The Tribulations of Blackness: Stages in Dominican Racial Identity

Author(s): Silvio Torres-Saillant

Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 25, No. 3, Race and National Identity in the
Americas (May, 1998), pp. 126-146
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2634170 .
Accessed: 05/02/2014 01:44
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Sage Publications, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Latin American
Perspectives.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The TribulationsofBlackness
Stagesin DominicanRacialIdentity
by
SilvioTorres-Saillant
Los blancos,morenos,/Cobrizos,
cruzados/Marchando
serenos,/Unidos
i
osados,
La Patriasalvemos/Deviles tiranos/Yal mundomostremos/Que
somos
hermanos.
-Juan Pablo Duarte

Dominicansocietyis thecradleofblacknessintheAmericas.The island

of Hispaniolaor SantoDomingo,whichDominicanssharewithHaitians,
servedas portofentry
tothefirst
African
slavestosetfooton Spain'snewly
transatlanColumbus'seventful
conqueredterritories
following
Christopher
tic voyagein 1492. Nine yearsintotheconquestof whatthenceforward
became knownas the New World,King Ferdinandand Queen Isabella
appointed
FrayNicolasde Ovandogovernor
ofSantoDomingo,authorizing
himto bring"blackslaves"to theircolony(Saco, 1974: 164). Markingthe
the arrivalof
startof the black experiencein the westernhemisphere,
that
Ovando'sfleetinJuly1502usheredina socialanddemographic
history
wouldlead in thecourseoffivecenturies
to theoverwhelming
presenceof
people of Africandescentin theDominicanRepublictoday.'Blacks and
makeup nearly90 percentofthecontemporary
mulattos
Dominicanpopuinthehemisphere
exhibits
lation.Yet,noothercountry
greater
indeterminacy
thepopulation'ssenseof racialidentity.
To thebewilderment
of
regarding
outsideobservers,
Afro-Dominicans
havetraditionally
failedto flaunttheir
blacknessas a collectivebannerto advanceeconomic,cultural,
orpolitical
wouldcontend,
ineffect,
causes.Somecommentators
thatDominicanshave,
forthemostpart,deniedtheirblackness.Faced withthepopulation's
toler-

SilvioTorres-Saillant
teachesintheEnglishdepartment
atHostosCommunity
Collegeandheads
theCUNY DominicanStudiesInstitute
at CityCollege.He is theauthorof CaribbeanPoetics
inpress).
ofTheDominicanAmericans
andcoauthor
(Westport:
Greenwood,
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 100,Vol.25 No. 3, May 1998 126-146
C 1998LatinAmerican
Perspectives

126

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Torres-Saillant
/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

127

of
superiority
themoraland intellectual
ance of officialclaimsasserting
in
ideologues,analystsof racialidentity
Caucasiansby whitesupremacist
toDominicansheavydosesof"backDominicansocietyhaveoftenimputed
or "confusion"
theirrace and ethnicity
regarding
wardness,""ignorance,"
(FennemaandLoewenthal,1989: 209; Saga's,1993).I wouldliketo invite
on thecomplexity
ofracialthinking
andracialdiscourseamong
reflection
Dominicanswiththepurposeofurgingtheadoptionofdiscreteparadigms
in attempts
to explicatetheplace of black consciousnessin Dominican
societyandculture.
BLACKNESS AND THE DOMINICAN STATE
amongDominicansstems
A largepartof theproblemofracialidentity
theracial
hadto negotiate
theircountry
fromthefactthatfromitsinception
TheDominican
oftheirNorthAmerican
andEuropeanoverseers.
paradigms
27, 1844,when
Republiccameintobeingas a sovereignstateon February
theirjuridicalseparathepoliticalleadersofeasternHispaniolaproclaimed
anendto22 yearsofunification
under
theRepublicofHaiti,putting
tionfrom
The Haitian
withitsseatin Port-au-Prince.
a black-controlled
government
overthe
authority
resistedtheidea of relinquishing
leadershiporiginally
to regaintheeasternterritory,
wholeislandand madesuccessiveattempts
whichresultedin sporadicarmedclashesbetweenHaitianand Dominican
forcesuntil1855.As thenewlycreatedCaribbeanrepublicsoughtto insert
powers,amongwhich
byWestern
itselfintoan economicorderdominated
had long since takena firmhold, the race of
"the racial imagination"
1993:
Dominicansquicklybecame an issue of concern(Torres-Saillant,
JohnTyler'sadminis33-37).In December1844,neartheendofPresident
of StateJohnC. Calhounspokeof theneedforthe
U.S. Secretary
tration,
fromtheUnited
fledglingDominicanstateto receiveformalrecognition
in
"thefurther
spreadofnegroinfluence
States,France,andSpaintoprevent
theWestIndies"(Welles,1966[1928]:76). As wouldmanyotherAmerican
Calhounconthenineteenth
andjournalists
century,
statesmen
throughout
ceivedofDominicansas otherthanblack.
Whenin 1845 AmericanAgentJohnHoganarrivedin SantoDomingo
ofits
foran eventualrecognition
withthemandateofassessingthecountry
withHaitiansand
hesidedwithDominicansintheirconflicts
independence,
ofpeopleofAfrican
soonbecameconcerned
overthepredominance
therefore
descentin the country.
Directinghimselfto the DominicanMinisterof
whether
"thepresence
ForeignRelationsToma'sBobadilla,Hoganwondered
ofthecolouredrace"wouldweaken
intheRepublicofso largea proportion

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

128

LATIN AMERICANPERSPECTIVES

Bobadillaassuaged
thegovernment's
efforts
tofendoffHaitianaggression.
regarding
hisfearsbyreplying
"thatamongtheDominicanspreoccupations
"slaveshavefought
colorhaveneverheldmuchsway"andthatevenformer
andwouldagainfight
againsttheHaitians"onaccountoftheoppressiveness
of thelatter'sformer
regime(Welles,1966[1928]:77-78). In a dispatch
addressedto U.S. Secretary
of StateJohnM. Clayton,datedOctober24,
in SantoDomingoJonathan
1849,AmericanCommissioner
E. Greenretothefeeling
portedthatHaitianviolencehadgiven"forceanduniversality
in favorofthewhitesin theDominicanRepublic"to thepointthata black
remark,
"I am black,but
"whentauntedwithhis color"couldconceivably
whiteblack"(citedinWelles,1966[1928]:103-104).
observers
oftheDominicanscenehadample
Nineteenth-century
foreign
ofDominicansto flaunt
theirblackidentity,
occasionto notethereluctance
remained
ambivalent
buttheythemselves
abouttheracialandethniccharacforinstance,of the
of thenewrepublic'spopulation.One thinks,
teristics
bytheNewYork
Evening
genealogy
ofDominicanpoliticalleaderspublished
offrustrating
ofState
Secretary
PostonSeptember
2, 1854,withtheintention
of officialU.S. recognition
to
WilliamMarcy'splanto securethegranting
theblacknessof
theDominicanRepublic.The EveningPost highlighted
Dominicansto sparkantipathy
againsttheminpublicopinionsectorsofthe
UnitedStates,buta bookpublishedsix yearslaterby a writer
seekingthe
tounderestimate
theblackelement
oftheDominioppositeresultundertook
theDominican
canpopulation-representing
peopleas "madeupofSpaniards,
Spanish Creoles and some Africansand people of color" (Courtney,
1860: 132).
ofAmericanscomTwo strainsappearto standoutin theobservations
on racialmatters
intheDominicanRepublicatthetime.One is the
menting
as one
sensethat"no austereprejudiceagainstcolorprevails"inthecountry,
ofcolor,in social
that"distinction
authorputit,or,in thewordsofanother,
unknown"
life,is entirely
(SantoDomingo,1863:10; Keim,1870: 168).The
thewhitecomponentof the
otherstrainis the insistenceon magnifying
Dominicanpopulation.
Thus,theU.S. SenateCommissionofInquirywho
thecountry
wenttotheDominicanRepublicinearly1871toassesswhether
foundpeople thereto be
was ripe for annexationto the U.S. territory
ofmixedblood,"withthegreatmajority
being"neither
pureblack
''generally
numbersof
norpurewhite"butshowingareasinhabited
by "considerable
in themixedrace thewhite
purewhite"peopleand notingthat"generally
blood predominates"
century,
(Report,1871: 13). Even in thetwentieth
ofTheodoreRoosevelt,onecouldfindU.S. voices
duringtheadministration
whiteness
ofDominicans.One contended
unambitothepresumed
attesting

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Torres-Saillant
/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

129

guouslythattheinhabitants
ofthesmallCaribbeanrepublic"withveryfew
werewhite,
exceptions"
citingracialhostility,
thatis,"therefusalofthewhite
Dominicantobe governed
bytheblackHaitian,"as thecauseofthepartition
ofHispaniolaintotwocountries
(Hancock,1905:50). In thesamevein,an
writer
anonymous
asserted
that"whitebloodpreponderates"
intheDominican
Republicby contrastto neighboring
Haiti,where"theblack race is in
completeascendancy
("Romance,"1995 [1906]: 18-19).
seriesoffluctuating
Giventheforegoing
onDominicans
pronouncements
in thelate 1920s of yetanotherAmerican
and race,themixedtestimony
and MinisterPlenipotentiary
Sumner
commentator,
EnvoyExtraordinary
Whileasserting
that"racediscrimination
Welles,shouldcomeas nosurprise.
in theDominicanRepublicis unknown,"
he deemedit "one of themost
of theDominicanpeoplethatamongall shades,
noteworthy
peculiarities
thereis a universaldesirethattheblackbe obliterated
by thewhite.The
of whiteimmigration
has becomea generaldemand,"and an
stimulation
incurtailing
orregulating
blackimmigration
carried"similarforce"
interest
of structural
(Welles,1966[1928]:909). Wellesdescribedwhatproponents
as a contradiction,
aboutracewouldcharacterize
since
causes forattitudes
of racial
his scenarioinsinuatesthatnegrophobia
can existindependent
I wouldliketotakethisbaffling
as starting
pointfor
oppression.
possibility
in
an inquiryinto the conceptof race as it has developedhistorically
Dominicansociety.
of
It is no accidentthatthisinquiryshouldspringfromthestatements
consistsnot
forDominicanidentity
WellesandtheotherNorthAmericans,
butalso ofhowtheyareseenbythe
onlyofhowDominicanssee themselves
nationswithwhichtheDominicanRepublichas beenlinkedin a
powerful
It is notinconceivable,
ofpoliticalandeconomicdependence.
relationship
and anti-Haitian
nationalist
forinstance,thatthetextureof negrophobic
in theDominicanstatedrew
discoursesponsored
byofficialspokespersons
onNorthAmerican
sourcesdatingbacktothefirst
yearsofthe
significantly
I proposeto avoidthepitfallsof
republic.As we proceedwiththisinquiry,
Dominicanattitudes
aboutraceexclusively
through
theutterinvestigating
ancesoftherulingclassbymakingan effort
toassembleinstances
ofactive
in buildingand definingtheirhistory.
of Afro-Dominicans
participation
an invaluable
Theseinstances,
compiledfromthefieldofsocialaction,offer
document
thatcouldscarcelybe producedby
livingtext,an indispensable
archivalresearchalone.

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

130

LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES

BLACKNESS AND
NINETEENTH-CENTURY POLITICS
descenthave
DominicansofAfrican
withtheirlargepresence,
Consistent
The black or
playedan activeand decisivepoliticalrolein theircountry.
mulattoFranciscodel RosarioSainchez(1817-1861),one of thefounding
oftheDominicannation,andtheblackgeneralJoseJoaquinPuello
fathers
in bringingthe dreamof Dominicaninde(1808-1847) were important
Beyondthis,blacks and mulattos,by defyingthe
pendenceto fruition.
espousing
ensuredtherepublic'sformally
originalseparatistmovement,
to supportthe
ideals. Blacks had valid reasonsforhesitating
democratic
fromHaitiespousedbya liberalelitefromSantoDomingo;they
separation
Slaveryhad
fromthewestern
territory.
totheirbrethren
owedtheirfreedom
in 1801,underToussaint,and abolishedin 1822,withthe
been restricted
ofthe
theleadership
arrivalofBoyer(AlfauDuran,1994: 370). Moreover,
by thepoet
had proposeda nationalanthemwritten
movement
separatist
withthe
thepatriots
Felix MariaDel Monte(1819-1899)thatemboldened
"Riseup in arms,oh Spaniards!"(Franco,1984: 160-161).
exhortation
Since an associationof thenascentrepublicwithimperialSpain,which
stillenslavedblacksin Cuba and PuertoRico, wouldhave imperiledthe
proclamawithinhoursoftheindependence
ofmanyDominicans,
freedom
ofpeopleofAfricandescentled bySantiagoBasorainthe
tion,an uprising
SantoDomingosectionofMonteGrandechallengedthenewgovernment.
the
The rebellionforcedthe leadersof the incipientnationto reaffirm
theblack Basora intothecountry's
abolitionof slaveryand to integrate
decreepromulstructure
(Franco,1984: 161-162).The veryfirst
governing
onMarch1, 1844,
thecountry,
Centralthatfirst
governed
gatedbytheJunta
ofslavery(AlfauDuran,1994:13).Amongvariousgestures
wastheabolition
went
theDominicangovernment
ofblacksandmulattos,
toallaytheconcerns
toabolitioninseveraldecreesthat,apartfrom
ontoreaffirm
itscommitment
ofanykinda capital
ofabolition,
madeslavetrafficking
thefinality
stressing
gaintheir
wouldinstantly
crimeandruledthatslavesfromanyprovenance
of theDominicanRepublic(Encifreedomon setting
footon theterritory
clopediaDominicana,"Esclavitud").
an unpatriotic
elitenegotiWhen,less than20 yearsafterindependence,
oftheDominicanRepublictoSpain,an armedrebellion
atedtheannexation
ensued,and the black General
to recoverits lost sovereignty
promptly
GregorioLuperonoutshoneall othersas theguardianofnationalliberation.
descentinthatchapterofDominican
ofpeopleofAfrican
The participation
bothin thehigh
was significant
knownas theWarof Restoration,
history,
resistance
leaders,aware
commandandin therankandfile.The nationalist

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Torres-Saillant
/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

131

launcheda campaign
of thedecisiveimportance
of blacksand mulattos,
known
callingattention
to Spain'splanstorestoreslaverywitha document
bythiscampaign,
as theSt.ThomasManifesto
ofMarch30, 1861.Pressured
oftheoccupation
forces,hastenedto
Brigadier
AntonioPelaez,commander
issue a decreeof April8, 1861,wherebySpain assuredDominicansthat
totheland(AlfauDuran,1994: 12).Evenso,the
slaverywouldneverreturn
sharplywiththatofthecreoles,givingthe
coloroftheinvaderscontrasted
Withthe"massiveintegration"
ofthepeasantpopulawarracialovertones.
thearmedstruggle
tion,"whichconsistedmainlyof blacksandmulattos,"
soonbecamea "racialwar"againsta whitesupremacist
powerthatpreserved
all theenergiesofthenation
slaveryand"a trulypopularwar,as itdirected
and restoring
towardachievingindependence
sovereignty"
(Franco,1992:
thelastmilitary
277; Moya Pons,1995: 213). GeneralJosede la Gaindara,
ofhissoldiers,
commander
oftheSpanishforces,
suggested
thattheattitudes
as
who were"usedto viewingtheblackraceandpeopleofmixedancestry
ofDominicansto theannexation
inferior
people,"deepenedtheopposition
itsdownfall(De la Gandara,1975:237-238).
andmayhavebrought
theWarofRestoration,
Dominicanscommemorate
foughtagainstwhite
withas muchpatriotic
fervor
as theydo theWarofIndependence,
Spaniards,
fought
againstblackHaitians;andtheblackgeneralLuperon,whohelpedto
as
inspiresas muchrespectandadmiration
restorethenation'ssovereignty,
oftheRepublic.
thewhitecreoleJuanPabloDuarte,theideologicalfounder
Anothersalientfigureof theRestoration
War,theblack Ulises Heureux,
whoseheroicexploitsagainsttheSpanisharmyearnedhimnationalprestige,
formorethan15
thecountry
politically
twodecadeslatercametodominate
distinction
invarioushighpositionsintheDominican
years.Afterachieving
thewareffort,
heranforpresident
ofthecountry
and
government
following
timein 1882,becameheadofstatethrough
electoral
was electedforthefirst
extendedhisrulebydictatorial
channelstwoothertimes,andsubsequently
in 1899.
untilhe was assassinated
imposition
BLACKS AND DOMINICAN FOLK CULTURE
the
The Africanpresencein Dominicancultureof coursetranscends
outstanding
politicalacts of individuals.Elementsof Africancultural
survivalin Dominicansocietyappearin thelanguageDominicansspeakthe people's handlingof
the ethnolinguistic
modalitiesthatcharacterize
in lexical structure
and in phonetics,
Spanish,whichshow peculiarities
andintonation
fromthelanguagesof
thatsuggestretentions
morphosyntax,
Africanslaves in colonial times(Megenney,1990: 233). There is also

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

132

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

presenceof HaitianCreole in Afro-Dominican

evidenceof a significant
contacts
cemented"
thatwere"firmly
Spanishas a resultoftheintercultural
1884(Lipski,1994:13).The
during
theunification
periodfrom1822through
oftheslaveshasprobably
founditswayintotheoraltradition
originalculture
of blacksto Dominican
of theDominicanpeople,and thecontributions
fromAfricaandcreole
transmissions
cuisinetaketheformofbothcultural
innovations
traceableto theplantation
regime(Deive, 1990: 133-135).But
in no otherrealmare Africanculturalformsmoreevidentin Dominican
expressions.
societythanin spiritual
theexistence
ofa Dominican
posited
CarlosEstebanDeivehasconvincingly
thatdistinvoodoo withan indigenouspantheonand othercharacteristics
guishit fromHaitianvoodoo (Deive, 1992: 171-174,182-183).People of
haverecoursetotheservicesandrituals
normally
variousclassbackgrounds
in urbanareasas in rural
whichhas as muchcurrency
ofthisfolkreligion,
consider
ones (1992: 17). In fact,the majorityof voodoo practitioners
andremaining
active
themselves
Catholic,havingreceivedbaptism
officially
researchhas not only
in the worshipof thatfaith(1992: 211). Further
supportedtheexistenceof voodoo as "partof Dominicanfolkreligious
butalso identified
itas a crucialresourceforpopularmedicine
expression"
certainkindsof folk
(Davis, 1987: 423, 221-223).Davis has highlighted
African
influences"
thatprovideaidtothe
with"strong
spiritual
expressions
oftheirdailylives(1987:
Dominicanpeopleinmanyofthesocialfunctions
mentalhealthand
a teamcombining
194-195).Followingtheseinsights,
of voodoo and other
social sciencespecialistshas stressedtheimportance
theDominicanpeoplefrom
forunderstanding
manifestations
folkspiritual
andMella,
andpsychology
theperspective
ofpsychiatry
(Tejeda,Sainchez,
1993:54).
the state-funded
guardiansof theofficialculture,intenton
Naturally,
thepredominance
of theHispanicheritageamongDominicans,
stressing
have vigorouslyrejectedthe traceof any "pagan" formsof worshipin
Dominicansociety.Unableto denythatDominicansdo engagein Africanto unwelcome
descendedspirituality,
theyhave ascribedthatpredilection
of folk
foreigninfluence-a logic thatoftenhas justifiedthepersecution
religiouspracticesas a threatto moralityand Christianvalues. In the
the poet Del Monteconstruedvoodoo as a savage,
nineteenth
century,
a seriesofdances
proscribed
anthropophagic
ritual,andan 1862ordinance
ofAfrican
thatinvolvedexpressions
andfestivities
(Del Monte,1979:
origins
whentheDominican
246;Deive,1992:163).DuringtheTrujillodictatorship,
committed
Eurocentric
and
to promoting
statebecamemostemphatically
theofficial
viewsofDominicanness,
whitesupremacist
dailyEl ListinDiario
oftwomenforcommemorating
the
thearrest
on August16, 1939,reported

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Torres-Saillant
/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

133

byengagingin voodoopracticesalongwithothermen
WarofRestoration
and womenwho had managedto escape (citedin Deive, 1992: 164). The
withLaw 391
in voodooceremonies
Trujilloregimeoutlawedparticipation
20, 1943,whichimposeda penaltyofupto oneyearinprison
ofSeptember
plus a fineof 500 pesos on anyoneconvictedofthecrimeeitherby direct
of
or indirect
collusion(Deive, 1992: 186). The relentlessness
commission
campaignto eradicateAfricanspiritualexpressionsin
the government's
Dominicansocietyis clearfroman articlepublishedin thenewspaperLa
NaciononOctober5, 1945,inwhichEmilioRodriguezDemorizi,an ideolodenounced"cunegrophobe,
gistoftheTrujilloregimeand a consummate
andotherevilartsandcustoms"
voodoo,witchcraft,
cayadance,cannibalism,
thathad
and Christophe"
as ritualscomingfrom"theland of Louverture
he reasalthough
"thesimplehabitsofDominicans,"
occasionallytarnished
leftno perceptible
suredhisreadersthatthe"darkroots"ofthoseinfluences
vestigesin thepeople.
ofthescribesoftherulingclassfrom
negrophobia
Butdespitetheaberrant
of
witha populationthatis predominantly
colonialtimesto thepresent,
toDominicanculture
itis inevitable
thatblackcontributions
descent,
African
Thatcontribution
areomnipresent.
beganin 1502andsincethen,as Vetilio
constant
anddecisive."
AlfauDuran(1994: 342) hasputit,"ithasremained
above,one couldspeakofthe
In additionto theareasofendeavorsurveyed
enjoyedbyDominicansof Africandescentin thefieldsof sports
celebrity
and popularmusic.Clearly,also, blackshave by no meanslackedrepreinthepublicsphereorintheregardoftheDominicanpeople.The
sentation
inthe1994electionsoftheblackpresidential
overwhelming
popularvictory
Dominicandidate
JoseFranciscoPefiaGomezofthePartidoRevolucionario
cano (DominicanRevolutionary
party-PRD) againstthetwowhiteelders
JuanBosch,ofthePartidode la Liberaci6nDominicana(DominicanLiberaSocial
tionparty-PLD), and JoaquinBalaguer,of thePartidoReformista
to
Reform
party-PRSC),is eloquenttestimony
Cristiano(Social Christian
oftheBalaguergovernment
PeinaGomez
prevented
this.Thatthemaneuvers
discussionthanthatthe
matters
less tothepresent
frombecomingpresident
wenttothepollsandcasttheirballots
oftheDominicanpopulation
majority
ofHaitiandescent.In
is reputedly
in favorofa blackmanwho,in addition,
anelaborateand
theDominicanpeopledisregarded
votingforhimmassively,
elite
andtheconservative
virulent
bythegovernment
campaignorchestrated
andmakea voteforhimseem
thataimedtocastdoubtonhisDominicanness
theiractionsthattheyhadmindsof
Dominicansshowedthrough
unpatriotic.
theirown.

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

134

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

DERACIALIZED CONSCIOUSNESS
AND THE RISE OF THE MULATTO
calla deracialized
descentpossesswhatonemight
DominicansofAfrican
whoseoriginsdatebacktothedeclineoftheplantation
socialconsciousness
a widespread
andmassiveinflux
generating
economyincolonialtimes.After
of black slaves in the early16thcentury,
the Hispaniolasugarindustry
oftheindustry,
concomitant
withthe
declineddramatically.
Theevanescence
exodusofwhitesettlers,
ofracerelations
inthe
constant
markedthetexture
ofthecolony'sensuingimpoverishment.
Throughout
theseventeenth
context
afflicted
theinhabitants
of Hispaniola(PefiaPerez,1985:
century,
poverty
SantoDomingo
ofutter
backwardness,"
seventeenth-century
10). A "mirror
"wallowedinalmosttotalwretchedness"
(Bosch,1986: 117).In a 1691plea
addressedto theCrown,Don FranciscoFrancode Torquemadaarguedfor
the need to providethe colonistswithblack slaves "on credit"to help
1942: 84-85).
stimulate
(Francode Torquemada,
agricultural
production
of Governor
Antoniode Osorio'sdepopulation
Worsenedbytheeffects
in 1605,occasionalforeign
oftheeasternterritories
invasions,
pirateraids,
to
theSantoDomingoeconomydeteriorated
and variousnaturaldisasters,
andtherigidracialcodesengendered
thepointthatslaverybecameuntenable
brokedown.Thenumber
offreeblacks,a segment
virtually
bytheplantation
thathadbegunto surfacetowardtheendofthesixteenth
century,
grewto a
as thesocialdistancebetween
blacksandwhitesshrank
significantly
majority
in 1763byArchbishop
Fernaindez
(Cassa',1992:76, 107-108).Thetestimony
of
ofpurewhites,affirming
thatthemajority
de Navarrete
aboutthescarcity
was ofmixedblood,"highlights
thefreepopulation
"including
landholders,
inSantoDomingo(Cassa',1992:109).
ofracialintermixture
thepervasiveness
destitution
ofwhiteshelpedto
Thedecayoftheplantation
andthevirtual
interracial
breakdown the social barriers
betweentheraces,stimulating
Theracial
marital
relations
andgivingrisetoanethnically
population.
hybrid
thatcharacterized
Santo
seventeenth-century
andethnichybridity
integration
of themulattoas thepredominant
typein
Domingoexplaintheemergence
oftheDominicanpopulation.
theethniccomposition
Interestingly,
despitethelargepresenceof peopleof Africandescentat
stateofthecolony
thetime,manyoftheeyewitness
accountsoftheprecarious
ofblacksas a primary
causeofthedecay.We beginto
bewailedthescarcity
to limitthetermblackto people stilllivingin
recognizeherea tendency
Weknow
actionagainstthecolonialsystem.
slaveryorengagedinsubversive
and
to marooning
slaveshad oftenresorted
thatsincethesixteenth
century,
hadto investa goodportionof
openrebellionandthecolonialgovernment
of
incounterinsurgency
efforts
itsresources
(Cassa',1992:85). Theactivities

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Torres-Saillant
/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

135

continuouslyeast and west of

maroonsalarmedthe rulingstructure
whentheSpanishandtheFrench
Hispaniola.By the1777AranjuezTreaty,
oftheisland,themaroonswerestilla concern,
agreedon a formalpartition
foraddressing
wroteintotheaccorda strategy
and theimperialauthorities
the problemin bothSanto Domingoand Saint Domingue(Moreau de
1994:424).
Saint-Mery,
seemto have
mulattosand blacks,in contrast,
Peacefulor cooperative
explains
becomedecolorizedintheeyesoftherulingclass,whichprobably
Francode Torquemada'scomplaintabouttheabsenceof blacksat a time
the
in thelate-eighteenth
century,
whenfreeblacksabounded.Similarly,
thepovertyof Santo
mulattopriestAntonioSanchezValverdeattributed
to thewealthof thecontiguous
Domingoto thelack of blacks,in contrast
Frenchcolony,whichteemedwiththem(SanchezValverde,1988:248). He,
fewslaves
ofcourse,meantslavesandgroanedthateventhecomparatively
ofthe
almostone-third
whoexistedinSantoDomingo"workforthemselves
blacksgo aboutontheir
wholettheir
further
tothosemasters
year,"objecting
theminefficient
agricultural
owninexchangefora feeinsteadofemploying
the sphereof
(Sanchez Valverde,1988: 249-250). Gradually,
production
foswithslaveryand subversion,
blacknessbecameassociatedexclusively
freeblacksand mulattosin Santo
teringa conceptualspace thatpermitted
of theirblacknessin
Domingoto stepoutsidetheracialcircumscription
oraligningthemselves
theiridentities
politically.
configuring
impacton
economyanditsdemographic
oftheplantation
Thedisruption
a splitbetweenbiologicalblacknessand social
thepopulationfacilitated
by theplantocracy
originally
generated
blackness.As theracialoligarchy
ceasedtoshapepoliticalaction.MoyaPons,reflectcrumbled,
pigmentation
SantoDomingoofthetermblancos
ingontheuseinearlynineteenth-century
de la tierra(whitesof theland)bycoloredpeopleto describethemselves,
notesthatparadoxically"whiletheirskin graduallybecame darker,the
whiter"(1986: 239). But the
of Dominicansturnedincreasingly
mentality
contextof thisparadoxis an earlierhistoricalprocess,wherebysocial
for
ofidentity
positionhadcometo supersedeskincolorin thearticulation
thelevel
whoapproximated
descent.Blacksandmulattos
peopleofAfrican
eithertheirownsocial ascentor thewhite
mastersthrough
of theirformer
colonists'descentwere,indeed,the equivalentof formerblancos.They
a conceptofidentity
inwhichtoconstruct
frame
ofreference
lackeda material
oftheir
blackness.
thatis,onaffirmation
basedonracialself-differentiation,
in
poverty
economyandindiscriminate
Whilethedeathoftheplantation
tothedeclineofslaveryand
SantoDomingocontributed
seventeenth-century
socialforce,theyalso
descentas a preponderant
theriseofpeopleofAfrican
withblacksingeneral.As a result,
erodedthebases fora senseofsolidarity

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

136

LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES

withthe
we find,forinstance,
themulatto
JuanBaron(-1805)collaborating
in
invadingFrenchforcesagainsttheblacktroopsofToussaintLouverture
1802,despitethefactthattheyearbeforetheHaitianleaderhad abolished
the
slaveryand encouragedracialequalityin SantoDomingo.Similarly,
JuanSuero(1808-1864),popularly
knownas the
blackDominicanwarrior
theindependence
BlackCid,fought
vigorously
againstblackHaitiansduring
tosidewithSpain'sinvadingwhitesoldiers
warin 1844anddidnothesitate
whenDominicanswere struggling
to recovertheirnationalsovereignty
One could arguethatforDominicansof African
duringthe annexation.
had conspiredagainsttheirdevelopment
of a racialcondescent,history
theirbuildingofalliancesalongethniclines.
sciousnessthatwouldinform
At thesametime,theirderacializedconsciousness
precludedthedevelopmentofa discourseofblackaffirmation
thatwouldservetocounterbalance
intellectual
negrophobia.
THE LIMITS OF DERACIALIZATION:
PITFALLS AND LEVERAGE
ShouldDominicanblacksand mulattosfullyrecognizethemselvesas
ofthesystematic
targets
disparagement
deployedagainstthembytheEurocentricdiscourseof thecountry'sintellectual
elite,theywould probably
and chronicalienation.Theirderacializedconsufferacute self-loathing
tostatenegrophobia,
hasprotected
indifference
them
sciousness,
byinducing
Theirability
fromthementalatrophy
thatwouldcomefromsuchaffliction.
to stepoutsidethesphereof theirblacknesshas enabledthemto remain
theprocesswhereby
the
whole.We havetracedto theseventeenth
century
inherited
features
and
conceptofracelostitsheavyemphasisonbiologically
Whenthemulatto
thinker
JoseRamonLopez (1866-1922)published
traits.
andrace,thetermracehadbecomesynonymous
his 1894essayon nutrition
withnation.Lopez fearedthatinappropriate
dietwould lead to physical
loss ofautonomy,
since"a racethatdegenerdegeneracy
and,consequently,
ates loses itsindependence"(Lopez, 1975: 32, 36,62). He spoke of a concept

ofrace,then,thatdwelton social,temporary,
andcontingent
variablesrather
and immanent
ones. He meant,in short,the
thanon genetic,permanent,
Dominicanpeople.
in
The Dominicanconceptofracefounditselfbytheendofthecentury
withtheconstruction
of the multipleethnic
harmonious
correspondence
a singlerace.Manywriters
fromthe
groupsof LatinAmericaas forming
link
countries
ofthehemisphere
Spanish-speaking
positeda certainspiritual
thatsomehowunifiedthepeoplesoftheregion.The essayLa raza cosmica

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Torres-Saillant
/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

137

(1925) bytheMexicanthinker
Josede Vasconcelos(1822-1959)succinctly
the prevailingviews. PedroHenriquezUrenia,aware of the
synthesized
of lumping"themulticolored
awkwardness
anthropological
multitudes
of
peoplesthatspeakourlanguage"intoone racialgroup,explainedthattheir
onenessdid not dependon biologicalconsiderations:
"Whatunitesand
thana realone,is thecommunity
unifiesthisrace,an idealrather
ofculture,
of language"(HenriquezUrenia,
determined
primarily
by thecommunity
1978: 12-13).
One shouldlooktothevigorousimperialexpansionoftheUnitedStates
in thewakeoftheSpanish-American
Warof 1898forthehistorical
context
in whichthenotionofa singleIbero-American
racegainedcurrency.
As the
youngempiresetitsMonroeDoctrinein motionas a foreign
policycreed
withregardto LatinAmerica,oftentakingmilitary
actionagainstnational
or installing
social sectorsin powerthroughout
the
governments
particular
region,a tendency
emergedwithina sectorofthecontinent's
intelligentsia
to expressits oppositionto U.S. imperialism
by singingthe praisesof
thatthe
Latin-related
culturalvaluesin oppositionto theNordictradition
ThesecriticsdidnotopposeimperiUnitedStatespresumably
represented.
alismperse,as onecangather
fromtheirnostalgic
evocationofthegreatness
of theSpanishand Portuguese
empires;theyobjectedmainlyto itsNorth
Americanvariant.
Theunrestrained
celebration
byEugenioMariade Hostos
launchedby Columbusas "one of
(1839-1903)of thecolonialdomination
themostfruitful
servicesrendered
tohumanity
sincethebeginning
oftime"
theprevailing
wouldtypify
sensibility
(Hostos,1969: 169). Theyappearto
thefactthatthelinguistic
haveoverlooked
unityofIberianAmericathatthey
so zealouslydefendedhad itsrootin a bitterdramaof genocidalimperial
The Uruguayan
aggression.
essayistJoseEnriqueRodo (1872-1917)in his
influential
Ariel(1900) envisioned
withterror
thelikelihoodofa delatinized
thatis,anunreasonable
SpanishAmericathatwouldsuccumbtonordomania,
forNorthAmerican
admiration
values(Rodo,1971[1900]:102-103).
tosee dichotomous
Thedisposition
ofLatinAmerican
intellectuals
value
countriesof the
systemsin the UnitedStatesand the Spanish-speaking
fostered
thepracticeofdefining
theirregionas onelargeunitin
hemisphere
contradistinction
totheNorthern
andthisregionaldefinition
tradition,
apparthecompanion
entlynecessitated
conceptofa Hispanicracethattranscended
and biologicalcharacteristics.
In the DominicanRepublic,
phenotypical
mostnotablyAmericoLugo (1870-1952),echoedthetenets
manythinkers,
ofthecontinental
aboutIbero-American
ForDominicans,
intelligentsia
unity.
ofcourse,theaffinity
wasnatural,
sincetheyhadalreadyarrived
ontheirown
ata nonbiological
ofrace.Blacksandmulattos
hadthemselves
understanding
of consciousnessand had become
a processof deracialization
undergone

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

138

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

decolorizedin the eyes of the Eurocentric

intellectual
elite.Dominican
societyhadinherited
fromitspeculiarhistory
a conceptofracecharacterized
by opennessand flexibility,
thusfacilitating
its blendingwiththeracial
conceptthatsubsequently
developedinLatinAmerica.
The Dominicanconceptofrace,then,hadthedisadvantage
thatitcould
easily play intothe logic of a negrophobic
intelligentsia
nationallyand
continentwide.
The deracializedconsciousnessof the black and mulatto
populationleftDominicansunprepared
to fendoffexpressionsof crude
racism.We mustremember
thatturn-of-the-century
Dominicanintellectuals
inEuropeata timewhenWestern
pursuedtheireducation
preferably
thinkers
wereadvancingblatantly
racisttheoriesof cultureand humansociety.Nationalschoolcurricula
closelyfollowedEuropeanmodels,whichmeansthat
thevoicesthatsoughtto explainDominicanlifetendedto embraceconcepin theWest.For instance,
tualparadigms
thereveredHostos,the
prevalent
advancesin the
PuertoRicaneducatortowhomDominicansowe important
school system,could notrelinquishthe notionthatCaucasianswerethe
In
forcivilization
andprogress.
ownersofthewisdomandabilitynecessary
the 1880s,he lavishedenthusiastic
praiseon theDominicangovernment's
of "thepersecuted
to stimulate
themigration
to thecountry
tribesin
effort
forthelikelycontribution
to"what
RussiaandGermany"
ofthoseimmigrants
theDominicanterritory
couldbecome"(Hostos,1969:370). Hostostrusted
wouldbring"incalculathat,apartfrom"measurable
benefits,"
themigrants
asset
ble ones,namelywhatwe cancall civilizing
values,"a mostnecessary
givenhis view of theDominicanpeopleas "lazy" and "beggarly"(1969:
371-372,388).He placeda greatdealoffaithintherolethatwhiteimmigrants
wouldplaybothas "agentsofproduction"
andas "agentsofeducation"who
and
wouldcontribute
their"goodworkhabits,
technique,
foresight,
economy,
ofindustry"
tothedevelopment
ofthecountry
practical
knowledge
(1969:390).
withtheunquestioned
of Caucasianswas the
Concomitant
superiority
as anoddity
inmentaldegeneracy.
notionofracialmixture
thatresulted
Thus,
inabout1916,theotherwise
estimable
novelistandessayistFedericoGarcia
in theDominicanpast
thatinterracial
maritalrelations
Godoy,recognizing
had "led to a specificand differentiated
humantypeduringthecolony,"
inthat"hybridity
convinced
himself
ofourethnicoriginlie the
thatprecisely
of an effective
corrosivegermsthat"have impeded"thedevelopment
and
civilization"
inthecountry
prolific
(GarciaGodoy,1975:55). Theresultsof
and exa deracializedconsciousness
thatprecludedethnicself-affirmation
thesuperiority
of whitesentrapped
posureto an educationthatproclaimed
Dominicanintellectuals.
themindsofnotableAfrican-descended
Thus,writingin the1930s,FranciscoEugenioMoscoso Puello(1885-1959)affirmed
hismixedancestry
as "representative"
oftheDominicantype"as faras race

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

Torres-Saillant

139

and creditedhis
concedingthat"we are mostlymulattos,"
is concerned,"
to theportionof whitebloodin hisveins
abilityto operatefinetechnology
(Moscoso Puello,1976:85).
Justas the Dominicanconceptof race mergedwiththe ideological
in continental
LatinAmerica,it posed no
of eliteintellectuals
subterfuge
barrierto the benevolentracismutteredby individualsof demonstrable
toDominicansocietylikeHostosandGarciaGodoy.Worsestill,
commitment
ofthe
manipulation
theopennessoftheconceptlentitselftothemalevolent
fortheirown
exploiteditsflexibility
Trujilloregime,whosepropagandists
identification
oftheDominicanpopulathehistorical
ends.Theyrecognized
ofHispaniola,whohad endured
Tainoinhabitants
tionwiththeindigenous
attheoutset
atthehandsofSpanishconquerors
andextermination
oppression
a category
theIndiansrepresented
of thecolonialexperience.Ethnically,
whichcouldeasilyaccomas wellas nonblackness,
bynonwhiteness
typified
Thus,theregime
oftheDominicanmulatto.
modatetheracialin-betweenness
ofpeople
tothetermindio(Indian)todescribethecomplexion
gavecurrency
The termassumedofficialstatusin thatthe national
of mixedancestry.
forthethreedecades
designation
cardgave it as a skin-color
identification
andbeyond.While,inthemindsofmostDominicanswho
ofthedictatorship
somewhere
betweenthe
use it,thetermmerelydescribesa colorgradation
of whiteness
and blacknessmuchin thesame waythatthe
polarextremes
oftheTrujilloregimepreferred
commissars
termmulattodoes,thecultural
becauseit was devoidof anysemanticallusionto theAfrican
it primarily
of
definition
accordwiththeirnegrophobic
heritageand wouldtherefore
Dominicanness.
induced
negrophobia
Dominicanshavemanagedtosurvivethealienating
ofstateeducationunderTrujillo.Despitea longhistory
bytheirmalignant
fundedconspiracyagainsttheirmentalhealth,theyexhibita reasonable
oftheraciallanguagetheyuse,theyshow
Irrespective
degreeofself-esteem.
in the sphereof action.A nationalsurvey
considerableself-affirmation
hesitated
in 1995showed,forinstance,
thatwhiletherespondents
conducted
to classifythemselvesas "negro"or "negra,"the majorityexpressedno
fromthechoicesof
in pickinga maritalpartner
racialpreference
particular
(Dore Cabral,1995:
"negra,""india,"or"blanca"giveninthequestionnaire
9, 12). Dominicanshave not succumbed,since the deathof Trujillo,to
in the country.
inducements
againstHaitianimmigrants
state-sponsored
of
bygenerations
However,theyhavenotescapedthementalscarsinflicted
vulfueledbythecurrent
of Haitians.Anti-Haitianism,
officialvilification
in theDominicanRepublic,
Haitianimmigrants
of impoverished
nerability
The surveycited
forconservatives.
persistsas a viablepoliticalinstrument
woulddeemitobjectionoftherespondents
aboveindicatesthat51 percent

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

140

LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES

a Haitian(DoreCabral,1995: 12).ButI wouldconjecture

abletomarry
that
on the whole,Dominicanshave escaped seriousatrophybecause of the
dealienating
resilienceof theiropenconceptof race.Norcan we overlook
ofsuchconceptual
thesocialutility
openness.
RECENTERING THE PEOPLE
howmuchingenuity
No matter
Afro-Dominicans
mayexhibitin negotiatinginimicalintellectual
legacies,thefactremainsthatnegrophobia
has
inthecountry
andcanstillmanifest
endured
itselfinwaysthatinterfere
with
ofdark-skinned
ofMay 1996,for
thewell-being
people.By thebeginning
thegovernment
and itsassociatesweretargeting
instance,
blackpeopleon
whomightillegally
suspicionoftheirbeingforeign
(i.e.,Haitian)residents
haveregistered
tovotewiththepurposeofelecting
theblackcandidatePefia
tobe relegated
totherealmoftheforeign
Gomez.Blackness,then,continues
in thelandthatoriginated
blacknessin theAmericas.The needto launch
aimedatdismantling
racismcannotbe denied,buttheseefforts
should
efforts
BlackDominicansneedtoacquiretheaccougo beyondmeredenunciation.
trements
thatwill enablethemto resistits spell. I would arguethatthe
ofDominicanswillbenefit
froma model
African-descended
majority
greatly
thatallowsthemto perceivetheirancestorsas therealprotagonists
of the
as havingshaped
epicoftheDominicanexperience.
Seeingtheirprogenitors
willinduceinAfro-Dominicans
a degree
thecourseofthecountry's
history
ofhistorical
thatwillcausethem,despitetheiropenconcept
self-recognition
thatdepreciatethe
of race,to seek an end to notionsof Dominicanness
oftheoverwhelming
ofthepopulation.
physiognomy
majority
ineffect,
toembracea narrative
We areaskingDominicanhistorians,
that
thanthefew.In his evocationof theDecember
privilegesthemanyrather
inthehistory
theveryfirst
suchuprising
ofNewWorld
1522slaverebellion,
Mir(1984: 199) hadoccasiontovoicethisinsight:
slavery,
Historycouldnotgethisname.Theblackhadno timetopose forthelensof
whichis a dialectical
formofphotography....
He is,thus,anonymous.
history,
is to be unanimous.
To be anonymous
Not to have a nameis to containall
is a kindofsumtotal,collectivity,
To be no
names.... Anonymity
unanimity.
is plural.(Mir,1984:199)
oneis,atthesametime,tobe everyone.
Anonymity

In keepingwiththispoet'shistorical
wisdom,we wouldask chroniclers
to traintheireyes on the
of theDominicanpast to findit in themselves
masses.
anonymous

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

Torres-Saillant

141

BLACKNESS IN THE DOMINICAN DIASPORA

At thispoint,we have no way of knowingtheextentto whichfuture
will be willingto embraceeducationaland social
Dominicangovernments
by thecultural
theculturaldamageperpetrated
agendasaimedat repairing
oftheconservative
Norwoulditbe advisable,as
powerstructure.
theorists
inthe
future
warnsus,toplacethenation'scultural
ArcadioDiaz Quifiones
handsofthestate(1993: 174).Butwe can be certainofthepivotalrolethat
the
theDominicandiasporain theUnitedStateswillplay,withor without
in theconfiguration
inclusive
ofa humanely
assistanceofanygovernment,
inDominicansociety.Thisis so because
ofracialidentity
conceptualization
Dominicanscannothelpbutrealizethatin theUnitedStatesrace matters
Dominicansjoin thecast of an inescapable
tremendously.
In thiscountry,
and "blackpeople
standard
socialdrama,whereinwhitessetthenormative
areviewedas a 'them,'" to borrowthelanguageofCornelWest(1993: 3).
forone'ssurvival.
Thus,racehas implications
thatthelargerU.S.
It soon becomesobviousto Dominicanimmigrants
betweenthemand Haitiansas the
societydoes not care to distinguish
ofthetwonationsofQuisqueya,alongwithotherethniccommuoffspring
fromtheThirdWorld,as theygrappleforaccesstojobs,
nitiesofimmigrants
of ever-scarcer
education,housing,and healthservicesin an atmosphere
Inthediaspora,necesanti-immigrant
feeling.
andever-increasing
resources
is rendered
withHaitians;anti-Haitianism
impractical.
sityalliesDominicans
of
Nor can Dominicansin the UnitedStatesaffordthe embarrassment
withwhich,intheeyesofothers,
raciallya community
seemingtodepreciate
mannerofracial
theirparticular
Whatever
theyvisiblyshareracialkinship.
Dominicanscome intoa societythat,in thewordsof
self-representation,
FrankBonilla,"knowsonlyblackandwhite"(1980: 464). At a New York
I was approached
American
colleague
byan African
collegewhereI taught,
caucus.
ofa blackfaculty
whowasworking
witha groupontheestablishment
ofthegrouphadproposedmyinclusionon account
In fact,somemembers
inlightofmycoming
ofmydarkskinwhileothershadhadsecondthoughts
ofthedoubt,members
nation.Givingmethebenefit
froma Spanish-speaking
I belongedin thecaucus.My African
had agreedto letme decidewhether
more
Americancolleagueputthequestionthus:"Do youconsideryourself
black thanHispanicor moreHispanicthanblack?"Findingthequestion
of
I was too fearful
theimmaterial.
I provedunableto quantify
disarming,
galoreinaimlesscircumspentsentences
sayingthewrongthingandmerely
locution.My indecisionmademe suspectintheeyesofmycolleague,with
resultthatI neverheardabouttheblackcaucusagain.
thepredictable

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

142

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

dark-skinned
In the UnitedStates,countlessDominicans,particularly
havingto chooseamongoptionsthattheirhistorical
ones,findthemselves
for
themtorecognize.Suchis thepredicament,
has notprepared
experience
inDavidLamb'sDo PlatanosGo Wit'
oftheDominicancharacters
instance,
Collard Greens?(1994). The novel featurestheromanceof two Hunter
andhisDominican
malenamedFreeman
anAfrican
American
Collegestudents,
andlocalpolitics
ofracialtension
againsta background
Angelita,
sweetheart,
in New YorkCityat thetimeof MayorDavid N. Dinkins.In his gallant
dedicationto enablingAngelitaand herfamilyto acceptand cherishtheir
Africanheritage,
Lamb's Freemanembodiesthemindsetof manyAfrican
Americanswho construethe reluctanceof Dominicansand otherdarkas a formof
skinnedLatinosto make blacknesstheirprimaryidentity
treatment.
thatrequiresurgent
corrective
alienation
that
Many Dominicanshave alreadyassumeda discourseof identity
in
movement
oftheblackliberation
struggles
emanatesfromtheparticular
inNew Yorkis madeup ofindividuals
theUnitedStates.A smallcontingent
notas "Dominicans"butas
of varioushues who claimto see themselves
Dominicanyoung"Africansbornin theDominicanRepublic."Similarly,
wherebipolarracialcategories
reign
sterswhoarebrought
upinthiscountry,
administered
by their
are likelyto adopttheracialclassifications
supreme,
atthe
oftheLatinoStudiesProgram
ThusRamonaHernaindez
environment.
Boston,has lookedat the 1990 U.S. Census
of Massachusetts,
University
anddetected
themselves
ethnically
withan eyetohowDominicansidentify
haveresidedin the
a pattern
showingthatthelongerDominicanyoungsters
willclassify
as black.
thatthey
themselves
thelikelihood
thegreater
United
States,
thevestigesofa negrophobic
valueof overcoming
Despitetheinherent
a senseofracialidentity
whether
maintaining
thequestionremains
education,
For
liberating.
can in theendbe considered
imposedbyone's environment
to
Dominicansto submitto thelogic of NorthAmericanracialpolarities,
would be to disregardthe
extraneousparadigmsof identity,
internalize
relations.
as regardsinterracial
oftheirownnationalexperience
complexity
ofsuchsubtleties.
WhatBonillahas
theluxury
Butperhapswe cannotafford
saidofPuertoRicansappliesequallywelltoDominicans:our"complacency
withrespecttoraceandevenourmoregenuineaccommoandequivocation
havelittleplacehere.. . . We cannotcontinueto
dationofracialdifference
untouched
bythestorm
tobe anislandofcivility
andracialharmony
pretend
us" (Bonilla,1980: 464). Alongwiththe
of racialconflictthatsurrounds
bytheWest,we comefroma
PuertoRicansandall otherpeoplesdominated
and
blacknessas misfortune,"
us to experience
thathas "taught
background
and
it behoovesus individually
to pass the testof our moralstrength,

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

Torres-Saillant

143

to standup forwhatis blackin us as proudlyas we do forour

collectively
(Bonilla,1980:464).
Dominicanness
ofblacknesswithin
ofproudassertion
We can alreadypointto instances
have
in thediaspora,as manymembersof thecommunity
Dominicanness
heritage.
cometotermswiththeunsungportionoftheirethnicandcultural
"UntilI
DominicanpoetChiquiVicioso'soften-quoted
The U.S.-educated
cametoNewYork,I didn'tknowI was black"describesthestateofmindof
(Shorris,1992: 146). Moya Pons argued
manyDominicansin thiscountry
someyearsago thatDominicanshad discoveredtheir"blackroots"in the
their
theirnativelandbybringing
UnitedStatesandthattheyhaveinfluenced
as "new social agentsof
migrants
discoveryhome.He viewedthereturn
to the
andracialemancipation"
thathad contributed
capitalism,
modernity,
of Dominicansocietyand theDominicanmind-a
overalltransformation
tothevogueenjoyedin theDominican
bypointing
claimthathe illustrated
associdress,popularmusic,and otherexpressions
Republicbyhairstyles,
of dark-skinned
atedwithAfricanAmericansas well as to thepopularity
andpoliticians
artists
(1981: 32-33).
whenwe witnessa virtual
Judgedfromthevantagepointofthepresent,
theimageofreturn
migrants
consensusintheDominicanRepublicregarding
historian
thedistinguished
as a menaceto thehealthofDominicansociety,
maybe thatthe
his case. A pointin his favor,though,
mayhaveoverstated
in the
and rejectionconfronted
by Dominicanreturnmigrants
antipathy
of theirinfluenceon
homelandmayconceala timorousacknowledgment
to
Dominicansociety.ButthespiritofMoya's claimscontinues
mainstream
forexample,in Duany's(1998 [thisissue]) analysisin
findcorroboration,
thatDominicansundergoas theyexperithisvolumeofthetransformation
enceinternational
migration.
render
circumstances
No peopleasksto becomea diaspora;unfortunate
shoresto
Dominicanshaveenduredon theforeign
itso. Whatever
suffering
more
theyhavealsolearnedtosee themselves
them,
whichdespairhasdriven
for
in matters
ofrace.The longstruggles
particularly
fullyandmorefairly,
equalityandsocialjusticebypeopleofcolorintheUnitedStateshaveyielded
invaluablelessonsfromwhichDominicanpeoplein thediasporaandin the
The
nativeland have drawnand may continueto draw empowerment.
an inestimable
servicetotheDominicanpeopleifitcan
diasporawillrender
thoughtand negrophobic
help to rid the countryof whitesupremacist
survivethere.Ultimately,
discoursein theextenttowhichthoseaberrations
intofocus
thiscelebratory
maybringourblackconsciousness
retrospective
Thiswillbe,in a
in thenationalarenaina waythatdefiesracialextremism.
ofblackawarenesswitha Dominicandifference.
word,thedevelopment

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

144

LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES

NOTE
1. Theclaimthatblackservants
mayhavearrived
withColumbushimself
onhissecondtrip
to the colony,echoedby Mellafe(1964: 18), seems to have lost currency,
but thereis a
scholarship,
inspired
byLeo Weiner'sAfricaand theDiscoveryofAmerica(1920), thatposits
African
intheAmericas(VanSertima,
a pre-Columbian
presence
1976:14).Without
confronting
thatview,thisarticleadherestothescholarly
consensusdrawnfromdirectreferences
toblacks
in thewritten
fromthefirst
documents
decadeofthecolonialtransaction.

REFERENCES
AlfauDuran,Vetilio
1994Escritosen Clio. Publicaciones
del Sesquicentenario
de la Independencia
Nacional2.
SantoDomingo:GobiernoDominicano.
Anon
1906 SantoDomingo:A BriefoftheIsland,Its Resources,and Commercial
Possibilities,
withSpecialReference
to theTreaty
NowPendingin theUnitedStatesSenate.New York:
NewYorkCommercial.
Bonilla,Frank
1980 "Beyondsurvival:Por que seguiremossiendopuertorriquefios,"
pp. 453-464 in
Adalberto
L6pez (ed), ThePuertoRicans:TheirHistory,
VT:
Culture,
Society.Rochester,
Schenkman.
Bosch,Juan
1986 Composicion
social dominicana.
15thed. SantoDomingo:EditoraAlfay Omega.
Cassa, Roberto
1992 Historiasocial y economicade la RepublicaDominicana.Vol.1. SantoDomingo:
EditoraAlfay Omega.
Courtney,
W. S.
1860TheGoldFieldsofSantoDomingo.NewYork:AnsonP. Norton.
Davis,MarthaEllen
1987 La otra ciencia: El vodudominicanocomo religio'n
y medicinapopulares.Santo
Domingo:EditoraUniversitaria.
Deive,CarlosEsteban
1990"La herenciaafricana
enla cultura
dominicana
actual,"pp. 105-141inBernardo
Vega
sobrecultura
dominicana.
2nded.SantoDomingo:
Fundaci6n
Cultural
Dominicana/
(ed.),Ensayos
Museodel HombreDominicano.
1992 Voduy magia en SantoDomingo.3rdedition.SantoDomingo:Fundaci6nCultural
Dominicana.
De la Gandara,Jose
1975Anexionyguerrade SantoDomingo.SantoDomingo:EditoraSantoDomingo.
Del Monte,FelixMaria
1979 "Cantosdominicanos,"
pp. 244-246 in Emilio RodrfguezDemorizi(ed.), Poesia
3rded. Santiago:Universidad
Cat6licaMadrey Maestra.
populardominicana.
Diaz Quifiones,
Arcadio
1993La memoriarota.San Juan:EdicionesHuracan.

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Torres-Saillant
/DOMINICAN RACIAL IDENTITY

145

Dore Cabral,Carlos
que racista."
es masantihaitiana
La poblaci6ndominicana
1995"EncuestaRumbo-Gallup:
Rumbo,May 29, 8-12.
"Esclavittud"
1988EnciclopediaDominicana.3rded. Vol3,71-83.
andTroetjeLoewenthal
Fennema,Meinder,
Analesdel Caribe9:
de razay naci6nen la RepublicaDominicana."
1989"La construcci6n
191-227.
J.
Franco,Franklin
1984 Los negros,los mulatosy la naciondominicana.7thed. SantoDomingo:Editora
Nacional.
del Libro.
Vol. 1. SantoDomingo:Instituto
1992Historiadelpueblodominicano.
Francisco
Francode Torquemada,
Demorizi(ed.),Relacioneshist6ricas
pp.77-90inEmilioRodriguez
1942"Representaci6n,"
de SantoDomingo.Vol.1. CiudadTrujillo:EditoraMontalvo.
GarciaGodoy,Federico
de SantoDomingo.
Aut6noma
SantoDomingo:Editoradela Universidad
1975El derrumbe.
Hancock,HenryJ.
AcademyofPoliticaland
in SantoDomingo."AnnalsoftheAmerican
1905"Thesituation
Social Science463: 47-52.
Pedro
HenriquezUrefia,
Girardot.
Caracas:
1978La utopiadeAmirica.EditedbyAngelRamaandRafaelGutifrrez
BibliotecaAyacucho.
Hostos,EugenioMariade
de CulturaPuertorriquenia.
Vol. 10. 2nded. San Juan:Instituto
1969Obrascompletas.
Keim,Deb. Randolph
Remsen,andHaffelfinger.
Clayton,
1870San Domingo.Philadelphia:
Lamb,David
1994Do PlatanosGo Wit'CollardGreens?NewYork:I WriteWhatI Like.
Lipski,JohnM.
ofNew MexicoResearch
onAfro-Dominican
Spanish.University
1994A NewPerspective
PaperSeries26.
L6pez,JoseRam6n
dominicano.
Santiago:
1975 La alimentaci6n
y las razas,pp. 29-68in El granpesimismo
Cat6licaMadrey Maestra.
Universidad
William
Megenney,
SantoDomingo:MuseodelHombre
enSantoDomingo:Su herencialinguistica.
1990Africa
de Cienciasde la RepublicaDominicana.
Dominicano/Academia
Mellaf6,Rolando
BuenosAires:EditorialEudela.
enHispanoamerica.
1964La esclavitud
Mir,Pedro
1984Tresleyendasde colores.3rded. SantoDomingo:Taller.
MedericLouis Elie
Moreaude Saint-Mery,
1944 Descripcionde la parteespafiolade la isla de SantoDomingo.Translatedby C.
ArmandoRodriguez.CiudadTrujillo:EditoraMontalvo.
MoscosoPuello,FranciscoEugenio
1976 Cartasa Evelina.SantoDomingo:EditoraCosmos.

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

146

LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES

MoyaPons,Frank
ofFloridaat GainesUniversity
migration."
andreturn
1981 "Dominicannationalidentity
StudiesOccasionalPaper1.
villeCenterforLatinAmerican
New York:HispaniolaBooks.
1995TheDominicanRepublic:A NationalHistory.
MoyaPons,Frank(ed.)
Santo
de losbateyesdelConsejoEstataldelAzt'car.
1986ElBatey:Estudiosocioecono6mico
Domingo:Fondoparael Avancede las Ciencias.
PefiaP6rez,Frank
1985 Cien aniosde miseriaen Santo Domingo:1600-1700.Santo Domingo:Editorial
CENAPEC.
Report
B. F. Wade,
toSantoDomingo:byCommissioners
ofInquiry
1871ReportoftheCommission
Office.
DC: Government
Printing
A. D. White,andS. G. Howe.Washington,
Rod6,Jos6Enrique
1971Ariel.4thed. Madrid:Espasa-Calpe.
RodriguezDemorizi,Emilio
1945"Contrael vudu."La Nacion,October5.
pp. 203-224in EmilioRodriguezDemorizi
1995 "Romancede las invasioneshaitianas,"
(ed), Invasioneshaitianasde 1801,1805y 1822.CiudadTrujillo:EditoradelCaribe.
Saco, Jos6Antonio
Madrid:EdicionesJucar.
1974Historiade la esclavitud.
Sagas,Ernesto
inDominicanculture."
Latinamericanist
Antihaitianismo
identity:
1993"A case ofmistaken
29(1): 1-5.
Antonio
SanchezValverde,
1988 Ensayos.Bibliotecade CldsicosDominicanos,Vol. 5. SantoDomingo:Fundaci6n
Corripio.
SantoDomingo
Magazine.New York:American
1863 SantoDomingo:A PaperfromtheKnickerbocker
WestIndia.
Earl
Shorris,
1992Latinos:A Biography
ofa People.NewYork:AvonBooks.
andCesarMella Mejia
FernandoSanchezMartinez,
TejedaOrtiz,Dagoberto,
ypsiquiatria.SantoDomingo:EditoraCorripio.
populardominicana
1993Religiosidad
Silvio
Torres-Saillant,
America)."
(The unitingof multicultural
1993 "Westerndiscourseand the curriculum
Impart:JournalofOpenMind1: 7-64.
Ivan
vanSertima,
1976TheyCamebeforeColumbus.NewYork:RandomHouse.
Leo
Weiner,
Innes& Sons.
1920Africaand theDiscoveryofAmerica.Philadelphia:
Welles,Sumner
NY:
TheDominicanRepublic(1844-1924).Mamaroneck,
1966(1928)Naboth'sVineyard:
Paul P.Appel.
West,Cornel
1993Race Matters.Boston:Beacon.

This content downloaded from 128.173.127.127 on Wed, 5 Feb 2014 01:44:57 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions