Koha Digest # 147

Front Page: Where is the black and red banner?

Date: 30 April 1997

EDITORIAL

ON RED AND BLACK

by VETON SURROI

If you have been observing the palette of colors marching over the Albanian painting of these
days, you could have noticed the colorsof the camouflage uniforms (the so called "Kakhi", in
NATO terminology), a kind of transition between brown and olive green; blue of the United
Nations and up to the different variations of the national flags of the countries that compose
the multinational forces.

So where does the red and black banner stand?

This is not a rhetoric question that aims at inciting the national emotion. It is mainly an
ascertaining question, because the black and red colors were taken in the underground, the
state of provisional residence, by the Albanian people proper.

The Kosovars, at least those who are quick in making conclusions under the pressure of the
"patriotic factor", point their fingers towards Albania and conclude that the national feeling
has been lost there. But, where did the black and red banner get lost in Kosova? In wedding
ceremonies.

If the things are simplified even more, Kosovars could say that Albania lost Albanianism,
whereas our relatives on the other sideof the sunbathed Cursed Mountains, could accuse the
Kosovars that their level of Albanianism is deep rooted in the syndrome of the two wires of
the çiftelia and the sirens of the columns of vehicles going to "get" the bride, in the
"increasing" season of the Kosovar families.

The simplification, naturally, serves only the game of symbols and the primary understanding
of the phenomenons we are experiencing. Maybe in this game of symbols one could
understand another segment in the flying of the flag, that I have seen both in Kosova and
Albania (although other Balkans people experience it too): the flagon the top of the roof of
the house being constructed. The next question affects Albanians on the two (three) sides of
the border: are they missing the flag because they are not finishing the started house(s) or they
are lacking serious construction works to build houses, so the palette of colors, in the lands
inhabited by Albanians, would also include red and black?

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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ALBANIA

OUR ENTIRE HISTORY WAS A STRUGGLE AGAINST "SOMEBODY"

by ARTAN PUTO / Tirana

There were two important moments this week. The discussions among
political parties about the new electoral law and the reply of the
Defence Minister, Shaqir Vukaj, in the Albanian parliament. No
concrete result was achieved, although parties met several times.
The main difference is that between Democratic Party, which seeks
an electoral law totally based on majority, on one hand, and nine
other parties of the governmental coalition, that ask for a total
proportional law, on the other hand. The goal of the Democratic
Party is to take advantage of the majority law, that secured it a
victory, too frightening to be true, in the last May elections.
Besides this, the ruling party in the present conditions, when it's
image has been damaged and when it finds it hard to find political
allies, on the left or the right side, maybe it is interested in
the law that would eliminate many minor and middle parties from the
Albanian political scene. It is obvious that for the Democratic
Party it is easier to have the Socialist Party as the only rival,
rather than having a dozen of parties against.

The large Albanian parties in Albania remind one of the story of

the "bride and the mother in law", who neither can stay together
nor can stop quarrelling. And the opposition parties, which are
mainly small and middle sized, see the proportional law as a chance
for passing the 4% obstacle, in order to become parliamentarian
parties. The Socialist Party is interested in this law because in
case of a victory, it would feel more comfortable if it were ruling
in coalition, than ruling alone. It would be impossible for a party
or two of them to govern in the present situation the country is
facing. In our opinion, there will be a need, for a long time, for
a broadly backed form of government, hoping that Albanians will
know how to make compromises.

The second moment was even more important. Based on a reply

required by the Democratic Party MPs, the Defense Minister, Shaqir
Vukaj made a presentation on his work. There were many hot
discussions during the parliamentarian debate, because the
socialist minister, before giving the results of his work, tried to
explain the reasons that brought to the destruction of the Albanian
army. Without disputing his explanations, we think that he has gone
too far, far away from his position of an administrator leaning
towards the position of a party member. That's because the things
he said can be said later, thus avoiding the conflicts between the
parties in the difficult times for the Government of National
Reconciliation. The first accusation of the minister was that the
Albanian army was destroyed thanks to the wrong policy of the

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Democratic Party, which aimed at converting it into the Democratic
Party's Army. He said that hundreds of experts were removed from
their positions and were replaced by people who obeyed the orders
of the President and high DP officials. Another reason for the
present situation of the army is it's miserable financial
situation. Many soldiers don't wear the same uniforms, and most of
the soldiers were only guarding the military buildings and had only
a few training. This is documented by the fact that the Defense
Ministry still doesn't have a Regulation. Vukaj stated that the
influence of the ruling party was best illustrated in the army
periodical "The Army and the Time", which was in fact a weekly
magazine of the Democratic Party.

But what had the most destructive and demoralizing effect were the
plans for an attack against the civilian population of the south
and the mining of the bridges that link Central and Southern
Albania. Vukaj said that this action put the army against it's own
nation. The lack of responsibility and the preference for a
military solution of the problem drove the army into disaster.
Then, just after the speech of the minister, the replies of the MPs
of the DP began. It was then that we remembered the discussion of
the president of the Human Rights Party, Vasil Melo, following the
speech of SHIK's chief Gazidede, who said: "When you hear these
officials talking like that, you can understand why are we in such
a situation".

The whole idea of the discussions of the MPs was to show that the
minister was doing propaganda similar to that of the Albanian Labor
Party in the past, and was not talking at all about institutions
such as the Parliament and the President. Following came the
accusations against the foreigners and discussions about phantom
meetings between Pangalos, Milosevic and other enemies of Albania,
who were waiting for this moment as an excellent chance to achieve
their aspirations. The wish for finding "somebody" who is always
guilty of destroying the army, who invented the pyramidal schemes,
who didn't want the best for the DP or the best for Sali Berisha,
somebody who raised the prices, was always present...

Our entire history was a struggle against this "somebody". This

was also seen in Bashkim Gazidede's report. This report can be used
as a model for a "science fiction" book. In his opinion, every
single problem was created by somebody abroad and the poor
Albanians are never to blame. This "virus" has also infected our
world famous writer, Ismail Kadare. It is hard to understand how a
man like him can declare in a international meeting in Rome: "The
international press is to blame for the deterioration of the
situation in Albania". For politicians, it is enough to tell
stories about "mysterious anti-Albanian plans, spies, Marxist-
Leninists, revolutionaries who try to takeover the country". And
these moments are accompanied by patriotic calls like "I respect

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Ismail Qemali, because of his raising of the flag, but I also
respect Isa Boletini, Hasan Prishtina and other heroes" or
"Albanians will never be defeated, long live Albania, long live the
Albanian army, long live the Albanian peaceful spirit". In these
moments, one thinks of what Faik Konica said once: "The worst enemy
of Albania is the Albanian proper". It's always hard for us to
analyze ourselves. A terrible complex of inferiority prevents the
Albanian from analyzing himself, because thus, his bad features
would be known to others. The absence of the tradition of a state
democracy also helps this. People in Albania were always fighting
their state or said in a different way, the state was never on
their side. There hasn't been any politics, only conflicts. So it's
impossible to make cold-headed and believable analyses. The state
was always interested in telling stories to it's people, in order
to hide the problems planned to become the peoples' burden. And
when Albanians come to their senses (they are always late) they
understand that they were lied to and humiliated, so they take and
break everything that stands before them, like wanting to say "I
can not stand it anymore". But we shouldn't forget another
important fact. A known Albanian author said, very truly, some time
ago that "the Albanian state did not follow the development of the
Albanian nation, for the state was standing against the people".
Historically, the Albanian state was a weak, repressive creation
and never walked at the same pace as it's nation. It never liked
the changes, renewals, and the tolerant spirit. Albanian statesmen,
saw a possibility to profit in office, and didn't care much about
the emancipation of the people they led.

This fact brought to the construction of the wall between them and
ordinary people, thus making two different species which hated each
other. In these conditions, there is little room for understanding
and always enough for transportation of the present problems in the
future.

REPORTAGE

ANOTHER 330 SPANISH LEGIONARIES

by ARTAN PUTO / Durrës

The last Spanish contingent of the multinational force in Albania

arrived in the Port of Durrës. Following the "Hernan Cortes" and
"Aragon" battleships, came "Pizarro". It transported the logistics
battalion made of 59 persons. 16 trucks transported them to Shën
Gjini, where the center of the Spanish contingent is. After talking
to several military, we learned that the spokesman of Spanish
contingent was also in the Center. Therefore, we decided to head
there. There we met commander Abelardo Garcia Garzon, information

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officer of the Spanish contingent, who gave us data about the
objectives and duties of this contingent. "First we had to settle
and afterwards we did all the preparations of the terrain and the
reconstruction of the road Lezhë-Shkodër-Koplik. We visited the
area, did all the possible controls, contacted the local
authorities, in order to understand the humanitarian needs of the
people. They asked us to protect the schools and these days we sent
two military units to Balldren, Kolsh, Kallmet and Rubik. Our
presence in these villages made the opening of the schools
possible". The Spanish commander also said that, although it was
beyond their mandate, they approved the request of the local
authorities and decided to assess the situation and secure the
peace, so the schools could reopen in the area around Lezhë. One of
the other activities of the Spanish contingent is the organization
of medical examinations of the local people. In the beginning, the
commander says, we informed the people and invited them to come for
medical check-ups. Briefly after, a number of people came to ask
for medical services. We decided to be in touch with the Ministry
of Health in Madrid, to ask for medicines, because till now we had
only the medicines that our battalion needed. The most important
for this area is the police assistance, to have more order, as well
as medical assistance. Near the camp, where the Spanish contingent
is set, there is a small building where some Italian nuns work and
live. The Spanish doctor offered his medical services in this
building, and at the time when we visited him, he was examining a
boy who had serious wounds in his hands caused by a grenade
explosion. Many other people queued to be examined by him. So far,
according to the Spanish commander, 330 legionaries, members of the
special forces of the Spanish Army, have arrived in this area and
among them, there are also other soldiers, radio-operators,
engineers, doctors. The complete logistics base is expected to
arrive with the last contingent. The Spanish commander said that
the welcome of the people of Lezhë was very warm. Some people and
children even gave them flowers. As for the life inside the camp,
the commander explained that they had to repair the kitchen,
sleeping rooms, and now they are waiting for veterinarians to come
so they could start eating local food. Life in the camp is very
peaceful. The place is very beautiful and it is situated near the
beach of Shën Gjini. Everything was calm and the camp was
surrounded all the time by curious children. But, the rhythm of
work is very high, says the Spanish commander. We had to prepare
the terrain for humanitarian assistance that will come and will
have to be distributed. As far as the free time of the soldiers is
concerned, we thought of making a TV-room with and put a satellite
antenna, and during summer we could organize football matches
between soldiers and the local population. The Spanish commander
said so far now they didn't have any problems, they didn't even
hear a single gunshot. Still, the security is high and the camp is
guarded very carefully. Every contact with the Spanish contingent
can be done only through military telephone lines. In the future,

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they intend to install a civil telephone center, that will allow
access to more detailed information for the Spanish and the
Albanian press.

KOSOVA

FIRST THE MEETING AND THEN THE ELECTIONS

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtinë

KOHA: A couple of days ago, the Association of Jurists and you

personally, went public with a statement saying that the president
does not have the right to proclaim the elections. What does the
Constitution of Kosova say about the presidential and
parliamentarian elections?

BAJRAMI: The first elections were held for the first time in 1992.
The constitutional basis for the realization of these elections is
the Electoral Law of Kosova. The results of the first elections
were the elected president and MPs of the Assembly (Parliament) of
the Republic of Kosova (RK). If the Constitution and Electoral Law
were respected, the second parliamentarian elections were supposed
to take place in May 1996, and the presidentials in May 1997. But,
because of the current situation in Kosova but also because of
unwillingness of the political subjects in Kosova, the parliament
remained non-constituted, which brought about the present situation
of constitutional pause where the proclamation of the presidential
and parliamentarian elections is being observed.

KOHA: Rugova has recently declared that the Coordinating Body of

Albanian Political Parties, in cases when parliament can not be
constituted and when the president has no constitutional right to
call for the elections, could do it instead. Does this mean that
the constitution has been violated and that this is more a
political decision than a resolution related to the Constitutional
Law, which is in power since 1992?

BAJRAMI: I have to point out that the only competent official,

grounded not only on the Constitution of Kosova, but also in the
Amendments of this Constitution, that can proclaim the elections is
the president or vice president of the Assembly. The matter of the
elections cannot be, in any case, in the hands of the political
parties or Coordinating Bodies. If the Constitution and the
Constitutional Law were to be respected, then we can easily say
that we are in the situation of constitutional crisis because of
the non-constituted parliament.

Amendment III of the Constitution of RK stipulates that the

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President of RK takes over some of the competencies of the
parliament, but the interpretation of points 2 and 6 reveals that
he can take over these rights only in cases of state of emergency.
Such a state has not been declared neither by the President nor the
Assembly, so one can easily conclude that the president has no
right to convoke the parliamentary elections and in no way the
presidential ones. Simply, Kosova is actually in constitutional
crisis.

KOHA: What should be done in this very moment for the organs to
currently create a new legitimacy for further talks about Kosova?

BAJRAMI: How to come out from this situation, is the primary goal.
A solution that will avoid further consequences should be found.
The solution that will not be contrary, to a great extent, to
constitutionality and legality. I will say it again, these
elections indicate the breach of these provisions. But, from the
political stand point, we should seek for a solution which is not
that contrary to the proclaimed Constitution of RK and its
Amendments.

The more reasonable solution would be to hold a formal gathering of

the parliament, which will not do other but decide on the
proclamation of the new elections. In this case, the parliament
wouldn't compensate it's lost legitimacy, but in the juridical,
formal and constitutional aspects, that kind of a solution would be
acceptable and less opposed than to leave it in the hands of the
Coordinating Body of Political Parties or the President of the
Republic.

KOHA: What if the President, together with Coordinating Body of

Political Parties, decides to proclaim the elections?

BAJRAMI: The Coordinating Body, in the constitutional aspect is an

informal organ. The Constitution does not mention the Coordinating
Body or political assemblies. The Coordinating Body can coordinate
political issues, which are to be pronounced afterwards by the
competent state representatives. One coordinating body can not have
higher competencies than the organs of RK.

KOHA: You are demanding the constitution of the parliament, despite

the fact that the MPs don't have legitimacy, because they haven't
constituted the same...

BAJRAMI: I said that we should seek for the solution which is the
least disputed. I also mentioned that we are experiencing all
premises for the proclamation of the state of constitutional
crisis. When I say that there should be one gathering of the MPs
for the constitution of the parliament, I have in mind last year's
decision of the President for the postponement of the elections

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(which was improper as far as it concerns the juridical aspect)
created, nevertheless, a juridical basis for the extension of the
mandate. This, in a way, gives political grounds for the
constitution of the Parliament and the announcement on the new
elections.

KOHA: It's interesting that the constitutional crisis has caused a

political crisis. Other political parties, especially PPK, consider
that new elections are not based on the Constitution, and this is
why they demand the constitution of the Parliament...

BAJRAMI: The biggest mistake in the functioning of political life

in Kosova is that the concentration of the power is in the hands of
political parties and not relying on state institutions. If the
state mechanisms were created on time and they started working,
these problems wouldn't occur. I believe that the problems that
have emerged following the non-constitution of the parliament, are
caused by the unwillingness of the political subjects that are
building the state structure of RK, proclaimed by the Kaçanik
Constitution. I think that constituting the parliament is more
problematic than calling for new elections. Prolonging the mandate
of a parliament, that could not constitute for so many years, and
giving it further legitimacy, has no political and juridical
reason.

Kosova is still under occupation and continues to live it's life in

the non-institutionalized state.

KOHA: The thing that worries Kosovars and the media, is the fact
that you, the constitutional experts, have not articulated anything
about the constitutional system which exists. You have let the
whole thing in the hands of jurists working within the LDK. But, an
intentional silence about constitutional problems in Kosova is
evident...

BAJRAMI: You're right. The voice of science is not heard in Kosova

these days, because in this area political parties have imposed
it's monopoly as well. There are plenty of issues that should be
solved scientifically. Unfortunately, in professional-scientific
institutions there is no organization which could do any
professional analyses of current juridical problems in Kosova.
Those initiatives have been brought into light by the Faculty of
Law, but as one can resume, there is no will to get into these
topics. Also, it is true that the experts and professionals of
Constitutional right, haven't involved themselves in constitutional
problems, because some of them are under the influence of the
political parties and others felt insecure to initiate the
political process. They wait for the processes to start, and
afterwards pronounce themselves.

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KOHA: You said that you had contacts with different experts. How
did it happen that none of your suggestions were taken into
consideration?

BAJRAMI: The professional opinion about the factive issues

regarding the functioning of the Government and its
institutionalization in RK, was presented by me on behalf of the
Association of Independent Jurists of Kosova. It was given to the
Political Commission of the LDK, and as far as I know, then it was
forwarded to the Presidency. Still, we do not have any information
whether it is going to be published by the competent organs in
Kosova.

KOHA: The biggest political crises are created by personal

projects, which as it is said by the media, surpass the declaration
of the Albanians on the Referendum. In your interview to the daily
"Bujku", you have contested Demaçi's Balkania project, saying that
there is a need for a new referendum on this project ...

BAJRAMI: It is known what Albanians have decided in the referendum

years before. And this has not changed and I think that there is no
need for it to change. This is accepted by the majority of people,
and this obliges all political factors in the future talks and
contacts with the Serbian side. Lately we have been witnessing the
new political projects on how to solve the problem of Kosova.
Balkania is a private option of Demaçi, and now partially of the
PPK too, on the confederacy links of Kosova with Serbia and
Montenegro.

KOHA: Demaçi has declared that Balkania is linked to the 1991

referendum.

BAJRAMI: No, let's not have any misunderstandings. The question put
in the referendum was "Are you in favor of Kosova, a sovereign and
independent state or confederacy links with other states". This
means the possibility of the federal and confederacy arrangements,
but still undefined. Whereas what Demaçi proposes is a concrete
solution. If this is meant to be only a question, then the grounds
could be found in the '91 referendum, but if this is seen as an
automatic pattern, then this can not stand.

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INTERVIEW

ZEF MAZI, Ambassador of Albania to OSCE

THE SITUATION IN ALBANIA HAS A NEGATIVE ROLE IN ALBANIA’S FUTURE

Interviewed by RIFAT BUZUKU / Vienna

KOHA: Could you explain to Koha's readers, what is OSCE doing for stabilization of
Albania?

MAZI: The OSCE is the first international institution which expressed its concern on the
worrying situation in Albania and is the first one to begin the discussions for solving this
problem. After that, OSCE saluted the appointment of the personal envoy to Albania,
Austria’·s former chancellor, Franz Vranitzky.

Besides this, on the basis of this decision, OSCE is offering and will offer Albania a
coordinating team of the joint operations of all international organizations and institutions,
which is based on a broad strategy of work. In fact, OSCE will play an important role in
giving advise and in monitoring the new parliamentary elections; it will offer a great help in
the process of democratization, in the freedom of press and speech, also in the process of the
reconstruction of other democratic institutions. In one word, OSCE has committed itself that
all this operation will be performed and coordinated in cooperation with the European
Council, which is also another important mechanism for our continent.

KOHA: What did OSCE exactly do to prepare the process that you mentioned above?

MAZI: In the beginning, the OSCE sent one team to Tirana, to make all the preparations for
the international mission, i.e., establishing its representatives in Albania. It sent two teams of
ODIHR experts to evaluate the situation for the next elections. Immediately after the first
visit, ODIHR made a report - the second report is due soon - which will serve as grounds for
the continuation of the concrete overall preparations related to the free and democratic
elections.

KOHA: We have been reading in the foreign press that this mission is nothing else but an
alibi, actually an international gesture, through which the European officials want to tell their
citizens that: "We have done what we could". Do you believe that this mission is really
serious?

MAZI: Vranitzky was in Tirana, some time ago, to talk with the Albanian side about a six
points' plan and which has been adopted here in Vienna. He has also confirmed that the
Albanian authorities have blessed the plan. But, I have to say, when it comes to its concrete
realization and its practical application, the mission represents a complex work. This is
because of the fact that the OSCE, a regional forum, is sending a mission of such
international dimension for the first time.

KOHA: After the drowning of the country in anarchy, the president and the government of
national reconciliation, asked for international help. OSCE is showing serious preparedness
for giving all necessary and possible contribution in this field, but, it seems that Albanians
themselves are not proving to deserve this assistance...

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MAZI: I think that your question maybe needs to be formulated differently. Albanians have
not shown themselves to be very exemplary in many cases. I don’t want to go into details,
because its enough for us to have seen repeatedly those images on TV screens and at the same
time wish to work hard so those scenes are never repeated again.

As far as the aid is concerned, it was made very clear that without a conscientious role of the
Albanian factor, without creating minimal standards needed for the country, without the
comprehension of the Albanian political factor, when the fate of Albania is at stake, the
international community will reasonably have doubts for reacting. In these situations, the
most welcomed step from the international community was the signing of the March 9
Agreement by 10 main political parties of the country and in continuation, the establishment
of the national peace government on the basis of broader coalition. This agreement has to be
used as a pact, as a covenant of big values, and its result the Government of National
Reconciliation has to be safeguarded and strengthened by all until it accomplishes its mission
- sending the country towards elections as soon as possible. The actual situation can no longer
bare tensions, disagreements and partisan crashes that can endanger all achievements. All
political forces, whatever democrat from whatever party, has to escape the narrow interests.

KOHA: Can the free elections be held on June and, what do you think, will they be key to
stabilization in Albania?

MAZI: All parties that have signed the Agreement and the President of the Republic agree
that the elections have to be held within the month June and under full international
monitoring. But, all the people that live or work in Albania, are in a situation to evaluate the
problem and give exact opinions about it. About this objective, it is necessary to keep in mind
the opinion and the judgment of the situation that will be made by international expert teams
from the OSCE and European Council. If the elections are really honest and free, then they
are a great contribution to the stabilization of every country, however developed or
undeveloped, even when the country is in a normal line of life. Perceived thus, I think that the
coming elections in Albania will play a major role in peace and stabilization, because they
will give the mandate to government supported by the people and voters in a free democratic
process.

KOHA: Who is going to observe the announced June elections?

MAZI: This year's anticipated elections will be widely observed, because there is a special
interest for the difficult situation in Albania. I think that Albania needs to be helped in the
preparations and electoral process, by ODIHR and the European Council. The monitoring of
the elections will be performed by a big number of observers from these two institutions and
both groups of observers will come out with one unified report.

KOHA: After last year's election on May 26, OSCE asked their annulment and proposed new
elections. Do you think that the respect of this proposal would have avoided the crisis in
Albania?

MAZI: After the May elections, the OSCE, actually ODIHR, made a serious objection which
concerned the breach of electoral rules, based on OSCE standards. ODIHR and OSCE
pointed out these objections in both their reports, but without suggesting new elections.
International organizations can’t demand for the elections to be repeated in one country,
because it's not their mandate. They can just make conclusions, present their opinions and

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objections about the elections in a country, and finally ask for commitment towards
international standards.

KOHA: Following the above elections, there were many speculations on Albania's
transformation into a one-party state and, as a consequence, regression of the new Albanian
democracy. Was something wrong in the leadership?

MAZI: The existence of these speculations is true. So were the concerns expressed at
different levels by different countries. But I don’t think that the problem is based on these
speculations, on whether they existed or not. It’s a matter of understanding the given
messages and their meaning, even if those are speculations. I think that there was something
wrong in this direction, something didn’t function well, on all institutional, state and party
levels and structures.

KOHA: What do you think, how will things develop in the future and will there be any
perspective or hope for Albania and Albanians?

MAZI: I don’t want to lecture, but I want to hope and express a wish, an opinion. I wish all
the best for Albania, firstly because it can’t be worse and we shall not think of worse.
Secondly, personally I trust Albanians, I have faith in their vitality that has kept them alive for
centuries. I believe that gradually, but without losing time, we will all find a common
language, because only together, with understanding and tolerance, with cooperation and
smartness, will we have a perspective and hope for Albania and Albanians, where ever they
may be.

KOHA: Before the blast of Albanian crisis, you were almost the only one to talk about the
rights of the Albanians outside Albania. How do things about the Kosova issue and the other
Albanians stand?

MAZI: I have continuously brought up the Kosova problem and asked for concrete
contributions to solve it within the OSCE mechanism. Because, firstly, I am an Albanian and
I believe that every honest Albanian would do the same; secondly, because it’s my duty as the
Albanian ambassador; and, thirdly because I’m convinced that the right is on the side of the
Albanians as respects Kosova. Independently from the situation in Albania, Kosova is and
remains the key issue in special OSCE ‘ad hoc’ meetings about Kosova, Sandzak and
Vojvodina. It’ll also be a special item of discussion on the situation in the former Yugoslavia
in the plenary sessions of the Permanent Council.

KOHA: How do you personally see the Albanian future, i.e, the chances for quick
restoration?

MAZI: I think that all Albanians have to do what every nation does when facing these
situations, very critical indeed. Similar cases are not so rare in history, and we have
experienced them also in the past 10 years and within our neighborhood.

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EXILE

ALBANIANS IN SWEDEN ARE NOT CRIMINALS

by ARBANA ISLAMI / Stockholm

Although the Monarchy still exists in Sweden, it has no other political power apart from the
ceremonial functions. Still, King Carl XVI Gustav has encouraged the entrance of Sweden in
the European Union. The Swedish people, voted to become a member of EU in January 1995
in a referendum. "Sweden must take part in building the walls around Europe, and not inside
Europe", says Swedish Prime Minister, Ingvar Carlson. Therefore it practices a democratic
approach towards many issues. The Swedish Commissioner at the EU, Anita Gradin, applies
the policy of promoting equal rights between men and women. For example, 41 percent of the
members of the "Riksdag" - the Swedish Parliament, are women. Gradin is also responsible
for emigration issues, refugee policies and struggle against narcotics. According to the
Swedish authorities, the joint struggle against narcotics is what breaks-down all the walls
among European countries.

Sweden and its people, declare that their biggest struggle is the respect of human rights. This
is why they have hosted refugees from all over the world. "More than 1 million of 8.8 million
inhabitants of Sweden are emigrants", says the Swedish Minister for Europe, Mats Hellstrom.
He continues saying that the goal of the Swedish society is to integrate them in it, however
still preserving their culture.

Sweden, a social-democratic state, for the last four years has hosted more than 80.000
refugees from the former Yugoslavia. Around 90% of them are Albanians from Kosova.
Although many of them were granted residence permits, still a number of them has no status.
Albanians in Sweden declare that Swedish authorities had more consideration for the families
with little children who were granted the status. People with these documents have
considerable rights, including the right to work, the right to vote and other rights that any
Swedish citizen has. The others don't have these rights. Many families are still awaiting for
the reply of the Swedish government on their requests for political asylum.

During our talks with many personalities of the social life in Sweden, we discussed mainly
the issue of Albanian refugees in Sweden. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is of the opinion
that it has reviewed with responsibility cases of many Albanian refugees. In the case of those
with no status, the Government decided that around 3.000 of them have no right to stay in
Sweden. The main reason is that they have no legal basis to stay in Sweden. The justification
is that they asked for asylum not for political, but for economic reasons. According to the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, at the beginning the number of asylum-seekers to be repatriated
was 5.000. Later, this number was reduced to 3.000.

UNHCR's official, Odd Iglebaek, said that other Albanians that have residence permits have
all the rights of a Swedish citizen. When it regards the ones who have not regulated their
status, he states that UNHCR's project to assist financially their repatriation will help them
out. We also visited the Police center in Lindesberg and Kopaberg, towns situated in
North-Western Sweden. The chief of this center, Yvonne, told us that the speculations that
the number of criminal cases rose since the arrival of refugees have no ground. She said that
the only problem they had with Albanians was the falsification of drivers licenses. When it
regards "thefts and other crimes", she says "they are no more dramatic than those committed

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by the Swedes or people of other nationalities in Sweden". A certain number of these refugees
that are expected to be repatriated, feel useless after having waited for so many years. "We
spend the time losing our prospects", said Arbër Maxhuni, a refugee in the camp of Gimo,
100 kilometers away from Stockholm...

**************** NEXT ISSUE IS DUE ON MAY 14 ******************

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