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FrameworksofComparison
BenedictAndersonreflectsonhisintellectualformation
InmyearlydaysatCornell,useoftheconceptofcomparisonwasstillsomewhatlimited.I
dontmeanthatcomparisonswerenevermade:theyweremadeallthetime,bothconsciously
and(moreoften)unconsciously,butinvariablyinapracticalwayandonasmallscale.Even
today,intheCornellUniversityCollegeofArtsandSciences,onlyonedepartment
(ComparativeLiterature)usestheterminitstitle,andthisdepartmentdidnotexistinthe
early1960swhenIleftforIndonesiatoundertakefieldwork.Historians,anthropologists,
economistsandsociologistsrarelythoughtsystematicallyaboutcomparison.ThePolitical
Sciencedepartmentwasapartialexception,sinceithadasubsectioncalledComparative
Government,towhichIbelonged.ButthecomparisonsmyclassmatesandIstudiedwere
focusedonWesternEurope.Thiswasunderstandable.Europeancountrieshadforcenturies
interactedwithoneanother,learnedfromoneanotherandcompetedwitheachother.They
alsobelievedthattheysharedacommoncivilisationbasedonantiquityanddifferent
Christianities.Comparisonsseemedbothsimpleandrelevant.
Forme,theoddthingwasthatcomparativegovernmentdidntcovertheUSitself,whichwas
thepreserveofadifferentsubsectioncalledAmericanGovernment.Atonelevelthisdivision
waseasytounderstand.Theundergraduates,thinkingaboutfuturecareersaspoliticians,
bureaucrats,lawyersandsoon,wereoverwhelminglyinterestedincoursesontheirown
countryspolitics.Thesamenationalistinterestcanbefoundinmostcountries.My
departmentwasdominatedbyAmericanistsbecauseofstudentdemand.Alessobviousfactor
wasthepervasivefrogunderthecoconutshellmentalitycreatedbyofficialnationalism.[*]
TherewerenocoursesonMexicosorCanadaspolitics,and,rightuptomyretirementin
2001,itwasraretofindastudentwhocouldnameeitherthepresidentoftheformerorthe
primeministerofthelatter.
OneofthecentralmythsofAmericannationalismhaslongbeenexceptionalismtheidea
thatUShistory,cultureandpoliticallifearebydefinitionincomparable.Needlesstosay,this
isabsurd.Indifferentways,dependingonwhichcountriesinwhatperiodsarerelevant,the
USisperfectlycomparable,especiallywithEurope,SouthAmerica,JapanandtheBritish
dominionsoftheempire(Canada,Australia,NewZealand,SouthAfricaandsoon).Another
featureofthisperspectiveisitsdeeplyingrainedprovincialism.Hencethestrongresistanceto
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thelogicalcaseforincludingAmericanpoliticswithincomparativepolitics.
Onecouldplausiblyaddtwoother,morespecificfactors.Thefirstistheinstitutionalhistory
ofthestudyofpoliticsintheUnitedStates.Oneclearrelicofthishistoryisthattherearestill
anumberofpoliticalsciencedepartmentsthatcallthemselvesdepartmentsofgovernment
(HarvardandCornellamongthem).Theirlineagederivesfromthemergingoflaw(mostly
constitutionallaw)andpublicadministration,botheminentlyconcernedwiththe
practicalitiesofgovernance.InEuropethelineagewasquitedifferent:departmentsof
philosophy,sociology,economicsandpoliticsbasedonthegrandtraditionofMachiavelli,
Smith,Constant,Ricardo,Hegel,Marx,deTocqueville,Weberandsoon.Mydepartment
hadasubsectioncalledPoliticalTheory,whichwasusuallytaughtbyaEuropeanscholarand
whoserangeextendedfromPlatotoMarx,butincludednoAmericans.
ThesecondfactoristhatAmericansarenotnaturallygiventograndtheory.Aglanceacross
thesocialsciencesandhumanitiesforthegreattheoristsofthepastcenturymakesthis
abundantlyclear,whetherinphilosophy(Wittgenstein,Heidegger,Derrida,Foucault,
Habermas,Levinas),history(Bloch,Braudel,Hobsbawm,Needham,Elliott),sociology
(Mosca,Pareto,Weber,Simmel,Mann),anthropology(Mauss,LviStrauss,Dumont,
Malinowski,EvansPritchard)orliterarystudies(Bakhtin,deMan,Barthes).Allthese
foundationalfiguresareEuropean.ThegrandAmericanexceptionisChomsky,who
revolutionisedthestudyoflinguistics,and,perhapstoalesserextent,MiltonFriedmanin
economics,thoughKeynesmaylastlonger.ThisdoesntmeanthatcontemporaryUS
universitiesarentobsessedwiththeory,onlythatthetheoryeithercomesfromoutside
America,ismodelledoneconomics(whichhasastrongtheoryorientationimportantfor
understandingthefunctioningofmodernsociety),orisunderpinnedbyAmericas
egalitarianism:everyone,sotospeak,canandshouldbeatheorist,thoughhistoryshowsthat
individualsgenuinelycapableofproducingoriginaltheoryarerare.Mythesis(1967)could
almosthavebeenwritteninahistorydepartment.Butbythenwhatwaslaterrememberedas
theeraofbehaviourism,understoodasmakingthestudyofpoliticsscientific,wasonthe
rise.
The35yearsIspentasaprofessorofgovernmentatCornelltaughtmetwointeresting
lessonsaboutUSacademia.Thefirstwasthattheory,mirroringthestyleoflatecapitalism,
hasobsolescencebuiltintoit,inthemannerofhighendcommodities.InyearXstudentshad
toreadandmoreorlessrevereTheoryY,whilesharpeningtheirteethonpassTheoryW.
Nottoomanyyearslater,theyweretoldtosharpentheirteethonpassTheoryY,admire
TheoryZ,andforgetaboutTheoryW.Thesecondlessonwasthatwithsomeimportant
exceptionsliketheworkofBarringtonMoore,Jrtheextensionofpoliticalscienceto
comparativepoliticstendedtoproceed,consciouslyorunconsciously,onthebasisoftheUS
example:onemeasuredhowfarothercountrieswereprogressinginapproximating
Americasliberty,respectforlaw,economicdevelopment,democracyetc.Hencetherapid
rise,andequallyrapidfall,ofanapproachthattodaylooksprettydeadmodernisation
theory.Needlesstosay,therewasoftenanopenlystatedColdWarobjectivebehindthiskind
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oftheory.Namely,toprovethatMarxismwasfundamentallywrong.Initsinnocence,this
kindoflookatmetheorytypicallyignoredsuchembarrassingthingsastheveryhigh
murderrateintheUS,itshugelydisproportionateblackprisonpopulation,persistent
illiteracyandsignificantlevelsofpoliticalcorruption.
Evenso,thereisnodoubtinmymindthatmyexperienceasagraduatestudent
unconsciouslypreparedmeforlatercomparativework.Mydutiesasateachingassistantin
Americanpoliticsand(European)comparativepoliticsobligedmetostudyagreatmany
textsthatIwouldnototherwisehaveread.Theundergraduatesinthosedayswere90per
centAmericanandknewverylittleaboutEurope.Tohelpthem,Ifounditusefultomake
constantcomparisonsbetweentheUS,theUK,FranceandGermany.Imyselftookgraduate
coursesontheSovietUnion,Asia,theUSandWesternEurope.Finally,theformatofthe
SoutheastAsiaprogrammeforcedmenotonlytostartthinkingacrosstheregionina
comparativesense,butalsotoreadacrossdisciplines,especiallyanthropology,historyand
economics.Itwasallfunbecauseitwassonewtome.
Mygradualintroductiontocomparativethinking,however,wasquitebookishand
intellectualuntilIwenttoIndonesia.There,forthefirsttime,myemotionalandpolitical
leaningscameintoplayinmywork.Yetthemaineffectwasnottomakemethinkmore
theoreticallyinanygeneralsense.RatherIfoundmyselfbecomingakindofIndonesian(or
IndonesianJavanese)nationalist,andfeelingannoyedwhenIranintobullyingAmerican
officialswhoclearlylookeddownonIndonesians,hadnotimeforSukarnoandwereanti
communist,tothepointthatwhenSukarnoangrilyutteredhisfamousantiAmerican
phrase,Tohellwithyouraid!,Ifeltlikecheering.
ItwaswithinthisframeworkthatIwrotemyfirstexplicitlycomparativework,alongarticle
entitledTheIdeaofPowerinJavaneseCulture,publishedin1972inCultureandPoliticsin
Indonesia,editedbyClaireHolt.Theessayhadanunlikelyorigin.Oneday,asIwassittingin
myofficewiththedooropen,twoseniorprofessorswalkedby,chattingloudlyontheirwayto
lunch.ThemandoingmostofthetalkingwasAllanBloom,whomuchlaterpublisheda
bestsellercalledTheClosingoftheAmericanMind,aratherfascinatingandeven
intimidatingfigure.Unashamedlyeffeminate,andclearlyfavouringhismaleoverhisfemale
students,hewasnonethelessacharismaticlecturer,andafirstclassscholarinthefieldof
politicaltheory(PlatotoMarx).AttheUniversityofChicagohehadbeenamongthetop
studentsofLeoStraussandaprincipledphilosophicalconservative,manyofwhosepupils
(especiallybrightandambitiousJews)wentontoleadtheneoconservativemovementin
AmericanpoliticallifeunderReaganandthetwoBushes,aswellasinthebestuniversities.
WhatIoverheardBloomsaywasthis:Well,youknowthattheancientGreeks,evenPlato
andAristotle,hadnoconceptofpowerasweknowittoday.Ithadneveroccurredtome
thatthetwophilosophicalmasters,whomwewerealwaystoldtorevereasthefoundersof
Westernthought,hadnoideaofpowerintheirheads.Irushedtothelibrarytoconsulta
ClassicalGreekdictionary.Icouldfindtyranny,democracy,aristocracy,monarchy,city,
armyetc,butnoentryforanyabstractorgeneralconceptofpower.
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ThissetmethinkingaboutpowerinthecontextofJavaandIndonesia.Notlongbeforethere
hadbeenaheateddebateinEncounterbetweenCliffordGeertzandtheSwissjournalist
HerbertLthy.Ittookplacebetweenlate1965andearly1966,whencommunistsandtheir
sympathiserswerebeingmassacredinIndonesiaaftertheattemptedcoupof1965.Lthyhad
starteditbywritinganessayontheirrationalityofIndonesianpoliticallifeanddiscourse.
Properlyannoyed,GeertzrepliedwithastingingretortentitledAretheJavaneseMad?,
whichstronglydefendedIndonesianrationality,basedonhislongexperienceofdoing
fieldworkinJava.GeertzwasalreadythedominantinfluenceinAmericananthropologyand,
alongwithKahinandBenda,oneofthethreeseniorfiguresinIndonesianstudies.Asagood
IndonesiannationalistIwasonGeertzsside,butIwasstartingtothinkaboutamore
systematicandhistoricalstudyofrationalityintermsofpoliticaltheory.
MyfavouriteIndonesianfellowstudentinthemid1960swasamiddleaged,whitehaired
historiancalledSoemarsaidMoertono,whomweallaffectionatelycalledMasMoer.Masisa
Javanesetermofaddress,alittlemoreformalthanbigbrotherbutclosetoitsmeaning.He
showedmethedraftsofhisMAthesisonaspectsoftraditionalJavaneseroyalrule
(publishedeventuallyasStateandStatecraftinOldJava).Nodoubtthestrangestofallthe
rivetingandstrangepassagesinhistextwasthestory,solemnlyrelatedinthechronicles,of
whathappenedatthedeathin1703ofAmangkuratII,anunsuccessfulJavanesemonarchof
thelate17thcenturywhohadnotdesignatedanheir.Astheclaimantsandcourtiers
surroundedhisdeathbed,oneofthem,PrincePuger,noticedthatthedeadkingspeniswas
erectandatitstiptherewasaglowingdropofliquid.Herushedtodrinkitup,andthepenis
subsided.Thechronicleraddedthatthisshowedthatthetdja,ormagiclightofkingship,
hadpassedtotheprince,whobecameAmangkuratIII.
SinceIwasquitesuretheJavanesewereasrationalasanyoneelse,Iwonderedwhatbasic
assumptionswereinplaytomakethisoddstoryreasonable.RememberingBloomsremark,I
wonderedwhether,likePlato,theJavanesemighthavenoabstractconceptofpowerasa
relationshipstrictlybetweenhumanbeings.ConversationswithMoertonoconfirmedthatthis
wasthecase,yettheyhadaclearconceptofconcretepower,akindofmanaimmanentin
thecosmos,anddetectableinmagicalobjects,spiritsandhumanbeings(includingtheir
sexualorgans).ThisseemedtomethekeythatcouldopenthedoortopursuingJavanese
rationalitysocialfieldbysocialfield(takinginbureaucracy,diplomacy,taxation,agriculture
etc),andhelpexplainthebehaviourandaspirationsthatLthyhaddeemedirrational.One
couldthengobacktotheWest,andseemanysimilaritiesbeforethearrivalofMachiavelli,
thefirstWesternpoliticalphilosophertoexcludeanythingdivineormagicalfromhis
thinking.TheironywasthatBloomandMoertono,onthesamecampusatthesametime,
wereentirelyunawareofeachothersexistence.
WhenIwaswritingthefinalversionofTheIdeaofPowerinJavaneseCultureconceived
asastudyincomparativepoliticalphilosophyItriedtoanticipateandforestalltheeasy
reactionofmostWesternreaders:Well,theJavanesewereandareprimitive,andweare
not.Theconceptofcharismacametomyassistance:Hitler,Reagan,Mao,EvaPern,de
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Gaulle,Sukarno,Gandhi,FidelCastro,LeninandKhomeini:whatrationalitylaybehindtheir
holdonpeoplesimaginations?Wasthereasubstratumofoldwaysofthinkingaboutpower
(mana,tdja)eveninculturesthatthoughtofthemselvesascompletelymodern?Muchlater
onIwasgratifiedtolearnthatReagannevermadeimportantdecisionsbeforehiswifehad
telephonedherfortuneteller,andthatthetopleadersoftodaysChineseCommunistParty
eagerlyconsultastrologersandfengshuimastersoutofthelimelight,ofcourse.Thetwo
mainpointsIwanttomakeaboutthisarticleare,first,thatIbeganmakingcomparisons
fromanationalistpointofview,andwithinanEastversusWestframeworklongpopular
amongOrientalists,butinthiscomparisonIwantedtoshowthattheJavaneseor
IndonesianscanbeseenasjustasrationalasWesternersandotherpeoples,solongaswe
understandthebasicassumptionsoftheirthinking.Second,thattakingthisapproach
occurredbysheerchance:IhappenedtobebothBloomsjuniorcolleagueandMoertonos
friend.
*
Forthenexttenyears,however,Ididnothingseriouslycomparative,andwhenIreturned
systematicallytothequestionofcomparisons,myoutlookandinterestswerecompletely
different.EvenabrieflookatTheIdeaofPowerinJavaneseCulture(1972)andImagined
Communities(1983)willimmediatelyrevealhowfaraparttheyare.Forsure,itwaspartlya
matterofage.In1972,Iwas36,stilluntenured,andrecentlyexpelledfromIndonesia.In
1983,Iwas47,afullprofessor,newlyappointeddirectorofCornellsSoutheastAsia
programme,andbusywiththestudyofSiam.Buttheagedifferencewasbynomeansthe
mostimportantfactor.HereIwouldliketojotdownsomenotesaboutthreepowerful
influencesonmeoverthatdecadeinnospecialorder.First,myslightlyyoungerbrother,
knowntotheworldasPerryAnderson,butwithinthefamilybyhisoriginalIrishname,Rory.
AftergraduatingfromOxford,Ithinkin1959,heplungedintoMarxistpoliticsand
intellectuallife.AlongwithsomeofhisOxfordfriends,hequicklymovedtoworkatthe
recentlyestablishedNewLeftReview,toreviveandmodernisealeftistpoliticsintheUKthat
hadlongbecomefossilisedundertheuninspiringaegisoftheBritishCommunistParty.
ThefoundersofNLRwereEdwardThompson,thegreatradicalhistorianofruraland
workingclassEngland,andtheJamaicansocialthinkerStuartHall,whowouldlaterbecome
knownasoneofthefoundersofculturalstudies.TheYoungTurkshadonlyaffectionand
respectforHall,butrelationswithThompsonwereoftendifficultandeventuallyheleft.He
wasabrilliantman,butEnglishtothebone,andinsomewaysaLittleEnglanderwitha
traditionalisthostilitytotheintellectualtraditionsofContinentalEurope.Mybrotherandhis
friendsbelievedstronglythatBritishintellectualisolationhadtobebrokenoutofby1)a
massiveimportingoftranslatedworksbykeyMarxistsbeyondtheChannel:Sartre,Merleau
Ponty,Althusser,Debray,Adorno,Benjamin,Habermas,Bobbioandmanyothersand2)
makingNLRasinternationalistaspossibleintheproblemsitaddressed.From1974Istarted
toreadNLRfromcovertocoverandwasprofoundlyreeducatedintheprocess.HereIcame
intocontactwiththeworkofWalterBenjamin,whichhadadecisiveimpactonme,as
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readersofImaginedCommunitieswillimmediatelyrecognise.OnvisitstoLondon,Ibeganto
meettheNLRcircleandmakefriendsamongthem.Ilikedandrespectednoonemorethan
TomNairn,theScottishnationalistMarxistwhoin1977publishedhispolemicTheBreakup
ofBritain,whichcausedarealuproarandledtoastingingattackfromEricHobsbawm,
thentheleadingfigureamongtheoldergenerationofMarxisthistorians.
ThesecondmajorinfluenceonmewasmyCornellcontemporaryJamesSiegel,whoistoday,
inmyopinion,themostarrestinglyoriginalanthropologistintheUS.Hehadbeenoneof
CliffordGeertzslaststudentsbeforethefamousman,enragedbytherowdystudent
radicalismofthelate1960s,abandonedteachingforaneyrieatPrincetonsInstitutefor
AdvancedStudy,whereforalongtimehewaspracticallytheonlysocialscientist.JimandI
haddonefieldworkinIndonesiaatthesametime,heinAtjehandIinJava.Wefirstmetin
Medan,acityinnorthernSumatra,inthespringof1964,andimmediatelybecamefriends.
Histhesis,publishedlaterasTheRopeofGod,wasunlikeanyanthropologicalwork
previouslywrittenonIndonesia.
Around1967,ananthropologypostcameupatCornellforayoungSoutheastAsianist,and
Jimapplied.Inthoseradicaldays,candidateswerenolongerinterviewedonlybyprofessors,
butalsobygraduatestudents.Whenthefinaldecisionhadtobemade,mostofthefaculty
wereinfavourofJamesPeacock,whohadwrittenathesisonludruk,thepopularurban
theatreofEastJava,whichhecharacteristicallycalledRitesofModernisation,andwhich
waspublishedwiththesametitle.ThisParsoniantitledidnothelphiscausewiththe
students,forwhommodernisationwasanabandonedfetish.Theyvotedoverwhelminglyfor
Jim,andthefacultygavein.JimandIoftentaughtcoursestogether,includingoneseminar
inwhichweinsistedthateverystudentspeakinIndonesian.Itwashewhoseriously
introducedmetohighclassanthropology,includingtheinspiringAfricanistworkofthe
BritishCatholicVictorTurner.HealsomademereadErichAuerbachsMimesis,an
extraordinaryaccountofthehistoryofrepresentationintheWestfromHomertoProust.
OurfavouriteclasswasajointseminaronthefictionofIndonesiasgreatwriterPramoedya
AnantaToer,whowasthenstillinoneofSuhartosgulags.Careful,closereadingoffiction
withagroupofexcellentstudentswasquitenewtome.ThankstoJim,Ibegantothink
abouthowIcouldusemyearlytraininginclassicalandWesternEuropean,aswellas
Indonesian,literatureforanewkindofanalysisoftherelationsbetweenimaginationand
realityinthestudyofpolitics.
ThethirdinfluencecamefromstudentsintheSEAprogramme.Theyhadlittleinterestinthe
formalAmericanconceptofagiantSoutheastAsiazoneassuch.Buttheyacquiredsmaller
typesofsolidarityamongthemselves.AngeratthelonggrimdictatorshipsinBuddhistSiam
andBurma,IslamicIndonesia,theCatholicPhilippines,movedthemtorejection.InEnglish
theycouldexchangeinformationthatwasheavilysuppressedintheirhomecountries.They
gotusedtomakingcomparisonstheyhadneverbeforeimagined.
AsforthecomparisonstypicalofImaginedCommunities,theywereshapedbythebooks
polemicalintentions.Almostalltheimportanttheoreticalworkswrittenonnationalismafter
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theSecondWorldWarwerewrittenandpublishedintheUK(MiroslavHrochspioneering
comparativestudyofsmallnationalismsinCentralandEasternEurope,writteninGerman
inCommunistgovernedPrague,hadtowaitalongtimetobetranslatedintoEnglish).
AlmostallwerewrittenbyJews,thoughofwidelydifferingpoliticaloutlooks.Onthefarright
wasElieKedourie,whowasbornandraisedintheoldJewishcommunityofBaghdad,
movedtoLondonasayoungman,andcameundertheinfluenceofMichaelOakeshott,then
Britainsbestknownconservativepoliticalphilosopher.OnthemoderaterightwasAnthony
Smith,aBritishbornpractisingOrthodoxJew,whotaughthistoryinLondonthroughouta
longcareer.ConvincedthattheJewswerethemostancientofnations,heconsistentlyargued
thatmodernnationalismgrewoutoflongstandingethnicgroups.Ontheliberalleftwasthe
philosopher,sociologistandanthropologistErnestGellner,aCzechJewbroughtupin
Prague,whomadehiswaytoLondonjustaftertheendofthewar.AsturdyEnlightenment
liberal,hepioneeredthesocalledconstructivistviewofnationalism,arguingthatitwas
strictlyaproductofindustrialisationandmodernity.Onthefarleftwasthegrandhistorian
EricHobsbawm,ofpartialJewishdescent,bornincolonialEgyptandsubstantiallyeducated
inpreNaziAustria.Hobsbawmwasaconstructivistaswellasacommunist,andmadea
strikingcontributiontothegrowingdebateonnationalismintheUKwithTheInventionof
Tradition(1983),acollectionhecompiledwithTerenceRanger.TheoddmanoutwasTom
Nairn,strictlyScottish.
Allthesepeoplemoreorlessknewoneanother.AllexceptNairnwereveryattachedtothe
UK,partlybecauseitwaslargelyuncontaminatedbyfascismandviolentantiSemitism,and
partlybecausethestate,includingEngland,Wales,ScotlandandNorthernIreland,wasfelt
tobemorelikesupranational(ifnowdefunct)AustroHungarythanstandardEuropean
nationstatessuchasFrance,ItalyandSweden.AndallofthemwerebasicallyEurope
oriented,thoughGellnerstudiedintheMaghrebandlearnedsomeArabic,whileKedourie
wrotealotabouthisnativeIraq,andobviouslyknewIraqiArabicwell.
Thisthenwasthewide,butveryBritishcircleatwhichImaginedCommunitieswasaimed.
ThedebatewastriggeredbyTheBreakupofBritain,whicharguedthattheUKwasa
fossilised,conservativeandimperialisticrelic,doomedtobreakupintoitsfourconstituent
nations,withScotlandleadingtheway.Thebookwasstronglyattacked,especiallyby
Hobsbawm,whodeclaredthatnotrueMarxistcouldbeanationalistMarxismhadbeen
committedfromthestarttointernationalism.Ilikedthebookverymuch,foritsownsake,
butalsoasanIrishman(SouthernIreland,aftercenturiesofEnglishcolonialrule,hadonly
wonitsindependence,byarmedstruggle,in1922).IdidnotthinkofImaginedCommunities
asastrictlyacademicbook,anditneveroccurredtomeatthetimethatitwouldeventually
haveawideinternationalaudience.Manypeoplehavecomplainedthatitisadifficultbook
andespeciallydifficulttotranslate.Theaccusationispartlyjustified.Butagreatdealofthe
difficultyliesnotintherealmofideas,butinitspolemicalstanceanditsintendedaudience:
theUKintelligentsia.Thatiswhythebookcontainssomanyquotationsfrom,andallusions
to,Englishpoetry,essays,histories,legends,whichdonthavetobeexplainedtoEnglish
readersbutarelikelytobeunfamiliartoothers.Therearealsojokesandsarcasmsonlythe
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Englishwouldfindamusingorannoying.ForfunIalwaystitledBritishrulersasiftheywere
ordinarypeople,e.g.CharlesStuartforCharlesI,butusedthestandardformatforforeign
kings(LouisXIV).
ImaginedCommunitieswasformedinawiderpolemicalframeworkthanTheBreakupof
Britain.ThefirsttargetwastheEurocentrismIsawintheassumptionthatnationalismwas
borninEuropeandthenspreadoutinimitatedformstotherestoftheworld.Itwasplainto
methatnationalistmovementshadtheirhistoricaloriginsinNorthandSouthAmerica,as
wellasHaiti,andthatthesemovementscouldnotbeexplainedonanyethnicorlinguistic
basis.ThesecondtargetwastraditionalMarxismandliberalism.Nairnhadrightlyargued
thatthiskindofMarxismhadlargelysidesteppednationalism,andhadneverbeenableto
explainitsvastworldhistoricalpower.ButhehadnotreallyattemptedtoofferaMarxist
solutiontotheproblem.Ihadbecomeconvincedthatasolutionwaspossibleifonetookinto
accountthepeculiarityofprintedbooks,whichbegantobepublishedinlargequantitiesin
Europeinthe16thcentury.Bookswerecertainlycommoditiesproducedbyearlycapitalism
buttheywerealsocontainersandpurveyorsofideas,emotionsandimaginings,unlikebeeror
sugar.Classicalliberalismhadsimilarfailings.Thefinaltargetwasapowerfultraditionthat
treatednationalismasifitwerejustanotherismi.e.purelyasystemofideas,oran
ideology.Thiswayoflookingatnationalismcouldntbegintoexplainitsenormousemotional
power,anditsabilitytomakepeoplewillingtodieforitssake.
ThisframeworkhelpstoexplainsomeofthetypicalformsofcomparisonthatIemployed,
whichwereradicallydifferentfromthoseusedwithintheEastWestformatofTheIdeaof
PowerinJavaneseCulture.WherebeforeIhadbeeninterestedmainlyindifference,this
timeIconcentratedonsimilarity.ThelongchapterCreolePioneers,ontheAmericas,isa
goodexample.MostoftheexistingworkonnationalismintheUSeithersimplyinsistedonits
exceptionality,orlinkedittoBritishtraditions.SoIdecidedtocomparetheearlyUSwiththe
welterofnewnationalismsinSpanishAmerica,andputtheUSattheendofthechapter
ratherthanatthestart.Ienjoyedanticipatingtheannoyancethatwouldbecausedbycalling
FranklinandJeffersonCreoles,asiftheyweresimplyanextensionofpatternseverywhere
visiblesouthoftheUSborder,andbycommentingthatSimnBolvarwasamoreimpressive
figurethanGeorgeWashington.Inthesamemanner,Ideliberatelybroughttogethertsarist
RussiawithBritishIndia,HungarywithSiamandJapan,IndonesiawithSwitzerland,and
VietnamwithFrenchWestAfrica.(ManyyearslaterIenjoyedclassifyingTaiwanese
nationalismasalateformofCreolenationalism.)Thesecomparisonswereintendedto
surpriseandshock,butalsotoglobalisethestudyofthehistoryofnationalism.AlthoughI
stilllikethem,theyarenotmuchlikethekindsofcomparisondoneinmainstream
comparativegovernment,whichareusuallybasedonstatisticsandsurveys.
Itwasnotuntilmuchlater,infactafterIfinallyretired,thatIbegantorecognisethe
fundamentaldrawbackofthistypeofcomparison:thatusingthenationandnationstatesas
thebasicunitsofanalysisfatallyignoredtheobviousfactthatinrealitytheseunitsweretied
togetherandcrosscutbyglobalpoliticalintellectualcurrentssuchasliberalism,fascism,
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communismandsocialism,aswellasvastreligiousnetworksandeconomicandtechnological
forces.Ihadalsototakeseriouslytherealitythatveryfewpeoplehaveeverbeensolely
nationalist.Nomatterhowstrongtheirnationalism,theymayalsobegrippedbyHollywood
movies,neoliberalism,atasteformanga,humanrights,impendingecologicaldisaster,
fashion,science,anarchism,postcoloniality,democracy,indigenouspeoplesmovements,
chatrooms,astrology,supranationallanguageslikeSpanishandArabicandsoon.
RecognitionofthisseriousflawhelpstoexplainwhyUnderThreeFlags:Anarchismandthe
AntiColonialImagination(2005)focusednotonlyonglobalanarchismtowardstheendof
the19thcentury,butalsoonglobalformsofcommunication,especiallythetelegraphandthe
steamship.
Becausemyframeworkhadnowchanged,sodidthestyleofthecomparisons.AlthoughThe
IdeaofPowerinJavaneseCultureandImaginedCommunitieswereverydifferentworks,
theyhadincommonastronglongitudinalthrust.Intheformer,thereadermovesacross
threecenturiesofJavanesehistory,inthelatterfromtheinventionofprintcapitalisminthe
15thcenturytotheanticolonialmovementsofthemid20th.InUnderThreeFlagsthe
dominantimpulseislatitudinal.Thebasictimeframeismarked,notbycenturies,butby
decades,justfourofthembetween1861and1901.Whatinterestedmemostwashowpolitical
andliterarydevelopmentssuchasanarchismandavantgardewritingwerevisiblylinked,in
whatWalterBenjamincalledhomogeneous,emptytime,inBrazil,Cuba,theUK,Belgium,
Italy,France,Spain,Germany,Russia,SouthAfrica,Japan,China,Oceaniaandthe
Philippines.
Thiskindofstudyrequiredanewkindofnarrativestructure,morelikethatofanovel
serialisedinanewspaperthantheordinarytypeofscholarlyhistoricalwork.Thereaderis
invitedtoleapbackandforthbetweenNaples,Tokyo,Manila,Barcelona,Paris,Riode
Janeiro,Brussels,StPetersburg,TampaandLondon.Theemphasisisoncontemporary
learning,communicationsandcoordinationinconnectionwithideologiesandpolitical
activism,thankstothespeedoftelegraphiccommunicationacrossstateandnational
boundaries.SomeFrenchmenwerelearningfromsomeAmericansandBelgians,some
ChinesefromsomeFilipinosandJapanese,someItaliansfromsomeSpaniardsand
Russians,someFilipinosfromsomeGermansandCubans.Andsoon.Whilethegeneral
stresswasonsimultaneityandsimilarity,thecoreofthebookisananalysisofthecontrast
betweenglobalanarchismandlocalnationalisms.Thenicestemblemforthiscontrast
emergesfromaninvestigationofthewaveofassassinationsduringtheperiod,stretching
fromBuffalo,NewYorktoHarbin,Manchuria.Nationalistassassinsalwaystriedtokilltheir
ownhatedstateleaders,whileanarchistassassinsveryoftentargetednotonlylocal
oppressorsbutnotoriouspoliticalleadersinothercountries.
*
Itisimportanttorecognisethatcomparisonisnotamethodorevenanacademictechnique
rather,itisadiscursivestrategy.Thereareafewimportantpointstobearinmindwhenone
wantstomakeacomparison.Firstofall,onehastodecide,inanygivenwork,whetheroneis
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mainlyaftersimilaritiesordifferences.Itisverydifficult,forexample,tosay,letaloneprove,
thatJapanandChinaorKoreaarebasicallysimilarorbasicallydifferent.Eithercasecould
bemade,dependingononesangleofvision,onesframework,andtheconclusionstowards
whichoneintendstomove.(InthejingoistyearsontheeveoftheFirstWorldWar,when
GermansandFrenchmenwereencouragedtohateeachother,thegreatAustroMarxist
theoreticianOttoBauerenjoyedbaitingbothsidesbysayingthatcontemporaryParisiansand
Berlinershadfarmoreincommonthaneitherhadwiththeirrespectivemedievalancestors.)
HereIhavetried,asperhapsofferingausefulexample,toshowhowthecomparativeworksI
wrotebetweentheearly1970sandthe2000sreflected,intheirrealdifference,changing
perspectives,framingsand(political)intentions.
Asecondpointisthat,withinthelimitsofplausibleargument,themostinstructive
comparisons(whetherofdifferenceorsimilarity)arethosethatsurprise.NoJapanesewillbe
surprisedbyacomparisonwithChina,sinceithasbeenmadeforcenturies,thepathiswell
trodden,andpeopleusuallyhavetheirmindsmadeupalready.ButacomparisonofJapan
withAustriaorMexicomightcatchthereaderoffherguard.
Athirdreflectionisthatlongitudinalcomparisonsofthesamecountryoveralongstretchof
timeareatleastasimportantascrossnationalcomparisons.Onereasonforthishastodo
withthepowerofacertainkindoftextbookstylenationalhistorythatdoesntdisdainmyths
andhasavestedinterestincontinuityandperpetuatinganancientnationalidentity.Scots
whowanttobelieveandinsistthattheyhavelongbeenoppressedbytheEnglishdonotlike
toberemindedthatLondonwasruledbyaScottishdynastythroughmostofthe17th
centurylikewisemanyJapanesedonottakekindlytothesuggestionthattheircountrys
earliestemperorsmayhavebeenpartlyKoreaninorigin.Hencescholarscanprofit
immenselybyreadingwidelyinancienthistory.
Afourthpointisthatitisgoodtothinkaboutonesowncircumstances,classposition,
gender,levelandtypeofeducation,age,motherlanguageetcwhendoingcomparisons.But
thesethingscanchange.Whenyoustarttoliveinacountrywhoselanguageyouunderstand
barelyornotatall,youareobviouslynotinagoodpositiontothinkcomparatively,because
youhavelittleaccesstothelocalculture.Youfeellinguisticallydeprived,lonelyandeven
isolated,andyouhuntaroundforsomefellownationalstostickwith.Youcannotavoid
makingcomparisons,butthesearelikelytobesuperficialandnaive.Then,ifyouarelucky,
youcrossthelanguagewall,andfindyourselfinanotherworld.Youarelikeanexplorer,and
trytonoticeandthinkabouteverythinginawayyouwouldneverdoathome,whereso
muchistakenforgranted.Whatyouwillstarttonotice,ifyourearsandeyesareopen,are
thethingsyoucantseeorhear.Youwillbegintonoticewhatisnotthereaswellaswhatis
there,justasyouwillbecomeawareofwhatisunwrittenaswellaswhatiswritten.Andthis
worksbothforthecountryyouarelivinginandtheonefromwhichyoucame.Oftenitstarts
withwords.Indonesian,forexample,hasaspecialword,gurih,forthetasteofrice
(deliciouslypungentaccordingtoonedictionary).IfyoucomefromEngland,youarethen
startledtorealisethatthetasteofricecantbedescribedwithadesignatedEnglishword.On
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theotherhand,IndonesianhasnowordliketheEnglishsepiaforthecolourofold
photographs.Thesameistrueofconcepts.Javanesehasaword,longan,fortheemptyspace
underachairorbed,whichEnglishdoesnot.
Suchaperiodofstrugglingwithanewlanguageisespeciallygoodfortrainingoneselftobe
seriouslycomparative,becausethereisnotyetanyautomatictranslationofforeignwords
intothelanguageinyourhead.Yougraduallygettoknowenoughtonoticemore,andyet
youarestillanoutsider.Ifyouthenstayonlongenough,thingsgettakenforgrantedagain,
astheywerebackhome,andyoutendtobemuchlesscuriousandobservantthanbefore
youstarttosaytoyourself:IknowIndonesiainsideout.Thepointbeingthatgood
comparisonsoftencomefromtheexperienceofstrangenessandabsences.
[*]AlthoughtheThaiandIndonesianlanguageshavenolinkagesandbelongtoquite
differentlinguisticancestries,bothhavelonghadafatalisticimageofafrogwholivesallits
lifeunderhalfacoconutshellcommonlyusedasabowlinthesecountries.Sittingquietly
undertheshell,beforelongthefrogbeginstofeelthatthecoconutbowlenclosestheentire
universe.Themoraljudgmentintheimageisthatthefrogisnarrowminded,provincial,
stayathomeandselfsatisfiedfornogoodreason.Formypart,Istayednowherelong
enoughtosettledowninoneplace,unliketheproverbialfrog.
Vol.38No.221January2016BenedictAndersonFrameworksofComparison
pages1518|5830words
ISSN02609592CopyrightLRBLimited2016

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