the Jews, it
does is Belgium. For this, we must, like our French neighbors, making the
fight against anti-Semitism a national cause.
Make no mistake about it, what is at stake right now is not only the
fate of the Jews Belgians. Because when you shout "Death to the Jews" in the
streets of Brussels, these are the slogans "Death to Belgium," "Death to
democracy", "Death to gender equality," "Death to tolerance "" Death to
diversity, "" Death to integration "is meant. So the elected democratic parties

that have not yet realized that they need to fight this battle for our children, I
implore them to carry it for their own.
The contemporary anti-Semitism, it hurts, harasses, intimidates, killed
in Toulouse, Brussels and Paris has replaced the Jewish state for the Jewish
individual under the guise of anti-Zionism. The fight against anti-Semitism
can not therefore do without a deep crop the Middle Eastern reality, a
revolution in attitudes with, first and foremost, a verb revolution that finally
stops the demonization of Israel and the insidious question surrender its right
to existence and legitimacy to embody the nation state of the Jewish people.
It will also do a lot to inept fantasy that wants a solution to the conflict
between Israel and the Palestinians is the cornerstone of peace and universal
harmony. Here we must say things clearly: the Islamists do not hate the West
because of Israel, they hate Israel because it carries the values of the West.
This revolution in mentality will then appoint the Jews targeted by
terrorism in Europe and in Israel, as they are the victims and not as coresponsible for the disastrous fate meted out to them.
This revolution in attitudes will also help ensure greater solidarity of
the entire civil society in respect of his fellow citizens of the Jewish faith and
perhaps so do does we will see almost cry when they are insulted Jews alone,
humiliated, assaulted for simply being Jewish.
Nothing, nothing will be done without this revolution in attitudes. The
most coercive security measures, the deployment of the wider security forces
wherever Jews come together, pray or study will be only a plaster on a
wooden leg if, upstream, we do not decisively change our software our
reading grid on the war that Islamist terrorism told our civilization, whether in
Brussels, Paris, New York, Madrid, London and Jerusalem.
Dear friends, it is one minute to midnight, and I should like to make a
solemn appeal to startle all our compatriots for my fellow Jews who celebrate
the anniversary of their children to be assured that they will still be able to do
it, here at home, in our country, in 1 year, in 5 years, in 50 years.
I am the son of a Child hidden Austrian who fled Austria in 1939 to
take refuge in Belgium. I am the son of a small-Polish Jew who fled
persecution in Poland to take refuge in Austria. I am the great-grand son of a
Russian Jew who fled the pogroms in Russia to take refuge in Poland. I want
to believe that I was still possible to be 1 Rubinfeld to break with the tradition
of the suitcase or the coffin, to be born, have lived, he was happy and proud to
live in my country, Belgium, and die a natural death there.
I am Charlie. I am a police officer. I am Jewish. I am Belgian.
*Belgian League against Anti-Semitism (LBCA) president Jol Rubinfeld
speech delivered at Maale synagogue January 14, 2015

Je suis Charlie. Je suis Policier.

Je Suis Juif. Je Suis Belge.
Jol Rubinfeld*
Je suis Charlie. Je suis policier. Je suis juif.
Une fois de plus, le terrorisme a fait couler le sang d'innocents dans les rues
d'une capitale europenne. Cette fois, c'est Paris que la barbarie islamiste
s'en est prise aux symboles de la dmocratie: les journalistes, les policiers et
les Juifs, c'est--dire la libert d'expression, les garants de l'Etat de droit et la
minorit la plus expose de notre socit.
Ce totalitarisme qui nous menace - et qui, n'en pas douter, frappera
nouveau - n'en est pas son coup d'essai. C'est bien cette mme haine, ce
mme rejet absolu de ce que nous sommes, qui a frapp l'anne dernire
quelques kilomtres d'ici, au Muse Juif de Bruxelles, mais aussi en Australie,
dans un caf du centre de Sydney, en Isral, dans une synagogue Jrusalem,
au sige du Parlement canadien Ottawa ou au Pakistan encore, dans une
cole Peshawar, o 132 coliers musulmans ont t sauvagement assassins.
(...) Aujourd'hui, il est minuit moins une.
Bientt, il n'y aura qu'une seule rponse la question que se pose un nombre
croissant de Juifs de notre pays: nos enfants ont-ils encore un avenir en
Belgique? Bientt, si rien ne change, si rien de significatif ne change, il n'y
aura plus qu'une seule rponse cette question: partir - ailleurs, en Isral, aux
Etats-Unis, au Canada, en Australie. C'est--dire les quelques rares endroits du
monde o il est possible encore d'tre pleinement Juif et citoyen.
Mais il est minuit moins une disais-je, c'est--dire qu'une autre rponse est
donc encore possible. Pour que "rester ici" soit cette autre rponse, il faut
imprativement que les acteurs politiques, mdiatiques, associatifs,
acadmiques comprennent sans dlai, comme l'a compris le Premier ministre
franais Manuel Valls, que la Belgique sans les Juifs, ce n'est plus la Belgique.
Pour cela, il faut, l'instar de nos voisins franais, faire de la lutte contre
l'antismitisme une cause nationale.
Ne nous y trompons pas, ce qui se joue en ce moment n'est pas uniquement le
sort des Belges juifs. Car lorsqu'on crie "Mort aux Juifs" dans les rues de
Bruxelles, ce sont les slogans "Mort la Belgique", "Mort la dmocratie",
"Mort l'galit homme-femme", "Mort la tolrance", "Mort la diversit",

"Mort l'intgration" qu'il faut entendre. Alors, aux lus des partis
dmocratiques qui n'ont pas encore compris qu'il leur faut mener ce combat
pour nos enfants, je les adjure de le mener pour les leurs.
L'antismitisme contemporain, celui qui blesse, harcle, intimide, tue
Toulouse, Bruxelles ou Paris a substitu l'Etat juif l'individu juif sous les
oripeaux de l'antisionisme. La lutte contre l'antismitisme ne saurait ds lors
faire l'conomie d'un profond recadrage de la ralit proche-orientale, d'une
vritable rvolution des mentalits avec, d'abord et avant tout, une rvolution
du verbe pour que cesse enfin la diabolisation d'Isral et la remise en question
insidieuse de son droit l'existence et de sa lgitimit incarner l'Etat nation
du peuple juif.
Il faudra aussi faire un sort ce fantasme inepte qui veut qu'une solution du
conflit entre Isral et les Palestiniens soit la cl de vote de la paix et de la
concorde universelles. Il faut ici dire clairement les choses: les islamistes ne
hassent pas l'Occident cause d'Isral, ils hassent Isral parce qu'il porte les
valeurs de l'Occident.
Cette rvolution des mentalits permettra alors de dsigner les Juifs viss par
le terrorisme, en Europe comme en Isral, comme les victimes qu'elles sont et
non plus comme les co-responsables du sort funeste qui leur est inflig.
Cette rvolution des mentalits contribuera aussi assurer une plus grande
solidarit de toute la socit civile l'gard de ses concitoyens de confession
juive et peut-tre ainsi ne verra-t-on plus pleurer les Juifs presque seuls
lorsqu'ils sont insults, humilis, agresss pour le simple fait d'tre juif.
Rien, rien ne se fera sans cette rvolution des mentalits. Les mesures de
scurit les plus coercitives, le dploiement de forces de scurit les plus
larges partout o les Juifs se runissent, prient ou tudient ne seront qu'un
empltre sur une jambe de bois si, en amont, nous ne changeons pas
rsolument notre logiciel, notre grille de lecture sur la guerre que le terrorisme
islamiste a dclar notre civilisation, que ce soit Bruxelles, Paris, New
York, Madrid, Londres ET Jrusalem.
Chers amis, il est minuit moins une et je voudrais ici lancer un appel solennel
un sursaut de tous nos compatriotes pour que mes coreligionnaires qui ftent
l'anniversaire de leurs enfants soient assurs qu'ils pourront encore le faire, ici,
chez nous, dans notre pays, dans 1 an, dans 5 ans, dans 50 ans.
Je suis le fils d'un Enfant cach autrichien qui a fui l'Autriche en 1939 pour se
rfugier en Belgique. Je suis le petit-fils d'un Juif polonais qui a fui les
perscutions en Pologne pour se rfugier en Autriche. Je suis l'arrire-petit fils
d'un Juif russe qui a fui les pogroms en Russie pour se rfugier en Pologne. Je
veux croire qu'il me soit encore possible d'tre le 1er Rubinfeld rompre avec
cette tradition de la valise ou du cercueil, tre n, avoir vcu, avoir t
heureux et fier de vivre dans mon pays, la Belgique, et d'y mourir de mort
naturelle.
Je suis Charlie. Je suis policier. Je suis Juif. Je suis Belge.
* Ligue belge contre l'antismitisme prsident Jol Rubinfeld discours prononc
Maale synagogue 14 Janvier 2015

=rhMI CORAZN ESPAOL

Mi Corazn Espaol
(My Spanish Heart)

=h1Doreen

Carvajal's The Forgetting River:

A Modern Tale of Survival, Identity and the
Inquisition
(Riverside Books, 2012). 321 pp. $20@
=n1Dianne R. Layden*@
Doreen Carvajals The Forgetting River is a compelling mixture
of a memoir and history, with the authors search for her family and
identity as Jews set against the backdrop of Spains and Europes wellworn antisemitism. The epigram asserts the power of forgetting: No,
no, go not to Lethe from Keatss Ode to Melancholy. In Greek
mythology, Lethe is a river in Hades, and the legend is that all who
drink from the river forget earthly life. Guadalete lies near Arcos de la
Fronteraa whitewashed village filled with Andalusian allure and one
of southern Spains most sought-after vacation destinations. Local
townsfolk maintain the charm, perhaps because they never
acknowledge, let alone speak of, the Jews hanged on Gallows Hill
during the Inquisition.
Seasoned journalist Carvajal (The New York Times and
International Herald Tribune) has written a book that is so compelling
that I deliberately slowed my reading in order to savor her words. She
collected family letters and possessions, sifted through Arcos history,
Inquisition and Church records; and interviewed residents, conversos

(crypto-Jews), and expertsone of whom implored the author to

Dont ask. Think.
Spains war on its Jewish residents begins with the Queen
Isabella and King Ferdinand Edict of Expulsion (1492) and the fourmonth order to evacuate without gold or silver. Those who left for
Portugal won only temporary respite and were expelled from Portugal
by 1496. Those who remained became subjected to more than 49,000
heresy trials held between 1570 and 1700, including those who sought
refuge in the New World (Mexico and Peru). It was not until 1968 that
the Edict of Expulsion was formally revoked.
For Carvajal, born in California and raised as a Catholic,
forgetting the Inquisition is an injustice beyond the suffering inflicted
by expulsion, forced conversions, and the torture and execution of the
hundreds of thousands who refused. Notable too was the price paid by
Jews who converted to Catholicism but maintained some Jewish
ritualse.g., conversos. If discovered, the consequences ranged from
public humiliation to public execution. Their descendants would
experience derision and identity conflicts centuries later.
Employing a non-linear structure, Carvajal provides a leisurely
description of her global search, which was spurred by peoples
questions about whether she was related to the CarvajalsLuis
Rodriguez Carvajal and his sisters Isabel and Leonor, who were burned
at the stake in Mexico for secretly practicing Judaism. The author
explains: The telltale evidence of Isabels crimes was the use of clean
bed linens and clothing on Friday evenings, signs to demonstrate their
observance of the Sabbath. The inquisitors also took note of other
ritualsfasting and dietary restrictions, the shunning of pork.
Betrayed by friends, Luis was tortured and forced to name most of
his immediate relatives, plus 116 others. He was executed in December
1596 and ordered to pay trial and prison expenses, as torture was not
considered punishment. Carvajals ancestors arrived in America from
Costa Rica. She writes, We were Catholics, but I suspected we were
actually Sephardic Jews whose identity was stolen, hidden, and lost for
centuries like a missing key. Or at least the clues pointed me in that
direction because I had doubts. Doubt was my religion.
The past was not a part of her sense of family, perhaps because
the family migrated from other countries. The 2001 attacks on the
World Trade Center intensified her yearning for a sense of belonging,
a longing for home, to be whole. Revisiting Arcos several times since
2003, its pueblo remained in Carvajals thoughts with a lingering
fantasy that by returning to live high on its yellow cliffs, I could
confront the past and reclaim an identity. Her father traced the family
back to Spain, but provided no explanation for why they left. She
equates her familys silence with silence as a survival tactic for

Andalusians who lived under brutal repression from dukes to dictators.

Asking her cousin Cecilia why the family forgot that they were Jews,
Cecilia replied that they did not forget; rather, It was just a subject
they avoided . . . Maybe they saved themselves. Cecilias mother,
Carvajals great-aunt Luz, said their origins were from sefarditas,
Sephardic Jews.

Arcos de la Frontera and the Guadalete River, Cdiz Province, Spain

Carvajal describes Arcosthe people, houses, streets, churches,

bells, rituals, Jewish remnants, and silence about the Inquisition. She
longed to understand the hard experiences of people who hid in plain
sight under the constant fear of treachery by neighborswhispers,
surveillance, suspicious glances, and scent of betrayal in the air.
While in Arcos, disturbing dreams and a sense of dread came
and went. She recalled viewing a procession of penitents during Holy
Week, and a sudden surge of emotions filled her: I studied the eyes of
the penitents, which made me feel the pain of some primeval memory
that I couldnt explain . . . I wanted to rip away their hoods to see their
eyes and the eyes of their ancestors.
In my emails with the author, she wrote of her powerful reaction
to the testimonies of Inquisition witnesses against her ancestors in
Segovia for heresy and concealing their Jewish identity, whose daily
customs were spied upon and reported by neighbors and friends. She
wrote: Something shifted inside me when I knew how hard they tried
to preserve a part of their souls . . . By the end of her journey, she had
resolved her doubts.
Caravals book is dense with detail about Jewish migration from
Spain to North Africa, Europe, the Ottoman Empire, and the Americas.
There are illustrative and illuminating secondary reports: Pedro Acosta,
who did not doff his hat passing a picture of Jesus (subsequently
charged); Mallorca converso genetics, ritual similaritiese.g., Holy
Week chants (saetas) and Yom Kipper Kol Nidre; and crypto-Jewish
artisans quietly recording their resistance onto Church iconography.
The power of Carvajals work resides in this descendant of
Jews passion for truth and her defiance in swimming against the
current of willful forgetting of the Guadalete River.

*Dianne R. Layden is a writer and retired college professor. Her research interests
include American studies, public violence, and New Mexican history and culture,
including crypto-Judaic culture. She is a member of the New Mexico Jewish
Historical Society and reviews books and films for the JSA.
Postscript On November 22, 2012, Spain announced citizenship for those with Jewish
ancestors who fled the Inquisition. I can finally close the circle with my past, deepen
my ties to Spain, and learn more about Judaism and ultimately convert., said
Doreen.