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Any google search of UK Nanny State will return a pleathora of results, most in regard to the state and any
involvement in the private sphere or informational posts.
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The scope and intention of UK policy changes should also be considered. In many ways,
policy alterations in the UK have been designed to deal with immediate concerns as they
have arisen, often as a result of shifting family arrangements which accompany a dual earner
family model. In terms of reformative power, British policymakers have somewhat folded,
preferring not to risk offense or breaking perceived boundaries of the private versus the
public sphere in their promotion of womens labour market participation and family care
provisions. Other countries, such as Germany, have approached policy change with the
intention of much more profound social reform which truly promotes the adult worker model
(Lewis et al., 2008), including policies which aid in the equalizing of family responsibilities
and opportunities to fulfil this externally through high quality care.
It should be noted that while the UK has few supports in place for employed parents, it still
experiences high levels of employment among women (Crompton and Lyonette, 2006). This
CONCLUSION
To conclude, several researchers agree that the UK is somewhat lacking in its provision for
work/family balance enhancing policies. Even so, much progress has been made over the last
15 years in regards to maternity leave and childcare provisions. It should also be noted that
while the UK may have been less adamant about reforms which impact gender attitudes, it is
generally marked by less traditional gender roles than most European states. Additionally,
womens participation in the labour force is high, both in regards to full time and part time
employment. British women do however also have one of the highest levels of work/life
conflict in a recent study, suggesting that it is not without great stress that high labour
participation and limited social provisions are able to coexist.
To some extent this has been seen as a consequence of presumptions of gender equal
individualization. The assumption that both men and women have equal ability to make free
individually-oriented choices that do not carry penalty due to breaking with traditional
expectations is not factually supported. In fact, men and women are not similarly situated in
the labour market in respect of wages, working hours, or even access to flexible working
patterns. Consequently, current policy trends may be actively antagonistic towards the kind of
individualized and flexible working lives that policy-makers envision and desire (Lewis et al.,
2008).
Many of the above depicted initiatives suggest an instrumentality to policies regarding
womens participation in the work force that should not be so easily dismissed. The rationale
for policies implemented frequently emphasises choice in a gender neutral fashion, but the
underlying motives are predominantly economic not egalitarian. For children in less affluent
areas the focus is on getting them into early learning programs and maternal employment
becomes a beneficial step towards that goal.
REFERENCES
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Allocation in the US. Paper given to the International Conference on Work and Family,
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Bonoli, G. (2005). The politics of the new social policies: providing coverage against new
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Brewer, M., Crawford, C. and Dearden, L. (2005). In: R. Chote, C. Emmerson, D. Miles and
Z. Oldfield, ed., IFS Green Budget, 1st ed. London: IFS.
Crompton, R. and Lyonette, C. (2006). Work-Life 'Balance' in Europe. Acta Sociologica,
49(4), pp.379-393.
DTI (Department of Trade and Industry). 2000. Work and Parents: Competitiveness and
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