Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Although belief in the sanctity of human life has ancient precedents in many religions of the world the idea of human rights, that is the notion that a
human being has a set of inviolable rights simply on grounds of being human began during the era of renaissance humanism in the early modern
period. The European wars of religion and the civil wars of seventeenth-century England gave rise to the philosophy of liberalism and belief in human
rights became a central concern of European intellectual culture during the 18th-century Age of Enlightenment. The idea of human rights lay at the
core of the American and French Revolutions which inaugurated an era of democratic revolution throughout the nineteenth century paving the way for
the advent of universal suffrage. The world wars of the twentieth century led to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The post-war era saw human rights movements for special interest groups such as feminism and the civil rights of African-Americans. The human
rights of members of the Soviet bloc emerged in the 1970s along with workers' rights in the West. The movement quickly jelled as social activism and
political rhetoric in many nations put it high on the world agenda. [1] By the 21st century, Moyn has argued, the human rights movement expanded
beyond its original anti-totalitarianism to include numerous causes involving humanitarianism and social and economic development in the
Developing World.[2]
Some notions of righteousness present in ancient law and religion is sometimes retrospectively included under the term "human rights".
While Enlightenment philosophers suggest a secular social contract between the rulers and the ruled, ancient traditions derived similar conclusions
from notions of divine law, and, in Hellenistic philosophy, natural law.
The reforms of Urukagina of Lagash, the earliest known legal code (c. 2350 BC), is often thought to be an early example of reform. Professor Norman
Yoffee wrote that after Igor M. Diakonoff "most interpreters consider that Urukagina, himself not of the ruling dynasty at Lagash, was no reformer at
all. Indeed, by attempting to curb the encroachment of a secular authority at the expense of temple prerogatives, he was, if a modern term must be
applied, a reactionary."[3] Author Marilyn French wrote that the discovery of penalties for adultery for women but not for men represents "the first
written evidence of the degradation of women". [3][4] The oldest legal codex extant today is the Neo-Sumerian Code of Ur-Nammu (ca. 2050 BC).
Several other sets of laws were also issued in Mesopotamia, including the Code of Hammurabi (ca. 1780 BC), one of the most famous examples of
this type of document. It shows rules, and punishments if those rules are broken, on a variety of matters, including women's rights,men's
rights, children's rights and slave rights.
Antiquity[edit]
Further information: The Golden Rule, Cyrus Cylinder and Edicts of Ashoka
The Cyrus Cylinder of Cyrus the Great, founder of the AchaemenidPersian Empire
Some historians suggest that the Achaemenid Persian Empire of ancient Iran established unprecedented principles of human rights in the 6th century
BC under Cyrus the Great. After his conquest of Babylon in 539 BC, the king issued the Cyrus cylinder, discovered in 1879 and seen by some today
as the first human rights document.[5][6][7] The cylinder has been linked by some commentators to the decrees of Cyrus recorded in the Books of
Chronicles,Nehemiah, and Ezra, which state that Cyrus allowed (at least some of) the Jews to return to their homeland from their Babylonian
Captivity.
In opposition to the above viewpoint, the interpretation of the Cylinder as a "charter of human rights" has been dismissed by other historians and
characterized by some others as political propaganda devised by the Pahlavi regime. [8] The German historian Josef Wiesehfer argues that the image
of "Cyrus as a champion of the UN human rights policy ... is just as much a phantom as the humane and enlightened Shah of Persia", [9] while
historian Elton L. Daniel has described such an interpretation as "rather anachronistic" and tendentious.[10] The cylinder now lies in the British
Museum, and a replica is kept at the United Nations Headquarters.
Many thinkers point to the concept of citizenship beginning in the early poleis of ancient Greece, where all free citizens had the right to speak and
vote in the political assembly.[11]
The Twelve Tables Law established the principle "Privilegia ne irroganto", which literally means "privileges shall not be imposed".
A declaration for religious tolerance on an egalitarian basis can be found in the Edicts of Ashoka, which emphasize the importance of tolerance in
public policy by the government. The slaughter or capture of prisoners of war was also condemned by Ashoka.[12] Some sources claim that slavery
was also non-existent in ancient India.[13] Others state, however, that slavery existed in ancient India, where it is recorded in the Sanskrit Laws of
Manu of the 1st century BC.[14]
Middle Ages[edit]
Further information: Magna Carta
Magna Carta is an English charter originally issued in 1215 which influenced the development of the common law and many later constitutional
documents, such as the United States Constitution and the Bill of Rights.[37]
Magna Carta was originally written because of disagreements amongst Pope Innocent III, King John and the English barons about the rights of the
King. Magna Carta required the King to renounce certain rights, respect certain legal procedures and accept that his will could be bound by the law. It
explicitly protected certain rights of the King's subjects, whether free or fettered most notably the writ of habeas corpus, allowing appeal against
unlawful imprisonment.
For modern times, the most enduring legacy of Magna Carta is considered the right of habeas corpus. This right arises from what are now known as
clauses 36, 38, 39, and 40 of the 1215 Magna Carta. The Magna Carta also included the right to due process:
No Freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseised of his Freehold, or Liberties, or free Customs, or be outlawed
Philosophers such as Thomas Paine, John Stuart Mill and Hegel expanded on the theme of universality during the 18th and 19th centuries.
In 1831 William Lloyd Garrison wrote in a newspaper called The Liberator that he was trying to enlist his readers in "the great cause of human
rights"[43] so the term human rights probably came into use sometime between Paine's The Rights of Man and Garrison's publication. In 1849, a
contemporary, Henry David Thoreau, wrote about human rights in his treatise On the Duty of Civil Disobedience[1] which was later influential on
human rights and civil rights thinkers. United States Supreme Court Justice David Davis, in his 1867 opinion for Ex parte Milligan, wrote: "By the
protection of the law, human rights are secured; withdraw that protection and they are at the mercy of wicked rulers or the clamor of an excited
people."[44]
Many groups and movements have managed to achieve profound social changes over the course of the 20th century in the name of human rights.
In Western Europe and North America, labour unions brought about laws granting workers the right to strike, establishing minimum work conditions
and forbidding or regulating child labour. The women's rights movement succeeded in gaining for many women the right to vote. National
liberation movements in many countries succeeded in driving out colonial powers. One of the most influential was Mahatma Gandhi's movement to
free his native India from British rule. Movements by long-oppressed racial and religious minorities succeeded in many parts of the world, among
them the civil rights movement, and more recent diverse identity politics movements, on behalf of women and minorities in the United States.
The foundation of the International Committee of the Red Cross, the 1864 Lieber Code and the first of the Geneva Conventions in 1864 laid the
foundations of international humanitarian law, to be further developed following the two World Wars.
The League of Nations was established in 1919 at the negotiations over the Treaty of Versailles following the end of World War I. The League's goals
included disarmament, preventing war through collective security, settling disputes between countries through negotiation, diplomacy and improving
global welfare. Enshrined in its Charter was a mandate to promote many of the rights which were later included in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights.
The League of Nations had mandates to support many of the former colonies of the Western European colonial powers during their transition from
colony to independent state.
Established as an agency of the League of Nations, and now part of United Nations, the International Labour Organization also had a mandate to
promote and safeguard certain of the rights later included in the UDHR:
the primary goal of the ILO today is to promote opportunities for women and men to obtain decent and produ
Report by the Director General for the International Labour Conference 87th Session
[edit]
The Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field was adopted in 1864.
It was significantly revised and replaced by the 1906 version, [45] the 1929 version, and later the First Geneva Convention of 1949.[46]
The Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces at Seawas
adopted in 1906.[47] It was significantly revised and replaced by the Second Geneva Convention of 1949.
The Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War was adopted in 1929. It was significantly revised and replaced by
the Third Geneva Convention of 1949.
The Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War was adopted in 1949.
In addition, there are three additional amendment protocols to the Geneva Convention:
Protocol I (1977): Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of
International Armed Conflicts.
Protocol II (1977): Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of NonInternational Armed Conflicts.
Protocol III (2005): Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Adoption of an Additional
Distinctive Emblem.
All four conventions were last revised and ratified in 1949, based on previous revisions and partly on some of the 1907 Hague Conventions. Later,
conferences have added provisions prohibiting certain methods of warfare and addressing issues of civil wars. Nearly all 200 countries of the world
are "signatory" nations, in that they have ratified these conventions. The International Committee of the Red Cross is the controlling body of the
Geneva conventions.
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
[edit]
"It is not a treaty...[In the future, it] may well become the internationalMagna Carta."[48] Eleanor Roosevelt with the Spanish text of the Universal Declaration in 1949
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is a non-binding declaration adopted by the United Nations General Assembly [49] in 1948,
partly in response to the barbarism of World War II. The UDHR urges member nations to promote a number of human, civil, economic and social
rights, asserting these rights are part of the "foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world".
...recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human fami
The UDHR was framed by members of the Human Rights Commission, with Eleanor Roosevelt as Chair, who began to discuss anInternational Bill of
Rights in 1947. The members of the Commission did not immediately agree on the form of such a bill of rights, and whether, or how, it should be
enforced. The Commission proceeded to frame the UDHR and accompanying treaties, but the UDHR quickly became the priority. [50] Canadian law
professor John Humphrey and French lawyer Rene Cassin were responsible for much of the cross-national research and the structure of the
document respectively, where the articles of the declaration were interpretative of the general principle of the preamble. The document was structured
by Cassin to include the basic principles of dignity, liberty, equality and brotherhood in the first two articles, followed successively by rights pertaining
to individuals; rights of individuals in relation to each other and to groups; spiritual, public and political rights; and economic, social and cultural rights.
The final three articles place, according to Cassin, rights in the context of limits, duties and the social and political order in which they are to be
realized.[50] Humphrey and Cassin intended the rights in the UDHR to be legally enforceable through some means, as is reflected in the third clause of
the preamble:[50]
Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against ty
Some of the UDHR was researched and written by a committee of international experts on human rights, including representatives from all continents
and all major religions, and drawing on consultation with leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi.[51] The inclusion of both civil and political rights and
economic, social and cultural rights [50][52] was predicated on the assumption that basic human rights are indivisible and that the different types of rights
listed are inextricably linked. Though this principle was not opposed by any member states at the time of adoption (the declaration was adopted
unanimously, with the abstention of the Soviet bloc, Apartheid South Africa and Saudi Arabia), this principle was later subject to significant
challenges.[52]
Later Histories
[edit]
We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and we are now struggling to enhance equality of opportunity. Our commitment to human rights must be absolute,
our laws fair, our natural beauty preserved; the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must be enhanced.
According to historian Samuel Moyn the next major landmark in human rights happened in the 1970s. [54] Human right was included in point VII
of Helsinki Accords, which was signed in 1975 by thirty-five states, including theUSA, Canada, and all European states except Albania and Andorra.
During his inaugural speech in 1977, the 39th President of United States Jimmy Carter made human rights a pillar of United States foreign policy.
[55]
Human rights advocacy organization Amnesty International later won Nobel Peace Prize also in 1977.[56] Carter, who was instrumental in Camp
David accord peace treaty would himself later won Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 "for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to
international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development". [57]
Magna Carta (Latin for "the Great Charter"), also called Magna Carta Libertatum (Latin for "the Great Charter of the Liberties"), is
a charter agreed by King John of England at Runnymede, near Windsor, on 15 June 1215.[a] First drafted by the Archbishop of Canterbury to make
peace between the unpopular King and a group of rebel barons, it promised the protection of church rights, protection for the barons from illegal
imprisonment, access to swift justice, and limitations on feudal payments to the Crown, to be implemented through a council of 25 barons. Neither
side stood behind their commitments, and the charter was annulled by Pope Innocent III, leading to the First Barons' War. After John's death, the
regency government of his young son, Henry III, reissued the document in 1216, stripped of some of its more radical content, in an unsuccessful bid
to build political support for their cause. At the end of the war in 1217, it formed part of the peace treaty agreed at Lambeth, where the document
acquired the name Magna Carta, to distinguish it from the smaller Charter of the Forest which was issued at the same time. Short of funds, Henry
reissued the charter again in 1225 in exchange for a grant of new taxes; his son, Edward I, repeated the exercise in 1297, this time confirming it as
part of England's statute law.
The charter became part of English political life and was typically renewed by each monarch in turn, although as time went by and the
fledgling English Parliament passed new laws, it lost some of its practical significance. At the end of the 16th century there was an upsurge in interest
in Magna Carta. Lawyers and historians at the time believed that there was an ancient English constitution, going back to the days of the AngloSaxons, that protected individual English freedoms. They argued that the Norman invasion of 1066 had overthrown these rights, and that Magna
Carta had been a popular attempt to restore them, making the charter an essential foundation for the contemporary powers of Parliament and legal
principles such as habeas corpus. Although this historical account was badly flawed, jurists such as Sir Edward Coke used Magna Carta extensively
in the early 17th century, arguing against the divine right of kings propounded by the Stuart monarchs. Both James I and his son Charles I attempted
to suppress the discussion of Magna Carta, until the issue was curtailed by the English Civil War of the 1640s and the execution of Charles.
The political myth of Magna Carta and its protection of ancient personal liberties persisted after the Glorious Revolution of 1688 until well into the 19th
century. It influenced the early American colonists in the Thirteen Colonies and the formation of the American Constitution in 1787, which became the
supreme law of the land in the new republic of the United States. [b] Research by Victorianhistorians showed that the original 1215 charter had
concerned the medieval relationship between the monarch and the barons, rather than the rights of ordinary people, but the charter remained a
powerful, iconic document, even after almost all of its content was repealed from the statute books in the 19th and 20th centuries. Magna Carta still
forms an important symbol of liberty today, often cited by politicians and campaigners, and is held in great respect by the British and American legal
communities, Lord Denningdescribing it as "the greatest constitutional document of all times the foundation of the freedom of the individual against
the arbitrary authority of the despot".[1]
In the 21st century, four exemplifications of the original 1215 charter remain in existence, held by the British Library and the cathedrals
of Lincoln and Salisbury. There are also a handful of the subsequent charters in public and private ownership, including copies of the 1297 charter in
both the United States and Australia. The original charters were written on parchment sheets using quill pens, in heavily abbreviated medieval Latin,
which was the convention for legal documents at that time. Each was sealed with the royal great seal (made of beeswax and resin sealing wax): very
few of the seals have survived. Although scholars refer to the 63 numbered "clauses" of Magna Carta, this is a modern system of numbering,
introduced by Sir William Blackstone in 1759; the original charter formed a single, long unbroken text. The four original 1215 charters were displayed
together at the British Library for one day, 3 February 2015, to mark the 800th anniversary of Magna Carta.
1 History
3 Substance
3.3 Slavery
4 Legacy
4.1 Constitution of the French Fifth Republic
5 See also
5.1 Other early declarations of rights
6 Notes
7 References
o
8 Further reading
9 External links
History[edit]
The inspiration and content of the document emerged largely from the ideals of the American Revolution. [5] The key drafts were prepared by
Lafayette, working at times with his close friend Thomas Jefferson, [6][7] who drew heavily upon The Virginia Declaration of Rights, drafted in May 1776
by George Mason (which was based in part on the English Bill of Rights 1689), as well as Jefferson's own drafts for the American Declaration of
Independence. In August 1789, Honor Mirabeau played a central role in conceptualizing and drafting the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the
Citizen.[8]
The last article of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen was adopted on 26 August 1789 by the National Constituent Assembly, during
the period of the French Revolution, as the first step toward writing a constitution for France. Inspired by the Enlightenment, the original version of the
Declaration was discussed by the representatives on the basis of a 24 article draft proposed by the sixth bureau[clarify],[9][10] led by Jrme Champion de
Cic. The draft was later modified during the debates. A second and lengthier declaration, known as the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen
of 1793, was written in 1793 but never formally adopted. [11]
18th century out of war and revolution. It encountered opposition as democracy and individual rights were frequently regarded as synonymous
with anarchy and subversion. The declaration embodies ideals and aspirations towards which France pledged to struggle in the future. [18]
Substance[edit]
The Declaration is introduced by a preamble describing the fundamental characteristics of the rights which are qualified as being "natural, unalienable
and sacred" and consisting of "simple and incontestable principles" on which citizens could base their demands. In the second article, "the natural
and imprescriptible rights of man" are defined as "liberty, property, security and resistance to oppression". It called for the destruction of aristocratic
privileges by proclaiming an end to feudalism and to exemptions from taxation, freedom and equal rights for all human beings (referred to as "Men"),
and access to public office based on talent. The monarchy was restricted, and all citizens were to have the right to take part in the legislative
process. Freedom of speech and press were declared, and arbitrary arrests outlawed. [19]
The Declaration also asserted the principles of popular sovereignty, in contrast to the divine right of kings that characterized the French monarchy,
and social equality among citizens, "All the citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, are equally admissible to all public dignities, places, and
employments, according to their capacity and without distinction other than that of their virtues and of their talents," eliminating the special rights of
the nobility and clergy.
Articles:
Article I - Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions can be founded only on the common good.
Article II - The goal of any political association is the conservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are liberty, property,
safety and resistance against oppression.
Article III - The principle of any sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation. No body, no individual can exert authority which does not emanate
expressly from it.
Article IV - Liberty consists of doing anything which does not harm others: thus, the exercise of the natural rights of each man has only those borders
which assure other members of the society the enjoyment of these same rights. These borders can be determined only by the law.
Article V - The law has the right to forbid only actions harmful to society. Anything which is not forbidden by the law cannot be impeded, and no one
can be constrained to do what it does not order.
Article VI - The law is the expression of the general will. All the citizens have the right of contributing personally or through their representatives to its
formation. It must be the same for all, either that it protects, or that it punishes. All the citizens, being equal in its eyes, are equally admissible to all
public dignities, places and employments, according to their capacity and without distinction other than that of their virtues and of their talents.
Article VII - No man can be accused, arrested nor detained but in the cases determined by the law, and according to the forms which it has
prescribed. Those who solicit, dispatch, carry out or cause to be carried out arbitrary orders, must be punished; but any citizen called or seized under
the terms of the law must obey at once; he renders himself culpable by resistance.
Article VIII - The law should establish only penalties that are strictly and evidently necessary, and no one can be punished but under a law
established and promulgated before the offense and legally applied.
Article IX - Any man being presumed innocent until he is declared culpable, if it is judged indispensible to arrest him, any rigor which would not be
necessary for the securing of his person must be severely reprimanded by the law.
Article X - No one may be disturbed for his opinions, even religious ones, provided that their manifestation does not trouble the public order
established by the law.
Article XI - The free communication of thoughts and of opinions is one of the most precious rights of man: any citizen thus may speak, write, print
freely, except to respond to the abuse of this liberty, in the cases determined by the law.
Article XII - The guarantee of the rights of man and of the citizen necessitates a public force: this force is thus instituted for the advantage of all and
not for the particular utility of those in whom it is trusted.
Article XIII - For the maintenance of the public force and for the expenditures of administration, a common contribution is indispensable; it must be
equally distributed between all the citizens, according to their ability to pay.
Article XIV - Each citizen has the right to ascertain, by himself or through his representatives, the need for a public tax, to consent to it freely, to know
the uses to which it is put, and of determining the proportion, basis, collection, and duration.
Article XV - The society has the right of requesting account from any public agent of its administration.
Article XVI - Any society in which the guarantee of rights is not assured, nor the separation of powers determined, has no Constitution.
Article XVII - Property being an inviolable and sacred right, no one can be deprived of private usage, if it is not when the public necessity, legally
noted, evidently requires it, and under the condition of a just and prior indemnity.
While the French Revolution provided rights to a larger portion of the population, there remained a distinction between those who obtained the
political rights in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen and those who did not. Those who were deemed to hold these political rights were
called active citizens. Active citizenship was granted to men who were French, at least 25 years old, paid taxes equal to three days work, and could
not be defined as servants (Thouret).[20] This meant that at the time of the Declaration only male property owners held these rights. [21] The deputies in
the National Assembly believed that only those who held tangible interests in the nation could make informed political decisions. [22] This distinction
directly affects articles 6, 12, 14, and 15 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen as each of these rights is related to the right to vote and
to participate actively in the government. With the decree of 29 October 1789, the term active citizen became embedded in French politics. [23]
The concept of passive citizens was created to encompass those populations that had been excluded from political rights in the Declaration of the
Rights of Man and Citizen. Because of the requirements set down for active citizens, the vote was granted to approximately 4.3 million Frenchmen.
[23]
out of a population of around 29 million. [24] These omitted groups included women, slaves, children, and foreigners. As these measures were voted
upon by the General Assembly, they limited the rights of certain groups of citizens while implementing the democratic process of the new French
Republic (17921804).[22] This legislation, passed in 1789, was amended by the creators of theConstitution of 1795 in order to eliminate the label of
active citizen.[25] The power to vote was then, however, to be granted solely to substantial property owners. [25]
Tensions arose between active and passive citizens throughout the Revolution. This happened when passive citizens started to call for more rights,
or when they openly refused to listen to the ideals set forth by active citizens. This cartoon clearly demonstrates the difference that existed between
the active and passive citizens along with the tensions associated with such differences. [26] In the cartoon, a passive citizen is holding a spade and a
wealthy landowning active citizen is ordering the passive citizens to go to work. The act appears condescending to the passive citizen and it revisits
the reasons why the French Revolution began in the first place.
Women, in particular, were strong passive citizens who played a significant role in the Revolution. Olympe de Gouges penned her Declaration of the
Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen in 1791 and drew attention to the need for gender equality.[27] By supporting the ideals of the French
Revolution and wishing to expand them to women, she represented herself as a revolutionary citizen. Madame Roland also established herself as an
influential figure throughout the Revolution. She saw women of the French Revolution as holding three roles; "inciting revolutionary action, formulating
policy, and informing others of revolutionary events." [28] By working with men, as opposed to working separate from men, she may have been able to
further the fight of revolutionary women. As players in the French Revolution, women occupied a significant role in the civic sphere by forming social
movements and participating in popular clubs, allowing them societal influence, despite their lack of direct political influence. [29]
Women's rights[edit]
The Declaration recognized many rights as belonging to citizens (who could only be male). This was despite the fact that after The March on
Versailles on 5 October 1789, women presented the Women's Petition to the National Assembly in which they proposed a decree giving women equal
rights.[30] In 1790, Nicolas de Condorcet and Etta Palm d'Aelders unsuccessfully called on the National Assembly to extend civil and political rights to
women.[31] Condorcet declared that "he who votes against the right of another, whatever the religion, color, or sex of that other, has henceforth abjured
his own".[32] The French Revolution did not lead to a recognition of women's rights and this promptedOlympe de Gouges to publish the Declaration of
the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen in September 1791.[33]
The Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen is modelled on the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and is ironic in
formulation and exposes the failure of the French Revolution, which had been devoted to equality. It states that:
This revolution will only take effect when all women become fully aware of their deplorable condition, and of the rights they have lost in society.
The Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen follows the seventeen articles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the
Citizen point for point and has been described by Camille Naish as "almost a parody... of the original document". The first article of the Declaration of
the Rights of Man and of the Citizen proclaims that "Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be based only on
common utility." The first article of Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen replied: "Woman is born free and remains equal to
man in rights. Social distinctions may only be based on common utility".
De Gouges also draws attention to the fact that under French law women were fully punishable, yet denied equal rights, declaring "Women have the
right to mount the scaffold, they must also have the right to mount the speaker's rostrum". [34]
Slavery[edit]
The declaration did not revoke the institution of slavery, as lobbied for by Jacques-Pierre Brissot's Les Amis des Noirs and defended by the group of
colonial planters called the Club Massiac because they met at the Htel Massiac. [35] Despite the lack of explicit mention of slavery in the Declaration,
slave uprisings in Saint-Domingue in the Haitian Revolution took inspiration from its words, as discussed in C. L. R. James' history of the Haitian
Revolution, The Black Jacobins.[36]
Deplorable conditions for the thousands of slaves in Saint-Domingue, the most profitable slave colony in the world, led to the uprisings which would
be known as the first successful slave revolt in the New World. Slavery in the French colonies was abolished by the Convention dominated by the
Jacobins in 1794. However, Napoleon reinstated it in 1802. In 1804, the colony of Saint-Domingue became an independent state, the Republic of
Haiti.
Legacy[edit]
The Declaration has also influenced and inspired rights-based liberal democracy throughout the world. It was translated as soon as 17931794 by
Colombian Antonio Nario, who published it despite the Inquisition and was sentenced to be imprisoned for ten years for doing so. In 2003, the
document was listed on UNESCO's Memory of the World register.
Taxation legislation or practices that seem to make some unwarranted difference between citizens are struck down as unconstitutional.
Suggestions of positive discrimination on ethnic grounds are rejected because they infringe on the principle of equality, since they would
establish categories of people that would, by birth, enjoy greater rights.
On September 12, George Mason of Virginia suggested the addition of a Bill of Rights to the Constitution modeled on previous state declarations,
and Elbridge Gerry ofMassachusetts made it a formal motion.[4] However, the motion was defeated by a unanimous vote of the state delegations after
only a brief discussion. Madison, then an opponent of a Bill of Rights, later explained the vote by calling the state bills of rights "parchment barriers"
that offered only an illusion of protection against tyranny.[5] Another delegate, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, later argued that the act of enumerating
the rights of the people would have been dangerous, because it would imply that rights not explicitly mentioned did not exist; [5] Hamilton echoed this
point in Federalist No. 84.[6] Because Mason and Gerry had emerged as opponents of the proposed new Constitution, their motionintroduced five
days before the end of the conventionmay also have been seen by other delegates as a delaying tactic. [7] The quick rejection of this motion,
however, later endangered the entire ratification process. Author David O. Stewart calls the omission of a Bill of Rights in the original Constitution as
"a political blunder of the first magnitude" [7] while historian Jack N. Rakove calls it "the one serious miscalculation the framers made as they looked
ahead to the struggle over ratification". [8]
Thirty-nine delegates signed the finalized Constitution. Thirteen delegates left before it was completed, and three who remained at the convention
until the end refused to sign it: Mason, Gerry, and Edmund Randolph of Virginia.[9] Afterward, the Constitution was presented to the Articles of
Confederation Congress with the request that it afterwards be submitted to a convention of delegates, chosen in each State by the people, for their
assent and ratification.[10]
The Anti-Federalists
On June 5, 1788, Patrick Henryspoke before Virginia's ratification convention in opposition to the Constitution.
Following the Philadelphia Convention, some leading revolutionary figures such as Patrick Henry, Samuel Adams, and Richard Henry Leepublicly
opposed the Constitution, a position known as "Anti-Federalism". [11] Elbridge Gerry wrote the most popular Anti-Federalist tract, "Hon. Mr. Gerry's
Objections", which went through 46 printings; the essay particularly focused on the lack of a bill of rights in the proposed constitution. [12] Many were
concerned that a strong national government was a threat to individual rights and that the President would become a king. Jefferson wrote to
Madison advocating a Bill of Rights: "Half a loaf is better than no bread. If we cannot secure all our rights, let us secure what we can." [13]
The pseudonymous Anti-Federalist "Brutus"[a] wrote,
We find they have, in the ninth section of the first article declared, that the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless in cases of
rebellion that no bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed that no title of nobility shall be granted by the United States, etc. If every
thing which is not given is reserved, what propriety is there in these exceptions? Does this Constitution any where grant the power of suspending the
habeas corpus, to make ex post facto laws, pass bills of attainder, or grant titles of nobility? It certainly does not in express terms. The only answer
that can be given is, that these are implied in the general powers granted. With equal truth it may be said, that all the powers which the bills of rights
guard against the abuse of, are contained or implied in the general ones granted by this Constitution. [15]
Brutus continued with an implication directed against the Constitution's framers:
Ought not a government, vested with such extensive and indefinite authority, to have been restricted by a declaration of rights? It certainly ought. So
clear a point is this, that I cannot help suspecting that persons who attempt to persuade people that such reservations were less necessary under this
Constitution than under those of the States, are wilfully endeavoring to deceive, and to lead you into an absolute state of vassalage. [16]
The Federalists
Supporters of the Constitution, known as Federalists, opposed a bill of rights for much of the ratification period, in part due to the procedural
uncertainties it would create.[17]Madison argued against such an inclusion, suggesting that state governments were sufficient guarantors of personal
liberty, in No. 46 of The Federalist Papers, a series of essays promoting the Federalist position. [18] Hamilton opposed a Bill of Rights in Federalist No.
84, stating that "the constitution is itself in every rational sense, and to every useful purpose, A BILL OF RIGHTS." [19] He stated that ratification did not
mean the American people were surrendering their rights, making protections unnecessary: "Here, in strictness, the people surrender nothing, and as
they retain everything, they have no need of particular reservations." [19] Critics pointed out that earlier political documents had protected specific rights,
but Hamilton argued that the Constitution was inherently different:
Bills of rights are in their origin, stipulations between kings and their subjects, abridgments of prerogative in favor of privilege, reservations of rights
not surrendered to the prince. Such was "Magna Charta," obtained by the Barons, swords in hand, from King John. [19]
Patrick Henry argued, in contrast, that the legislature must be firmly informed "of the extent of the rights retained by the people ... being in a state of
uncertainty, they will assume rather than give up powers by implication." [20]
Massachusetts compromise
George Washington's 1788 letter to the Marquis de Lafayette observed, "the Convention of Massachusetts adopted the Constitution in toto; but recommended a number of
specific alterations and quieting explanations." Source: Library of Congress
In December 1787 and January 1788, five statesDelaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia, and Connecticutratified the Constitution with
relative ease, though the bitter minority report of the Pennsylvania opposition was widely circulated. [21] In contrast to its predecessors, the
Massachusetts convention was angry and contentious, at one point erupting into a fistfight between Federalist delegateFrancis Dana and AntiFederalist Elbridge Gerry when the latter was not allowed to speak. [22] The impasse was resolved only when revolutionary heroes and leading AntiFederalists Samuel Adams and John Hancock agreed to ratification on the condition that the convention also propose amendments. [23] The
convention's proposed amendments included a requirement for grand jury indictment in capital cases, which would form part of the Fifth Amendment,
and an amendment reserving powers to the states not expressly given to the federal government, which would later form the basis for the Tenth
Amendment.[24]
Following Massachusetts' lead, the Federalist minorities in both Virginia and New York were able to obtain ratification in convention by linking
ratification to recommended amendments.[25] A committee of the Virginia convention headed by law professor George Wytheforwarded forty
recommended amendments to Congress, twenty of which enumerated individual rights and another twenty of which enumerated states' rights. [26] The
latter amendments included limitations on federal powers to levy taxes and regulate trade. [27]
A minority of the Constitution's critics, such as Maryland's Luther Martin, continued to oppose ratification.[28] However, Martin's allies, such as New
York's John Lansing, Jr., dropped moves to obstruct the Convention's process. They began to take exception to the Constitution "as it was," seeking
amendments. Several conventions saw supporters for "amendments before" shift to a position of "amendments after" for the sake of staying in the
Union. The New York Anti-Federalist "circular letter" was sent to each state legislature proposing a second constitutional convention for "amendments
before", but it failed in the state legislatures. Ultimately, only North Carolina and Rhode Island waited for amendments from Congress before ratifying.
[25]
Article Seven of the proposed Constitution set the terms by which the new frame of government would be established. The new Constitution would
become operational only when ratified by at least nine states (three-quarters of the thirteen states), and would only be established between the states
ratifying it.
The new Constitution would be inoperative unless ratified by at least nine states (three-quarters of the thirteen states). Only then would it replace the
existing government under the Articles of Confederation. It would apply only to those states that ratified it, and it would be valid for all states joining
after. Following contentious battles in several states, the proposed Constitution reached that nine state ratification plateau in June 1788. On
September 13, 1788, the Articles of Confederation Congress certified that the new Constitution had been ratified by more than enough states for the
new system to be implemented and directed the new government to meet in New York City on the first Wednesday in March the following year. [29] On
March 4, 1789, the new frame of government came into force with eleven of the thirteen states participating.
James Madison, "Father of the Constitution" and first author of the Bill of Rights
The 1st United States Congress, which met in New York City's Federal Hall, was a triumph for the Federalists. The Senate of eleven states contained
20 Federalists with only two Anti-Federalists, both from Virginia. The House included 48 Federalists to 11 Anti-Federalists, the latter of whom were
from only four states: Massachusetts, New York, Virginia and South Carolina. [30]
Among the Virginia delegation to the House was James Madison, Patrick Henry's chief opponent in the Virginia ratification battle. In retaliation for
Madison's victory at that convention, Henry and other Anti-Federalists, who controlled the Virginia House of Delegates hadgerrymandered a hostile
district for Madison's planned congressional run and recruited Madison's future presidential successor, James Monroe, to oppose him.[31] Madison
defeated Monroe after offering a campaign pledge that he would introduce constitutional amendments comprising a Bill of Rights at the First
Congress.[32]
Though Madison had originally opposed a Bill of Rights, he had gradually come to support one in the course of ratification debates. By taking the
initiative to propose amendments himself through the Congress, he hoped to preempt a second Constitutional Convention that might have undone
the difficult compromises of 1787, opening the entire Constitution to reconsideration and risking the dissolution of the new federal government.
Writing to Jefferson, he stated, "The friends of the Constitution, some from an approbation of particular amendments, others from a spirit of
conciliation, are generally agreed that the System should be revised. But they wish the revisal to be carried no farther than to supply additional
guards for liberty."[33] He also felt that amendments guaranteeing personal liberties would "give to the Government its due popularity and stability". [34]
Finally, he hoped that the amendments "would acquire by degrees the character of fundamental maxims of free government, and as they become
incorporated with the national sentiment, counteract the impulses of interest and passion". [35] Historians continue to debate the degree to which
Madison considered the amendments of the Bill of Rights necessary, and to what degree he considered them politically expedient; in the outline of his
address, he wrote, "Bill of Rightsusefulnot essential". [36]
On the occasion of his April 30, 1789 inauguration as the nation's first President, George Washington addressed the subject of amending the
Constitution. He urged the legislators,
whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future
lessons of experience; a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for public harmony, will sufficiently influence your
deliberations on the question, how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted. [37][38]
Crafting amendments
James Madison introduced a series of Constitutional amendments in the House of Representatives for consideration. Among his proposals was one
that would have added introductory language stressing natural rights to the preamble. [39] Another would apply parts of the Bill of Rights to the states as
well as the federal government. Several sought to protect individual personal rights by limiting various Constitutional the powers of Congress. Like
Washington, Madison urged Congress to keep the revision to the Constitution "a moderate one", limited to protecting individual rights. [39]
Madison was deeply read in the history of government and used a range of sources in composing the amendments. The English Magna Carta of
1215 inspired the right to petition and to trial by jury, for example, while the English Bill of Rights of 1689 provided an early precedent for the right to
keep and bear arms (although this applied only toProtestants) and prohibited cruel and unusual punishment.[27]
The greatest influence on Madison's text, however, was existing state constitutions. [40][41] Many of his amendments, including his proposed new
preamble, were based on theVirginia Declaration of Rights drafted by Anti-Federalist George Mason in 1776. [42] To reduce future opposition to
ratification, Madison also looked for recommendations shared by many states. [41] He did provide one, however, that no state had requested: "No state
shall violate the equal rights of conscience, or the freedom of the press, or the trial by jury in criminal cases." [43] He did not include an amendment that
every state had asked for, one that would have made tax assessments voluntary instead of contributions contributions. [44]
Seventhly. That in article 3rd, section 2, the third clause be struck out, and in its place be inserted the classes following, to wit:
The trial of all crimes (except in cases of impeachments, and cases arising in the land or naval forces, or the militia when on actual service in time of
war or public danger) shall be by an impartial jury of freeholders of the vicinage, with the requisite of unanimity for conviction, of the right of challenge,
and other accustomed requisites; and in all crimes punishable with loss of life or member, presentment or indictment by a grand jury shall be an
essential preliminary, provided that in cases of crimes committed within any county which may be in possession of an enemy, or in which a general
insurrection may prevail, the trial may by law be authorized in some other county of the same State, as near as may be to the seat of the offence.
In cases of crimes committed not within any county, the trial may by law be in such county as the laws shall have prescribed. In suits at common law,
between man and man, the trial by jury, as one of the best securities to the rights of the people, ought to remain inviolate.
Eighthly. That immediately after article 6th, be inserted, as article 7th, the clauses following, to wit:
The powers delegated by this constitution, are appropriated to the departments to which they are respectively distributed: so that the legislative
department shall never exercise the powers vested in the executive or judicial; nor the executive exercise the powers vested in the legislative or
judicial; nor the judicial exercise the powers vested in the legislative or executive departments.
The powers not delegated by this constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the States respectively.
Ninthly. That article 7th, be numbered as article 8th.
Federalist representatives were quick to attack Madison's proposal, fearing that any move to amend the new Constitution so soon after its
implementation would create an appearance of instability in the government. [46] The House, unlike the Senate, was open to the public, and members
such as Fisher Ames warned that a prolonged "dissection of the constitution" before the galleries could shake public confidence. [47] A procedural battle
followed, and after initially forwarding the amendments to a select committee for revision, the House agreed to take Madison's proposal up as a full
body beginning on July 21, 1789.[48][49]
The eleven-member committee made some significant changes to Madison's nine proposed amendments, including eliminating most of his preamble,
adding the phrase "freedom of speech, and of the press", and adding what would become the Tenth Amendment, reserving powers to the states.
[50]
The House debated the amendments for eleven days. Roger Sherman of Connecticut persuaded the House to place the amendments at the
Constitution's end so that the document would "remain inviolate", rather than adding them throughout, as Madison had proposed. [51][52] The
amendments, revised and condensed from twenty to seventeen, were approved and forwarded to the Senate on August 24, 1789. [53]
The Senate edited these amendments still further, making 26 changes of its own. Madison's proposal to apply parts of the Bill of Rights to the states
as well as the federal government was eliminated, and the seventeen amendments were condensed to twelve, which were approved on September
9, 1789.[54] The Senate also eliminated the last of Madison's proposed changes to the preamble. [55]
On September 21, 1789, a HouseSenate Conference Committee convened to resolve the numerous differences between the two Bill of Rights
proposals. On September 24, 1789, the committee issued this report, which finalized 12 Constitutional Amendments for House and Senate to
consider. This final version was approved by joint resolution of Congress on September 25, 1789, to be forwarded to the states on September 28. [56][57]
By the time the debates and legislative maneuvering that went into crafting the Bill of Rights amendments was done, many personal opinions had
shifted. A number of Federalists came out in support, thus silencing the Anti-Federalists' most effective critique. Many Anti-Federalists, in contrast,
were now opposed, realizing that Congressional approval of these amendments would greatly lessen the chances of a second constitutional
convention.[58] Anti-Federalists such as Richard Henry Lee also argued that the Bill left the most objectionable portions of the Constitution, such as the
federal judiciary and direct taxation, intact. [59] Application
The Bill of Rights had little judicial impact for the first 150 years of its existence; in the words of Gordon S. Wood, "After ratification, most Americans
promptly forgot about the first ten amendments to the Constitution." [68] The Court made no important decisions protecting free speech rights, for
example, until 1931.[69] Historian Richard Labunski attributes the Bill's long legal dormancy to three factors: first, it took time for a "culture of tolerance"
to develop that would support the Bill's provisions with judicial and popular will; second, the Supreme Court spent much of the 19th century focused
on issues relating to intergovernmental balances of power; and third, the Bill initially only applied to the federal government, a restriction affirmed
by Barron v. Baltimore (1833).[70][71][72] In the twentieth century, however, most of the Bill's provisions were applied to the states via theFourteenth
Amendmenta process known as incorporationbeginning with the freedom of speech clause, in Gitlow v. New York (1925).[73] In Talton v.
Mayes (1896), the Court ruled that Constitutional protections, including the provisions of the Bill of Rights, do not apply to the actions of American
Indian tribal governments.[74]
First Amendment
Main article: First Amendment to the United States Constitution
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of
the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. [75]
The First Amendment prohibits the making of any law respecting an establishment of religion, impeding the free exercise of religion, abridging
the freedom of speech, infringing on the freedom of the press, interfering with the right to peaceably assemble or prohibiting the petitioning for a
governmental redress of grievances. Initially, the First Amendment applied only to laws enacted by Congress, and many of its provisions were
interpreted more narrowly than they are today.[76]
In Everson v. Board of Education (1947), the Court drew on Thomas Jefferson's correspondence to call for "a wall of separation between church and
State", though the precise boundary of this separation remains in dispute. [76] Speech rights were expanded significantly in a series of 20th- and 21stcentury court decisions that protected various forms of political speech, anonymous speech, campaign financing, pornography, and school speech;
these rulings also defined a series of exceptions to First Amendment protections. The Supreme Court overturned English common law precedent to
increase the burden of proof for defamation and libel suits, most notably in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan(1964).[77] Commercial speech is less
protected by the First Amendment than political speech, and is therefore subject to greater regulation. [76]
The Free Press Clause protects publication of information and opinions, and applies to a wide variety of media. In Near v. Minnesota (1931)
[78]
and New York Times v. United States (1971),[79] the Supreme Court ruled that the First Amendment protected against prior restraintpre-publication
censorshipin almost all cases. The Petition Clause protects the right to petition all branches and agencies of government for action. In addition to
the right of assembly guaranteed by this clause, the Court has also ruled that the amendment implicitly protects freedom of association.[76]
Madison remained active in the progress of the amendments throughout the legislative process. Historian Gordon S. Wood writes that "there is no
question that it was Madison's personal prestige and his dogged persistence that saw the amendments through the Congress. There might have
been a federal Constitution without Madison but certainly no Bill of Rights." [60][61]
Fundamental Rights is a charter of rights contained in the Constitution of India. It guarantees civil liberties such that all Indians can lead their lives in
peace and harmony as citizens of India. These include individual rights common to most liberal democracies, such as equality before law, freedom of
speech and expression, and peaceful assembly, freedom to practice religion, and the right to constitutional remedies for the protection of civil rights
by means of writs such as habeas corpus. Violation of these rights result in punishments as prescribed in the Indian Penal Code or other special
laws, subject to discretion of the judiciary. The Fundamental Rights are defined as basic human freedoms that every Indian citizen has the right to
enjoy for a proper and harmonious development of personality. These rights universally apply to all citizens, irrespective of race, place of birth,
religion, caste or gender. Aliens (persons who are not citizens) are also considered in matters like equality before law. They are enforceable by
the courts, subject to certain restrictions. The Rights have their origins in many sources, including England's Bill of Rights, the United States Bill of
Rights and France's Declaration of the Rights of Man.
The nine fundamental rights recognized by the Indian constitution are: [1]
1.
Right to equality: Which includes equality before law, prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, gender or place of
birth, and equality of opportunity in matters of employment, abolition of untouchability and abolition of titles.
2.
Right to freedom: Which includes speech and expression, assembly, association or union or cooperatives, movement, residence, and
right to practice any profession or occupation (some of these rights are subject to security of the State, friendly relations with foreign
countries, public order, decency or morality), right to life and liberty, right to education, protection in respect to conviction in offences and
protection against arrest and detention in certain cases.
3.
Right against exploitation: Which prohibits all forms of forced labour, child labour and traffic of human beings
4.
Right to freedom of religion: Which includes freedom of conscience and free profession, practice, and propagation of religion, freedom
to manage religious affairs, freedom from certain taxes and freedom from religious instructions in certain educational institutes.
5.
Cultural and Educational rights: Preserve the right of any section of citizens to conserve their culture, language or script, and right of
minorities to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice.
6.
7.
Right to life: Which gives the right to live with human dignity. This includes rights such as right to education, health, shelter and basic
amenities that the state shall provide.
8.
9.
Right to Information: RTI stands for Right To Information and has been given the status of a fundamental right under Article 19(1) of the
Constitution.[2]
Fundamental rights for Indians have also been aimed at overturning the inequalities of pre-independence social practices. Specifically, they have also
been used to abolish untouchability and thus prohibit discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. They also forbid
trafficking of human beings and forced labour. They also protect cultural and educational rights of ethnic and religious minorities by allowing them to
preserve their languages and also establish and administer their own education institutions.
Contents
[hide]
1 Genesis
3 Right to equality
4 Right to freedom
7 Right to life
10 Critical analysis
11 Amendments
o
12 References
13 Footnotes
Genesis[edit]
See also: Indian independence movement
The development of constitutionally guaranteed fundamental human rights in India was inspired by historical examples such as England's Bill of
Rights (1689), the United States Bill of Rights (approved on 17 September 1787, final ratification on 15 December 1791) and France's Declaration of
the Rights of Man (created during the revolution of 1789, and ratified on 26 August 1789).[3] Under the educational system of British Raj, students
were exposed to ideas of democracy, human rights and European political history. The Indian student community in England was further inspired by
the workings of parliamentary democracy and Britishers political parties.
In 1919, the Rowlatt Act gave extensive powers to the British government and police, and allowed indefinite arrest and detention of individuals,
warrant-less searches and seizures, restrictions on public gatherings, and intensive censorship of media and publications. The public opposition to
this act eventually led to mass campaigns of non-violent civil disobedience throughout the country demanding guaranteed civil freedoms, and
limitations on government power. Indians, who were seeking independence and their own government, were particularly influenced by the
independence of Ireland and the development of the Irish constitution. Also, the directive principles of state policy in Irish constitution were looked
upon by the people of India as an inspiration for the independent India's government to comprehensively tackle complex social and economic
challenges across a vast, diverse nation and population.
In 1928, the Nehru Commission composing of representatives of Indian political parties proposed constitutional reforms for India that apart from
calling for dominion status for India and elections under universal suffrage, would guarantee rights deemed fundamental, representation for religious
and ethnic minorities, and limit the powers of the government. In 1931, the Indian National Congress (the largest Indian political party of the time)
adopted resolutions committing itself to the defence of fundamental civil rights, as well as socio-economic rights such as the minimum wage and the
abolition of untouchability and serfdom.[4] Committing themselves to socialism in 1936, the Congress leaders took examples from the Constitution of
the Soviet Union, which inspired the fundamental duties of citizens as a means of collective patriotic responsibility for national interests and
challenges.
Task of developing a constitution for the nation was undertaken by the Constituent Assembly of India, composing of elected representatives. The
Constituent Assembly first met on December 9, 1946 under the presidency of Dr. Sachidanand later Dr. Rajendra Prasad was made its President.
While members of Congress composed of a large majority, Congress leaders appointed persons from diverse political backgrounds to responsibilities
of developing the constitution and national laws. [5] Notably, Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkarbecame the chairperson of the drafting committee,
while Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel became chairpersons of committees and sub-committees responsible for different subjects. A
notable development during that period having significant effect on the Indian constitution took place on 10 December 1948 when the United Nations
General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and called upon all member states to adopt these rights in their respective
constitutions.
The fundamental rights were included in the First Draft Constitution (February 1948), the Second Draft Constitution (17 October 1948) and final Third
Draft Constitution (26 November 1949), prepared by the Drafting Committee.
Rights
Theoretical distinctions
Three generations
Rights by claimant
Animals
Authors
Children
Consumers
Creditors
Elders
Fathers
Fetuses
Gun owners
Humans
Natives
Intersex
Kings
LGBT
Men
Minorities
Mothers
Plants
Prisoners
Students
Victims
Women
Workers
Youth
Disabled persons
Other groups of rights
Civil liberties
Digital
Linguistic
Property
Reproductive
All people, irrespective of race, religion, caste or sex, have been given the right to move the Supreme Court and the High Courts for the enforcement
of their fundamental rights. It is not necessary that the aggrieved party has to be the one to do so. Poverty stricken people may not have the means to
do so and therefore, in the public interest, anyone can commence litigation in the court on their behalf. This is known as "Public interest litigation".[8] In
some cases, High Court judges have acted on their own on the basis of newspaper reports.
These fundamental rights help not only in protection but also the prevention of gross violations of human rights. They emphasise on the fundamental
unity of India by guaranteeing to all citizens the access and use of the same facilities, irrespective of background. Some fundamental rights apply for
persons of any nationality whereas others are available only to the citizens of India. The right to life and personal liberty is available to all people and
so is the right to freedom of religion. On the other hand, freedoms of speechand expression and freedom to reside and settle in any part of the
country are reserved to citizens alone, including non-resident Indian citizens.[9] The right to equality in matters of public employment cannot be
conferred to overseas citizens of India.[10]
Fundamental rights primarily protect individuals from any arbitrary state actions, but some rights are enforceable against individuals. [11] For instance,
the Constitution abolishes untouchability and also prohibits begar. These provisions act as a check both on state action as well as the action of
private individuals. However, these rights are not absolute or uncontrolled and are subject to reasonable restrictions as necessary for the protection of
general welfare. They can also be selectively curtailed. The Supreme Court has ruled [12] that all provisions of the Constitution, including fundamental
rights can be amended. However, the Parliament cannot alter the basic structure of the constitution. Features such as secularism and democracy fall
under this category. Since the fundamental rights can be altered only by a constitutional amendment, their inclusion is a check not only on
the executive branch but also on the Parliament and state legislatures.[13]
A state of national emergency has an adverse effect on these rights. Under such a state, the rights conferred by Article 19 (freedoms of speech,
assembly and movement, etc.) remain suspended. Hence, in such a situation, the legislature may make laws that go against the rights given in Article
19. Also, the President may by order suspend the right to move court for the enforcement of other rights as well.
Right to equality[edit]
Right to equality is an important right provided for in Articles 14, 15, 16, 17 and 18 of the constitution. It is the principal foundation of all other rights
and liberties, and guarantees the following:
Equality before law: Article 14 of the constitution guarantees that all people shall be equally protected by the laws of the country. It means
that the State[6] will treat people in the same circumstances alike. This article also means that individuals, whether citizens of India or otherwise
shall be treated differently if the circumstances are different. [14]
Social equality and equal access to public areas: Article 15 of the constitution states that no person shall be discriminated on the basis of
religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. Every person shall have equal access to public places like public parks, museums, wells, bathing
ghats and temples etc. However, the State may make any special provision for women and children. Special provisions may be made for the
advancements of any socially or educationally backward class or scheduled castes or scheduled tribes.[15]
Equality in matters of public employment: Article 16 of the constitution lays down that the State cannot discriminate against anyone in the
matters of employment. All citizens can apply for government jobs. There are some exceptions. The Parliament may enact a law stating that
certain jobs can be filled only by applicants who are domiciled in the area. This may be meant for posts that require knowledge of the locality
and language of the area. The State may also reserve posts for members of backward classes, scheduled castes or scheduled tribes which are
not adequately represented in the services under the State to bring up the weaker sections of the society. Also, there a law may be passed that
requires that the holder of an office of any religious institution shall also be a person professing that particular religion. [16] According to
the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2003, this right shall not be conferred to Overseas citizens of India.[10]
Abolition of untouchability: Article 17 of the constitution abolishes the practice of untouchability. Practice of untouchability is an offence and
anyone doing so is punishable by law.[17] The Untouchability Offences Act of 1955 (renamed to Protection of Civil Rights Act in 1976) provided
penalties for preventing a person from entering a place of worship or from taking water from a tank or well.
Abolition of Titles: Article 18 of the constitution prohibits the State from conferring any titles. Citizens of India cannot accept titles from a
foreign State.[18] The British government had created an aristocratic class known as Rai Bahadurs and Khan Bahadurs in India these titles
were also abolished. However, Military and academicdistinctions can be conferred on the citizens of India. The awards of Bharat
Ratna and Padma Vibhushan cannot be used by the recipient as a title and do not, accordingly, come within the constitutional prohibition".
[19]
The Supreme Court, on 15 December 1995, upheld the validity of such awards.
Right to freedom[edit]
The Constitution of India contains the right to freedom, given [20] in articles 19, 20, 21, 21A and 22, with the view of guaranteeing individual rights that
were considered vital by the framers of the constitution. It is a cluster of four main laws. The right to freedom in Article 19 guarantees the following six
freedoms:[21]
Freedom of speech and expression, on which the State can impose reasonable restrictions in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity
of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court,
defamation or incitement to an offence.[22]
Freedom to assemble peacefully without arms on which the State can impose reasonable restrictions in the interest of public order and the
sovereignty and integrity of India.
The Freedom to form associations or unions or co-operative societies on which the State can impose reasonable restrictions on this
freedom in the interest of public order, morality and the sovereignty and integrity of India.
Freedom to move freely throughout the territory of India though reasonable restrictions can be imposed on this right in the interest of the
general public, for example, restrictions may be imposed on movement and travelling, so as to control epidemics.
Freedom to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India, subject to reasonable restrictions by the State in the interest of the general
public or for the protection of thescheduled tribes because certain safeguards as are envisaged here seem to be justified to protect indigenous
and tribal peoples from exploitation and coercion. [23] Article 370restricts citizens from other Indian states and Kashmiri women who marry men
from other states from purchasing land or property in Jammu & Kashmir.[24]
Freedom to practice any profession or to carry on any occupation, trade or business on which the State may impose reasonable
restrictions in the interest of the general public. Thus, there is no right to carry on a business which is dangerous or immoral. Also, professional
or technical qualifications may be prescribed for practising any profession or carrying on any trade.
21A. Right to elementary education.The State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of six to fourteen years in such
manner as the State may, by law, determine.
The constitution also imposes restrictions on these rights. The government restricts these freedoms in the interest of the independence, sovereignty
and integrity of India. In the interest of morality and public order, the government can also impose restrictions. However, the right to life and personal
liberty cannot be suspended. The six freedoms are also automatically suspended or have restrictions imposed on them during a state of emergency.
The right against exploitation, given in Articles 23 and 24, provides for two provisions, namely the abolition of trafficking in human beings
and Begar (forced labour),[25] and abolition of employment of children below the age of 14 years in dangerous jobs like factories, mines, etc. Child
labour is considered a gross violation of the spirit and provisions of the constitution. [26] Begar, practised in the past by landlords, has been declared a
crime and is punishable by law. Trafficking in humans for the purpose of slave trade or prostitution is also prohibited by law. An exception is made in
employment without payment for compulsory services for public purposes. Compulsory military conscription is covered by this provision.[25]
Right to life[edit]
The constitution guarantees the right to life and personal liberty, which in turn cites specific provisions in which these rights are applied and enforced:
Protection with respect to conviction for offences is guaranteed in the right to life and personal liberty. According to Article 20, no one can
be awarded punishment which is more than what the law of the land prescribes at that time. This legal axiom is based on the principle that no
criminal law can be made retrospective, that is, for an act to become an offence, the essential condition is that it should have been an offence
legally at the time of committing it. Moreover, no person accused of any offence shall be compelled to be a witness against himself.
"Compulsion" in this article refers to what in law is called "Duress" (injury, beating or unlawful imprisonment to make a person do something that
he does not want to do). This article is known as a safeguard against self incrimination. The other principle enshrined in this article is known as
the principle ofdouble jeopardy, that is, no person can be convicted twice for the same offence, which has been derived from Anglo Saxon law.
This principle was first established in theMagna Carta.[31]
Protection of life and personal liberty is also stated under right to life and personal liberty. Article 21 declares that no citizen can be denied
his life and liberty except by law.[32]This means that a person's life and personal liberty can be disputed only if that person has committed a
crime. However, the right to life does not include the right to die and hence, suicide or an attempt thereof, is an offence. (Attempted suicide
being interpreted as a crime has seen many debates. The Supreme Court of India gave a landmark ruling in 1994. The court repealed section
309 of the Indian penal code, under which people attempting suicide could face prosecution and prison terms of up to one year. [33]In 1996
however another Supreme Court ruling nullified the earlier one. [34]) "Personal liberty" includes all the freedoms which are not included in Article
19 (that is, the six freedoms). The right to travel abroad is also covered under "personal liberty" in Article 21. [35]
In 2002, through the 86th Amendment Act, Article 21(A) was incorporated. It made the right to primary education part of the right to
freedom, stating that the State would provide free and compulsory education to children from six to fourteen years of age. [36] Six years after an
amendment was made in the Indian Constitution, the union cabinet cleared the Right to Education Bill in 2008. It is now soon to be tabled in
Parliament for approval before it makes a fundamental right of every child to get free and compulsory education. [37]
Rights of a person arrested under ordinary circumstances is laid down in the right to life and personal liberty. No one can be arrested
without being told the grounds for his arrest. If arrested, the person has the right to defend himself by a lawyer of his choice. Also an arrested
citizen has to be brought before the nearest magistrate within 24 hours. The rights of a person arrested under ordinary circumstances are not
available to an enemy alien. They are also not available to persons detained under thePreventive Detention Act. Under preventive detention,
the government can imprison a person for a maximum of three months. It means that if the government feels that a person being at liberty can
be a threat to the law and order or to the unity and integrity of the nation, it can detain or arrest that person to prevent him from doing this
possible harm. After three months such a case is brought before an advisory board for review. [38]
As India is a country of many languages, religions, and cultures, the Constitution provides special measures, in Articles 29 and 30, to protect the
rights of the minorities. Any community that has a language and a script of its own has the right to conserve and develop it. No citizen can be
discriminated against for admission in State or State aided institutions. [39]
All minorities, religious or linguistic, can set up their own educational institutions to preserve and develop their own culture. In granting aid to
institutions, the State cannot discriminate against any institution on the basis of the fact that it is administered by a minority institution. [40] But the right
to administer does not mean that the State cannot interfere in case of maladministration. In a precedent-setting judgement in 1980, the Supreme
Court held that the State can certainly take regulatory measures to promote the efficiency and excellence of educational standards. It can also issue
guidelines for ensuring the security of the services of the teachers or other employees of the institution. In another landmark judgement delivered on
31 October 2002, the Supreme Court ruled that in case of aided minority institutions offering professional courses, admission could be only through a
common entrance test conducted by State or a university. Even an unaided minority institution ought not to ignore the merit of the students for
admission.
Critical analysis[edit]
The fundamental rights have been revised for many reasons. Political groups have demanded that the right to work, the right to economic assistance
in case of unemployment, old age, and similar rights be enshrined as constitutional guarantees to address issues of poverty and economic insecurity,
[42]
though these provisions have been enshrined in the Directive Principles of state policy.[43] The right to freedom and personal liberty has a number of
limiting clauses, and thus have been criticised for failing to check the sanctioning of powers often deemed "excessive". [42] There is also the provision of
preventive detention and suspension of fundamental rights in times of Emergency. The provisions of acts like the Maintenance of Internal Security
Act (MISA) and the National Security Act (NSA) are a means of countering the fundamental rights, because they sanction excessive powers with the
aim of fighting internal and cross-border terrorism and political violence, without safeguards for civil rights.[42] The phrases "security of State", "public
order" and "morality" are of wide implication. People of alternate sexuality are criminalized in India with prison term up to 10 years. The meaning of
phrases like "reasonable restrictions" and "the interest of public order" have not been explicitly stated in the constitution, and this ambiguity leads to
unnecessary litigation.[42] The freedom to assemble peaceably and without arms is exercised, but in some cases, these meetings are broken up by the
police through the use of non-fatal methods. [44][45]
"Freedom of press" has not been included in the right to freedom, which is necessary for formulating public opinion and to make freedom of
expression more legitimate.[42]Employment of child labour in hazardous job environments has been reduced, but their employment even in nonhazardous jobs, including their prevalent employment as domestic help violates the spirit and ideals of the constitution. More than 16.5 million
children are employed and working in India.[46] India was ranked 88 out of 159 in 2005, according to the degree to which corruption is perceived to
exist among public officials and politicians worldwide. But in 2014, India has improved marginally to a rank of 85. [47][48]The right to equality in matters
regarding public employment shall not be conferred to overseas citizens of India, according to the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2003.[10]
As per Article 19 of Part 3 of the Indian constitution, the fundamental rights of people such as freedom of speech and expression, gathering
peaceably without arms and forming associations or unions shall not effect the interests of the sovereignty [49] and integrity of India but not unity of
India. The words sovereignty and integrity are the qualities to be cultivated / emulated by Indian people as urged by the Indian constitution but not
used related to territory of India. Article 1 of Part 1 of the Indian constitution,defines India (Bharat) as union of sovereign states. In nutshell, India is its
people not its land as enshrined in its constitution.
Amendments[edit]
Changes to the fundamental rights require a constitutional amendment, which has to be passed by a special majority of both houses of Parliament.
This means that an amendment requires the approval of two-thirds of the members present and voting. However, the number of members voting
should not be less than the simple majority of the house whether the Lok Sabha or Rajya Sabha.
The right to education at elementary level has been made one of the fundamental rights under the Eighty-Sixth Amendment of 2002.[36]
Right to property[edit]
The Constitution originally provided for the right to property under Articles 19 and 31. Article 19 guaranteed to all citizens the right to acquire, hold and
dispose of property. Article 31 provided that "no person shall be deprived of his property save by authority of law." It also provided that compensation
would be paid to a person whose property has been taken for public purposes.
The provisions relating to the right to property were changed a number of times. The Forty-Fourth Amendment of 1978 deleted the right to
property from the list of fundamental rights[50] A new provision, Article 300-A, was added to the constitution, which provided that "no person shall be
deprived of his property save by authority of law". Thus if a legislature makes a law depriving a person of his property, there would be no obligation on
the part of the State to pay anything as compensation. The aggrieved person shall have no right to move the court under Article 32. Thus, the right to
property is no longer a fundamental right, though it is still a constitutional right. If the government appears to have acted unfairly, the action can be
challenged in a court of law by citizens.[42]
The liberalisation of the economy and the government's initiative to set up special economic zones has led to many protests by farmers and have led
to calls for the reinstatement of the fundamental right to private property.[51] The Supreme Court has sent a notice to the government questioning why
the right should not be brought back but in 2010 the court rejected the PIL [52]
Right to education[edit]
Article 21A On 2 April 2010, India joined a group of few countries in the world, with a historic law making education a fundamental right of every
child coming into force.[53]Making elementary education an entitlement for children in the 614 age group, the Right of Children to Free and
Compulsory Education Act will directly benefit children who do not go to school at present.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced the operationalisation of the Act. Children, who had either dropped out of schools or never been to any
educational institution, will get elementary education as it will be binding on the part of the local and State governments to ensure that all children in
the 614 age group get schooling. As per the Act, private educational institutions should reserve 25 per cent seats for children from the weaker
sections of society. The Centre and the States have agreed to share the financial burden in the ratio of 55:45, while the Finance Commission has
given Rs.250 billion to the States for implementing the Act. The Centre has approved an outlay of Rs.150 billion for 20102011.
The school management committee or the local authority will identify the drop-outs or out-of-school children aged above six and admit them in
classes appropriate to their age after giving special training.