KINGDOM OF SAUDI ARABIA

MINISTRY OF ISLAMIC AFFAIRS,

ENDOWMENTS, DA'WAB AND GUIDANCE

KING FAHD COMPLEX FOR THE PRINTING
OF THE HOLY OUR' AN
IN COOPERATION WITH
ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY, MADINAH

SIRATAL-NABI

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE WRITINGS OF
WILLIAM MUIR, D. S. MARGOLIOUTH AND
W.

MONTGOMERY WATT

Vol.

From

the background to the beginning of

the Prophet's Mission

BY

MUHAMMAD MOHAR ALI

Ph.D. (London), Barrister-at-Law

PROFESSOR OF THE HISTORY OF ISLAM

CENTRE FOR THE SERVICE OF SUNNAH AND SIRAH
ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY, MADINAH

KING FAHD COMPLEX

FOR THE PRINTING OF THE HOLY QUR'AN

MADINAH

This book has been published in

collaboration between:

KING FAHD COMPLEX FOR THE

PRINTING OF THE HOLY Ql R AN
Madinah

&
CENTRE FOR THE SERVICE OF
SUNNAH AND SIRAH
Madinah.

All rights reserved

First edition,

1417

AH

1997

CE

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In the

name of Allah,

the Beneficent, the Merciful

FOREWORD
Praise be to Allah, the Lord of the worlds, and peace and

blessings of Allah be

Messengers,

our

upon the Noblest of the Prophets and

Muhammad, and upon his

Prophet

household and his companions.

I

new

have great pleasure in presenting to the readers this

book on sirah, Sirat al-Nabi <Ht and the Orientalists

(Makkan Period) by Dr M.M.Ali which has been published

by King Fahd Complex for the Printing of the Holy Qur'an,
Madinah in collaboration with the Centre for the Service of
Sunnah and Sirah, Madinah.
The orientalists have been studying the sirah with a view
to casting aspersion on the life of the Prophet (peace and
of Allah be upon him) and discrediting his
personality. Their approach has differed from time to time.
Open attack and vituperation in the eighteenth century have
now given way to a seemingly sympathetic approach to his
blessings

life.

In this study the author has critically analysed the works

of three famous orientalists, William Muir, D.S.Margoliouth

and W. Montgomery Watt, and has successfully refuted the

by them against the life and character of the

Prophet it with an erudition which the treatment of such a

charges

levelled

subject requires.

May

make

book useful, and grant

Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques ample reward for
ceaseless service to the Qur'an, the Sunnah and the Sirah.
Allah

this

Dr Abdullah

ibn

Abd al-Muhsin

his

al-Turki

Da'wah and Guidance

Supervisor General of King Fahd Complex for the Printing of

Minister for Islamic Affairs. Endowments,

&

the

the Holy Qur'an

 King Fahd Complex for the Printing of the Holy Qur'an, 1997
King Fahd National Library Cataloging-ui-Publication Data
All,

Muhammad Mohar

Sirat al-Nabi

and the Orientalists

540 p., 16x23 cm

ISBN: 9960-770-68-0 ( set
9960-770-77-X ( V.l
1

Prophet

Madina Munawwara.

Muhammad Life

1 - Title

239 dc

1059/17

Legal Deposit No. 1059/17

ISBN: 9960-770-68-0

( set

9960-770-77-X

V.l

<$}

JOuj

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PREFACE
The Strah and Orientalism is no new subject. In
modern times scholars have dealt with it from time

the past as well as in

Of

to time.

some

late

serious studies have appeared on the methods and approaches of the orienta-

with regard to Islamic themes

lists

Some

in

general and the Strah in particular.

independent works have also appeared, particularly

on the subject of

fically

as these

works

Arabic, speci-

Strah and the orientalists. Valuable and useful

the

remains a good deal to be done

are, there still

and evaluating the main

in

orientalist

in

works on the Strah. Especially

analyzing
it

is

nece-

ssary to take into account the whole range of arguments and evidences on

which the views and conclusions of individual scholars are based. The

work

present
It

is

an effort in that direction.

needs hardly any emphasizing

that the

on any particular subject are scarcely

pattern of

knowledge existing

in his

all his

views of any individual scholar

own. He necessarily

reflects the

time and draws and builds upon the

results of the researches of his predecessors.

To

study the work of any indi-

vidual scholar thus necessarily involves referring to the works of his pre-

decessors.

It

has therefore been thought more useful to take for study a

couple or more of scholars, not contemporary with one another, but whose

works cover a
for

the

certain period of time.

present

study

On

this consideration I

have selected

works of William Muir (1819-1905), D.S.

the

Margoliouth (1858-1940) and

W. Montgomery Watt (1909 ). The works

of

these scholars span the period from the mid-nineteenth century to the present

day. William Muir's work, The Life of Mahomet, appeared for the

1858, while the latest of Watt's works on the subject,

in

Mecca, appeared as
It

must be emphasized

all

1.

their

time

Muhammad's

late as 1988.

sideration the principal

not

first

works on

at

the outset that the present study takes into con-

works of the above mentioned scholars on the Strah,

all

the subjects they have dealt with. Similarly

it

needs

See for instance Manahij al Mustashriqin Fi al-Dirasat al-'Arabiyyah wa

hldmiyyah, Arab Bureau of Education for the Gulf Staes, 2

Parts,

Riyadh, 1985.

al-

PREFACE

VIII
to

be noted

though the present study

that

is

concerned mainly with the works

of these scholars on Sirah, the works of other scholars have also been sometimes taken into consideration in order to trace the evolution of certain points

of view.

The mid-nineteenth century proved a

turning point in the orientalists'

approach to the Sirah. The new era may be said to have begun on Friday,

March

8,

1840,

when Thomas Carlyle

on Heroes and Hero worship.

peration

which characterized

deliverences

Voltaire's

(Mahomet, 1742), Carlyle called

rity

started delivering his

Second Lecture

In sharp contrast with the spirit of sheer vitu-

attention,

among

century

earlier

other things, to the since-

of the Prophet. Carlyle's hint was taken up by his contemporary and sub-

sequent

writers

Muhammad (0

in
)

general.

They henceforth

stressed

the

sincerity

of

not really to recognize his Prophethood but to suggest, by

one device or another,

that

though he sincerely believed himself to be a

Prophet and the recipient of Allah's revelations, he was nonetheless mistaken

whole process was a psychological phenomenon and

in that belief, that the

that the "revelations"

he gave out were the result of that psychological pro-

cess or of his intuition.

the

Thus was

domain of European

Muhammad (0 )

thinking,

from the

gradually transferred, in

status of a conscious

Prophet or imposter to that of an unconscious false Prophet

false

or, at best, to that

of the victim of an innocent delusion.

new phase of intense

among Muslims under European imperial

Secondly, the mid-nineteenth century witnessed a

Christian missionary activities

domination. The exigencies of imperial administration had brought the Euro-

peans into closer contact with the subject Muslim population. This closer
contact together with the evangelizing intentions of the time suggested the

abandonment of the previous policy of mere

vilification of the

Prophet and

the adoption of at least an apparently logical and persuasive approach to the

Prophet of Islam. Carlyle's suggestion thus

fell in line

with the need of the

times.

William Muir's work appeared

interest

in the context

of the European imperial

on the one hand and the Christianizing intentions on the

was a high

official in the

English East India Comapny's administration

India. In his private capacity he helped

was

in close

missionary activities

in

personal touch

with the well-known Christian missionary, Carl Gottaleb Pfander,

in

He

and sympathized with the work of the

Christian missionaries in India. Especially he

then engaged

other.

among

the

who was

Muslims of northern

India.

PREFACE
In fact

Muir was one of

the umpires

IX

from the Christian side

at the

famous

Agra debate of 1854 between Pfander and Rahmat Allah KeranawT. The
debate evidently turned against Pfander

who was

sionary society (the Church Missionary Society)

to Constantinople.

work, he undertook

work

tion of the

in

As Muir mentions
its

in the

transferred by his mis-

first to

Peshawar and then

preface to the

first

preparation "at the instance" of Pfander.

edition of his

The

first edi-

four volumes was published between 1858 and 1861.

second edition, excluding the sections on the sources and pre-Islamic Arabia,

was published
published

in

in the early

894.

seventies of the century.

A third

edition of

it

was

revised version of this third edition, with the inclusion

of the section on the sources was published in 1923. Recently, in 1988, the
original first edition has been reprinted.

Margoliouth's work appeared

The

third

and revised edition of

at the

his

beginning of the twentieth century.

work, under the

title

Mohammed and the

Rise of Islam, was published in 1905. This edition has recently been repub-

work

lished in 1985. Naturally, his

falls in the

mid-point of the period under

review. Besides taking into consideration the views and opinions advanced

by his predecessors since the publication of Muir's work, Margoliouth

reflected the state of the orientalists' thinking about the Prophet at the begin-

ning of the twentieth century.

opinions of his

own

He

also advanced

some new conclusions and

were adopted and re-stated by

that

his successors,

including Watt.

W. Montgomery Watt
on Islam and the Prophet
first

is

at

acknowledgedly a leading European authority

the present time. His

Muhammad at Mecca was

Muhammad at

published in 1953, followed quickly by his second work,

Medina, which was published

in

1956. These two works have since been

republished a number of times. They have also been translated in a

number

in Arabic. He has also other works relating

As already mentioned, his latest work on the Prophet,
Muhammad's Mecca, was published in 1988.

of European languages and also

to

the

It

is

subject.

thus obvious that an analysis and evaluation of the works of these

scholars would give us an idea of the state of the orientalists' approach to the

Sirah

1.

ibn
his

in the

middle of the nineteenth century,

at the

beginning of the twenti-

See for details M.M.AIi, History of the Muslims of Bengal, Vol.11,

Imam Muhammad

Saud Islamic University, Riyadh, 1988, pp. 227-233. Rahmat Allah subsequently wrote
famous work, Izhdr al-Haqq, on the basis of that debate.

PREFACE

X
eth century and during

and opinions since the mid-nineteenth century

The
life.

present volume

will

It

of the evolution of their ideas

later part, as well as

its

till

the present time.

devoted to the Makkan period of the Prophet's

is

be observed from the table of contents that

have divided

this

period into seven sections according to the main events and developments.

At the beginning of each section

have described

one or more chapters

in

these events and developments. These chapters are not intended to be an

exhaustive account of the Strah. They are designed mainly to enable the
general reader the better to understand the discussions that follow on the

views and opinions of the orientalists concerning those topics.

views

their

have attempted

faithfully as possible

and

to

summarize

to

meet them on
*

am

its

'Abd al-Muhsin

ibn

own

grounds.

grateful to the authorities of the

plex, particularly to

arguments and reasons as

their

their

In discussing

King Fahd Qur'an Printing Com-

Supervisor-General, His Excellency Dr. 'Abd Allah

al-Turkt, and

Secretary-General, Dr.

its

Muhammad

Salim ibn Shudayyid al-'Awfi, for having undertaken the publication of

work.

am

also grateful to the authorities of the Islamic University,

Munawwara,

particularly

President, Dr.

its

Marzuq

Madina

'Abd Allah ibn Salih al-'Ubayd,

for having sponsored the project of the present work.

to the

My

thanks are due also

Director of the Centre for the Service of Sunnah and Sirah,

ibn

Hayyas al-Zahram,

accomplishing the project.

Centre, specially to

my

for his constant help

am

thankful also to

two colleagues

this

in its

Dr.

and encouragement

all

my

colleagues

at

in

the

Sirah department, Shaykh Safiy

al-Rahman Mubarakpuri and Shaykh Ahmad 'Abd Allah

Bajflr,

for their

help in checking up references; and and to Dr. V. 'Abd al-Rahim of the

Faculty of Arabic Language, for encouragement and help in various ways.

My

thanks are due also to Ma'ruf and Mansur for help

script of the

work and

checking the proofs; and to

in

constant encouragement and help

In preparing this

University,

work

in all

preparing the final

my

wife, Razia, for

possible ways.

had to work

Madina, the Library of

in

in the

its

Central Library of the Islamic

Higher Studies Department, the

Library of the Centre for the Service of Sunnah and Strah, the Library of the
Prophet's

Mosque,

the Library of the Oriental Section of the Faculty of

Da'wah of the Imam Muhammad Islamic University, situated at Madina

Munawwara, the Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Lon-

PREFACE
don and

the British Library (British

Museum). Everywhere

best of attention and the most willing cooperation.

staff of all these libraries

The

Prophet's

19Dhu
(10

and

Mosque,

al-Qa'dah, 1413 H.

May

1993)

XI

My

received the

thanks are due to the

institutions.

M. M.

Ali

CONTENTS
VII

Preface

XXIII

List of abbreviations

SECTION

THE SOURCES AND THE BACKGROUND

Chapter:

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

I.

THE QUR'AN

I.

II.

HADITH

II.

3-27

III.

THE EARLY SfRAH/MA GHAZI WORKS

IV.

THE SOURCES AND THE ORIENTALISTS

20

THE BACKGROUND
I.

THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE

THE KA'BA AND THE ABRAHAMIC TRADITION

II.

III.

MAKKA AND ARABIA

IV.

THE SOCIO-RELIGIOUS CONDITION: JAHILIYYAH

V.

III.

29-64

PRIOR TO THE RISE OF ISLAM

THE WORLD BEYOND

29
33
37

49
59

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND

TOPICS
I.

II.

IV.

I.

II.

65-94

ON JAHILIYYAH

65

REGARDING THE ABRAHAMIC TRADITION

(A)

CONSIDERATION OF MUIR'S VIEWS

69

(B)

ABOUT THE OLD TESTAMENT EVIDENCE

80

(C)

ISMAIL OR ISHAQ?

85

(P.B.T.)

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF

THE RISE OF IS LAM

THE EARLIER EXPLANATIONS

WATT'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE THEME

95- 1

95
1

02

CONTENTS

XIV

SECTION
BIRTH,
V.

II

BOYHOOD AND YOUTH

FAMILY BACKGROUND, BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

I.

FAMILY BACKGROUND
BIRTH

II.

VI.

AND INFANCY

BOYHOOD AND THE JOURNEY TO SYRIA

III.

23

25

THE ORIENTALISTS ON THE PROPHETS FAMILY

131-161
STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD
REGARDING THE FAMILY STATUS

I.

REGARDING

II.

HIS

131

NAME

142

THE INSINUATION OF EPILEPSY AND OTHER REMARKS 56

III.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

VII.
I.

GLIMPSES OF HIS ACTIVITIES

III.

THE

IV

164

WARS

67

THE HILF AL-FUDUL

69

V.

SECOND JOURNEY TO SYRIA AND MARRIAGE

172

VI.

RECONSTRUCTION OF THE KA'BA AND THE PROPHET'S

FIJAR

ARBITRATION
VII.

VIII.

176

LACK OF FORMAL EDUCATION

79

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS'

VIEWS
I.

63- 1 8

163

ABSTINENCE FROM POLYTHEISTIC PRATICES

II.

REGARDING

II.

183-217
HIS LIFE

AS A SHEPHERD

83

87

SPECULATIONS ABOUT THE PROPHET'S TRADING

ACTIVITIES

IX.

17-129

III.

CONCERNING THE MARRIAGE WITH KHADUAH

IV.

CONCERNING

HIS RELIGIOUS BELIEFS

(R.A.)

95

WATT'S THEORY ABOUT THE HARB AL-FIJAR AND HILF

AL-FUDUL

219-231

CONTENTS
X.

XV

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND

PREPARATION
I.

ON THE THEME OF AMBITION IN GENERAL

II.

233

THE ALLEGED CULTIVATION OF POETICAL SKILL

240

THE QUESTION OF LITERACY: WATT'S THEORY

241

III.

XI.

233-252

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

I.

SUMMARY OF THE ASSUMPTIONS

253

ON THE ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCE IN GENERAL

II.

JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN EXPERTS

265

THE SUPPOSED QUR'ANIC EVIDENCE ABOUT

IV.

A MONOTHEISTIC INFORMANT OR INFORMANTS

THE SO-CALLED GROWTH

IN

ACCURACY

IN

268

BIBLICAL

INFORMATION
VI.

274

DIFFERENCES IN THE QUR ANIC AND BIBLICAL

ACCOUNTS

282

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

THE QUR'AN

XII.

I.

260

THE ALLEGED INSTANCES OF CONTACT WITH

III.

V.

IN
291-319

THE SUPPOSED MISTAKES ABOUT JUDAISM AND

CHRISTIANITY

II.

291

(A)

REGARDING THE TRINITY

293

(B)

REGARDING 'UZAYR

295

(C)

REGARDING CRUCIFIXION

297

THE ALLEGED SCIENTIFIC ERRORS

30

(A)

REGARDING THE EARTH'S SHAPE

302

(B)

CONCERNING THE SKY

312

SECTION

III

ON THE EVE OF THE CALL TO PROPHETHOOD

XIII.

253-29

ON THE EVE OF THE CALL: THE HANIFS AND

CONTENTS

XVI

THE AFFAIR OF 'UTHMAN IBN AL-HUWAYRITH

[.

THE HANIFS

323

THE AFFAIR OF UTHMAN IBN AL-HUWAYRITH

[I.

330

THE ORIENTALISTS AND THE HANIFS:

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

XIV.
I.

SUMMARY OF THE THEORY

I.

323-334

335

UNTENABILITY OF THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

II.

(A)

335-354

338

IDENTITY WITH IBRAHIM IN THE

MAKKAN PASSAGES

34

MAKKAN PASSAGES

(B)

HAN1F IN THE

(C)

HANIF IN THE MADINAN PASSAGES

XV. THE ORIENTALISTS

343

346

AND THE HANIFS:

WATT'S VIEWS

355-366

'

II.

SECTION IV
RECEIPT OF WAHY AND INCEPTION OF THE MISSION
XVI. DIVINE

COMMUNICATION (WAHY) AND INCEPTION

OF THE MISSION
I.

369-400

THE RECEIPT OF DIVINE COMMUNICATION

369

THE REPORTS GIVEN BY IBN ISHAQ

II.

375

THE REPORTS GIVEN BY AL-WAQIDi

III.

AL-TABARI'S

IV.

V.
VI.

380

ACCOUNT

382

DATE OF THE FIRST REVELATION

386

THE EARLY REVELATIONS AND THEIR TEACHINGS

390

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND M ARGOLIOUTH

XVII.

I.

MUIR'S ASSUMPTIONS

II.

III.

402

MARGOLIOUTH'S ASSUMPTIONS
MARGOLIOUTH'S MISINTERPRETATION

XVIII.

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

40 1 -422

II.

BELL'S

CONTENTS

XVII

VIEWS
I.

423-448

CONCERNING THE TRADITIONS ABOUT THE COMING

OF WAHY

424

THE ASSUMPTION OF PRE-QUR'AN DELIVERENCES

II.

CONCEPT OF WAHY

430

III.

BELL'S

IV.

WA//KINTHEQUR'AN AND THE QUR'ANIC WAHY

V.
VI.

428

433

BELL S THEORY ABOUT THE VISION OF GOD

439

THE ASSUMPTION ABOUT JIBRIL

446

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS: III. WATT'S

TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRFS REPORT

XIX.

I.

AL-ZUHRi'S REPORT

"MUHAMMAD'S

II.

450
453

VISIONS"

III.

"THE VISIT TO HIRA':

IV.

"THOU ART THE MESSENGER OF GOD"

TAHANNUTH"

464
468
473

"RECITE"

V.

"SURAT AL-MUDDATHTHIR: THE FATRAH:

VI.

"

VII.
VIII.

MUHAMMAD'S FEAR AND DESPAIR"

475

480

ENCOURAGEMENT FROM KHADLIAH AND

WARAQAH"

483

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

XX.

449-487

IV.

THE THEORY

OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION
I.

THEORY

489

WATT'S APPLICATION OF THE THEORY

490

WATT'S MATRIX:

II.

489-5

III.

A.

POULAIN'S

FURTHER QUR'ANIC EVIDENCE ON THE NATURE

OF QUR'ANIC WAHY

503

SECTION V

THE EARLY PHASE OF THE MISSION

XXI.
1.

THE EARLY PHASE OF THE MISSION

THE

INITIAL PERIOD

5 15-539
5

CONTENTS

XVIII

THE EARLY CONVERTS

520

III.

PUBLIC PROPAGATION

524

IV.

MAKKA AND BEYOND

529

II.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXI

540

MARGOLIOUTH'S THEORY OF "ISLAM AS

XXII.

A SECRET SOCIETY"
I.

549-563

THE INNUENDO AGAINST 'ABU BAKR

(R.A)

550

THE IMPUTATION AGAINST UTHMAN IBN 'AFFAN

II.

AND OTHERS

555

(R.A.)

THE ALLEGED EVIDENCES OF SECRECY

III.

558

THE BELL-WATT THEORY ABOUT THE

CONTENTS OF EARLY REVELATIONS

XXIII.

I.

WATT'S IDENTIFICATION OF THE EARLY PASSAGES

565-592

565

EXAMINATION OF THE ASSUMPTIONS

II.

(A)

FAULTY SELECTION OF THE PASSAGES

569

(B)

MISTAKEN INTERPRETATION OF THE PASSAGES

574

ON RELEVANCE TO THE CONTEMPORARY SITUATION 582

III.

XXIV. THE

EARLY PHASE OF THE MISSION AND

WATT'S SOCIO-ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION

I.

THE REMARKS REGARDING THE EARLY CONVERTS

II.

THE PSEUDO-SOCIALISTIC CASTING

III.

THE FACTS BELIE THE FICTION

IV.

AN OLD WINE

IN

593

596
598

NEW BOTTLE
SECTION

593-606

603

VI

THE MAKKAN OPPOSITION

XXV. THE

MAKKAN OPPOSITION: NATURE, CAUSES

AND IMMEDIATE ALLEGATION

I.

NATURE OF OPPOSITION

609-625

609

CONTENTS

XIX
614

THE CAUSES OF OPPOSITION

[I.

THE IMMEDIATE ALLEGATIONS AND SARCASM

III.

(A)
(B)

THE ALLEGATION OF MADNESS

620

THE ALLEGATIONS OF BEING A SORCERER,

A POET AND A SOOTH-SAYER

(C)

RIDICULE

62

AND SARCASM

XXVI. ORGANIZED OPPOSITION:

622
I.

OBJECTIONS,

ARGUMENTATION AND DEMAND FOR MIRACLES

AND ARGUMENTATION

627

DEMAND FOR MIRACLES AND UNUSUAL FEATS

631

OBJECTIONS

I.

II.

ORGANIZED OPPOSITION: II. DISSUASION,

ENTICEMENTS, VIOLENCE AND PERSECUTION

627-644

XXVII.

I.

645-665

DISSUASION

645

ENTICEMENTS AND ATTEMPTS AT COMPROMISE

648

II.

III.

VIOLENCE AND PERSECUTION

652

IV.

PRESSURE UPON BANU HASHIM

658

V.

ATTEMPTS TO KILL THE PROPHET

660

XXVIII.

THE MIGRATION TO ABYSSNIA

667-682

THE BACKGROUND

667

II.

WHY ABYSSINIA?

669

III.

THE FIRST BATCH OF EMIGRANTS

670

IV.

TEMPORARY RETURN OF THE EMIGRANTS

672

V.

THE SECOND PHASE OF MIGRATION TO ABYSSINIA

674

VI.

THE QURAYSH DEPUTATION TO ABYSSINIA

676

I.

VII.

XXIX.

SIGNIFICANCE

AND SEQUEL

679

THE SPURIOUS STORY OF THE "SATANIC

VERSES"

683-702

I.

SUMMARY OF THE STORY

683

II.

THE QUR' ANIC EVIDENCE AGAINST THE STORY

684

III.

THE REPORTS FAIL THE TESTS FOR GENUINENESS

695

CONTENTS

XX

THE ORIGIN AND CURRENCY OF THE STORY EXPLAINED

IV.

698

XXX. THE CLIMAX OF OPPOSITION AND CALAMITY

703-7 1

I.

THE BOYCOTT AND BLOCKADE OF BANU HASHIM

703

II.

THE MIRACLE OF THE SPLITTING OF THE MOON

709

THE "YEAR OF GRIEF"

III.

71

THE MAKKAN OPPOSITION AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

WATT'S THEORY ABOUT THE CAUSES AND BEGINNING
7 5-742
OF OPPOSITION

XXXI.
I.

I.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

71

WATT'S USE OF 'URWHA'S LETTER AND OF THE STORY

II.

OF THE "SATANIC VERSES"

III.

IV.

71

WATT S HANDLING OF THE QUR' ANIC PASSAGES

727

WATT'S VIEW OF THE SOCIO-REL1G10US AND POLITICAL

732

ISSUES

WATT'S VIEW OF THE "MOTIVE" AND "CHIEF REASON"

V.

FOR THE OPPOSITION

734

THE ORIENTALISTS ON THE EXTENT AND

NATURE OF THE OPPOSITION

XXXII.

I.

MUIR'S

AND MARGOLIOUTH'S VIEWS

743-759

743

WATT'S VIEWS:

II.

(A)

PERSECUTION OF MUSLIMS

747

(B)

WATT ON THE PRESSURE ON BANU HASHIM

756

XXXIII.

THE UNBELIEVERS' OBJECTIONS

VIS-A-VIS

THE ORIENTALISTS
I.

761-787

SIMILARITY OF THE VIEWS OF THE ORIENTALISTS

UNBELIEVERS
II.

761

ON MARGOLIOUTH'S REMARKS

III.

763

WATT AND THE UNBELIEVERS' OBJECTIONS

XXXIV. THE ABYSSINIAN MIGRATION

THE ORIENTALISTS

AND THE

782

AND
789-804

CONTENTS
I.

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND MARGOLIOUTH

XXI
789

WATT'S THEORIES REGARDING THE ABYSSINIAN

II.

MIGRATION

796

SECTION

VII

THE LATE MAKKAN PHASE AND MIGRATION TO MADINA

XXXV. LOOKING BEYOND MAKKA FOR SUPPORT
I.

THE

VISIT

TO TA' IF

807

THE APPROACH TO THE TRIBES

II.

807-822

812

III.

THE SITUATION AT MADINA

819

IV.

THE EARLIEST CONTACT WITH MADINA

820

XXXVI. AL- 'ISRA

I.

AL-ISRA

'

'

AND AL-MI'RAJ

AND AL-MI'RAJ

823

SIGNIFICANCE AND IMPORTANCE

II.

823-836

827

III.

NATURE OF AL-ISRA AND AL-MI'RAJ

829

IV.

DID THE PROPHET SEE ALLAH?

832

'

XXXVII. PRELIMINARIES
I.

TO THE MIGRATION

THE FIRST HARBINGERS OF SUPPORT

THE FIRST PLEDGE OF 'AQABAH

II.

WORK AND SPREAD OF ISLAM AT MADINA

III.

MUS'AB'S

IV.

THE SECOND PLEDGE AT 'AQABAH

V.

837
839
841

844

THE SIGNIFICANCE AND NATURE OF THE SECOND

VI.

'AQABAH PLEDGE

850

REASONS FOR ISLAM'S SUCCESS AT MADINA

853

XXXVIII.
I.

837-855

THE MIGRATION TO MADINA

CAUSES AND NATURE OF THE MIGRATION

II.

III.

MIGRATION OF THE COMPANIONS

857-885

857
859

THE PROPHET'S MIGRATION:

(A)

THE LAST ATTEMPT TO KILL HIM

(B)

"VERILY

ALLAH

IS

WITH US"

868
87

CONTENTS

XXI]

ONE HUNDRED CAMELS FOR THE HEAD OF EACH

IV.

THE LATER PHASE OF THE JOURNEY

V.

XXXIX. THE ORIENTALISTS

880
883

ON THE MIGRATION

TO MADINA
I.

REGARDING THE

II.

887-925
VISIT TO TA' IF

887

REGARDING THE NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE TRIBES

AND WITH MADINA

892

III.

ON THE CAUSES OF ISLAM'S SUCCESS AT MADINA

905

IV.

REGARDING THE MANOEUVRES OF THE QURAYSH

V.

ON THE MANNER OF THE PROPHET'S MIGRATION

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX

92
927-948

949

LIST

OF ABBREVIATIONS

'Abu al-WalTd
al-Azraqi,
ed.

Muhammad

ibn 'Abd Allah ibn

Akhbdr Makka wa ma jd'afihd min al-'Athdr,

Rushdt al-Salih Mulhis, Beirut, 1399

Muhammad

'Abu Tayyib

al-Thamin

Al-'Iqd

ies,

Ft

ibn

Ahmad,

1979.

al-Taqi, al-Fasi,

al-Balad al-'Amin,

Tdrikh

1379-1388 H.

Vols., Cairo,

Bulletin

Ahmad

of the School of Oriental and African Stud-

London.

'Abu 'Abd Allah

Muhammad

Sahih

al-Bukhdri

The number

hadith in Fath al-Bari

'Abu

Muhammad

Nabawiyyah

'Abd al-Malik

Muhammad

ed.

al-Bukhan,

Isma'tl

refers to the

number of

).

Vols., second print, Cairo, 1375

Muhammad

ibn

ibn Sa'd ibn

ibn

Hisham, al-Sirah
and

al-Saqqa

al-

others, 2

1955.

Mam', 'Abu 'Abd

Tabaqdt al-Kubrd, 8 Vols., Beirut, 1405

Allah, Al-

1985.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and

Ireland, London.

The Moslem World,

Hartford

Seminary

Foundation,

Connecticut, U.S.A.

'Abu al-Hasan Muslim ibn

al-Hajjaj,

al-Qushayri,

al-

Naysaburi, Sahih Muslim, (The number refers to the number of hadith in the edition by Fu'ad A. BaqT, 5 Vols.,
Istanbul, n.d.)

'Abu 'Abd Allah Ahmad

Musnad

al-lmdm

Muntakhab Kanz

Ahmad

al-

ibn Hanbal

ibn

al-Hasan

'Abd al-Ra'ufSa'Td, 4

ibn

print, n.d.

'Abd

Al-Rawd

al-Khath'ami,

Tafsir al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah

Muhammad,

Hanbal wa bihdmishihi

'Ummdl, 6 Vols, old

'Abu al-Qasim 'Abd al-Rahman

'AbT

ibn

li

Allah ibn

al-'Unuf Ft

ibn Hisham, ed.

vols, Beirut, 1398.

Ta-Ha

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

XXIV

Transactions of the Glasgow University Oriental Society,

T.C.U.O.S

Glasgow.

Sulayman

TayalisI

ibn

Daud

Ddud al-Tayalisi,
'Abu

Tirmidht

Sahih

'Isa

ibn al-Jarud 'AbT

Muhammad

wa

Muhammad

Daud, Musnad 'Abi

Beirut, n.d.

ibn 'Isa ibn Sawrah, Al-Jdmi' al-

huwa

Sunan

Shakir,

al-Tirmidht,

vols., Cairo,

ed.

second

Ahmad

print,

1398

1987.

Watt, M. at M.

W. Montgomery

Watt,

Muhammad

at

Mecca, Oxford,

Clarendon Press, 1988.

Watt, M.'s

M.

W. Montgomery
1988.

Watt,

Muhammad's Mecca, Edinburgh,

SECTION

THE SOURCES AND THE BACKGROUND

CHAPTER I

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

In the
ties

main there are three sources of information on the

Muhammad (0 ).

of Prophet

traditions)

life

and

activi-

These are the Qur'an, the Hadith (reports

and the early accounts called the Sirah / Maghdzi

literature.

hadith compilations and the sirah / maghdzi literature are very

much

The

similar

in respect

of the materials they contain. Basically they both are collections of

"reports".

Hence some scholars

same category of

the

are inclined to classify the

"reports" or "traditions".

two

in

one and

There are however, two

important distinctions between the two. The hadith collections are arranged
either according to doctrinal, juridical and legal topics or according to the

The

original transmitters of the reports.

sirah compilations, on the other

hand, are arranged more or less chronologically and in accordance with the
incidents and events of the Prophet's

life.

Secondly,

in the

hadith compila-

tions greater attention has been paid to the chains of narrators of each report

and to other questions and rules bearing on the authenticity and trustworthiness of the reports. In the sirah literature, on the other hand, the rules regarding isndd have not always been observed, though often the

involved in both types of work. The sirah

of advantage in

favour.

its

It

the Prophet's life-story and

Prophet's

life that is

literature,

same scholar was

however, has one point

alone provides the chronological framework of

it

contains information on

some

aspects of the

not available in the hadith literature properly so called.

All the three sources are, however, supplementary and complementary to

one another and

all

proper view of the

of them have to be taken into account in order to have a

life

and

activities of the Prophet.

I.

The Qur'an

is

THE QUR'AN

divine in origin.

It

was revealed

to the Prophet in short

long passages over a period of 23 years through the angel

Jibril. 2

As

it

and

was

revealed the Prophet committed each and every passage to memory. The

Qur'an

itself

bears testimony to the fact that early in his career he at times

became so eager
1

Thus

A.J.

to

commit

Wensinck,

the revealed text to

for instance, includes the

Ibn Sa'd in his well-known Index to hadith

2.

memory

that

he hurriedly

works of Ibn Htsham, Al-Waqidi and

literature.

See for a discussion on the nature of Qur'anic revelation

infra,

Ch.XX,

sec. III.

SIRA T AL-NAB1 AND

THE ORIENTALISTS

words as the angel uttered them.

started repeating the

He was

divinely

asked not to do so and was assured that Allah would enable him to retain in

memory whatever was

his

memorized the sacred

Many

revealed to him.

texts.

They had

of his companions also

the immediate need to

they had to recite the passages in the prayer which was

them from
memory.
it

was

and

the very beginning of Islam. In the course of time the Prophet as

many

well as

of his ardent followers had the entire Qur'an committed to

In Arabia in those days, as also in

the practice to

traditions,

memorize whole

texts

and to transmit them orally

Arabs were specially gifted with the

particularly in the

as far as

month of Ramadan,

was revealed,

Ramadan of his

last
It

it

was

life

many
and

other places in the world,

literary

works, genealogies

to subsequent generations;

and the

of memorization. At intervals,

skill

the Prophet recited the

whole Qur'an,

on record

that during the

to the angel Jibril;

and

it

is

that angel. 2

he recited the entire Qur'an twice before

also during his life-time that he arranged the passages of the Qur'an

into surahs

and sections

received through

Not

do so because

made incumbent on

that the

in their present

form, according to divine guidance

Jibril.

Qur'an was committed only

memory. The Prophet took

to

early care to have the passages of the Qur'an written on suitable and avail-

able materials like tree-leaves, bark, hides, bones, stones and such other
objects. Indeed the impetus to

very

first

revelation

have the

texts written

down was

which emphasized, among other

given in the

things, the acquisition

and preservation of knowledge by means of the pen. 3 Also, since the main
justification for the

new

revelation

been corrupted and altered by

was

that the earlier revealed

their followers,

Prophet should have been doubly careful

it

itself points to this fact

stupendous authority.
rear

and declares

from external interference and

nity

(i.e.,

memory

No

falsity

its

new

can approach

Q. 75:16-18.
Bukhari, nos., 1902,4997,4998.

3.

Q. 96:4-5.

4.

Q. 41:41-42. =

4 "^^r'^J

,>

it

from

its

front,

nor from

Thus the Qur'an was preserved

^ ^ ^ * JO* s-^J

J1

immuBook of

absolute integrity and

as well as in writing.

1.

guard

revelation. Indeed the

interpolation-"it is indeed a

neither directly nor indirectly). 4

2.

books had

natural that the

to take appropriate steps to

against such an eventuality in the case of the

Qur'an

was only

*\)

>

its

in

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

The process of writing down

the texts started early enough, almost simul-

The Prophet employed a

taneously with the beginning of the revelation.

number of his

followers as copyists of the Qur'anic texts. Written records of

1

many of

the revealed texts were kept with the Prophet as also with

The

followers.

tablet of the

al-Khattab

story of

his

Fatimah bint al-Khattab's having concealed a written

Qur'anic text at the approach of her enraged brother, 'Umar ibn

her house and then of her having shown

(r.a.) to

calmed down

is

well-known

to

it

to

him when he

any student of Islamic history. This happened

about the sixth year of the Prophet's mission. As the days rolled on such
written records multiplied along with the accumulation of the revelations.

After the Prophet's migration to Madina four of the ansar were particularly

engaged
entire

in collecting the

Qur'an and keeping

it

with them. 2

Qur'an written on various objects and kept

in a

The

text of the

container remained

with the Prophet as well. Such written records of more or less the entire

Qur'an lay with a number of

Almost immediately

made an

his followers also.

after the Prophet's death a

number of Arab

tribes

attempt to renounce Islam and to secede from the authority of

Madina. In the wars

that followed

the riddah

war

many

huff&i

(memorizers of the entire Qur'an) died. Hence the question of preserving the

Qur'an freshly attracted the attention of those

Khattab's suggestion the

first

in authority.

Khalifah 'Abu Bakr

(r.a.)

At 'Umar ibn

al-

took steps to have

the written records of the Qur'anic texts arranged in the order of the surahs

and sections as taught by the Prophet and as learnt by the huffd^. The task

was entrusted
Prophet.

to

Zayd ibn Thabit

He compared

(r.a)

who had been

a scribe under the

the written texts with the recitation of the huffdz

thus prepared a master-copy of the Qur'an. This

and

was kept with 'Abu Bakr

during his life-time, then with 'Umar and, after his death, with his daughter

'Umm al-Mu'minin

Hafsah

(r.a.). 3

During the Khildfah of 'Uthman

(r.a.),

35 H., a tendency towards variant readings of the Qur'an was detected

far-flung provinces.

Hence he took immediate

Qur'an from the master-copy

in

steps to

make

24-

in the

copies of the

Hafsah's keeping and to send them to the

various provinces, withdrawing and suppressing any variation in the reading

1.

See M. Mustafa al-A'zamT, Kuttab al-Nabi Sallallahu 'alayhi wa sallama, Beirut,

1394.
2.

Bukhari, nos. 3810, 3996, 5003, 5004; Muslim, no. 2465; Musnad,

Tayalisi,
3.

No. 2018.

Bukhari, Nos. 4986, 4989, 7191.

III,

233, 277;

SIRAT AL-NABI

found

to exist

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

anywhere. His role was thus simply

master-copy of the Qur'an, not that of

that of a publisher of the

"collector", far less that of a

its

"compiler". Since then the same Qur'an has been in circulation in writing as
it

has been also preserved and transmitted from generation to generation

through memorization of
ues

its

entire text.

The

practice of memorization contin-

today in spite of the tremendous progress

still

in the art

of printing and

in

photo-mechanical and electronic reproduction and retrieval systems. Indeed

the act of

memorizing the Qur'an and of "learning"

it

and teaching

been assigned great religious merit by the Prophet so

Muslims can count among

whereas

it is

has

even today

that

their ranks millions of huff&i of the entire Qur'an,

among the votaries of other religious systems even

who can recite from memory even a single chapter from

hard to find

a single individual

his sacred text. Also, since the Prophet's time

of Muslims of

tice

it

all

has been the continual prac-

it

climes to complete the recitation of the whole Qur'an

No

through the month-long special nightly tardwth prayer during Ramadan.

other people on earth have

shown

so

much

avidity

and taken so meticulous a

care to preserve the purity of their sacred texts as the Muslims have done.

The Qur'an

thus the most authentic and absolutely contemporary

is

record relating to the Prophet.

constantly refer to

it.

It

Anyone

must not be supposed, however,

unique

history, far less

an autobiography. Indeed

any other book

in respect of diction, style of expression,

it

chapters and sections and the manner of

themes

it

deals with.

is

its

information on the
place,

it

life

most appropriate description

and

that

a book of

it is

in nature

and

is

unlike

arrangement of

its

treatment of the topics and

namely, "guidance for the God-fearing".

itself,

first

Its

must

desiring to understand the sirah

is

that

which

Nevertheless

activities of the Prophet in

it

it

gives to

contains

many ways.

In the

represents the corpus of the teachings and messages he deli-

vered to mankind, the reforms and reconstruction in man's belief, thought,

life

and conduct made under Allah's

instructions. In other

best reflex of his role as Prophet and

words,

it

is

the

Messenger of Allah. Secondly,

contains very clear references to specific events and incidents of his

it

life,

both pulic and private, to the manners of his receipt of Allah's revelations,
his role as preacher,

warner and conveyer of good tidings for the believers

1
See on this point Shaykh Muhammad 'Alt al-Harkan, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah fi
Qur'dn al-Karim, in Al-Buhuth wa al-Dirasat al-muqaddamah li al-Mu'tamar al-'Alami
.

Thalith
2.

li

al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah, Doha, Muharram, 1404 H.,

Q. 2:2. ^cjybJJ^u*^.

Ft. Ill, pp.

7-130.

in

alal-

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

this

world and

replies that
inflicted

were given

on the

demands they made of

to their objections

and demands, the persecution they

made

which

led the

from Makka, the wars they had

to fight

to kill him, the straitened situation

the Prophet to migrate

against the unbelievers like those at Badr,

help through

and

the Prophet, the

believers, the conspiracies they hatched against the Prophet,

the attempts they

Muslims and

opposition of the unbelievers, the

in the hereafter, to the

objections they raised, the absurd

'Uhud and Khandaq,

these struggles and wars, the treaty

all

made with

the divine

the

Makkans

and to the completion of the task

their ultimate surrender to the Prophet

given him by allah. Not only these. There are references also to his personal
life

prior to his call to Prophethood, to his orphanhood, his earlier poverty

and subsequent affluence,

his relationship

with his wives, the calumny

directed against one of his wives and even to his temporary inattention to an

humble
which

enquirer. In short, there

is

is

no aspect of the Prophet's

life

and mission

not alluded to in the Qur'an excepting the mention of the specific

dates of the events and incidents. In fact, each passage or part of the passage

of the Qur'an was revealed on specific occasions and incidents of his

life.

Thirdly, the Qur'an also alludes to past peoples and civilizations, to the

previous Prophets and their struggles, the attitudes of the former unbelieving

peoples and their fates, to past events like Abrahah's invasion of

the purpose of destroying the Ka'ba and
the

its fate,

to

contemporary events

war between the Roman and the Persian empires and

beliefs,

Makka

for
like

to the prevailing

customs and superstitions of the Arab people. All these provide the

necessary background information on the Prophet's

life

and mission.

A remarkable distinction of the Qur'an as a historical

record

is

that unlike

other records of a contemporary or near-contemporary nature, and unlike

autobiographies,

it

was not withheld from public view

for any length of time

for reasons of "policy", "state secrets" and "national" or "personal" interests.

On

the contrary,

to the people,

it

was meant

and was

for immediate publication and

in fact so

published and communicated. This fact

very important in two main respects. In the

suggestion

made by

communication

first

place,

it

is

militates against the

the critics of Islam and of the Prophet that he "revised",

modified or "altered" the text of the Qur'an with the progress of his mission

and as he advanced
alter the texts

in

knowledge and experience. For,

from time

to

time or

in

followers, not to speak of his opponents,

if

he did modify or

any noticeable manner, even

would have found

and would almost certainly have deserted him. Secondly,

if

fault with

his

him

the Qur'an stated

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

known

anything running counter to the

would have been

credit

have ended

in failure, as his

and character,

facts of his life

compromised and

irretrievably

his mission

his

would

enemies, the unbelieving Quraysh leaders, were

ever ready to discredit him in

possible ways. Hence,

all

states, for instance, that prior to his receipt

when

the Qur'an

of the revelation he did not enter-

any aspiration nor made any preparation for playing the part of a

tain

Prophet, or that he did not read any book and was an "unlettered" person,
that information

is

would have been

by

his

own

be accepted as absolutely correct. For, otherwise he

to

instantly contradicted

who knew him

people

and held up to ridicule and discredit

intimately since his boyhood. Hence,

besides the divine origin of the Qur'an, this absolute contemporaneity

invests

it

itself

with a peculiar authenticity. Therefore any information and

glimpses of the Prophet's

life

and

activities

have an unquestioned precedence over

The Qur'an, however, does

nology we have to turn

activities.

to hadith, also
II.

The term hadith

is

contained in the Qur'an must

the other sources of information.

not elaborate any event, nor does

and

details of the Prophet's life

all

it

give the

For these as also for the chro-

termed sunnah.

HADITH

applied to the reports of the Prophet's sayings and

doings, his practices and his explicit or implicit approval of the words or

deeds of anyone

else. It applies also to the reports

of the statements, acts and

approvals of his Companions and their immediate successors.

As such

reports are of prime historical importance, being the statements

given by eye-witnesses and participants

in the events.

these

and accounts

Often these reports are

so vivid and detailed that there should be no question as to their authenticity.

When,
ibn

for instance,

Wahshi gives

'Abd al-Muttalib

for that

deed

Kadhdhab

in

Ju'shum gives

he,

(r.a.) in

after his

the battle of
his

ation of a prize of

his

own

account of

the battle of

how he

killed

Hamzah

'Uhud and how, as an atonement

embracing of Islam, killed Musaylamah

Yamamah,

own account

or

when Suraqah

al-

ibn Malik ibn

of how, being lured by the Quraysh's declar-

one hundred camels on the head of the Prophet, he went

in

pursuit of the latter, being well equipped with his lance and arrows and
riding

on his swift horse, and how he was miraculously incapacitated

to

doing any harm to the Prophet and was thus obliged to come back unsuc-

1.

Bukhari, no. 4072.

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

cessful in his purpose,

The Qur'an

there

is

no reason

doubt those accounts.

to

clearly asks the Prophet to explain and elucidate

2

meaning

and teachings

to the people;

this task also

he depended on divine guidance and instructions and did not

speak anything out of

rances with

were

in the habit

once he had

that

his

whim

attention

all

down

to interfere
lest

his Prophetic life. In

or imagination. His followers noted his utte-

and remembered them

of writing

ments and utterances

and he did so throughout

its

his statements

carefully.

Many

of them

and utterances, so much so

3

and ask them not to write down

all his state-

those should be mixed up with the texts of the

Qur'an. 4 Incidentally, this very report shows, besides the Companions' practice

of writing

down

the Prophet's statements, that not only

of the Qur'an written

down

as soon as

was each passage

was revealed, but also

it

that the

Prophet took care to see that nothing extraneous was mingled up with the
sacred text, not even his

own

explanations.

After the Prophet's death his Companions and followers became

more

careful to

remember and

act

upon

his statements

and directives.

all

the

Many

of them kept written notes of such statements and utterances of the Prophet.

At any

rate, since the

middle of the

first

century H.

rences to the systematic collection and writing

down

we have

specific refe-

of hadith by a number

of Companions and Tabi'un (the generation immediately succeeding the

Companions). 5 Thus we know for certain

'Aban ibn 'Uthman ibn

that

'Affan (born between 15 and 20 H.) collected and trasmitted some reports

Maghdzi and taught fiqh and adjudication based on hadith to a

number of persons including 'Abu Bakr ibn Hazm. 6 During the same period
relating to

a junior contemporary of 'Aban ibn 'Uthman, namely, 'Urwah ibn al-Zubayr

(born 26 H.), gained fame as a muhaddith and faqth.
alone", 7 as

Horovitz points out, "placed him

1.

Ibid., no.

3906.

2.

Q. 16:44.

^Oj^^j^lJ^U^UJ^ /JJl dUl

3.

See for instance Bukhari, no.

4.

Muslim, No. 3004.

5.

and

J.

See for

details

M.M. A'zami,

Muhammad Zubayr

Siddiqi,

11-113; Musnad,

II,

"His relationship

in the position to

Id jit j ..

obtain

192, 207, 215, 403.

Studies in Early Hadith Literature, Indianapolis, 1978

Hadith Literature:

Its

Origin,

Development,

Special

Features and Criticism, Calcutta University, 1961. (revised edition published by the Islamic
texts society,

Combridge, 1993.

6.

Ibn Sa'd, V, 151; Al-Dhahabi, Siyar, IV, 351-53.

7.

'Urwah's mother Asma' was 'A'ishah's elder

'

sister.

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SiRA T AL-NABl

10

numerous accounts concerning

father,

from

his mother,

from

the early days of Islam at first hand;

and above

all

from

never tired of visiting and questioning."

'Urwah have indeed come down

his aunt, 'Aisha

large

whom

number of

his

he was

reports of

to us, especially through his son

Hisham

and Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri.

There were also others
tion

at that

time

who devoted

themselves to the collec-

and preservation of hadith. Particular mention may be made of 'Abu

Muhammad ibn 'Amr ibn Hazm. His grandfather, 'Amr ibn Hazm,
was appointed governor of Najran by the Prophet and was instructed by him
to teach Islam to the people of that region. As indicated above, 'Abu Bakr
received his knowledghe of jurisprudence from 'Aban ibn 'Uthman and, by
Bakr ibn

86 H., became the QadT of Madina when 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz was
governor. 'Abu Bakr continued in that post for long and was

of Madina in addition to

its

judgeship

in

its

made governor

96 H. Besides being himself

a great

muhaddith, he trained and encouraged his son 'Abd Allah to specialize

in

collecting and preserving hadith.

Thus by the

last quarter

of the

first

century H. the collection, preservation

and study of hadith had been well under way. So

done mostly on the

far,

however, the work was

of individual scholars and experts. Even then,

initiative

the scale of individual efforts in the matter

was indeed very wide.

reported about Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri (51-124 H.) that he

made

of compilations of hadith and these were kept in the state

of Khalifah Al-Waltd

in

a huge

store.

On

It

is

number

the death

96 H. these were carried away from there on the

back of a number of animals. 2

The

first

systematic state initiative in the work

was taken when 'Umar

'Abd 'Aziz became the Khalifah (99-101). His own learning and
the subject, coupled with his experience as governor of

consequent contact with the muhaddithun of that

ibn

interest in

Madina and

city, particularly

his

with

its

well-known judge (and subsequently governor) 'Abu Bakr ibn Muhammad,

had doubtless a good deal to do with

his resolution in this respect. It

was

this

'Abu Bakr ibn Muhammad, along with Muhammad ibn Muslim ibn 'Ubayd
Allah ibn Shihab al-Zuhri and two other scholars

make

whom

a systematic collection and compilation of hadith.

Horovitz, in Islamic Culture,

1.

J.

2.

Ibn Sa'd,

3.

See Ibn Hajar, Fath al-Bari,

II,

I,

1927,

389.
I,

160.

p.

547.

he commissioned to

These scholars

dili-

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

11

gently carried out their task and by the beginning of the second century H. a

considerable collection of hadtth

came

into existence.

Basing upon such primary collections and making further investigation

and painstaking search the subsequent generations of muhaddithun compiled

a huge corpus of hadtth during the succeeding centuries.
the

Of such

collections

most important are the following:

1

2.

The Muwatta of Malik

ibn

The Musnad of Sulayman

Anas (93-179 H.)

ibn

Daud

ibn al-Jarud

'Abu Daud al-Tayalisi

(133-204 H.)
3.

The Musnad of 'Abu 'Abd Allah Ahmad

Muhammad

ibn

ibn Hanbal

(164-241 H.)
4.

The Sunan of 'Abu Muhammad 'Abd Allah

'Abd al-Rahman

ibn

al-

Darimi (181-255 H.)

The Sahih of 'Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad

5.

ibn Isma'Tl al-Bukhari

(194-256 H.)
6.

The Sunan of 'Abu Daud Sulayman

ibn al-Ash'ath al-Azdi al-Sijistani

(202-275 H.)

The Sahih of 'Abu al-Husayn Muslim

7.

ibn al-Hajjaj al-Qushayri al-

Naysaburi (206-261 H.)

8.

The Sunan of 'Abu 'Abd al-Rahman Ahmad

ibn Shu'ayb ibn 'Alt ibn

Bahral-Nasa' 1(214-303 H.)

9.

The Sahih of 'Abu Bakr Muhammad

Sulami, al-Naysaburi (223-31

10.

The Sunan of 'Abu al-Hasan

ibn Ishaq ibn

Khuzaymah,

al-

1)

'Alt ibn

'Umar

Ahmad

ibn

al-Daraqutni

(306-385 H.)
11.

The Mustadrak
Allah ibn

12.

etc.

Muhammad

of Al-Hakim 'Abd Allah

Muhmmad

ibn

'Abd

al-Naysaburi (321-405 H.); and

The Sunan of 'Abu Bakr Ahmad

ibn al-Husayn ibn 'Ali ibn 'Abd

Allah al-Bayhaqi (384-458 H.)

As

the

work of

centuries, quite a

collection and compilation of hadtth continued over

mumber

versions of original reports

of fabricated and forged reports and modified

came

into being,

due mainly

further personal, party, group and sectarian interests.

to the desire to

good deal of forged

reports got into circulation due also to subversive motives

on the

part of

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NABI

12

Many

insincere converts from heterogeneous backgrounds.

such false and

way

fabricated reports as also Judaeo-Christian traditions found their

into

most of the commentaries of the Qur'an and the chronicles written during
those centuries. Fortunately, however, the muhaddithun and scholars were

aware of

this fact

tions to

rigorous scrutiny and

and they took special care

to subject the reports

and incorporating

selecting

tests,

and narra-

compilations only those that passed the various types of

in their

tests. In fact,

before

long, an independent branch of academic discipline, the principles or science

of hadtth ('usul al-hadtth)

tiny

came

and investigation took two

into existence. Broadly, the process of scrudistinct lines

and

(a) a

thorough investigation

and background of each and every

into the character, personality, capacity

transmitter of a particular report,

(b) textual criticism with special refe-

rence to internal evidence, compatibility or otherwise with the Qur'an and

well-established facts and, in general, with the rules of rational criticism. 2

As

thus scrutinized and sifted, the main collections are generally authentic and
trustworthy. For details of the

depend on

this vast
III.

The

life

and

activities

of the Prophet

we have

to

hadtth literature.

THE EARLY SIRAH/MAGHAZI LITERATURE

third source of information

the works of some early

on the

chroniclers.

As

life

and

of the Prophet

activities

is

indicated earlier these also consist

of reports or traditions, but are arranged more or less in chronological orders.

The

earliest

of such works also

when

century H.

may be

the learned elite of

traced to the middle of the

Madina had turned

task of collecting and preserving hadtth. Indeed, both types of activities

two aspects of

the

same urge

to obtain

deeds and words of the Prophet. Hence,

same scholars were both

literature.

1.

It

may

more or

the early stages the term

less the

maghazt

maghazt was

Rijal).

See for instance Al-Hakim 'Abu 'Abd Allah

Al-Madkhal

'ila

Ma'rifat al-Iklal, (ed.

Ma'rifat 'Ulum al-Hadith (ed. Sayyid

/

in the early stages,

This line of investigation led to the emergence of an extensive biographical literature

(Tabaqat and books on

2.

at

were

and preserve information about the

collectors of hadtth as well as compilers of

be noted here that

first

their attention to the

J.

Muhammad ibn 'Abd

Allah al-Naysaburi,

Robson), London, 1953. Also Al-Hakim's Kitab

Mu'azzam Husayn), second

impression, Madina, 1397

1977.
3.

See for a detailed account

their authors"

535-559;

II,

(tr.

J.

Horovitz, "The Earliest biographies of the Prophet and

from German by Marmaduke

Pickthall), in Islamic Culture,

1928, pp. 22-50, 164-182 and 495-523.

I,

1927, pp.

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

used rather loosely

The

to

denote both the sirah proper as well as the campaigns.

between the two terms came

distinction

13

be made

to

a subsequent

at

stage.

The
in its

scholar

first

who

is

known

to

have concerned himself with maghazi

wider sense was the same 'Aban ibn 'Uthman

reference has

He was

been made.

already

governor of Madina from 75 to 83 H.

It

15-20 H.) to

(b.

'Abd

Khalifah

made a

appears that he

whom

al-Malik's

collection of

materials relating to the sirah but nothing except a few isolated reports from

him

survive. Similarly his junior contemporary

community of Madina, 'Urwah

the learned

and a prominent member of

ibn al-Zubayr ibn

(26-94 H.), also devoted himself to the subject.

number of

transmitted a large

number of

He

al-'Awwam

not only collected and

reports but also gathered information about a

specific events of the Prophet's

life. In

made by
number of writ-

reply to queries

Khalifahs 'Abd al-Malik and Al-Walid, 'Urwah submitted a

ten statements. These are quoted by Ibn Ishaq, Al-Waqidi, Ibn Sa'd and Al-

Tabari. In these written communications 'Urwah does not generally mention

his sources,

though while reporting a hadith he usually

Mu'minin 'A'ishah
There were

as his source.

at least

two others from among the Tdbi'un who

Wahb

maghazi. They were Shurahbil ibn Sa'd (d.123 H.) and

(34-1 10 H.).

The former reported hadith from Zayd

rah and 'Abu Sa'Td al-Khudn

(r.a.).

Shurahbil

of emigrants to Madina and of those

lists

and 'Uhud. He

is,

refers to

'Uram

al-

who

is

ibn

ibn

dealt with

Munabbih

Thabit/Abu Huray-

said to

have written

down

took part in the battles of Badr

however, regarded as an untrustworthy authority. Neither

Ibn Ishaq nor Al-Waqidi cites him, but Ibn Sa'd reproduces his report

concerning the Prophet's journey from Quba' to Madina. 2 The other scholar,

Wahb

ibn Munabbih,

special

interest

compiled,

among

Maghazi. 2 He
others.

1.

in

is

was a "South Arabian of Persian

Jewish and Christian

other

traditions.

origin" and took

He

is

said to

have

and a Kitdb

works, a Kitdb al-Mubtada'

al-

quoted by Ibn Ishaq, Al-Tabari, Mas'udi, Ibn Qutaybah and

Wahb

Nowhere, however,

mentions the sources of

his information.

Recently the available fragments of 'Urwah's writings have been collected by

A'zamT and published under

the

title:

Maghazi Rasulullah Sallallahu

'alayhi

wa

MM.

Sallama,

Riyadh, 1401.
2.
3.

Ibn Sa'd,

I,

237.

fragment of the

latter

Heidelberg. See Islamic Culture,

work was discovered by C.H. Becker which

I,

p.

558

is

preserved in

S1RAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

14

Coming

to the

three scholars

Bakr ibn

succeeding generation, Tdbi'u-Tabi'in, there were

who

deserve special mention. They

Muhammad

ibn

ibn Hazm (d. 130/ 135

Muhammad ibn 'Ubayd

'Amr

ibn Qatadah (d.120 H.) and

at least

'Abd Allah ibn 'Abu

are:

H.),

'Asim ibn 'Umar

Allah ibn 'Abd Allah

ibn Shihab al-Zuhri (51-124 H.).

Reference has already been made to the ancestors of 'Abd Allah,

particularly to his father

background enabled him

maghdzi

ting to

Tabari

all cite

in its

him as

'Abu Bakr ibn Muhammad. 'Abd Allah's family

to

make a

considerable collection of materials rela-

wider sense. Ibn Ishaq, Al-WaqidT Ibn Sa'd and Altheir authority

and quote him frequently. According

to

Horovitz, the Kitdb al-Maghdzi referred to in the Fihrist as a compilation of

'Abd Allah's nephew 'Abd al-Malik, but of which no

trace has been found,

"probably consisted of the collected material which he had acquired from his
uncle".

notable aspect of 'Abd Allah's work was that he attempted to

establish the chronological order of the Prophet's

adopts. 2

'Abd Allah also transmits the Prophet's communications

Arabian princes and deals with the Arab

He does
reports.

campaigns which Ibn Ishaq

not,

however, mention

tribes'

his authorities with regard to

At times he also incorporates

his

to various

delegations to the Prophet. 3

own views

many

of his

in the reports he

transmits.

'Asim ibn 'Umar ibn Qatadah ibn al-Nu'man also belonged

Madinan

family. His grandfather Qatadah

the Prophet.

'Asim was renowned for

(r.a.)

his

to a noble

was a close companion of

knowledge of the strah

maghdzi.* Khalifah 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'AzTz assigned him a chair

mosque

at

Damascus

to narrate to the people the Prophet's

the noble deeds of his Companions. 5

He

is

and

at the

campaigns and

one of the chief authorities of Ibn

Ishaq and Al-Waqidi for the maghdzi properly so called. Like 'Abd Allah
ibn

'Abu Bakr, 'Asim too frequently does not mention

his authorities

and

also mingles his opinions with the reports he transmits.

Muhammad

ibn

1928,

Muslim

ibn 'Ubayd Allah ibn 'Abd Allah ibn Shihab al-

26, citing Fihrist, 226.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

Al-Tabari, Tarikh,

3.

Ibid.,

4.

Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Ma'arif, 466; Al-DhahaM, Siyar, V, 240.

5.

Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, V, 54.

II,

p.

III,

152-153

(I /

1756).

120-121 (1/1717-1718).

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

Zuhri belonged to the Banu Zuhrah of Makka.

among

Madinan

learned of the

many

received his knowledge,

form 'Urwah ibn al-Zubayr and ultimately became the most

others,

He was

society of his time.

hadith, genealogy and maghdzt.

like

He

15

He

equally well-versed in

had a remarkable memory. Nonetheless,

down

others of his time, he used to write

the reports he collected

He

and he passed these on to the succeeding generation.

recorded a large number of hadith and, as indicated

commission from Khalifah 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz

of

it.

only

Among
in the

his other

works we

from of quotations

find

earlier,

received a

make a compilation

mention of a Maghdzt; but

in the

tions, especially those in Ibn Sa'd,

to

collected and

it

works of

others. 2

From

it

survives

these quota-

appears that Al-Zuhri dealt not only

with the maghdzt proper but also with the other events of the Prophet's

He

life.

appears also to have distinguished between the terms strah and maghdzt.

Al-Zuhri generally gives isndd with his reports, but sometimes

During
to a large

his long

and distinguished academic

life

it is

lacking.

Al-Zuhri became teacher

number of pupils. Of them three came to prominence as writers of

They were Musa ibn 'Uqbah (55-141 H.), Ma'mar ibn

sirah/ma ghdzt.

Muhammad

Rashid (96-154 H.) and

Musa

ibn

ibn Ishaq (85-150/151 H.)

'Uqbah acquired knowledge

cipally under the tutelage of Al-Zuhri.

reliable authority.

us

in

He compiled

He

at
is

the Prophet's mosque, prin-

reckoned as a trustworthy and

a book on maghdzt which has

fragments and quotations. From these extracts

clear that his

was Al-Zuhri. Al-Waqidi, Ibn Sa'd and Al-Tabari

authority
reports

is

it

come down

to

main

reproduce

from him on a number of topics.

Ma'mar ibn Rashid was born at Basra but

known as a muhaddith and also compiled
works of

his predecessors

subsequent works
Baladhuri.

Most of

like

it

settled in

Yaman. He was

a Kitdb al-Maghdzi.

those

of Al-Waqidi, Ibn Sa'd,

his statements

He

is

Like the

also survives only in quotations and extracts in

go back

to Al-Zuhri.

He

of attention to Biblical history and, to some extent, to the

before migration.

well-

Al-Tabari

and

paid a good deal

life

of the Prophet

one of the main sources of Al-Waqidi.

The
'Aminah and the famous Companion Sa'd ibn 'Abi Waqqas (r.a.) belonged
to the Zuhrah clan. Zuhrah was brother of Qusayy ibn Kilab who settled the Quraysh at
Makka.
2.
Recently the fragments of Al-Zhuri's reports on maghazi have been collected and
edited by Dr. Suhayl Zakkar under the title Maghazi al-Nabawiyyah, Damascus, 1401 / 1981.
1

Al-Zuhri' s ancestry met with that of the Prophet in the person of Kilab ibn Murrah.

Prophet's mother

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

16

Of all the students of Al-ZuhrT, Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar is best
known if only because his work, the Kitab al-Maghdzi, has come down to us
more or
H.).

less in

its

Muhammad's

complete from through the edition of ibn Hisham (d.218

grandfather, Yasar,

was a Christian Arab, while

his father

Ishaq was a zealous collector of hadith. Ibn Ishaq received his knowledge,

'Umar ibn Qatadah and 'Abd Allah

besides Al-Zuhri, from 'Asim ibn

'Abu Bakr, and supplemented

Iraq.

He

though not on an

which

is

it

by other accounts obtained

wrote his work for Khaltfah 'Abu Ja'far al-Mansur

best

as Al-Sirat al-Nabawiyyah,

work which he received from Ibn

made

for the sake of reducing the

substantial

change

in the text.

"some people", was the

Badr on
is

the

preserved

preserved

Makkan
in

the

volume of

the alterations or omissions he

He

did not

make any

made by him,

for fear of

the work.

notable omission

report of the presence of 'Abbas (r.a) in the battle of

side and his capture as a prisoner of war, a report

Al-Taban.

in the

One

was based on a copy of

immediate student, Al-Bukka'T

Ishaq's

Hisham mentions, however,

(d.183 H.). Ibn

Egypt and

136-158 H.),

commission from him. The edition of Ibn Hisham,

official

known

in

(r.

ibn

In fact,

much

of what

is left

works of Al-Taban, Al-Azraqi and

out by Ibn

which

Hisham

is

others. 2

Though a generally acceptable account, the value of Ibn Ishaq's work is

somewhat compromised by the fact that some of his notable contemporaries
like Malik ibn 'Anas and Hisham ibn 'Urwah questioned his credibility. 3 Ibn
Ishaq himself acknowledges that he received information from the Jews,
Christians and Persians and incorporated their traditions and accounts in his

work. Often he expresses his doubts about the information he gives by

jecting the expression:/?

Of

inter-

("as they think").

may be made of
170 H.) who wrote a

the younger contemporaries of Ibn Ishaq mention

'Abu Ma'shar (Najih

ibn

Kitab al-Maghdzi, 4 but

1.

ma yaz'umuna

it

'Abd al-Rahman
has

Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Ma'drif,

p.

al-Sindi, d.

come down
492 See

to us only in fragments quoted

on Ibn Ishaq,

for a detailed study

Muhammad ibn Ishaq, Frunkfurt-am-Main, 1925.

2.
A Guillaume, in his Life of Muhammad: A

J.

Fuck,

Translation of Ibn Ishaq's Siral Rasul

Allah, (London, 1955), has attempted to compile Ibn Ishaq's

work from

different sources

including that of Ibn Hisham but excluding his additions and explanations. Recently Dr.

Suhayl Zakkar has edited a version of Ibn Ishaq's

under caption Kitab al-Siayr

wa al-Maghdzi of Ibn

work, as reported by Yunus ibn Bukayr,

Ishaq, Damascus,

3.

Ibn Qutaybah Al-Ma'arif, 492; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 42-43.

4.

Al-Dhahabi, Siyar, VII, 435-436; XII, 609.

398

1978.

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

11

works of Al-Waqidi and ibn Sa'd. Early Muslim scholars had,

chiefly in the

however, a very unfavourable opinion about 'Abu Ma'shar.

Another

younger contemporary of Ibn Ishaq was Yahya ibn Sa'td al-'UmawT (111/
1

who

19-194)

tions only.

also compiled a Kitab al-Maghazt1 but

The

Wahb

ibn

yet another

'Abd al-Razzaq ibn

It is

(125-197 H.) wrote another Kitab al-

younger contemporary of Ibn Ishaq, and very much

contemporary with the two

Maghazi. 4

survives in quota-

contemporary and also a younger contemporary of

latter's

Ibn Ishaq, 'Abd Allah

Maghazi?

it

last

mentioned scholars, was the famous author

Hammam

reproduced

in his

(126-211 H.)

He

Al-Musannaf. 5

It is

writing the account of the Prophet's

also wrote a Kitab alclear that the process of

was well under way by Ibn

life

Ishaq's

time.

Of

these early scholars

whose works have survived more or

complete forms the most notable

is

Muhammad

ibn

less in their

'Umar Al-Waqidi (130-

207 H.) He flourished during the time of Khaltfahs Harun al-Rashtd and Al-

Ma'mun,

receiving special favours from the celebrated minister

Yahya

ibn

Khalid al-Barmaki. Al-Waqidi was a versatile writer and compiled a number

Of them

of works.

only the Kitab al-Magahzi has

Waqidi mentions the

Al-Zuhri,

all,

whom

that he received reports

repudiated

occasionally

Ishaq's work." 7

Musa
it

ibn 'Uqbah, but

"cannot be doubted

Al-Waqidi mentions, however,

from others besides those mentioned by him. He

concentrates his attention on the

scholarly opinion about

to us. 6 Al-

he based his account, including

though, as Horovitz points out,

Waqidi made use of Ibn

1.

on

Ma'mar and 'Abu Ma'shar and

not Ibn Ishaq at

that

authorities

come down

him

is

Madina period of the

very unfavourable.

He

Prophet's
is

life.

an unsound and untrustworthy authority and as having

as

Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, X, 420-422; Al-DhahaM, Siyar, VII, 437.

XX,

2.

Al-DhahaM,

3.

Ibid., IX, 225.

4.

Ibid,

5.

Al-Musannaf,

6.

The

of the work was edited and published by

Siyar,

I,

344: IX, 139;

195; XXIII, 88.

XIX, 306; XXII, 357.

first third

313-492.

Von Kremer

in the Bibliotheca

lndica Series under caption: Waqidi's History of Muhammad's Campaigns, Calcutta,

abridged

German

Madinah (Berlin,
Marsden Jones.
7.

Muslim

almost unanimously

version

was published by

Julius

1882). Recently the complete

Islamic Culture,

II,

518.

Wellhausen under

work has been edited

title:

850.

Muhammad

in three

An
in

volumes by

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

18

tampered with or fabricated hadith for

His secretary Ibn Sa'd,

his purpose. 1

however, considers him a good authority on sirah and maghdzi.

Though

initially

Sa'd (168-230 H)

a secretary and writer for Al-Waqidi,

in fact

Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra. The

in his

work are devoted

Muhammad

Ibn

produced an independent and more valuable work

to the life

and

first

two volumes of

activities

encyclopaedic

this

of the Prophet; while the rest

is a

biographical dictionary of the Companions and the generation following

them. Though based on Al-Waqidi's work, Ibn Sa'd provides greater details,

more complete

furnishes fuller isndd and, in general, produces

reports.

He

also pays special attention to the personal characteristics of the Prophet,

produces a number of original documents and arranges his materials more

systematically. His Tabqat proper, or the

Tdbi'un

very valuable as

is

aspects of the sirah. 2

and he

is

it

Muslim

of the Companions and the

life

provides rare information about the various

scholarly opinions are in favour of Ibn Sa'd

generally regarded as a sound and trustworthy narrator.

Closely following Ibn Sa'd, but not so comprehensive

the subject,

was Ibn 'Abi al-Dunya ('Abd Allah

in his

treatment of

Muhammad

ibn

ibn Sufyan,

who compiled a Kitdb al-Maghdzi? It has not, however, reached us

He is outshined by his junior contemporary, the celebrated scholar
Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (224-320). His Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk
(or Tarikh al-Umam wa al-Muluk) is an encyclopaedic work of which the

b.

208)

intact.

second and third volumes 4 contain an account of the

Prophet.

Much

of

life

and activities of the

He

however, based on Ibn Ishaq's work.

it is,

is

also the

author of the comprehensive commentary of the Qur'an, Jdmi al-Bayan 'an

'

Ta'wil

'Ay al-Qur'dn.

commentary based on
With Al-Tabari

may

It is

unique

reports ('dthdr)

in

that

it

is

the first comprehensive

which has come down

to us.

the early classical phase of the writings on sirah/maghdzi

be said to have ended. The tradition of writing on the subject was of

course continued and

succeeding centuries.

many

came

other compilations

Simultaneously, works on the personality and noble

1.

Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 363-368; Al-DhahaM, Mizdn,

2.

Edited by E. Sachu and others, Leiden, 1924-28.

Beirut, 1405

into existence in the

II,

425-426.

good

reprint is that of

Dar

Sadir,

1985, in 9 volumes.

3.

Al-Dhahabi Siyar

4.

Of the Dar al-Ma'arif,

5.

See for a

list

'A 'lam

of the

al-Nubala, XIII, 403.

Cairo, 1978 edtion, in

1 1

vols.

more important of these works, Bibliography

to the present work.

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

19

deeds of the Prophet (Dald'il and Shamd'il) and on the

Compa-

lives of the

nions and the Tdbi'un, together with commentaries of the Qur'an and further

compilations of hadith
It

came

into existence.

should be clear from the above brief survey that systematic collection

and preservation of hadith and writing of sirah /magdhazi began almost

simultaneously, by the middle of the

first

century H.

and

at the latest,

that

both emanated from the same urge for collecting and preserving the words,

deeds and practices of the Prophet and his companions. In fact the same

group of scholars were almost invariably involved

But whereas

in collecting

in

both types of

activities.

and recording a hadith which had any bearing on a

doctrinal or legal point they were generally very careful in checking their
authorities

and

in

been rather easy

The Qur'an,

applying other

tests for authenticity,

in their attitude in respect

they appear to have

of reports of a historical nature.

the hadith and the classical sirah and ancillary works are

complementary and supplementary

to

one another.

We have to depend on all

these three sources in order to obtain a fairly complete view of the Prophet's
life

and

activities. In fact,

the Qur'an

on the

life

in all

subsequent writings

sirah.

The Qur'an, though

and

ticity

beginning with the work of Ibn Ishaq/Ibn Hisham,

and the reoports have both been used

it

does not provide complete historical date about the

activities of the Prophet,

is

nevertheless unique in respect of authen-

and contemporaneity. Any information or viewpoint found

in

any other

source, including even authentic hadith, must be tested and verified, as far as
possible, in the light of the Qur'an. Anything found contrary to

harmony with

its facts,

spirit

it

or not in

and purport, must be rejected as untrue and

unacceptable.

As

regards hadith and the sirah/maghdzi literature, though they both are

compilations of reports, a position of primacy must be accorded generally to

the reports contained in the hadith collections properly so called; because

these were acknowledgedly compiled with

mining authenticity. But

to

if

more care

to the rules deter-

a report in any of the hadith collections

be weaker in respect of isndd and other

tests

is

found

than the one on the same

point contained in a sirah work, preference should of course be given to the

latter.

The simple

investigation,

is

principle, followed not only in historical but in

that a

weaker evidence must yield place to the

dealing with the Sirah this principle

may be

all

types of

stronger. In

spelt out in the following rules:

SiRATAL-NABf AND THE ORIENTALISTS

20
( 1 )

Where any

pretation,

it

authentic hadith

is

available on any point of fact or inter-

should be given preference to any other report

if it

not in

is

conformity with the former.

(2)

Where two

or more authentic reports on the same fact or point give

divergent accounts or views, the one or ones for which support

in the

Qur'an, the other reports of less authenticity and

in the

is

available

works on the

sirah should be preferred.

The same

(3)

rule should apply if such divergence is

more equally weak

Where

(4)

reports

on the same point or

neither the Qur'an,

information on any point or

found

fact.

nor any authentic hadith

has of course to be

fact, reliance

two or

in

provides

made on

the

reports or accounts found in the sirah literature, though these might not meet
all

the requirements of authenticity.

Since the sirah /maghazi works are also compilations of reports,

two important consequences.

less the

same

narration of

its

preceding work.

between. In view of this

is

In the

on the works of

New

fact, the

these works contain

first place,

materials, each succeeding

work appearing

facts

and information are few and

their predecessors, has hardly

its

obvious shortcomings,

remains the basic work for the broad outlines of the Prophet's

works suggests

been

well-known

ering, editing

THE SOURCES AND THE ORIENTALISTS

that

some

orientalists

have been instrumental

in discov-

and publishing a number of original Arabic works and manu-

The present

section

is

not intended to recapitulate that aspect of their

made to

only an attempt has been

and use of the sources

As

life-story.

the different

lost to us.

work, far less to detract from the value of their work

to

in

it

though many of the works on sirah/maghazi have not

that

IV.

scripts.

it

to us in tact perhaps nothing of importance or significance has

for that very reason

It is

far

as

been surpassed or super-

Secondly, the sameness of the information and materials

come down

more or

largely to be a re-

work of Ibn IsMq/Ibn Hisham, based

seded by subsequent works. Despite some of

still

has

it

it

it

Here

indicate the salient aspects of their attitude

in dealing

regards the Qur'an

do not acknowledge

in this respect.

with the Prophet's

life.

needs hardly any mentioning that the orientalists

to be the

word of

probably have ceased to be orientalists.

Allah. If they did so, they

On

would

the contrary they attempt to

THE SOURCES OF THE S'lRAH

attribute

its

authorship, by

some device

21

or other, to the Prophet.

From

this

premise they advance a number of related propositions or speculations.

These

main, as follows:

are, in the

Qur'an (and for

(1) That the

facts derived

Arabia
(2)

at the time.

That

it

that matter Islam) is based

on the ideas and

from the systems of Judaism and Christianity prevailing

in

represents the Prophet's ideas of socio-religious reforms aris-

ing out of his time, environment and circumstances.

(3)

That the Prophet derived

his literary style

mainly from that of some

ancient Arab poets.

(4)

That the language of the Qur'an

but contains a large

not quite pure Arabic, as claimed,

number of foreign words. 2

These questions
Prophethood of

is

in fact relate to the

Muhammad

whole nature and background of the

as also to the nature of the revelation he

received. These have therefore been dealt with, as far as practicable, in their

appropriate places in this work. 3

Since the nineteenth century another trend

been to rearrange the

ideas and attitudes.

basis of

it

G. Well and

Almost

to

The

Qur'an

the orientalists has

in "chronological order" in order to

W.

all

Muir6

be the "gradual" development in Muhammad's

line

was indicated by Theodore Noldeke. On the

A. Rodwell carried out his translation of the Qur'an. 4 Others

found

texts of the

what they assume

trace

among

like

took up the theme almost simultaneously. The trend

the orientalists are of this view.

sort of consolidated statements

may

be

in:

(a)

Richard Bell, The Origin of Islam

reprinted,
(b)

in its Christian

Environment, Edinburgh, 1926,

London, 1968.

C.C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam,

New York

1933; reprinted with. F.

Rosenthal's Introduction, 1967.

2.
3.

4.

A Jeffery, Foreign

Vocabulary of the Qur'an, Borado, 1937.

See Chapters IV, XI, XII, XIV-XX.

A. Rodwell, The Coran, Translation with Suras arranged

London, 1876. The

his

Muslim to follow
The Qur'an. Arabic Text and English

ish

Museum Cat.

first

No. 14512.

suit

Chronological order,

Translation, arranged chronologically, 191

(Brit-

d. 15).

5.

G. Weil, Historisch-Kritische Einletung

6.

W.

Muir, The Coran,

in

appears to be Mirza Abul Fazl (of Bengal). See

its

in

den Koran, Bielefeld and Leipzig, 1878.

Composition and Teaching, London, 1878.

SIRAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

22

has been carried to extremes, however, by Richard Bell.

Working on two
was a

basic but erroneous assumptions that (a) the normal unit of revelation

short passage and (b) that the Prophet "revised"the texts before combining

them

into surahs, Bell classifies the Qur'anic passages into various types,

them the

calling

"sign" type, the "slogan" type, the "soothsayer" type, etc.

makes a number of sheer conjectures

also

sion".

to support his hypothesis

For instance, he advances the absurd suggestions

introduced

in the text

by

He

of "revi-

that "reservations"

(except) are later additions; and that the exis-

ilia

tence of what he calls an apparently "extraneous" theme in an otherwise

homogeneous passage was due to the original text and the addition having
been written on two different sides of the same writing material and then of
having been mixed up

their

at the

time of "editing". 2 Supporting Bell's

suggestions in general, Watt pays special attention to the theme of "revi-

sion"and piles further assumptions upon those of Bell. 3

The

subject indeed needs an independent treatment.

Only

it

may be

poin-

ted out here that the purpose of the orientalists seems to have been not so

much

As M. Hamidullah

to clarify as to confuse.

assumption of Bell

is

hedged

in

points out, almost every

by qualifications and reservations

"perhaps", "seems to be" and the like, so

much

so that a reader

unable to make out what the writer means. For instance, on

Introduction to the

Quran)

there

are difficult to date, and

[sic]

it

is

the Qur'an are very early, though

More of an admission
to the use of

two

often

p. 75 (of the

the following passage: "These slogans

doubtful

if

any of these which appear

some of them may

in

quite well be so." 4

of the confusing nature of Bell's suggestions are

Watt's observations: "even

due

is

is

like

if

we

suspect that the present order of the text

we

sides of the writing material,

degree of certainty say what was on the back of what."

"It

is

cannot with any

has

now become

question of dating separately each passage of a few verses. In the case of

revisions, a single

word even may have

a different date from the rest of the

verse." 5

R. Bell, Introduction to the Qur'an, Edinburgh University press 1953.

2.

Ibid, 74-78, 83.

3.

W.M.

Watt, "The dating of the Qur'an:

April, 1957, pp. 46-56.

Review of Richard

Bell's theories", J.R.A.S.,

See also his revised edition of Bell's Introduction

to the

Qur'an, Edin-

burgh University Press, 1970

4.

Vol.

I,

5.

M. Hamidullah's review of
No.

4, Dec., 1954, pp.

Bell's Introduction to the

239-243 (the observation

Watt, "The Dating of the Qur'an

is

on

etc.", op. cit., 53, 55.

Qur'an, The Islamic Quarterly,

p.

240).

THE SOURCES OF THE S'lRAH

23

on the basis of such dating of the Qur'anic passages

It is

that the oriental-

attempt to trace what they think the gradual development of the Prophet's

ists

makes

ideas and concepts. For instance, Watt

his

own

selection of

what he

considers to be the very early passages of the Qur'an and on that basis
suggests that at the beginning of his mission the Prophet had only a vague

and imperfect concept of monotheism. Some other features of the

1

use of the Qur'an in dealing with the sirah are as follows:

ists'

Considering the Qur'anic evidence

(a)

supplementing

it

"Muhammad" does
name

in the

Madinan

period!

By

Makkan surah

the

kill

the Prophet adopted the

same method of

isolating the Qur'anic

show that neither

nor was there any

at

Makka

severe,

the Prophet.

Taking a passage out of

An

context and putting a wrong interpretation

its

instance of this type of use of the Qur'anic evidence

is

the sugges-

tion that in 53:1 1-18 (surat al-Najm) the Prophet claimed to have seen

Taking or emphasizing just a part of an

(c)

liter-

has been attempted to

it

was persecution upon the Muslims

attempt as such to

it.

without collating and

been suggested that since the name

has

it

not occur in any

evidence from other evidences

(b)

in isolation

with the information contained in hadith and the sirah

Thus, for instance,

ature.

on

oriental-

other part and thus putting on

it

God. 3

'ayah, to the exclusion of

its

a meaning just the opposite to what

is

conveyed by the passage as a whole. An instance of

this

type

is

the sugges-

based on 16:103 (surat al-Nahl) that the Qur'an shows that the Prophet

tion,

was tutored by a person! 4

(d)

Wrong

interpretation of a passage to get support for a specific

assumption. For instance, the passage 17:74 (surat al-

show

that the desire for

his

doing so!

(e) Insistence

is

is

interpreted to

that Allah

had to intervene

to restrain

upon only one shade of meaning of an expression or term

the exclusion of the other senses in which

instance

')

making a compromise with the unbelievers was so

prolonged and strong in the Prophet

him from

'Isrd

the interpretetation of the term

See below, Chap. XXIII, sections

2.

See below Ch. VI, section

II.

3.

See below Ch. XVIII, section V.

4.

See below Ch. XI, section IV.

5.

Infra,

Ch. XXXI,

sec. III.

and

II.

it is

used

wahy

in the

Qur'an

itself.

to

An

in the sense of "suggestion"

S1RAT AL-NAB'l AND

24
only, not verbal

As

communication from Allah.

came

hadith literature

in general.. 2 It

it is

show

that

not reliable and that most of the reports,

brought into existence by party,

fabrications

are

has been attempted to

into existence at the earliest in the second century of

Islam, that the isndd system in

all,

most important source of information

as the second

it

on the sirah and on Islam

not

case of the Qur'an, so in that of hadith the orientalists have

in the

attempted to dislodge

if

THE ORIENTALISTS

political,

dogmatic, juristic and ideological exigencies of the second/third century of

The argumentations and assumptions of

Islam.

brought to a climax, so to say, by

Schacht

J.

the previous scholars were

in his

Origins of Muhammadan

Jurisprudence published in 1950. Besides complementing and supporting his

predecessors' views Schacht advanced two novel suggestions, namely, (a)
that Islamic

law

Qur'an might

outside the scope of the "religion" of Islam so that the

falls

be ignored as a source of Islamic jurisprudence and

virtually

even the apparently

(b) that

historical hadith

was not

free

from suspicion

because, as he says, this too was formulated on juristic considerations.

Not
ries

to speak of the

Muslim

untenable, 3

and assumptions

who view the above mentioned

even many Western scholars find it

scholars

extreme conclusions. For instance N.J. Coulson,

cult to accept Schacht's

when

otherwise recommends Schacht's work, points out that

theodiffi-

who

his thesis "is

systematically developed to the extent of holding that the evidence of legal

traditions carries us

back

to about the year

A.H.100 only; and when the

authenticity of every alleged ruling of the Prophet

assumed, or rather created,

Muslim

From

society.

in

is

denied, a void

the picture of the development of law

a practical standpoint, and taking the attendant

circumstances into consideration, the notion of such a vacuum

accept."

1.

2.

Vol.

is difficult

to

See below Ch. XVIII, section

III.

See for instance Ignaz Goldziher, Mohamedanische Studien

II, tr.

into English

London, 1971; and

by C.R. Barber and

A Guillaume,

Hadith Literature, Oxford,

3.

is

in early

See

makdnatuha
1984; and

for instance

S.

M.

Stern under

title

published 1890),

(first

Muslim

The Traditions of Islam: An Introduction

Studies, Vol.

to the

II,

Study of the

924.

Mohsin 'Abd

al-Nazir,

Dirdsdt

Goldziher fi al-Suunnah

wa

al-'ilmiyyah, (Arabic text), unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Tunis, 1404

M. Luqman

Salafi,

Naqd al-Hadith

'inda al-Muhaddithin

sanadan wa matanan wa

dahd maza'im al-Mustashriqin, Riyadh, 1984.

4.

N.J. Coulson,

History of Islamic Law, London, 1964, pp. 64-65. See also his "Euro-

THE SOURCES OF THE S1RAH

25

The views and assumptions of Schacht have been dealt with specially by
M. M. A'zami. It has been shown that Schacht's views about isnad are
wrong and that his suggestion regarding the "Living Tradition" and its
1

having been projected back onto the Prophet are unfounded. 2

By

a reference

to the specific juridical activities of the Prophet as well as to the first century

Islamic legal literature

law

that

it

has been shown that Schacht

is

wrong

in thinking

of Islam was not based on the Qur'an and the

in the first century

sunnah. Taking Schacht on his

own grounds and

quoting in extenso the very

and authorities cited by him, A'zami has convincingly demonstrated

texts

each case Schacht has taken his argument out of context, has misun-

that in

derstood or misinterpreted the texts and has otherwise advanced assumptions

and conclusions not quite substantiated by the authorities he has adduced

their support. Further,

such jurisconsults as

it

in

has been shown that in forming his opinions about

Imam

Malik, Schacht has relied not on their

own

writ-

ings but on what their contemporaries or near-contemporaries have said

about them.
It is

on such

and untenable Goldziher-Schacht assumptions about

faulty

hadith that the orientalists have generally based their approach to

source of the Prophet's life-story.

views about the Qur'an determine

And

tially

made up of

hadith literature

as a

approach to hadith and their

their attitude to the sira literature in gene-

Thus one group of scholars take up

ral.

this

it

the position that the latter

is

essen-

hadith material arranged in biographical order; but since

is

not reliable and

is

in

any case only elaborations of the

Qur'anic materials, the only independent source about the Prophet's

life is

the Qur'an; but then as the latter does not provide any chronological details

and

restricts

itself

at

anything definite can be

is

best

to

allusions

known about

and indirect references, hardly

the Prophet's

life.

In other words, there

almost an insuperable historical "problem"regarding him. 3

Differing from this group, the other group of orientalists treat the sirah

literature as the

main source

for the Prophet's

pean criticism of Hadith Literature"

Literature to the end of the
1

2.

M.M. A'zami,

3.

in

though they do not ignore

The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature: Arabic

Period, Cambridge, 1983, pp. 317-321.

Studies in Early Hadith Literature, Beirut, 1968, Chaps. VI, VII.

M.M. A'zami, On

University, Riyadh

Umayyad

life,

Schacht's Origins of

Muhammadan

& John Willy & Sons, Inc, New York,

Jurisprudence,

King Saud

1985.

See for instance Regis Blachere, La Probleme de Mahomet Essai de biographie

critique

du foundateur de

I'lslam, Paris, 1952.

SIRAT AL-NABl

26

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

the value of the Qur'an. This position

"What

in fact

broad outlines of the

framework

summed up by Watt who

best

is

Western biographers have done

into

picture.. ..given

which

sounder methodolgy

to

accounts as complementary sources..."

The expression

assume the

"anecdotes." 2

which Watt uses another word,

reports in the strah literature

family isndd system;

above passage

Watt even seems

to

more properly

may be observed

that the first

called the

much wrong

is

in

little

value.

group of scholars are near the truth

more or

assuming

might be considered independent

that

is

though, like the other orientalists in general, he

thinking that the sirah literature

but they are very

hadith,

In his support for the

defend what

considers the isndd system in the hadith literature proper as of

It

traditional

"the early traditional accounts" used in the

truth of the

use this as the

Qur'anic material as possible. The

refers to the sirah literature, not to the "tradition" or

for

to

regard the Qur'an and the early

to

is

much

as

fit

to

is

by the Sirah, and

says:

less

in

another version of hadith;

that there is nothing in the sirah

historical material.

More

particulary,

they are wrong in assuming, as one of their spokesmen says, that "in the face

of the Christian historical sources which

attest the

miraculous figure and the

same

for the founder of Islam

divinity of Jesus," the need for doing the

arose, and "the already existing dogmatic and juristic hadith are collected

and chronologically arranged." 4 The question of the correctness of the

premise apart,

it

may be

pointed out that the sirah literature

is

not

made up

only or primarily of materials designed to provide analogous miracles for the

Prophet!
Similarly the second group of scholars are right in holding that the sirah
literature provides the
in

assuming

that the sirah,

tially different

tight

1.

Lewis

from hadith

compartments,

W.M.

broad outlines of the Prophet's

in

two

Watt, M. at M.,

& P.M.

though a

distinct

life;

corpus of

literature or that the

but they are

wrong

literature, is essen-

two developed

in

two water-

different periods, the former in an earlier period

XV. See

also his

"The materials used by Ibn Ishaq"

in

Bernard

Holt (eds.), Historians of the Middle East, London, 1962, 23-34.

2.

Watt, M. at M., XI.

3.

Watt, "The reliability of Ibn Ishaq's sources" in La Vie

Du Prophet Mahomet,

Colloque

de Strassbourg, October, 1980, (pp. 31-43), pp. 40-41. Silmilar support to the isndd system
given also by Maxime Rodinson in "A Critical Survey of Modern Studies on Muhammad",
Marlin Swartz
4.

(ed.) Studies in Islam,

C.H. Becker, quoted

London, 1981

in Historians

of the

(pp. 23-85), p. 44.

Middle

East, op.

cit.,

p. 23.

is

in

THE SOURCES OF THE SIRAH

and the

subsequent period. As already shown, the compilation of

latter in a

sirah literature

27

grew out of

sunnah of the Prophet and

the

that

it

same urge

for collecting and preserving the

as well as the collection and preservation of

hadith started simultaneously, by the second half of the

at the latest,

and

at the

But though differing

sources

in their

in their attitude to the sirah literature as such, in

make use more

treatment of the Prophet's

same methods

in

century of Islam

hands of almost the same group of scholars.

practice both groups of scholars

the

first

life.

or less of

the three

all

In doing so they adopt almost

respect of the "reports" in the sirah literature (also in

hadith literature) as they use in respect of the Qur'anic evidence. Thus often
they:
(a)

take a particular report in isolation, without collating or supple-

menting
(b)

it

with the Qur'anic or other evidence on the same subject;

make use of weaker or even

spurious reports

if

they

fall in line

with a

particular point of view, without considering at all the question of the

authenticity of the reports in question or without taking into consideration

other reports on the

same

subject that tend to give a different view

(c) take the report out of context

and put on

it

a wrong and untenable

interpretation;
(d) take only a part of a report to support a particular point of view,

instead of taking the report as a

whole which would otherwise give a

diffe-

rent picture; and

(e) in so doing,
in

no way

impute motives

to reporters or

even

to the authors that are

substantiated.

Each and every one of these aspects of

the orientalists' use of the

"reports" whether in the sirah literature proper or in the hadith

would be clear

as

we proceed

with the story in the present work.

literature

CHAPTER

II

THE BACKGROUND
I.

Arabia

is

THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE

the largest peninsula on the surface of the earth, being nearly

one-third of Europe in size.

It

forms the southwestern wing of Asia, joined

with Africa by the Sinai desert and Egypt.

waters

Red Sea

the

the Arabian Sea to the south.

imaginary

line

It is

Its

in

the

and

said to be an

west to the Tigris-

that

it

once formed a continua-

Sahara desert on the one hand and the Central Iranian and the

Gobi Desert on the

depression of the

other;

and

that subsequently

Red Sea which, however, could

The Arabian peninsula

is

it

became separated by the

not alter

feet in the north.

Beginning from Hadramaut

along the Hijaz including the towns of

in the

in

Yaman,

run almost parallel to the coastline, through

its

arid nature.

and west by mountain

skirted in the south

ranges of varying heights, reaching some 14000 feet

10000

to the east

Geographically the deserts of Syria and Iraq

in the east.

form part of the peninsula. Geologists think

tion of the

Gulf

may be

northern boundary

from the Gulf of al-Aqaba

Euphrates valley

surrounded on three sides by

to the west, the Arabian (Persian)

Makka and

south and

some

the south these ranges

the Asir region and

all

Ta'if and meeting the

ranges in the Sinai, Palestine, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. There are small

Oman where the Al-Akhdar

feet. On the west the mountains

ranges in the eastern region also, particularly

mountain

a height of about 10000

rises to

rise rather steeply, leaving a

fertile lands.

From

altitude of about

belt

of plain and comparatively

the mountainous region in the west, which averages an

4000

country to the east

narrow coastal

in

is

feet at about

one hundred and

fifty

miles inland, the

a vast plateau, highlighted by the plateau of Najd, slop-

ing gradually to the east coast.

The mountain ranges in the south and north prevent respectively the
monsoon rains from the Indian Ocean and the winter rains from the Atlantic
and the Mediterranean Sea from reaching the interior of the land. Hence
rainfall is generally scanty in

heavy downpours

at

many

most

parts,

though there might be occasional

places including

Makka, Madina, Ta'if and

Riyadh. In dim antiquity the land was probably more humid and rainfall

more

plenty, as indicated

beds.

Of

by the existence of numerous wadh or stream-

the desert proper, there are three

main regions

Al-Nufud

in the

SiRAT AL-NABI AND

30

THE ORIENTALISTS

Al-Rub' al-KMli (the Vacant Quarter)

north,

in the south,

almost the size of France, and Al-Dahna, which

desert linking the

is

which

in itself

is

a sort of a corridor of

two above mentioned northern and southern deserts and

running by the east central region. The

of the peninsula

rest

steppeland,

is

together with vast areas of fissured lava lands, particularly in the central,

western and northern regions. The steppelands are sprinkled with numerous
fertile

oases and settlements. There are some rermarkably

hottest
is

and

The climates

driest countries of the world.

regions in

fertile

the west and south, as also along the coast. In general Arabia

is

one of the

are rather extreme.

It

very hot during the summer, and quite cold in the winter. In the winter

season the temperature in some places in the north and south

falls far

below

zero degree centigrade.

look at the

map would

at

once make

it

clear that Arabia forms a link by

the three

land as well as by sea between Asia, Africa and Europe

nents that

till

conti-

the geographical discoveries of the 15th/16th centuries

thought to constitute the entire world. Arabia

world. Not only that.

From time immemorial

of ancient civilizations

were

situated in the middle of this

is

has been surrounded by a belt

it

the Nile Valley (Egyptian) civilization in the west,

the Phoenician and Assyrian civilizations in the north, the Tigris-Euphartes

Valley (Babylonian) civilization, the Persian civilization and the Indus

Valley civilizations

Chinese

in the north-east

civilization.

Arabia

and

east.

Further east-north-east lay the

in ancient times

was thus very much

middle of the then "civilized" world. Modern researches show that

Semitic emigrants from the heart of Arabia

who

in the

was

the

participated in building

up

it

the Egyptian, the Phoenician, the Assyrian and the Babylonian civilizations.

And

since

dim

cial contacts

antiquity Arabia also remained in constant trade

with the lands of Asia, Africa and Europe. Ships from India and

the "Far East" touched

land routes connected

it

with

traders of the outer world

The

southern ports and sailed up the

its

of world commerce and

strategically

and commer-

its

all

the three continents.

inhabitants were the

The geographical

It

lay

Red

Sea; while

on the highroad

middle-men between the

situation of Arabia has

made

it

and commercially important throughout the ages.

internal geographical features of Arabia

any foreign intrusion into

it

Consequently,

its

and

its

climate prevented

inhabitants have through ages

retained their ethnic purity. Historians are agreed that Arabia

is

the cradle

and habitat of the Semitic population (descended from Sam, son of Nuh,
p.b.h.).

As P.K.

Hitti observes,

though the term "Semitic" has of

late

come

to

THE BACKGROUND
be used

in the

31

West more generally with reference

their concentration in

America,

inhabitants of Arabia who,

it

is

to the Jews, because of

more appropriately applicable

to the

more than any other group of people, have

their physical

retained the Semitic characteristics in

manners,

features,

customs, habits of thought and language. "The people of Arabia have

remained

Arab

virtually the

same throughout

the recorded ages."

all

historians and traditions classify the inhabitants of Arabia into

two

broad divisions, their extinct ancestors and the surviving people. The extinct
ancestors are called al-'Arab al-Ba'idah (the extinct Arabs)
flourished in

dim

antiquity but

Examples of these

tence.

Tasm, the
found.

JadTs, the

who have gone almost

lived

entirely out of exis-

whom

'Amlaq and others of

virtually

no survivors are

references to those bygone peoples,

'Ad and the Thamud. The former flourished

particularly to the

and

Arabs are the 'Ad, and the Thamud, the

extinct

The Qur'an makes repeated

Arabia (Hadramaut region) and the

region of Al-Hijr.

who

latter in

The Prophets Hud2 and

in

south

north Arabia, particularly in the

Salih 3 (p.b.t.) were sent respec-

two peoples. Recent excavations have unearthed archaeolo-

tively to these

go only

gical remains that

to

confirm the truth of what the Qur'an, the

ancient Arab traditions and the Arab historians state in respect of these
extinct ancestors of theirs.
inscription of the Assyrian

The Thamud
King Sargon

are mentioned

II,

by name

dated 715 B.C.

They

in

an

are also

mentioned by Ptolemy and Pliny. 4

The surviving people

are divided into

two

categories, al- 'Arab al- 'Aribah

or the Aboriginal Arabs and al-'Arab al-Musta' ribah or the Naturalized

Arabs. The

first

Qahtan

are the descendants of Ya'rub son of Yashjub, son of

(Joktan of the Old Testament).

They

are therefore

more generally

called

Qahtanite Arabs. Their habitat was Yaman. The famous Sabaean and

Himyarite kingdoms and their high degree of civilization were the work of
1.

P.K.

Hitti,

History of the Arabs

(first

published 1937), 10th edn. (1970),

1th print,

1986, pp. 8-9.

2.

Surah XI of the Qur'an

is

named

after him.

See specially

its

'ayahs 50-60. See also

7:65-72; 25:123-140 and 46:21-26.

3.

See Q. 7:73-79;

4.

First Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1913-1936, VIII, p. 736.

5.

Qahtan was the son of

Nuh

(p.b.h.j.

1:61-68; 24:141-159; 27:45-53.

'Abir, son of Shalikh, son of Arfakhshad, son of

Sam, son of

S1RAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

32

these Qahtanite Arabs.

The Qur'an makes

Since time immemorial, however,

from

the

many Qahtanite Arabs had migrated

and spread over

their original habitat

More

special mention of the Sabaeans. 1

all

parts of the Arabian peninsula.

lately the process of migration received an increased

first

Arabs

bursting of the

in the

Dam

of Ma' rib and the

maritime trade

Roman

century A.C.

in the first

impetus due to

displacement of the

Of

who

those

thus

may by made of the tribe of Azd. One

Banu Tha'labah ibn 'Amr, first settled in the region of
Al-Tha'labiyyah but subsequently moved on to Madina. Their descendants
were the famous 'Aws and Khazraj tribes who in the course of time became
migrated from time to time mention

branch of

this tribe,

Azd tribe, Banu

'Amr settled in the Hijaz and came to be better known as Banu
Khuza'ah. They in the course of time occupied Makka displacing its earlier
inhabitants, Banu Jurhum. Another important Qahtanite tribe, Banu Lakhm,

the Helpers (ansdr) of the Prophet. Another branch of the

Harithah ibn

settled in

Al-Hirah (modern Kufa region

where they founded a

in Iraq)

buffer state between Arabia and the Persian Empire (roughly 200-602 A.C).

Another powerful

Banu Ghassan,

tribe,

settled in

the Ghassanid

kingdom

the Byzantine

Empire and Arabia. The Ghassanid

lower Syria and founded

there, playing a similar role of a buffer state

state

came

to

between

an end on

account of the Sasanid Khusraw Parwez's capture of the region, including

Damascus and Jerusalem,

Two

in

613-614 A.C.

other powerful Qahtanite tribes

Tayyi' and

Banu Kindah. The former

who

settled in

Arabia were Banu

settled in north Arabia, in the region

between the 'A' a and Salma mountains, which are

for that reason better

known

al-Tayyi' belonged to

as the Tayyi' Mountains.

The famous Hatim

Banu Kindah, on
established a kingdom there. Their

the other hand, settled in central

this tribe.

rulers, unlike the others,

Arabia and

bore the

title

of

king (malik).

The Naturalized Arabs,

al-

'Arab al-Musta 'ribah, were the descendants of

Prophet Ibrahim through his eldest son Prophet Isma'il

be supposed

that they

mentioned Qahtanite

mother

settled at

were

tribes

Makka

later in

1.

Surah 34 of the Qur'an

to

Arabia than the above

Prophet Isma'il and his

long before the dispersal of the above mentioned

Qahtanite tribes in different parts of Arabia.

27:22.

must not

fact

coming

from the south. In

(p.b.t.). It

is

named

after them.

It

should also be noted that

See specially

its

'ayahs 15-21. See also

THE BACKGROUND

33

He descended

Prophet Ibrahim was no non-Arab or non-Semitic person.

from the same Semitic Arabs who had long previously migrated and

Makka and settling his son and wife there was a sort
home of his ancestors. The descendants of Isma'il

settled

coming

the Tigris-Euphrates valley (Babylonia). In that sense his

in

to

of return to the original

are called "naturalized

Arabs" not really because they were originally non-Semitic outsiders, but
mainly because their ancestors had long before
II.

The

story

left

the land.

THE KA'BA AND THE ABRAHAMIC TRADITION

of Prophet Ibrahim's migration from Babylonia to Syria-

Palestine (Kan 'an), then to Egypt, then his return to Palestine and subse-

Makka

quently his coming with his wife Hajar and son Isma'il to

known. These epoch-making

to

idols

well-

travels took place roughly at the beginning of

the second millennium B.C. Ibrahim had at

abandon the worship of

is

first

and other objects

called his

like the

own

people to

heavenly bodies and

worship the One Only God. They, however, instead of responding to his
1

put him to various vexations and ultimately to the test of

call,

which God protected and saved him. 2 Only

believed and accepted his

by Sarah and Lut

(Palestine).

first

At both

people to worship

call.

Under God's

migrated to Haran

his wife Sarah

directive 3 Ibrahim,

(in Syria)

the places he preached God's

Him

alone.

monarch

initially

him and

respected him.

Next he travelled

to

fire

from

and nephew Lut

accompanied

and then on

to

Kan 'an

message and called the

Egypt where the reigning

designed evil against him but was subsequently attracted to

The

ruler presented Hajar to Ibrahim

and Sarah.

Hajar was originally a princess and queen to another ruler but was captured

war by

in a

the Egyptian monarch. 4

and subsequently married

God

for a son.

God

her.

With Hajar Ibrahim returned

to Palestine

Ibrahim had hitherto no child. So he prayed to

granted his prayer and gave him the good news that a

forbearing son would be born to him. 5

As Hajar became pregnant Sarah

grew jealous of her; but God blessed

According

her.

to the

Old Testament an

angel visited her and gave her the good tidings that she would give birth to
the

first

son to Ibrahim and that she should name the son Isma'il. 6 In due

1.

Q. 6:74, 80-83; 19:41-50; 21:51-71; 26:70-82; 29:16-18, 24-25; 37:83-98.

2.

Q. 21:68-70.

3.

Q. 21:71.

4. Ibn

Khaldun, Tarikh,

5.

Q. 37:99-100.

6.

Genesis 16:7-11.

II /I /

79; Ibn Sa'd,

1,

48, 49.

SIRAT AL-NABI

34

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

course she gave birth to a son, the first-born to Ibrahim, and the child was

named

Isma'il. Ibrahim

was

Till Ibrahim's return

at that

time 86 years old.

from Egypt Lut had

all

along been with him. Then

Lut was called to Prophethood and was directed to preach to the people
inhabiting the then prosperous region lying to the southeast of the

The

Dead

obey Allah. Ultimately Allah destroyed the intransigent population and

and a few of

habitat, saving Lut

some 12 or

his believing followers.

13 years after the birth of Isma'll.

devastation are

Ibrahim found

the

it

The

their

This happened

scenes of destruction and

visible in the region.

still

After Isma'il's birth Sarah grew

Under

Sea.

reform themselves and to

sinful people rejected his repeated appeals to

more jealous of Hajar so

the

all

that

necessary to separate her and the child from near Sarah.

Allah's directive and guidance he travelled with Hajar

and Isma'il

all

way from Palestine to the valley of Makka and left the mother and the
some provisions and water, at the spot near which the Ka'ba

child, with

stands.

It

was then an uninhabited

why he was

leaving

them

place. Hajar of course enquired of Ibrahim

there. In reply

ing to Allah's directive and desire.

he said that he was doing so accord-

The

virtuous and believing Hajar will-

ingly submitted to Allah's will, expressing her confidence that Allah

not then

let

Allah of course did not

let

Hajar and Isma'il down. As the

of water with them was soon exhausted Hajar went

ran frantically between the nearby Safa and

As

Marwah

in

appeared before her by Allah's

comamnd and

them was indeed the beginning of

little

amount

search of water. She

hills in

she thus completed seven runs between the two

hills,

search of water.
the angel Jibril

caused the well of

Zamzam

to

The provision of this

well

their peaceful existence there.

For

gush forth from the ground for Hajar and

for

would

them down. 2

Isma'il.

water in those days (as also subsequently) was the most valuable wealth in

Yaman was

desert Arabia.

Soon

Noticing that

a bird was flying over the spot of

guessed that there

a Qahtani tribe of

was water

obtained Hajar's permission to

1.

there.

They reached

settle there.

passing by the region.

Zamzam

they correctly

the spot and sought

Thus the spot was

settled

and

and

it

Q. 6:86:7:80-84; 11:77-83; 15:57-77; 21:74-75; 26:160-175; 27:54-58; 29:26, 28-35;

37:133-138; 51:31-37; 54:34-39; 66:10.

2.

Bukhari, No. 3364.

3.

Bukhari, no. 3365.

THE BACKGROUND

35

soon grew to be an impoprtant trading centre, lying conveniently on the trade

route from

Jurhum

Yaman

to the north

tribe, learning the

and vice-versa. Isma'tl grew up among the

pure Arabic tongue from them.

When grown up

he

successively married two ladies from the Jurhum tribe, the second wife

being the daughter of

In the

know

Mudadd

ibn

'

Amr,

meantime Ibrahim continued

leader of the

to visit

about the well-being of his son and wife.

Jurhum

tribe.

Makka from time to time to

On one such occasion, when

Isma'tl had reached the age of understanding, Ibrahim received Allah's

command
Isma'tl.

in

The

dream

and only one son. He disclosed

to sacrifice his dear

virtuous son of the virtuous father,

who

it

to

himself was to be a

Prophet of Allah, Isma'tl unhesitatingly consented and asked his father to

carry out Allah's behest. Accordingly Ibrahim took Isma'tl to a suitable
spot 2 ,

made him

on the ground, face downward, and was about

lie

neck with knife when Allah's

his

call

to strike

reached Ibrahim saying that he had

already passed the test and that he should instead sacrifice an animal. 3

was

test

for both father and son and both

reward for having passed

gave him the good tidings

first

had creditably passed

it.

It

The

was as a

this test that

Allah further blessed Ibrahim and

He would

favour him with another son by his

that

wife Sarah, though both he and she had grown quite old. 4 Thus another

son, Ishaq,

was born

to Ibrahim

by Sarah when Isma'tl was about 14 years

old.

On

another occasion

house for His worship.

Isma'il.

As they

good deed,

when Ibrahim

visited

Accordingly he

built the

tives. 6

to render

them submissive

who would

purify

them and

peace and security and to feed

Ibid

2.

Some

reports say

Qur'an specifically

Ka'ba, assisted by his son

to His will, to raise

recite

Further they prayed Allah to

1.

Allah bade him build a

raised the foundation they prayed to Allah to accept their

progeny a people submissive to Allah and

Prophet

Makka

it

to be at

states that

3.

Q. 37:102-107.

4.

Q. 37:112-113.

5.

Bukhari, no. 3365

6.

Q. 2:127-129.

its

to raise

from among

their

from among them a

unto them His scripture and direc-

make Makka and

its

vicinity a land of

people abundantly "such of them

Mina; some others think

it

to

be near the Marwah

hill.

both father and son submitted to Allah's will (37: 103, ui-t).

as

The

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRA T AL-NABI

36

believe in Allah and the Last Day."

When

completed Allah commanded Ibrahim

pilgrimage to the House (Ka'ba). 2

mage

the building of the

to proclaim to

mankind

So Ibrahim introduced the

Ka'ba was
the duty of

rite

of pilgri-

to the Ka'ba.

The Qur'an
and both

as well as the Bible state that Allah especially blessed Ibrahim

his sons, Isma'il

multiply into nations.

two sons were

and Ishaq, intimating

Indeed,

settled in

two

that their

was according

it

descendants would

to the Divine plan that the

different lands. Ibrahim lived long to see his

sons grow into maturity, establishing their respective families. According to

the Old Testament Ibrahim lived for 175 years and
Isma'il and Ishaq

Isma'il also lived long for 137 years and

from

when he died both

together buried him. 4

whom twelve

tribes arose.

They and

left

behind him twelve sons

their descendants lived at

Makka;

but as their numbers increased they scattered over the other parts of Arabia.

Of

the tribes

eldest two,

who

arose out of the twelve sons of Isma'il, those from the

Nabat and Qaydar (Kedar of the Old Testament) became more

prominent. The descendants of Nabat migrated from

Makka towards

the

north where, in the course of time, they founded the famous Nabatian King-

dom

(sixth century B.C. to 105 A.C.) with Petra as

its

capital.

The descen-

dants of Qaydar continued to live at

Makka and

time of 'Adnan, probably the 38th

descent from Qaydar. The descendants

in

its

vicinity for long

till

the

of 'Adnan through his son Ma'dd and grandson Nizar multiplied so greatly
that they

over

all

were

in the

course of time divided into numerous tribes and spread

parts of Arabia including

Bahrayn and

Iraq.

Most of

the tribes

who

subsequently attained prominence traced their decsent from 'Adnan and thus
called themselves 'Adnanites.

ibn Wa'il,

Qays

ibn Mudrikah,

Such famous

ibn 'Aylan, Sulaym, Hawazin, Ghatafan,

Asad

ibn

1.

Q. 2:126.
Q. 22:27.

3.

Genesis 12:2; 16:10.

4.

Genesis 25:7-9.

5.

The old Testament,

after

all

Tamim, Hudhayl

traced their descent from

twelve princes according to their nations."

their

ibn

'Adnan and

mentioning the names of the twelve sons of Isma'il,

"These are the sons of Ishmael, and these are

castles;

Bakr

Khuzaymah, Thaqif, and Quraysh (sons of Fihr

Malik ibn al-Nadr ibn Kinanah)

2.

tribes as Taghlib, Hantfah,

states:

names, by their towns, and by their

Genesis

25:16.

THE BACKGROUND

37

through him from Isma'il and Ibrahim.

Indeed, this Abrahamic tradition was the most important and universal
feature in the social life of the Arabs.

expression

was the symbol of

It

numerous independent

identity, despite their division into

ulously

maintained their genealogy tracing

Ibrahim.

They

built

it

Abrahamic

the tribes believed the

by Ibrahim and they considered

it

Ka'ba

mage

to the

with that

Abrahamic

tradition all the

Ka'ba and Makka,

rite,

make

to

faint

And most

Ibrahim and Isma'il had taught.

asked them, through the Qur'anic

tradition

have been

They even

in

the Ka'ba.

Arabs used to perform

and to circumambulate the Ka'ba.

regarded as the Supreme Lord

found

pilgri-

sacrifice of animals in connection

idolatry they did not forget the

into gross

to

as their spiritual centre.

placed images of Ibrahim and Isma'il along with other images,

In pursuance of the

It

ultimately to Isma'il and

universally practised circumcision as an

all

tribes.

various ways. Each and every tribe metic-

in their practical life in

(sunnah). All the peoples of

and

their unity

And

name

despite their relapse

Whom

of Allah,

they

remnant of monotheism which

imporant of

all,

when

text, to revert to the true faith

the Prophet

of their fore-

him on

father Ibrahim (millata 'abikum Ibrahim) they did not controvert

this

point of their ancestry going back to Ibrahim, although they were only too

ready to oppose the Prophet on

all

conceivable grounds. This

emphasizing; for nothing was more obnoxious to an Arab than

false or

is

worth

to ascribe a

imaginary ancestry to him.

III.

MAKKA AND ARABIA

PRIOR TO THE RISE OF ISLAM

After the death of Prophet Isma'il his descendants remained in control of

the affairs of

Makka

for

some

time.

Then

their maternal relatives,

Jurhum, snatched power from them and continued to

rule

Makka

Banu

for several

centuries.

They were then defeated and ousted from Makka by Banu

Khuza'ah

in alliance

time of their leaving

covering

it

with Banu Bakr ibn 'Abd Manat ibn Kinanah. At the

Makka Banu Jurhum

destroyed the

with earth and burying on the spot

Zamzam

well by

some of their arms and armour

and two golden gazelles. The well thus remained covered and unspotted

for a

long time.

Banu Khuza'ah remained

several centuries. Ultimately

at

the

helm of affairs

Qusayy

for another long period of

ibn Kilab of the

Quraysh

tribe,

who

belonged to the main branch of the descendants of Prophet Isma'il, ousted

Banu Khuza'ah from Makka, with

the assistance of

Banu Kinanah. This

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NAB1

38

event took place some two centuries before the birth of the Prophet. Qusayy
gathered

Quraysh people under

the

all

around Makka.

He

banner and settled them

his

assumed control of

also

Makka and

ting to the administration of

all

and

in

the traditional functions rela-

the Ka'ba.

These functions were

mainly:

key of the Ka'ba and being

(1) Al-Hijdbah,i.e., possession of the

charge of
(2) Al-Siqdyah,

i.e.,

its

being

in

upkeep.
charge of supplying water to the pilgrims

in

at

the time of hajj and also, subsequently, the right to administer the well

(3) Al-Rifddah,

i.e.,

being

charge of supplying provisions to and feed-

in

ing the pilgrims during the hajj season.

Al-Nadwah,

(4)

i.e.,

the right to

tribe to discuss

(5) Al-Liwd",

i.e.,

command

convene the consultative council of the

and decide upon the

in

war and

affairs of civic life.

right to bear the standard

of the

tribe.

Qusayy used

to exercise all these functions assisted

by

his four sons.

He

Ddr

al-

also built a house for tribal consultation near the Ka'ba, called

Nadwah,
and of

them

setting

its

door towards the Ka'ba. All matters of peace and war

of

civil administration

in the

Makka were

Ddr al-Nadwah. The

clan. Decisions in the council

Qusayy used

to call

upon

all

discussed and decisions taken on

chief of each clan spoke on behalf of his

were adopted by unanimity. At the time of hajj

the

Quraysh

to contribute

towards the expenses

of providing food, water and meals for the pilgrims, especially during their
stay at

Mina, stressing that they were the guests of Allah. The practice thus

introduced by Qusayy continued to be followed even after the establishment

of Islam.

Qusayy had four

'Abd

sons,

al-Dar,

'Abd Manaf, 'Abd al-'Uzza and

'Abd. of these four sons the second, 'Abd Manaf, was a natural leader of

men. He became prominent and was respected by

time of his father Qusayy. The
al-Dar, to succeed to

of

Makka and

all

the

the Ka'ba.

latter,

all

even during the

life-

however, selected his eldest son, 'Abd

above mentioned functions of the administration

All the four sons accepted Qusayy's decision.

Accordingly, after his death, 'Abd al-Dar exercised those functions. After his

1.

Ibn Hisham,

I.,

129-130.

THE BACKGROUND

39

death, however, differences arose between his sons (Banu

'Abd al-Dar) and

Manaf (Banu 'Abd Manaf). The Quraysh clans were divided

the claims of Banu 'Abd Manaf, the
others supporting Banu 'Abd al-Dar. Banu 'Abd Manaf were supported by
Banu Asad ibn 'Abd al-'Uzza ibn Qusayy, Banu Zuhrah ibn Kilab, Banu
Taym ibn Murrah ibn Kilab, and Banu al-Harith ibn Fihr ibn Malik ibn alNadr. Banu 'Abd al-Dar, on the other hand, were supported by Banu
Makhzum ibn Yaqazah ibn Murrah, Banu Sahm ibn 'Amr ibn Husays ibn
Ka'b, Banu Jumah ibn 'Amr ibn Husays ibn Ka'b and Banu 'Adiyy ibn
Ka'b. The two groups formed two rival alliances
the former being called
those of 'Abd

on the issue

one group supporting

Al-Mutayyabun because of

their

having reportedly dipped their hands

bowl-ful of scent and thus vowed

came

other group

to be

known

to

Banu 'Abd Manaf; while

support

rival

groups were about to engage themselves

when

the issue

According

the

as Al-Ahldf, or the Confederates, because they

entered into a formal alliance, hilf for supporting

two

in

Banu 'Abd
in

al-Dar.

The

an armed conflict over

good sense prevailed and a compromise was worked out.

to the

compromise, Banu 'Abd Manaf were given the two func-

tions of Al-Siqdyah and Al-Rifddah, while the three other functions of Al-

Hijdbah, Al-Nadwah and Al-Liwff remained with Banu 'Abd al-Dar. This

arrangement continued

to

be followed

till

the establishment of Islam.

The functions of Al-Siqayah and Al-Rifddah thus given to Banu 'Abd

Manaf were exercised by 'Abd Manafs second son Hashim because his
elder brother,

'Abd Shams, was of

straitened

means and was almost always

out on trade travels. Hashim, like his father, was a

the natural

spokesman of the Quraysh

concluded a series of trade

sinia.

As

man of

parts

and became

in their international relations.

treaties with the

He

Byzantie authorities and Abys-

a result the commercial operations of the Quraysh expanded greatly

in both the north

and the south, particularly

in

Syria and Abyssinia.

He

also

introduced the system of two principal yearly trade travels to foreign lands,

one

in

the winter and the other in the summer.

Hashim died

at

Ghaza

in the

course of one such trade travels.

The

functions of Al-Siqayah and Al-Rifddah then devolved on Hashim's

younger brother Al-Muttalib ibn 'Abd Manaf. Like

also

was endowed with

call

him Al-Fayd on account of

1.

Ibid.,

131-132.

his brother Al-Muttalib

the qualities of head and heart.

his generosity

The Quraysh used

to

and outstanding personality.

siratal-nab! and the orientalists

40

After his death the charge of Al-Siqayah and Al-Rifadah passed on to

Hashim's son, 'Abd al-Mu

ttalib, the

'Abd al-Muttalib had a long

life

grandfather of the Prophet.

and exercised the two functions

than half a century. His most outstanding achievement

and restoration of the

Banu Jurhum

it

Zamzam

Well. Since

'Isaf

the statues of

two of

nights to re-excavate the well and

their

gods

their successors

gods and goddesses.

their

'Abd al-Muttalib was commanded

that

more

lost its trace. In fact

and Na'ila, on the spot where they and

used to sacrifice their animals for

for

the re-excavation

destruction and burial by

had remained untapped and people had

the predecessors of the Quraysh had placed

and goddesses,

its

was

It

is

reported

dreams over three consecutive

in

was informed about

its

location.

Accor-

dingly he started digging up the spot, assisted by his then only son AlHarith.

As

also the

down

some depth he found the arms and armour and

two golden gazelles buried there by Banu Jurhum. Digging further
he dug

to

down he

struck the main stone with which the

covered.

He

had

mouth of the well had been

cried out of joy and praised Allah for his success.

initially raised

when they saw

some

that

'Abd al-Muttalib had

claimed to have a share

The Quraysh

objection to his disturbing their sacrificing spot; but

in

it

saying that

it

rightly

spotted the well, they

actually belonged to their

common

ancestor Isma'Tl. 'Abd al-Muttalib did not agree to the proposal saying that

he alone had been divinely selected for restoring and administering the well.

The matter was

ultimately settled either by the usual process of divination by

arrows or by drawing

lots

Quraysh peacefully allowed

fixed the

which

fell

in

the latter to

two golden gazelles

at the

'Abd

al-Muttalib's favour.

own and

administer the well.

door of the Ka'ba. This

recorded instance of decorating the Ka'ba door with gold.

The discovery and re-excavation of

prestige and influence of

the

Zamzam

is

the

The

He
first

well heightened the

'Abd al-Muttalib. The possession of

this perennial

source of water also greatly facilitated his performing the functions of Al-

Siqdyah and Al-Rifadah. Indeed during 'Abd al-Muttalib's time these two
functions

became

the

most important aspects of the civic

life

of Makka.

his exercise of these functions for more than half a century made
him well known throughout Arabia and to all the Arab tribes and visitors to
Makka. And by virtue of his age, wisdom and wealth he became the virtual

Moreover

chief of the Quraysh in both their internal and external affairs.

1.

Ibid.,

142-147.

THE BACKGROUND

Zamzam

Besides the re-exacavtion of the

41

well, the other notable event

durring 'Abd al-Muttalib's time was the invasion of

He had

Abyssinian governor of Yaman.

San 'a', called Al-Qullays

built

Makka by Abrahah,

the

an imposing cathedral

at

which he determined to divert the pilgrimage

to

and trade of the Arabs. He organized a huge army well equipped with horses
and elephants and, under the pretext of his cathedral having been desecrated

by an Arab, led an expedition against Makka with a view

Some Arab

Ka'ba.

tribes attempted to resist

him on

to destroying the

the way; but they

were defeated. Coming by way of Ta'if he ultimately reached the

Makka
he got

in the outskirts

of the

city,

including

would be spared

their lives.

If,

to fight

him

irresistible forces

When

that the

kill its

When

of Abrahah.

therefore the emissary

the

to fight

laid

on the

The

latter

the personality

came down from

floor.

He

whom

Abrahah and were rather

was

therefore invited to

his sons

other leaders he went with the emissary to Abrahah's camp.

Muttalib that he

emissary

the chief

met 'Abd al-Muttalib he informed

Accompanied by some of

was so impressed by

latter's

'Abd al-Muttalib as

desirous of a peaceful settlement. 'Abd al-Muttalib

the latter

come

had been decided that there was no

it

Quraysh had no intention

see Abrahah in his camp.

people but had

'Abd al-Muttalib had already had consultations

to the city everyone pointed out to

to talk to.

and

to

"chief

its

therefore, they submitted peacefully, they

with the chiefs of the other clans and

use opposing the

two hundred camels belonging

sent his emissary to the city to tell

(Abrahah) had no intention

only to dismantle the Ka'ba.

came

vicinity of

with his army and elephants, and plundered and captured whatever

'Abd al-Muttalib. Abrahah then

that he

all

his throne

and a couple of

It is

reported that

and disposition of 'Abd

and

sat

al-

with the latter on a seat

then asked 'Abd al-Muttalib to say what he had to say.

asked for his two hundred camels to be returned to him. Abrahah

expressed his surprise and disappointment, saying that he had expected the

Quraysh leader
to spare

it.

to

speak to him about the

camels, not of the Ka'ba which had

willed,

fate

'Abd al-Muttalib calmly replied

would see

to

its

its

of the Ka'ba and to entreat him

that

he was the owner only of the

Lord and Protector Who,

if

He

so

safety and protection. Intoxicated by the superiority

of his forces Abrahah arrogantly replied that the Lord of the Ka'ba would be

of no avail against his forces. 'Abd al-Muttalib only remarked that that was
for

him (Abrahah) and

the Lord to see.

'Abd al-Muttalib returned

desert their

homes and

to the city

to take shelter

Thus

finishing his talk with

Abrahah

and advised the Quraysh people to

on mountain tops and

in the vales to

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

S1RAT AL-NABl

42
see what

Abrahah would do

'Abd al-Muttalib himself, before

to the Ka'ba.

leaving his home, went to the Ka'ba and then by touching

and beseeched the Lord

The Lord
to

sky, each with

a huge flock of birds ('abdbtl) appeared in the

stones (brimstones) in

sijjil

down upon

city,

door prayed

As Abrahah was about

did indeed intervene to save the Ka'ba.

sweep down on the

rained

House.

to protect His

its

its bills

Abrahah's army. Everyone

and claws, which they

who was

struck by the stone

body decomposing quickly. The invading army was thus almost

died, his

Abrahah himself managed

totally annihilated.

to escape with his elephant

and returned

to his capital only to die shortly afterwards

having been

hit

by the

sijjil

stone. This

due

to the effect of

memorable and miraculous event

took place in the very year in which the Prophet was born (570-571 A.C.);

and

is

it

graphically described in surah 105 (al-Fil) of the Qur'an. 2

*

*
It

ment

would be clear from

at least

two and a

its

above brief survey

half millenia old

more or

civic life resembled

the beginning of

the

less that

existence

its

when

Makka was

that

the Prophet

nor the succeeding

settlers

were nomads when they

Makka. Even the Quraysh, before

sion of

but were settled

at

on trade and

their capture of

in

it

and

its

situation

For,

it.

it

original

took posses-

were no nomads

who

was otherwise only a barren and

agricultural prospects or other

economic

It

to the existence of the

on the then international trade route

a bone of contention between the various tribes

control

it,

first

neighbouring areas and carried on trade and commerce.

was Makka's religio-commercial importance due

Ka'ba

its

of the ancient Greek city-state. Since

inhabitants lived mainly

commerce. Neither Banu Jurhum and the descendants of Isma'fl, the

settlers,

settle-

was born and

attractions.

that

made

it

srtove to possess and

hilly tract

At

all

without any

events,

it

would

be a mistake to suppose that Makka, and for that matter the Quraysh, had

emerged only

lately

shortly before or

from a nomadic

on the eve of the

In fact since the

rise

to a settled

of Islam.

emergence of Arabia

into the light of history

raphy has been characterized by a duality.

1.

2.

Ibid.,
Ibid.,

down upon

and mercantile economy

We

its

demog-

find the existence of settled

48-52.
49-52.

The

other references in the Qur'an to

sijjil

stones having been rained

a sinful people are in 11:82 and 15:74, both of which relate to the punishment of

the people of Prophet Lut (p.b.h.).

THE BACKGROUND
and

relatively civilized

communities (hadar) side by side with "nomadic"

and wandering groups (badw). Not

to

speak of such ancient and well-known

Minaean (1200 B.C.- 600

states as the

(1

Sabaean (950 B.C.-115

B.C.), the

B.C.), the Qataban (100 B.C.-l 15 A.C.), the

and the Himyarite

43

Hadramaut (180 B.C.-300 A.C.)

15-525 A.C.) kingdoms

in the south,

and the Nabataean

(400 B.C.-106 A.C), The Ghassanid (271-630 A.C.) and the Lakhmid (271-

628 A.C.)

states

in

many

the north,

possessing and controlling specific

Of such

fortresses.

tribes

important tribes were settled folks

territories,

and having

their capitals

and

mention may be made of Banu Quda'ah (north-

western Arabia), Banu Kalb (northern Arabia), Banu Rabi'ah and Banu Bakr
ibn Wa'il (northeastern Arabia),

Banu Tayy'

(north-central Arabia),

Banu

Hanifah (eastern Arabia, Al-Yamamah), Bannu Kindah (central Arabia),

Banu Hawazin and Banu Sulaym (central and south-central Arabia), Banu
Khuza'ah and Banu Ghifar (western Arabia between Makka and Madina).
The

Banu Kindah,

rulers of

as already mentioned, bore the

Banu Bakr ibn Wa'il sometimes measured

Banu Hanifah, as is well known, offered
after the Prophet's death.

Arabia,

Banu Kinanah

Banu al-Daws
tribes,

really

'Amr of al-Daws

Makka became
that tribe. 2

'Aws and

Banu Thaqtf at Ta'if, Banu 'Abs in north

Banu Ghatafan in north Arabia and

in south Arabia. Prior to his

and not

settled tribes like the

in western Arabia,

had sought help and support from such

1

the toughest resistance to Islam

There were other

the Khazraj at Yathrib (Madina),

of "King".

title

strength with the Persian empire.

tribe

migration to Madina the Prophet

settled

and strongly entrenched

from the nomadic and wandering

tribes.

had indeed asked the Prophet, when

critical, to

leave

it

and

Tufayl ibn

his position at

to take shelter in the strong fortress of

The Prophet, however, declined

to

do

so.

Places like Makka,

Dumat alof Islam. The

Jedda, Ta'if, Yathrib (Madina), Khaybar, Tayma', Tabuk, Fadak,

Jandal, etc., were
political spectacle

ancient India

all

long-standing settlements prior to the rise

of pre-Islamic Arabia resembled

found

full

above
1.

2.

all,

See

tribal

and

political entities,

settlements and jurisdic-

were vast areas of "no man's lands" where the nomadic

tribes

play for pasture, preying on or trading with one another and,

for

wandering from place to place

XXXV.
XXXV, sec.H.

infra, ch.

Infra,

a large measure that of

multiplicity of small and petty states

with the difference that in Arabia, besides the

tions, there

in

Ch.

in quest

of the above mentioned

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

44
objectives.

The

was based on

tracing their descent

It

was

naturally

from a

'tribe'.

considerably large group of people

common and

distant ancestor constituted a tribe.

composed of a number of

'clans',

common

closely related families having a

each clan being a group of

The

ancestor.

system was the emphasis on the preservation of

alogies.

It

was not uncommon even

and clan

tribal,

enti-

was expected

this

clan and family gene-

for an ordinary individual to

genealogy up to the 20th or 25th of his ancestors.

his

tribe

and distinctions were scrupulously maintained. One incidence of

ties

as

and nomadic sections of

social system in respect of both the settled

the population

remember

respectable person

name by mentioning five to ten of his ancestors, such

son of...., son of...., etc. The importance attached to gene-

to tell his

'Abd Allah,

alogy led to the

of a class of specialists called nussdb

rise

who

collected,

preserved and transmitted the genealogies of tribes, clans and families. 'Abu

Bakr

(r.a)

was one such nussdb

tribe

occupied the position of a

vidual's identity, his rights

were

tribe,

tribe or clan

was

killed with impunity

was invariably

clan and family were

modern

all,

times.

his safety

An

indi-

and security,

person disowned by or expelled from his

a "stateless person".

like

"state" in

and duties and, above

linked with the tribe.

all

Makka. The

though there are a very few references to matrilineal families.

patriarchal,

The

at

He

could be wronged, captured or

by anyone. Conversely, a wrong done

to

an individual

treated as an offence to his tribe or clan as a whole;

and

if

the

offender belonged to another tribe or clan, that tribe or clan was collectively
held responsible for the offence. Often the killing of one person by a person

of another tribe led to prolonged "blood feuds" between the two tribes and
their allies.

An

individual's qualities

and attainments were counted as points

of honour for his tribe or clan, while the clan's or

reflected into the status

tribe's

and prestige of the individual.

achievements were

An

outsider could be

integrated into a tribe or clan as an ally {halif) or as a protected person

(mawld). The tribe was, however,

members merely a
and

its

in

no way

"totalitarian";

nor were

its

collection of "labour" or "man-power". Just as the 'clan'

constituents, the 'families', had individual existence, so a person

enjoyed a good deal of freedom and individualism.

He owned, bequeathed
own family, acted

and succeeded to properties, married and established his

according to his

The

own

likes

and dislikes so long as his acts did not infringe

practice continued even after the establishment of Islam.

THE BACKGROUND

45

own

vocation or profession. Just

the rights of others, and freely pursued his

as, for instance, the

vidual

winning of a gold medal

in

modern Olympics by an

indi-

considered a distinction for himself as well for his state or nation,

is

similarly an individual's attainments, physical or intellectual, constituted

laurels for himself as well as for his clan or tribe. Similarly, just as a

citizen

is

duty-bound to defend and

fight for his state or nation, so a

modern

member

of a tribe was duty-bound to defend and fight for his tribe or clan. Even then,
if

he so elected, he could

at times

remain neutral and avoid joining his

tribe's

war. 'Abd Allah ibn 'Ubayy's not joining his tribe in the Bu'ath war between
the

Aws and the

Khazraj of Madina

is

an instance in point.

Leadership of the tribe was determined on the basis of nobility

wisdom and

seniority in age,

was no

tribal leader,

despot. Affairs of the tribe generally, and questions of

were decided

particularly,

in

in birth,

however,

war and peace

consultation with the clan chiefs. Similarly,

civic and administrative functions

of a

The

personal qualities.

were distributed among the various clans

tribe.

Within the
extent of his

tribe

mum

of 'chivalry'

called

ah,

Kdmil or

an individual's stature was gauged by the

which term bore almost the same

in battle, hospitality

and eloquence.

life

it

medieval Europe. Generally,

in

through bravery
of one's

and outside

Perfect.

even

person

Suwayd

signification as that

muruah found

in poverty, fidelity

who

ibn Samit of

and was

in

a sense

its

at the risk

was

Banu 'Awf at Madina was one

such Kdmil. Eloquence found expression through poetry.

tribe

even

excelled in all these qualities

esteem by his

expression

A poet was

spokesman. Through

held in

his poetry the

poet usually idealized and glorified his tribe and clan, sung their victories,

expressed their joy and gave vent to their sorrows, ethos and attitudes
happiness and adversity. The
their choicest productions

The

seures of poetry.

tribal

in

poets used to meet in rivalry and recited

at the fair

The Arabs were connois-

of 'Ukaz.

best compositions were awarded appropriate prizes and

the very distinctive ones are said to have been written in golden letters and

hung on the Ka'ba

walls.

These were as such called mu'allaqat or the

"Suspended ones". The Ka'ba was thus not only a

for the Arabs,
well.

1.

it

was a point of

their intellectual

During the couple of centuries before the

Ibn Hisham,

I,

425-426.

common

and

rise

religious centre

literary integration as

of Islam, the composi-

SIRAT AL-NABI

46

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

tions of only ten poets found place in the mu'allaqdt.

As

case of the existence of small and petty states

in the

country in ancient times, so

in

any given

Arabia, the tribes were often at war with one

in

another. Tribal pride, personal rivalries, the desire of one tribe to aggrandize
at

the cost of another tribe, blood feuds, quarrels over the possession of

oases, wells, pastures and fertile lands and, at times, diplomacy and

mach-

inations by the neighbouring Byzantine and Persian empires for their respective imperial interests generally lay at the root of

such internecine wars. The

Arabs cherished the memory of the most important conflicts as the "Days" of
'Ayyam al-'Arab. Of such memorable "Days"

and bravery

their glory

mention may be made of the "Day of Basus" between Banu Taghlib and

Banu Bakr,

the "Days of Dahis and al-Ghabra'" between

Banu Dhubyan

Banu 'Abs and

(both in the late fifth century A.C.), the "Days of Fijar"

between the Quraysh and Banu Kinanah on the one hand and Banu Hawazin
on the other

(late sixth

century 2 ), the "Day of

Dhu Qar" between Banu Bakr

ibn Wa'il and the Persian empire (610 A.C.) and the

"Day of Bu'ath"

between the 'Aws and the Khazraj of Madina (617-618 A.C.). 3 Such wars

were fought more with a view

the one party over

much

its

actual blood

to establishing the superiority and

opponent than for exterminating the

was shed, though

latter.

heroism of
Often not

the conflict and hostilities might be

prolonged over years or generations. Sometimes peace was concluded by the

one combatant

paying

tribe

its

opponent blood-money for the surplus of

its

dead.
In line with the two-fold divisions of the population their

The

generally followed two distinct patterns.

settled

economic

life

people carried on trade

Tarafa ibn al-'Abd of Banu Bakr

(d. 500 A.C), (2) Imru' al540 A.C), (3) 'Ubayd ibn al-Abras (d.
555 A.C), (4) Al-Harith 'ibn Hilliza of Banu Bakr (d. 580 A.C), (5) 'Amr ibn Kulthum of
Banu Taghlib (d. 600 A.C), (6) Al-Nabighah al-Dhubyani of Banu Dhubyan (d. 604 A.C),
1.

These poets were:

(1)

Qays, grandson of King Harith of Banu Kindah

(7)

'Antara ibn al-Shaddad of Banu 'Abs

Muzayna

(d.

615

AC),

(9)

Al-'A'sha

Rabf'ah of Banu 'Amir ibn Sa'sa'ah

(d.

(d.

(d.

615 A.C),

(Maymun

(8)

Zuhayr ibn

'AM Sulma

ibn Qays, d. 629 A.C.) and (10)

662 A.C.) The

last

of Banu

Labid ibn

named embraced Islam and gave

up poetry. See for a short discussion on them R.A. Nocholson, A Literary History of the
Arabs, Cambridge, 1988 edn., pp. 103-125.
2.

See

infra,

Ch.VII,

3.

See

infra,

Ch.XXXV,

these 'ayyam

is

sec.III.

sec.III.

One

Muhammad Ahmad

Jahiliyyah, Cairo, n.d.

of the best modern consolidated accounts of most of

Jad al-Mawla Bik and others,

Ayyam al-Arab

Fi al-

THE BACKGROUND
and commerce and also engaged themselves
fertile spots like Ta'if

47

in agriculture, specially

and Madina. The nomadic

tribes,

those in

on the other hand,

lived mainly on the rearing of the sheep, the goat and the camel, for

purpose they moved from place to place

This distinction
those at

is,

search of pastures and water.

life

like

Ta'if also engaged themselves in sheep and camel breed-

nomadic

tribes similarly participated in both the internal

much

external trade of the land. In fact they depended for

of

which

however, true only to a certain extent. Settled peoples

Makka and

ing; while the

in

on the traders of the settlements. Also the nomadic

own

carried their wares, both their

and

of the necessaries
tribes

themselves

products as well as imported goods, from

place to place, particularly to the annual

fairs.

Conversely, the traders of the

settlements depended on the cooperation of the nomadic tribes for the safe

passage of the trade caravans through their respective jurisdictions. Hashim

ibn

'Abd Manaf, who concluded a

series of trade treaties with the

and Abyssinian authorities, also concluded a

number of

the

trade caravans

nomadic
from

"guarantee" of
local

men

tribes for the

same purpose.

some

influential local individual.

the root of the last Fijar war. 2

and inviolate place, was a

distant lands used to

the spoliation of a

Banu Sahm,

Even

distant places to the fairs like that at

for standing surety for a caravan

come

Yamani

Makka, by

sort of "free

The

from Hira

virtue of

Byzantine

of agreements with a

series

rivalry of

two such

'Ukaz

fair lay at

to the

its

the sending of

'Ukaz needed the

being also a religious

market" where merchants from

without the need for such formal guarantee.

trader by a

Makkan

Still,

leader, Al-'As ibn Wa'il of

led to the formation of the Hilf al-FuduP in order to prevent the

recurrence of such events.

In fact the paucity of Arabia's agricultural products

tions

on the one hand, and

its

world, on the other, turned

its

known how,

its

since antiquity,

and

its

climatic condi-

geographical situation in relation to the outer

inhabitants into natural traders.

inhabitants acted as

It

middlemen of

is

well-

the trade

between the east and the west and carried on both overland and sea-borne

commerce with

Asia, Africa and Europe. In the

were of course displaced by the Romans

in

the Mediterranean and the

1.

IbnSa'dI,78.

2.

Infra, Ch.VII, sec.III.

3.

Infra,

Ch.VII. sec.IV.

Red

in the

first

century A.C. the Arabs

domain of the maritime

trade

Sea; but they retained control of the over-

SIRAT AL-NAB1

48

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

land carrying trade from Asia and Africa to the Byzantine and the Persian

empires and vice-versa.

Makka, besides being a

religious and intellectual centre of the

thrived as a commercial centre too.

Makkan

before the rise of Islam the

The sources make

Khadijah's
old

is

(r.a.)

to

trade caravan to Syria

well-known.

Yaman and

The Prophet

in the north.

Abyssinia

Makka

in

the south

himself, before his call

on trade and commerce. The

to Prophethood, carried

that

leaders were all big businessmen and

merchants leading their trade caravans

and Syria and HTra-Persia

Arabs

amply clear

it

fact of his leading

when he was about

twenty-five years

consisted of several big markets in accordance

with the country of origin of the goods available there. For instance, there

was a Ddr Misr

and distributed.

or Egyptian market where wares from Egypt were stocked

In pre-Islamic Arabia

commerce went hand

annual pilgrimage to the Ka'ba and

Arabs to throng there with

their

Makka

in

hand with

same purpose and

utilized for the

'Ukaz, Majannah and

Dhu

al-Majaz.

The

provided an occasion for the

wares and products, to participate

national fete and to conduct business in no small scale.

were

religion.

in

a sort of

The four holy months

for holding the great annual fairs at

The

named

first

fair

twenty days and was attended with great socio-intellectual

continued for
festivities

and

exhibition and exchange of wares and products. Trade caravans from distant

places used to
at

Makka,

come

to that fair.

As

will

the Arabs had established a

be seen presently, besides the Ka'ba

number of

subsidiary shrines around

different idols at other places, such as the shrine of Al-Lat at Ta'if, the shrine

of Al-'Uzza

at

Nakhla and

that of

Manat

at

Qudayd. These places also grew

as religious and commercial centres and were visited by the tribes for reliat appropriate seasons. As among the Jews
among the pre-Islamic Arabs usury was in vogue. There are instances of
the Makkan and the Ta'ifian leaders' lending and borrowing money at inte-

gious and commercial purposes

so

rest.

Islam abolished usury and directed the Muslims of the time to give up

what was due as

The
milk of

interest

on

their capital. 2

chief articles of food consisted of the flesh of camel, goat and sheep,
all

these three animals and, above

usual diet. Dates were (and

still

1.

Al-Azrakt,

2.

Q. 2:275-279; 3:130; 30:39.

II,

263.

are)

all,

produced

dates.
in

Milk and dates were the

abundance

in different parts

THE BACKGROUND
some one hundred

of the peninsula,

49

varieties being

produced around Madina

alone. Other agricultural products included wheat, barley, millet at

Yaman, gum-arabic

places, the frankincense tree in

some
and

in the 'Astr region,

grapes, pomegranates, apples, apricots and melons at fertile spots like Ta'if.

The Prophet, when

in its outskirt

of RabT'ah.

word

Some

returning from his mission to Ta'if, rested in a vine-yard

belonging
rice

two Makkan

to

was produced

leaders, 'Utbah

in

Oman

and Shaybah, sons

and Al-Hasa. The English

"rice" is in fact a corruption of the Arabic ruzz.

The Qur'an

refers to

the pre-Islamic Arabs' practice of earmarking a portion of their expected

crops and cattle (al-harth

wa

al- 'an 'am) for their

very negligible one) for Allah.

Of

gods and another (usually a

the domestic animals, besides the camel,

the goat and the sheep, special mention should be

Arabian horse was (and

still is)

noted for

its

made

of the horse.

pure breed and high quality.

The
The

camel was, however, the most important and the most useful animal. Besides
providing the Arab with meat and milk for his food, hide for his coverings

and

tents,

desert.

days

It is

in

was

it

his chief vehicle for transportation through the inhospitable

so created that

can go through the desert for about twenty-five

it

winter and about five days in

summer without

taking water.

Its

also designed to withstand simoons and sand-stroms.

bodily construction

is

The Qur'an draws

attention to this remarkable creation of Allah's, along

with His other remarkable creations 3 The Arab's wealth was counted

in

terms of the number of camels he owned. The dowry of a bride was fixed,
the price of blood was paid and

many

other transactions were carried out in

unknown and were

transactions. The Arabic

terms of camels, although coins {dinar, dirham) were not

in

fact very

much used

trade and financial

in

language contains about a thousand terms for camels of various breeds and
age.
IV.

THE SOCIO-RELIGIOUS CONDITION: JAHIUYYAH

The dual nature of

commercial) of

their

the population and the dual aspects (agricultural and

economic

life

seem

to

be matched by a dualism

in the

Arabs' religious beliefs and practices prior to the rise of Islam. The core of
their religious beliefs

and practices was characterized by unmistakable traces

of the Abrahamic tradition.

1.

See

2.

Q. 6:136.

3.

Q. 88:17.

Infra,

Ch.

XXXV,

No

sec.I.

other people of the time or subsequently so

SIRAT AL-NABI

50

remembered

well

Abrahamic
to

the

rites as

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Abrahamic

and so closely performed the

tradition

did the Arabs. Yet, at the same time, they had succumbed

polytheism and idolatry with

all its

concomitant usages and superstitions.

For a long time indeed the descendents of Isma'il continued

and

faith

With

succumbed

phisticated
distress

mind

to find an easily approachable

to the

who were

to the influence of the practice of those

surrounded the Arabs

engrossed

in

or

physically

intellectually,

violated.

polytheism

in

some form
al

in

times of

sold

the

human

It

was

Wherever

in that direction

their

all

the pre-Islamic

Polytheism was introduced

at

Makka

their leader

after

'Amr

became bolder by

Byzantine Christian neighbours

statues of the Ka'bah."

Khuza'ah, particularly by

who

peoples

"civilised"

contemporaneously were

or other.

Those Arabs who inclined

them

above

regarded as superior,

Faruqi states, they "saw the transcendence of

example of their neighbours.

who

The

materially.

in the past as well as

Arabs turned, as Isma'il R.

God

god for support

tendency to idialize a hero or ances-

the sense of helplessness in the face of the forces of nature and,

tor, to

the

tendency of the crude and unso-

to the natural

and for redress of wrong,

father.

from the

the passage of centuries, however, they gradually deviated

original faith and

all,

to follow the

forms as introduced by him and his

rites in their original

its

occupation by Banu

ibn Luhayy. 2 According to Ibn

Hisham 'Amr once went to Syria where he observed the people worshipping
He enquired of them of the reasons for their doing so and they replied

idols.

for

them and

to the idols for these things.

'Amr was

that they did so

because those idols caused the rains to

victory to attend

them as they prayed

fall

impressed and asked them whether they would give him one for his people
to worship
to

it.

Accordingly they gave him the idol of Hubal which he brought

Makka, placed

it

near the Ka'ba and asked his people to worship

they considered him their leader and wise

man

it.

As

they started worshipping the

idol. 3

1.

Isma'il R. al-Faruqi and Lois

York, 1986,
2.

Lamya'

al-Faruqi,

The Cultural Atlas of Islam,

New

p. 63.

Bukhdrt, nos., 3521, 4623-4624; Muslim, no. 2856; Musnad,

II,

275-276;

III,

318, 353,

374; V, 137.
3.

Ibn Hisham,

by someone

I,

77.

According

to

Ibn al-Kalbi,

'Amr once

that if he took bath in a special spring in Syria he

there, took bath in that spring

fell

seriously

ill

and was told

would be cured. So he went

and was cured. As he observed the people there worshipping

THE BACKGROUND
The

51

story illustrates the fact that polytheism found

way among

its

descendants of Isma'Tl from their neighbours and others.

modern

the

scholar,

giving support to the story, states that even the Arabic word for idol, sanam,
"is clearly

an adaptation of Aramaic selem."

According

to

'Amr

another report

Luhayy introduced

ibn

also

the

worship of the images of Wadd, Suwd', Yaghuth, Ya'uq and Nasr, the gods
of Prophet Nuh's unbelieving people.

images of those gods were

that the

to

It is

'Amr

said that a jinni informed

be found

at

a certain place at Jedda and

asked him to bring them from thence and to worship them. Accordingly, he

went

to Jedda,

found the images

Makka and asked

at the

place indicated, brought them to

the people to start worshipping them. 2

These gods were

indeed worshipped by Prophet Nuh's people, as the Qur'an clearly

They represented

certain cults relating to astral worship or worship of the

forces of nature or deification of

some human

qualities, prevalent in ancient

Assyria and Babylonia, the land of Nuh's people. 4

'Abbas

(r.a.)

report attributed to Ibn

says that these names were originally borne by

among

persons

states. 3

the people of

Nuh who

some prominent

subsequently idealized and idolized

them. 5 Once again, these reports emphasize, on the one hand,

how

the

descendants of Isma'il gradually succumbed to the polytheism of their predecessors and others and, on the other, the role of

'Amr

ibn

Luhayy

the

in

process.

Once

introduced, however, polytheism spread

among

the Arabs in vari-

ous shapes and forms. Ibn Ishaq gives an explanation of the spread of stone

worship thus. He says that when the descendants of Isma'il were for various
reasons obliged to disperse from Makka, each group, as they

with them a stone from the sacred precincts as souvenir and

Ka'ba. They placed those stones

spots in their

at suitable

left

it,

took

memento of the
new domiciles,

circumambulated them as they used to circumambulate the Ka'ba and treated

idols he

Ahmad
1

asked them the reason for

Zakt Pasha, Cairo, 1343

P.K.

Hitti,

their

1924.

Ibn Hajar, Fath al-Bari, VI, 634.

3.

Q. 71:23.

Yusuf

Ibn al-KalbT, Kitdb al-Asnam,

p.

ed.

100 and n.2

See for a discussion the First Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1913-1936, 1, 379-380; A.

The Holy Qur'an Text Translation and Commentary, Islamic Foundation,

Ali,

Leicester, 1975, pp. 1619-1623

5.

so, etc.

History of the Arabs, 1986 reprint,

2.

4.

doing

p. 8.

Bukhari, no. 4920.

(Appendix XIII

to

Surahl\).

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NABl

52

them with various marks of

tions

began

to

reverence. Gradually their succeeding genera-

worship not only those stones but any stone

that especially

impressed them. Thus they forgot the original Abrahamic religion and
degenerated into stone and image worship.

Ultimately each and every tribe and clan,

special idol to worship.
idols

were placed

Hubal.

in

statue in

broken the Quraysh had

it

emergence some 360

Two

a hand having been

of the idols in the Ka'ba

placed originally on the spot of the

Na'ila,

well but subsequently removed to a spot near the

Marwah. According

man and

every family, had their

human form of which

remade with gold.

compound were Tsaf and

Zamzam

in fact

the eve of the Prophet's

and around the Ka'ba. The most important of these was

was a big

It

On

woman

to pre-Islamic belief,

of

hills

of Safa and

Tsaf and Na'ila were originally a

Banu Jurhum who were turned

into stones

on account

of their having desecrated the sacred precincts by making love in there. 2

Besides thus making the Ka'ba the principal dormitory of

idols the

their

numerous

Arabs had developed a number of subsidiary Ka'bas (tawdghit), so

to say, at different places in the land, each with

its

presiding god or goddess.

They used to visit those shrines at appointed times, circumambulate them

and make sacrifices of animals there, besides performing other polytheistic
rites. The most prominent of these shrines were those of Al-Lat at Ta'if Al'Uzzd at Nakhlah and Manat near Qudayd. The origins of these idols are
uncertain. Ibn al-Kalbt says that Al-Lat was "younger" ('ahdath) than
Manat, while Al-'Uzza was "younger" than both al-Lat and Manat. 3 But
though Al-'Uzza was thus the youngest of the three,

most important and the greatest

( 'a

with Banu Kinanah ministered to

three goddesses of the Arabs.

those of

DM

Makka), of
in

Yaman,

al-Khalsah

Fils at a place

at

it.

Some

The Qur'an

was nonetheless

the

specifically

mentions these

of the other semi-or demi-Ka'bas were

Tabalah (about "seven nights' journey" from

between the Tayy' Mountains, the Ri'dm

the Rudd' in the territory of

Banu RabT'ah

Ibn Hisham,

I,

77.

2.

Ibn Hisham,

I,

82. Ibn al-Kalbt, op.cit., 9, 29.

it

'^am) idol with the Quraysh who, along

at

San'a'

ibn Ka'b, a group of

The writer in the First Encyclopaedia of Islam (Vol. I,

380) supposes that Arabia's Al-Lat was the origin of the Greek goddess Leto, mother of the
3.

Ibn al-Kalbt, op.cit., 16, 17.

Sun-god Apollo.
4.

Ibn Hisham,

5.

Q. 53:19-20.

I,

83; Ibn al-Kalbi, op.cit., 18.

THE BACKGROUND
Ka'bas (Dhu al-Ka'abat)

at

53

Sindad in the land of Banu Bakr and Banu

Taghlib and the Ka'ba of Banu al-Harith

at

Najran.

number of other

In addition to these subsidiary Ka'bas there were a

shrines of specific idols scattered throughout the peninsula.

Of these mention

may be made of the shrine of Suwd' at Ruhat (Yanbu'), that of Wadd at

Dumat al-Jandal, that of Yaghuth at Jurash (in the Banu Tayy' territory), that
of Ya'uq at Hamdan in Yaman ("two nights" from San 'a' in the north), that
of Nasr in the land of Himyar (Balkha') in Yaman, that of 'Umydnis or

'Amm

'Anas at Khawlan and that of Sa 'd

at

Tanufa. 2

The pre-Islamic Arabs used to worship these idols or gods and goddesses
ways. They used to make supplication to them, prostrated themselves before them, made offerings to them, beseeched their favour, sought
in various

to please or propitiate

good or harm

to

them

in the belief that they

man, sacrificed animals on

altars

were capable of doing

dedicated to them,

made

pilgrimages to their shrines, circumambulated them and drew arrows of divination by

them or

in their shrines.

They

also used to

name themselves

after

these gods and goddesses, such as 'Abd Yaghuth, 'Abd al-'Uzza, etc. But

though thus engrossed

in

extensive polytheism and idol-worship the pre-

Islamic Arabs did not develop any elaborate mythology or involved theology

around

No

their

gods and goddesses as did the ancient Greeks and the Hindus.

trace of such things can be found in the pre-Islamic poetry

and

traditions.

This fact further indicates that polytheism and idol worship were not indi-

genous

to the Isma'ilite

Nothing

illustrates this fact better

traces of the
tices.

the

Arabs but were grafted on to the Abrahamic

Abrahamic

Of these

the

faith in the

tradition.

than the existence of unmistakable

medley of polytheistic

beliefs

most remarkable was the existence of a belief

and prac-

in

Allah as

Supreme God, coupled with the belief in the existence of angels and
At times of extreme peril the pre-Islamic Arabs even directly invoked

jinn.

Allah's

mercy and succour. 4 Sometimes they used

to

swear by Allah, 5

besides frequently naming themselves 'Abd Allah. The recent discovery of a

number of

inscriptions, particularly in northern Arabia, containing the

1.

Ibn Hisham,

I,

83-89; Ibn Kalbi,

2.

Ibn Hisham,

I,

78-83.

3.

Q. 23:84-89; 31:25.

4.

Q. 10:22; 31:32.

5.

Q. 6:109.

op.cit., 30,

44-47.

name

SIRAT AL-NABI

54

of Allah, which inscriptions are

1

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

post-Abrahamic,

all

the prevalence of the notion of Allah

uity. 2

Other residue of the Abrahamic

to the

Ka'ba

at

Makka,

their

among

the

was

tradition

circumambulation of

pilgrimage {'umrah) and the pilgrimage {hajj) to

such Abrahamic

rites in

and

their universal reverence

their

it,

making of

performance of

their

it,

lesser

Some

at

Mina, the sacrificing of animals on

making seven runs between

their shaving of their heads.

were

a decisive proof of

connection with the pilgrimage as the standing

'Arafat, the halt at Muzdalifa, the stay at

the occasion, their

is

Arabs since distant antiq-

other remnants of the

their universally practising circumcision

Marwah

hills

Abrahamic

rites

the Safa and the

and

their fasting

on the day of

'Ashura'. 3

The coexistence of

the

Abrahamic

tradition with the polytheistic beliefs

and practices over long centuries did not however lead

syncretic system of belief.
ill-assorted

amalgam with

The

total picture that

to the

emerges

is

growth of any

merely that of an

a number of peculiar by-products of that amal-

gam. One such by-product was the pre-Islamic Arabs' notion

that their

worshipping of the gods and goddesses would take them nearer to Allah; 4

gods and goddesses were their intercessors with Him; 5 and that

that those

some of
ters! 6

their goddesses, the angels

and even the jinn were Allah's daugh-

Another outgrowth of the amalgam was

their foolish practice

of setting

apart a portion (usually a major portion) of their crops and cattle for their

gods and goddesses, and another portion (usually a minor portion) for
Allah. 7 Other instances were their mixing up polytheistic clauses in the

formula of "Response" (talbiyah) while performing the circumambulation of

the Ka'ba, 8 the Makkans' not going upto 'Arafat at the time of hajj but only

1.

See for instance F.V. Winnet, "Allah Before Islam", M.W., XXVIII (1938), 239-248.

2.

P.K.

Hitti, after referring to the inscriptions, to

some of the

and to the existence of the name 'Abd Allah among the Quraysh,

was

"the tribal deity of the Quraysh." (Hitti, op.cit., 101).

relevant Qur'anic passages

states that "evidently" Allah

The remark

is

both misleading and

untenable. Neither did the inscriptions he cites belong to the Quraysh nor was the

Allah exclusive to them. Not to speak of

the "Hypocrites" at
3.

many

Madina was 'Abd Allah

others outside the

ibn Ubayy!

Bukhari, no. 3831.

5.

Q. 39:3={...Jiij*li\J\ijy.jiJ'i\ fA*\A...$
,
10:18 = ^...*Ui^Ujj*Lit ij-J>(JjJjij... )>

6.

16:57

7.

Q. 6:136.

8.

Ibn Hisham,

4.

Quraysh

= 4-..c-i!i*UJ>j)> See

I,

78.

also 37:149-154; 43:16; 52:39.

name 'Abd

circle, the leader

of

THE BACKGROUND

55

upto Muzdalifa on account of a notion of their religious superiority and of

their being the inhabitants of the sacred territory, their generally not allowing

anyone

to

circumambulate the Ka'ba except

(hums) and their even circumambulating

it

in

in a

garments provided by them

naked

state.

With reference

mingling of polytheistic beliefs and practices with a recognition of

to such

Allah as Supreme Lord the Qur'an declares: "And most of them believe not
in Allah

without associating (others as partners) with Him."

The Arabs' polytheism and worship of

idols together with their

notions about Allah determined their whole attitude to

considered

life

mistaken

and society. They

world to be the be-all and end-all of human existence.

life in this

They worshipped and

propitiated the gods and goddesses and recognized

Allah for that purpose alone. They did not believe in resurrection, reward

and punishment and

world;

we

shall die

life after

and

death. "There

is

nothing but our

life in this

never be raised up again", so they

live but shall

believed and declared. 2 This attitude led to a sense of ultimate unaccount-

and a desire

ability

any

to enjoy the worldly life in all possible

ways and without

restrictions. Licentiousness, prostitution, adultery, fornication

dled indulgence in wine,

women and gambling were

Unlimited polygamy was

in

ular

woman was

uncommon.
person

If

whom

vogue and a

a child was born in such a case,

the

woman

thus widely prevalent. 3

sort of polyandry, in

used as wife by a number of

declared to be

its

men
it

and unbri-

(less

was

father. 4

to

which a

partic-

than 10) was not

be accepted by the

Sometimes a person

allowed his wife to go to other persons for the sake of having a son. 5

The woman's

position in society

many

participated in

was indeed unenviable, though she

a social and economic activity and though

we some-

times find glowing tributes paid to sweethearts in pre-Islamic poetry. In

women were

general,

1.

Q. 12:106 =

2.

Q. 23:37 =

in the

^0/ji. rjVi*lJl<rJ
j*j U>

<^

Qur'an which

was no

treated as chattels. There

l,>wj

!S'i

l>.ji

limit to a

man's

Uj).

oji UoJi tslj- H\ j>

i>\

There are indeed many passages

refer to this notion of the unbelievers.

See for instance, 6:29; 17:49;

17:98; 23:35; 23:82; 37:16; 37:53; 37:58-59; 44:35; 50:3; 56:47 and 64:7. Similarly the

Qur'an

is

replete with passages to bring

home

the

theme of resurrection and the Day of

Judgement.
3.

The Qur'an condemned and

25:68 and 60:12.

4.

Bukhari, no. 5127.

5.

Ibid.

prohibited these practices. See 5:3; 5:90; 17:23; 24:2-3;

SIRAT al-nab! and the orientalists

56
taking as

many wives

as he liked. Similarly he divorced his wives at will and

quite frequently. There

was no

rule of prohibition; so a

marry irrespective of blood-relationship. Often two

wives to a

man

same

at the

time.

Sons married

man

sisters

could and did

were joined as

their father's

ex-wives or

woman

to inherit

from her ancestors or husband. Birth of a daughter was regarded

as inaus-

widows

(not mothers). There

picious and disliked.

was no recognized

Most inhuman was

that

rule for a

many Arabs,

out of a false

sense of honour and for fear of poverty buried alive their young daughters. 2

On

the eve of the rise of Islam this barbarous practice

what waned

in

and around Makka; but

of Arabia. The Qur'an speaks of

polytheists"

<^ ufj^S j

embraced Islam

many

as 8 or

in

j-i^J^. 3

was

seems to have some-

quite widespread in other parts

having been the practice with "many

Qays

ibn

'Asim of Banu Tamim, who

9 H., confessed that he had previously buried alive as

2 of his daughters. 4

The sense of unaccountabilty

human

its

it

also lay at the root of frequent killing of

beings without any qualms of conscience or remorse, and of stealing,

plundering and spoliating others of their properties and possessions. The

only check to such acts was
superstititions

them. They believed

often decided

tribal

vengeance and

retaliation.

number of

and unconscionable practices also were prevalent among

in the utterances

upon a course of

of soothsayers and astrologers and

action, for instance a marriage or a journey,

by means of divination by drawing or shooting arrows

in

a specified manner

or near specific idols. Gambling and raffling were extensively in use.

even decided

They

their respective shares in a particular thing, for instance the

meat of a slaughtered animal, by casting

lots

with arrows.

The meat was

divided into unequal and preferential shares, these were indicated on arrows

and these were then drawn,

like the

drawing of modern

Another peculiar practice was habal al-habala, or the

camel on condition

that the price

was

to

lottery tickets.

selling of a pregnant

be paid when she gave birth to a

she-camel and that she-camel herself became pregnant. 5 Another super-

1.

Q. 16:58-59.

2.

Q. 6:137; 6:151.

3.

Q. 6:137.

Al-Numayri (al-Basri), 'Abu Zayd 'Umar ibn Shabbah (173-262 H.), Tarikh alMadlnat at-Munawwarah, ed. F.M. Shaltut, Part II, second print, Madina, n.d., p. 532; 'Usd
al-Ghdbah, IV, 220; Al-'Isabah, III, 253 (No. 7194). See also Al-Darimi, I, Introduction, 3-4.
4.

5.

Bukhari, no. 3843.

The Prophet

prohibited such dealings.

THE BACKGROUND
stitious

57

and polytheistic practice was the tabooing of certan camels, goats or

oxen, calling them al-sd'ibah, al-bahirah, al-wasilah and al-hdmi.

camel consecutively giving

female calves without the

birth to ten

sheinter-

named al-sd'ibah. She was

was not to be trimmed

vention of any male calf was tabooed and was

not to be used for riding or carrying any load, her hair

and her milk was not to be drunk except by a guest.

birth to another female, that "daughter" of hers

was

similarly tabooed.

females

in five

If

was

she subsequently gave

called al-bahirah

and

she-goat similarly giving birth consecutively to ten

conceptions was likewise tabooed and called al-wasilah.

bull fathering consecutively ten female calves

was also tabooed and called

al-hdmi} The Qur'an condemned such practices. 2 These practices and

beliefs of the Arabs, particularly their polytheism, licentiousness, adultery,

gambling, stealing, plundering, their burying alive of young daughters, their

tribal spirit

and

excitability (hamiyyah), etc.,

the Qur'an and the traditions as jdhiliyyah.

While
like

this

was the general

Christianity,

were collectively referred

socio-religious scene, other religious systems

Judaism, Mazdaism (Zoroastrianism) and Sabaism (or

Sabianism) had made their way into the peninsula

nity

to in

was introduced

in

some

in

a limited way. Christia-

among

northern tribes, particularly

the

Ghas-

sanids and in HTra mainly at the instance and initiative of the Byzantine

Some princes of Hira had embraced it. In the south

Yaman mainly after the first Abyssinain occupation

authorities.

duced

in

(340-378 A.C.). In

its

it

was

intro-

of that land

neighbouring region of Najran Christianity of the

Monophysite type was introduced by a missionary from Syria named

Faymiyun. 4

number of people of

the area

embraced

that faith.

also a sprinkling of Christian immigrants and converts at

of the Prophet's

So

far as

much by

Makka

There was
at the

time

rise.

Judaism was concerned

it

found

its

place in the peninsula not so

conversion as by immigration of the Jews into

took place mainly

at

two periods one

after the

it.

This immigration

Babylonian occupation of

Palestine in 587 B.C., and for a second time after the

Roman

conquest of the

land and the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus in 70 A.C.

1.

Ibn Hisham,

2.

Q. 5:103; 6:139.

3.

Q. 3:154; 5:50; 33:33; 48:26 and Bukhari, no. 3524.

4.

Ibn Hisham, 1,31-34.

1,

89.

number of

SIRAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

58

Jewish tribes migrated into Arabia and were setteld

at places like

Yathrib

(Madina), Khaybar, Tayma' and Fadak. Not that they remained completely
inactive in the matter of propagation of their faith. According to tradition

made

they

(385-420 A.C) when he visited Madina

and sent with him two rabbis

tion

Abu

a convert of the Himyarite king (Tubba')

in the

course of a northern expedi-

to propagate

Judaism

extent of the success of these Jewish missionaries in

a descendant of As'ad Kamil' s,

He

pion of Judaism.

Karib As'ad Kamil

Dhu Nuwas, proved

Yaman
to

Yaman.

in
is

The

not clear; but

be a vigorous cham-

persecuted the Christians not only of

Yaman

but even

massacred the Christian community of Najran, throwing a large number of

them

in

a deep ditch

of

full

fire.

Byzantine-Abyssinian intervention

Nuwas's

rule

whole

against

Yaman

leading to the end of

As noted

earlier,

Abrahah determined

to Christianize

and led a campaign

land, built a gigantic cathedral at San'a'

Makka

Mazdaism

570-71 A.C. to destroy the Ka'ba.

in

or Zoroastrianism, which prevailed in Persia, found

converts in the eastern coastal region and Bahrayn.

embraced

also

Dhu

and the beginning of the second Abyssinian occupation of the

land under Abrahah.

the

His intolerance brought about a joint

in

it

Some

persons in

after the Persian occupation of the land in

some

Yaman

525 A.C. Sabian-

which the Qur'an makes reference, 3 probably represented

ism or Sabaism,

to

an ancient

of either Babylonian or south Arabian origin consisting of

worship.

astral

any

faith

rate,

doned

it

votaries

Its

were very few

was considered a foreign

his ancestral faith the

Arabs used to say

All these religions, however, had very

ety

of the Arabs

compromised

in

at the

that

little

general. Particularly

their positions

time of the rise of islam. At

religion; for

whenever a person abanhe had turned a Sabian. 4

effect

upon the

Christianity

life

and soci-

and Judaism had

by their conflicts and intolerance of each other,

by their internal dissensions and by their deviation from the original teachings of Jesus and

Moses

(p.b.t.)

To

the discerning

Arab

Christianity, with

its

doctrines of incarnation and the Trinity, besides the worship of the images of

Jesus and Mary, appeared

little

better than his

worship of the idols together

with a recognition of Allah as the Supreme Lord. Similarly Judaism, with

1.

Ibn Hisham,

2.

This incident

3.

Q. 2:62; 5:69; 22:17.

4.

Bukhari, no. 3523; Musnad,

I,

pp. 26-27.

is

referred to in Q. 85:4.

III,

492; IV, 341; Ibn Hisham,

1,

344.

its

THE BACKGROUND
exclusivity and

claim of 'Uzayr being the son of God, appeared equally

its

polytheistic. This is highlighted

number of people came out

by the

outcome of an

tradition

fact that

on eve of the

rise

of Islam a

search of the true Abrahamic faith and went

in

by the appellation of hantfs. Even

as the

59

interaction

if

the

emergence of these men

is

regarded

Abrahamic

between the existence of the

on the one hand and the presence of Christianity and Judaism

Arabia on the other, the fact that almost

from both these

all

the hantfs turned their faces

in

away

on the mind of

religions only illustrates their inefficacy

knowledgeable Arabs of the time.

V.

THE WORLD BEYOND

Arabia was not of course the whole world; nor were the Arabs the only
people steeped
jahiliyyah too.

There were lands and peoples beyond, and

in jahiliyyah.

The world

time was notionally divided into three broad

at the

regions. In the west lay the Byzantine and

what

is

Africa).

now modern Iraq in the east

To the east of this region lay

from Iraq

Roman

world, extending from

to the Atlantic in the

its rival,

west (excluding

the Persian empire, extending

in the west to the Indus Vallely in the

east.

the east of the Persian empire and consisted of the

The

third region lay to

much coveted

but

little

known

lands of India and China. There were other lands and peoples in the

far east

and the

far west; but they

were not known. Even

if

known

they,

from

what we now know of them, would not have presented a better spectacle,
politically or culturally.

The world scene was dominated by

the rivalry and conflicts between the

Byzantine and the Persian empires, the two great powers of the time. The
conflict

was of old

origin.

It

between Greece and Persia

found expression

(the Graeco-Persian wars).

empire succeeded to the Greek

taken over by
in

was

established with

the
its

the Roman Empire

Roman Empire in the east

capital at Constantinople,

tion of conflict with the Persian empire.

in the

through conflicts

When

the

Roman

civilization, the tradition of conflict also

Rome; and when

476 A.C. and

end

Empire

in the past

The

it

in the

(the

was

west came to an

Byzantine empire)

inherited the

same

dissolution of the

tradi-

Roman

west was precipitated and accompanied by the onrush of a

number of northern

peoples, the Ostro-Goths (Eastern Goths), the Vissi-

Goths (Western Goths), the Vikings, the Franks, the Vandals (whence
vandalism),

1.

Infra,

etc.

The

Ch. XIII,

sec.l.

"civilized"

Romans

called these progenitors of the

SlRATAL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

60

modern German, French, Spanish and English nations "Barbarians"; and

modern European historians term the history of these peoples from the fifth
to the 10th century as the history of the

point out, Islam rose in Arabia

"Dark Ages"

in

Europe. Needless to

when Europe was passing through

Dark

the

Ages.

None

of the three regions of the world

civilizations,

material civilization as could the

Palmyra

Petra,

was devoid of impressive material

however. India and China could boast of as high a degree of

Graeco-Roman world and

Persia. Similarly

northern Arabia, not to speak of Assyria, Babylonia,

in

Phoenicia, south Arabia and Egypt, did not lag far behind in respect of material civilization.

Indeed the Arabs shared with the other peoples the elements

of material civilization as

much

as in trade and

commerce. So did the other

peoples share with the Arabs the type of beliefs, practices and habits that
constitute jdhiliyyah in Islamic parlance.

The

Two

most

distinctively constituent elements of jdhiliyyah

theism and idol worship, with

all their

superstitious beliefs

were poly-

and practices.

These were no monopoly of the Arabs, but were prevalent more extensively

among

the

more

materially civilized peoples.

While the Indus Valley

civilza-

tion shared with the Tigris-Euphrates Valley civilization the prototypes of

Gilgamesh and other gods and goddesses,

consisted of

many

Hindus' Varuna

is

Greek and Indian pantheons

the

counterparts of each other's gods and goddesses.

The

exactly the Greeks' Apollo. Just as the Greeks phil-

osophized and idealized their idolatry through an elaborate theology and

mythology, so did the ancient Hindus develop a no

less

involved and

intri-

cate theology and mythology.

Polytheism, idolatry and superstitions were

in India.

The Rig-Veda,

in fact extensively

entrenched

the earliest of the four Vedas of the Hindus,

does of

course contain traces of monotheism. But the Hindus had completely lost
sight of

it

and instead deified every conceivable objects

rivers, the sun, the

moon,

the stars,

stones, trees,

mountains, princes, animals and even the

reproductive organs. They installed the images of these and other gods and

goddesses

in

various forms and shapes and worshipped them with elaborate

and superstitious customs. In the course of time the Hindu mythology

rites

counted some 330 million gods and goddesses

times more than the number of population

The

figure obviously

at the time.

other three Vedas are the Sama, the Yayuh and the Atharva.

many

Their devotion to

THE BACKGROUND
idolatry

made them good

61

sculptors like the ancient Greeks and

While the Arabs idealized and

some of

idolized

God. In

fact

it

was

the

Hindus who

first

prominent ancestors,

their

Hindus not only did so but even conceived them

the

be the incarnations of

to

formulated the doctrine of incarna-

and reincarnation of God. Rama and Krishna, among

tion

incarnations of

God

born on the earth

Romans.

in

human

others, are to

form. Like the Arabs the

Hindus did recognize the existence of a supreme God; but they did so
form of a Trinity of three

Brahma, Vishnu, and

distinct persons,

Arabs tabooed some animals and prohibited

performances on their
deified the

cow and

their

in the

Siva, if the

use after some specific

Hindus worshipped

part, the

them

number of animals,

prohibited the eating of beef (not the other uses of the

cattle),

although the Rig-vedic Brahmans are found to relish beef to their

hearts'

content.

By

and untouchability Hinduism

the system of caste

consigned the generality of

their people, particularly the "lowest" order, the

Sudra, to the deepest depth of degredation. Polygamy was

position of

women

common; and

if

in society

the

was no

better.

Hindus did not bury

in

vogue and

the

Adultery and fornication were

alive their

young daughters, they

burnt alive their widows, young or old, with their dead husbands. 2

As

a protest against the excesses of the caste system and other abuses of

Hinduism Prince Siddhartha belonging

(north India), better

known

as

Buddhism which enunciated

his death,

tribe of

Kapilavastu

Gautama Buddha (566-486 B.C.) preached

the "Eight-Fold Path" of "Right Thinking",

"Right Doing", "Right Hearing",

questions of theology and

Sakya

to the

in fact

etc.

He

remained

avoided discussing the intricate

silent

even about God. Soon after

however, his teachings were perverted and, due

to the influence of

Hinduism, he himself was deified and consecrated as an incarnation of

by the Buddhists themselves

who began

to

worship his image.

By

God
the

seventh century A.C. further Brahmanical and Hindu reaction succeeded

practically expelling

Buddhism from

the land of

its birth.

While

it

in

continued

to maintain a precarious existence in the peripheral regions of India, this

perverted or rather idolatrous Buddhism found

its

way

into the Far East, the

South-East Asia and China.

In

1.

2.

India

China a curious mixture of Confucianism and Taoism prevailed.

See Rejendralal Mitra, "Beef in ancient India", J.A.S.B, 1872, pp. 174-196.
This inhuman practice, called Sati, was checked by law
Company's government in India.

in

829 by the English East

SiRA T AL-NABl AND

62
third trend

was introduced

THE ORIENTALISTS

into the land

by the perverted form of Buddhism.

much headway till at a later time. Confucianism

and Taoism were characterized by many idolatrous and superstitious beliefs
and practices. Above all, magic, mesmerism and hypnotism dominated the
It

could not, however, make

religious life

and these were mastered and practised by the

priestly class

common

chiefly to maintain their position as semi-gods or demi-gods to the

man. All these paved the way

be gods to their

own

Chinese rulers to claim themselves to

for the

peoples and to

demand

their obeisance

and worship as

such.

While

was the

this

picture in the other

socio-religious situation in the then "third world", the

two worlds was no

better. In the Persian

empire the

original teachings of Zoroaster

were largely forgotten. The book attributed

him, the Avesta, did not exist

in its original

made by

the priestly class in the defunct

combined compilation came

to

form.

An addendum

Zend

(Jjj)

at the

substitute Zend-Avesta

Persipolis

was subsequently prepared. Out of the

chaos and confusion there emerged, on the one hand, the worship of

on the

was

time of Alexander's invasion.

Those too were burnt and destroyed when he captured and burnt
330 B.C.

it

language and the

be known as the Zend-Avesta. Only a couple

of copies of that compilation existed

in

to

to

fire

and,

which was called Ahura

other, the deification of the forces of good,

Mazda, and that of the forces of evil, which was called Ahura Man} Both
were supplemented and accompanied by many idolatrous and superstitious
practices resembling those of the Hindus.

good, as also
in

fire

The Ahura Mazda,

were worshipped and temples and

honour of them. In the beginning of the

fire-places

the god of

were erected

sixth century the confused social

order was further confounded by the introduction of somewhat communistic

He

reforms suggested by a thinker named Mazdak.

problems and

evils

were caused by man's urge

and

tion of marriage,

making room

the abolition of

all

land.

for

any

man

Anushirwan who succeeded

his father

the social

women and

the abolition of the institu-

to enjoy any

woman, and

proprietary rights except the right of the

possessions and treasures. The process

all

to enjoy beautiful

Hence he advocated

to possess wealth

thought that

monarch

also

to his

was quickly reversed by king

Kobad

in

53

A.C. Even then, behind

the facade of imperial greatness and apparently invincible military might

The term Ahura

similarity

is

due

is

a soft form of

to the basic unity of

deva, meaning god,

is

Ashura which

to the

Hindu

signifies

demon. The

Indo-Aryan languages. Also the Hindu term deota or

similar to deity of Latin origin.

THE BACKGROUND

63

great social confusion and moral chaos prevailed throughout the Persian

dominions.
In the

Graeco-Roman or Byzantine world

Christianity

was the dominant

was a

religion. It did not consist of the original teachings of Jesus (p.b.h.) but

syncretism between them and Graeco-Roman polytheistic ideas effected by

made were the doctrine of incarnation,

i.e., of Jesus's being God incarnate born in human form, those of the Trinity
and of atonement. Many modern Christian scholars now acknowledge that
The

St. Paul.

distinctive innovations

the doctrines of incarnation and of the Trinity were adopted

These concepts,

may

it

The syncretism was

be recalled, were prevalent

effected with a view to

and easily acceptable

to the people of the

from the Greeks.

among

making the

the

Hindus

too.

religion palatable

Graeco-Roman world who had a

long tradition of polytheism behind them. The Byzantine empire adopted and

championed

it

to

prop up the empire and to gain the adhesion of the "barbar-

ians" and others

who peopled

it.

Henceforth,

name

the

in

of Christianity,

Paulism marched triumphantly on. The doctrines and the sacred

officially

adopted

at the

Christ",

who, on account of

their insistence

on the "dual nature of

shelter in the Byzantium's

empire. Similarly the Jews, persecuted by the Byzantine Chris-

tian authorities

The

in 325 A.C. Even then sectarian

The most notable of the dissidents were

were persecuted. Most of them found

rival Persian

and

Arabia and elsewhere.

their proteges migrated to Persia,

revulsion against the Byzantine empire and the Christianity

pioned

were

Council of Nicea

differenes could not be stamped out.

the Nestorains

texts

may be gauged from

it

cham-

the fact that in the former's continual conflict

with the Persian empire the sympathy of the pagan Arabs and of the Jews in

Arabia lay generally with the pagan Persian empire.

The Byzantine Emperor

empire

in

built beautiful

churches

in

every part

of the

which images of Jesus and Mary were placed and worshipped

"God in Three Persons". Churches

"Mother of God." The Byzantine state policy was

together with the singing of praises for

were also

built to the

shaped by the dream of a universal empire and a universal

policy led to

its

intervention twice in south Arabia

religion. This

(Yaman) vicariously

through the Christian Abyssinia. These moves were also

in

the nature of

commercial warfare with the Persian empire. Following Abrahah's disastrous

campaign against

the

Ka'ba

in

570-71 A.C. the Yamani resistance to Abyssi-

nian-Byzantine intervention was headed by Sayf ibn

to his request the Persian

emperor sent a contingent

DM Yazan.
to

In response

Yaman by

sea.

With

StRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

64

Yamanis put an end

their support the

Byzantines made a

last serious

to the

The

Makka

itself

Abyssinian rule there.

attempt to plant Christianity at

by bringing about a change of government there through 'Uthman ibn

Huwayrith; but he was rejected even by

Such was the

Arabia.

man

It

state

own

clan,

of religion and politics

would be clear

practices prevailed

his

in

the world surrounding

that polytheism, idolatry, superstitions

more or

less

al-

Banu Asad. 2

almost everywhere

in

and inhu-

the then

known

world. In that perspective the Arabs' jahiliyyah was only typical of the
habits, attitudes

Islam was as

and practices

much a

in the

world surrounding them. The

revolution to the Arabs as

it

rise

of

was a check and disap-

pointment to the Sasanid dream of world domination and the Byzantine

dream of a universal empire and a universal

1.

Ibn Hisham,

I.,

63-68.

2. Infra, pp. 330-334.

religion.

CHAPTER III

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

The

orientalists

have done a good deal of work on the pre-Islamic history

of Arabia, particularly on the ancient south and north Arabian civilizations,

carrying out excavations at different

sites,

and studying the ancient languages.

It is

The present chapter

is

Of such

not intended to survey these here.

concerned with the views expressed by a number of

the orientalists on topics related

of Islam.

deciphering the inscriptions found

more

and

directly to the rise of the Prophet

topics the following deserve special mention.

(1 )

The concept of Jdhiliyyah;

(2)

The Ka'ba and

the

Abrahamic

tradition, including the

intended sacri-

fice of Isma'il;

The supposed influence of Judaism and

ronment in general, upon the Prophet; and
(3)

(4)

The socio-economic or

materialistic

Christianity,

and of the envi-

interpretation of the

rise

of

Islam.

Of these
work

this

four topics, no.3 has been dealt with separately

in

connection with the Prophet's youth and

life

at

a later stage in

before his call to

Prophethood. 2 No.4, the topic of materialistic interpretation, has been

considered in the following chapter and also, some aspects of
stage in connection with the

Harb

it,

at

a later

al-Fijdr and the Hilf al-Fudul and the

question of relevance of the early teachings of the Qur'an to the contem-

porary situation. 3 The present chapter, therefore, looks into the two remaining topics.
I.

The term Jdhiliyyah

is

ON JAHIL1YYAH

generally translated by the orientalists as "Igno-

rance or Barbarism" and they take

Islam.

Writing early

in

the

1.

the

A.C.),

to refer to the period before the rise of

twentieth

Arabian history into three periods

B.C.-500

it

"Pre-Islamic

century R.A. Nicholson

period"

(500-622

For a consolidated account of most of the findings see Jawad

Qabl al-hlam, 8

Vols.,

XI
IX

2.

Infra, Ch.

3.

Infra, Chs.

Baghdad, 1369-1378.

& XXIV.

divided

the Sabaean and Himyarite period (800

A.C.)

'Alt,

and

the

Tarikh al-'Arab

SIRAT AL-NABf AND THE ORIENTALISTS

66

"Muhammadan

He

period".

called the second period "the

or Babarism". In an explanatory note he stated:

Adam

Jdhiliyyah includes the whole time between

narrower sense

may

it

subsequent stage

be used

in his

...to

Age

and

of Ignorance

speaking, the

"Strictly

Muhammad,

but in a

denote the pre-Islamic period..."

At a

work, while dealing with the history and legends of

"Muhammadans include the whole period

earliest times down to the establishment of Islam

the pagan Arabs, he further stated:

of Arabian history from the

in the

term Jdhiliyyah"

He

then pointed out that Goldziher had shown,

however, that the term jahl was to be understood not as an antonym of

but of hilm, and that

it

much

should therefore be taken to mean not so

ance" as "wildness", "savagery", "the

and endless

tribal pride

'/7m,

"ignor-

tribal feuds,

the cult of revenge" and other pagan characteristics that Islam sought to

On

remove. 2

Nicholson described the history

the basis of this interpretation

and legends of the pagan Arabs as gleaned from the pre-Islamic poetry.
Closely following the treatment of Nicholson but writing some quarter of
a century subsequently, P.K. Hitti similarly divided Arabian history into
three

main periods

the "Sabaeo-Himyrite period", the "Jahiliyyah period"

and the "Islamic period". He then

stated,

almost echoing Nichololson, that in

a sense Jdhiliyyah extends from the "creation of

of

Muhammad";

but

in reality

it

Adam down

"means the period

in

to the mission

which Arabia had no

dispensation, no inspired prophet, no revealed book; for ignorance and

barbarism can hardly be applied

that

to

such a cultured and lettered society as

developed by the south Arabians."

declared that Islam was to obliterate

He

all that

further says that the Prophet

had gone before

it

and that

this

constituted a "ban on all pre-Islamic ideas and ideals"; but, he adds,"ideas

are hard to
past."

kill,

and no one person's veto

is

strong enough to cancel the

Thus both Nicholson and

Hitti take the

sense of a period. Hitti also gives his

own

term Jdhiliyyah primarily

in the

definition of that period. Subse-

quent writers have generally followed them in taking the term in the sense of
a period of Arabian history,
lars also

it

may be mentioned

that classical

Muslim scho-

did sometimes attempt to identify the period of Jdhiliyyah; but their

emphasis was always on the

1.

R.A. Nicholson,

2.

Ibid., 30, citing

3.

P.K.

Hitti,

habits, practices, traits

and characteristics that

Literary History of the Arabs (1907), 1988 reprint,

Goldziher,

Muhammedanische

History of the Arabs

(1

Studien,

I,

p.

225.

937), 10th edition, 1986 reprint, p. 87.

XXIV.

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

constituted Jahiliyyah, and not so
in the

much on any

specific period.

67
Indeed,

it

is

sense of particular habits and practices and not as a period of history

that the expression Jahiliyyah

was understood during the time of the Prophet

and his immediate successors. At any

Muslim

rate,

even when

historians,

speaking in terms of a period, did never identify Jahiliyyah as a period

between 500 and 622 A.C. This

identification

and limitation

when he says

that the

A.C)

Muhammadan writers the Jahiliyyah, i.e.,

Barbarism." No classical Muslim historian has so

Ignorance or

"second period",

i.e.

the "Pre-Islamic period" (500-622

by

"is called

Nicholson's

is

Age of

the

defined and

identified Jahiliyyah.

The confusion seems

to

have proceeded from an inexact English render-

ing of the term Jahiliyyah as "ignorance" or "barbarism", a

phenomenon not

infrequent in the cases of such inexact renderings of Islamic technical terms

into English or other languages.

beacause of

It is

this

rendering of the term

as "ignorance" or "barbarism" that Nicholson, finding

it

obviously inap-

plicable to the Sabaean and Himyarite civilizations, excludes

"Age of Ignorance and Barbarism" and

identification of the

period 500-622 A.C. While Nicholson

point.

Hence he

is

them from
limits

on

implicit, Hitti is explicit

plainly points out that "ignorance

his

to the

it

this

and barbarism can hardly

be applied to such a cultured and lettered society as that developed by the

south Arabians."

The same impression seems

out that Jahiliyyah

to

is

to

have led Goldziher to point

be taken not as an antonym of

'Urn but

of hilm

which, he says, means "the moral reasonableness of civilized man".

only be pointed out that this definition too cannot
pre-Islamic Arabs as a whole; for though

most of them valued

definition

this

it

many

strictly

be applied to the

some of them did possess it Also,

some very fundamental elements of
.

namely, polytheism, idol worship, adultery and wrongfully

Jahiliyyah,

depriving others of their rights. These characteristics are very

the definition of Jahiliyyah, though they

bounds of

"lettered"

and "cultured"

namely, that Jahiliyyah

is

"the period in

same

initial

much

within

not be always outside the

Hitti's

amended

definition,

which Arabia had no dispensation,

very essential elements of Jahiliyyah and

result of the

may

society.

no inspired prophet, no revealed book",

may

of them did not possess hilm,

as an ideal and

tends to sidetrack

It

is

equally noncognizant of

is at its

best ingenious.

some

It is

the

confusion about the meaning being ignorance or

See for instance Al-Taban,

Tafsir,

XXII,

4.

SIRA T AL-NABI AND

68

barbarism.

As

such,

as mistaken as

is

it

THE ORIENTALISTS
is

his further statement that the

Prophet "declared that the new religion was to obliterate

before

it."

The Prophet did not

obliterate all that

had gone

all that

had gone before

it.

On

many

contrary, both the Prophet and Islam approved and retained

the

pre-

Islamic (not Jahiliyyah) institutions and practices and claimed to continue

and complete what the previous prophets had brought

Hitti's last
it,

that

mentioned statement

"no one person's veto

mankind.

And

since

palpably wrong, his other remark based on

is

is

to

strong enough to cancel the past",

is

both

inappraopriate and uncalled for.

term Jahiliyyah must needs be translated, the word "error"

If the technical

would probably come closer

or "misguidance"

its

But

it is

usage, the Qur'an, the Prophet and the early

expression Jahiliyyah to denote certain beliefs, habits and practices

state

of affairs

and

not in the sense of a historical period.

trative instance is the report

at the

not

The sense can be understood by

Muslims used the

absolutely necessary to translate the term.

following

to the meaning.

One

very

illus-

of the speech on behalf of the Muslim emigrants

Abyssinian court delivered by Ja'far ibn 'Abi Talib.

He

started his

address saying: "Jahiliyyah people were we, worshipping idols, eating dead
animals, committing adultery and fornication (al-fawdhish), ignoring bloodrelations (qat' al-rihdm), forgetting covenants of protection, the strong ones

devouring the weak,

etc."'

The

acts

elucidation of Jahiliyyah. Similarly

earliest authorities

on the

and practices enumerated are only an

'Abd Allah ibn 'Abbas

(r.a.),

one of the

interpretation of the Qur'an, states that if

one

likes

to understand the meaning of jahl one should read the 'ayahs following

'ayah 130 of surat al-'An'am (no.6). 2 These 'ayahs, particularly 'ayahs 136139, speak about the Arabs' polytheistic practices, their tabooing of certain

animals, their killing of female babes,

Again, Ibn al-Athir, one of the

etc.

early authorities on the technical terms used in the reports (hadith)

clearly states that Jahiliyyah

means

"the state of affairs (al-hdl) in

Arabs were before the coming of Islam." 3

and practices. As such

it

may

It

1.

Ibn Hisham,

Bukhari, no. 3524.

3.

I,

which the

denotes a state of belief, habits

not be confined to any specific period of time,

nor to any given people. Jahiliyyah existed in the past

2.

very

among

the Arabs, as

336.

Ibn al-Athlr ('Abu al-Sa'adat al-Mubarak ibn

Nihayah Fi Gharib al-Hadith wa

Muhammad al-TanaM, Vol.

I,

al-'Athar,

n.d. p. 323.

ed.

Muhammad al-Jazan, 544-606 H.), AlTahir Ahmad al-Jawzi & Mahmud

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

among many

also

others of their contemporaries.

peoples even after the coming of Islam.

(a) Consideration

greater import

Abrahamic

came
and

to

that the

not Isma'il

that

(p.b.t.),

modern form and

duced

his

deny

Hajar and Isma'Tl

Ka'ba was

old as orientalism

ofMuir's views

however, the opinions of the orientalists abut the

is,

tradition. Generally they

Makka,

continues in places and

REGARDING THE ABRAHAMIC TRADITION

II

Of

It

built

itself. It

pattern.

that

Prophet Ibrahim (p.b.h.) ever

(p.b.h.)

by him. They

who was

were ever

left

also assert that

it

him

there by

was Ishaq and

intended to be sacrificed. These views are as

was Muir, however, who gave those views

And

their

ever since his time others have mainly repro-

arguments and assumptions. 2 "The connection of the Abraham

myth with the Ka'bah",

writes Margoliouth, "appears to have

of later speculation, and to have been fully developed only

need for

69

views mention

Of
may be made

arose."

it

the others

who

reiterated

been the

when a

result

political

and elaborated the same

of J.D. Bate and Richard Bell.

The former

prepared an independent monograph entitled Enquiries into the claims of

Ishmael4

in

which he

set forth

almost

all that

the orientalists

have

to say

on

The latter, RichQur'anic passages on the subject are

the theme including the question of the sacrifice of Isma'il.

ard Bell, suggested that the relevant

"later" revisions

during the Madinite period of the Prophet's mission. 5

Clearly, the subject calls for a separate treatment.

The scope of

the

present work, however, necessitates confining the present section to a

consideration of Muir's views that are mainly elaborated and reiterated by

his successors.

On

the basis of the information contained in the

says: "Hager,

2.

See

&

5.

Old Testament Muir

Abraham, dwelt with her son

in the wild-

Cairo, 1384.

Guillaume, Islam, London, 1964, pp. 61-62; P. Lammens, L'lslam,

et Institutions, Beirut, 1926, pp. 28, 33.

Mohammed and the

comment has been

discussed

at

Rise of Islam, 3rd edn., London, 1905,

p.

a subsequent stage in this work, infra, Ch.

104.

XIV,

II.

4. First published,

'Id

D.S. Margoliouth,

This specific
sees.

cast forth by

Muhammad Qutb, Jdhiliyyat al-Qarn al- 'Ishrin,

See For instance

Croyance
3.

when

London, 1926; republished

in 1984.

R. Bell, "The Sacrifice of Ishmael", T.G. U.O.S., Vol. X, 29-31; and "The Origin of the

al-Adha", M.W., 1933, pp.

17-120.

S1RAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

70

He

erness of Paran, to the north of Arabia." 1

promise of temporal prosperity"

in

further says that the "divine

favour of Isma'il was fulfilled and his

twelve sons became "twelve princes" whose descendants were founders of

numerous

tribes.

These

and also other Abrahamic and collateral tribes

tribes,

lived, according to Muir, in northern Arabia extending

extremity of the

Red Sea towards

the

mouth of

"from the northern

the Euphrates." 2

He

admits,

however, that the Abrahamic tradition and the legend connected with the

Ka'ba were widely current and accepted

in

Arabia and

Makka

before the rise

of Islam; 3 but he holds that these traditions, though earlier than Islam, grew

much

there

subsequently to the time of Ibrahim. Muir mentions

connection that though "a great proportion of the tribes

were descended from Abraham, or from

central Arabia

have no materials for tracing

nearly

of

whom

in

this

northern and

we

collateral stock,

from the era of that patriarch for

years." 4 Therefore he proceeds to "conjecture" 5

two thousand

"facts" as follows.

their history

in

He

says that there were

earlier settlers at

the

Makka, many

of

were natives of Yaman. They brought with them Sabeanism, stone

worship and idolatry. "These became connected with the well of Zamzam,
the source of their prosperity; and near to

Ka'ba], with
rites

they erected their fane [the

it

symbolical Sabeanism and mysterious blackstone. Local

its

were superadded; but

it

was Yemen,

the cradle of the Arabs,

which

furnished the normal elements of the system." 6 Subsequently, an Isma'ilite

tribe

from the

north,

attracted there by

its

"either

Nabataean or some collateral stock", was

wells and favourable position for caravan trade. This

tribe carried "in its train the patriarchal legend of

engrafted

upon

"it

the

local

worship of the Kaaba, with

its

Abrahamic

and

origin"

"Hence arose the mongrel

superstitions."

Mahomet took

Ishmaelitish legends, of which

so great advantage." 7
1.

W.

Muir, The Life of Mahomet,

1st

edn, Vol.

I.,

London, 1858,

p. cxi, citing

Gen.

XXI:25;XXV:18.
2.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid., pp.. cxv;

4.

Ibid., p. cxvi.

5.

Muir

cxxv.

specifically uses this term twice, once at p.

cxxv and again

designates his account as the "supposed history of the rise of

side-note on

p.

ccxiv of the

first

London, 1923.
6. Ibid., 1st edn., p. ccxv.
7. Ibid., pp.

cxxv-cxxvi.

He

also

religion".

See

at p. cxxvi.

Mecca and

its

edition and p. civ of the third revised edition

by T.H. Weir,

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

7]

Muir advances a number of other supposiexistence of the Abrahamic tradition was

In support of this "conjecture"

He

tions.

says that though the

extensive and universal,

down from
evidence
"it is

far

in

it is

"improbable" that

the remote age of the patriarch

any particular

more

likely that

"should have been handed

by an independent

train of

or association of tribes". According to him,

tribe,
it

it

was borrowed from

the Jews,

and kept alive by

occasional communication with them." 1 Having said so he states that so

"extensive a homage,"

i.e.,

homage

to the

Ka'ba "must have

its

beginnings

in

an extremely remote age; and similar antiquity must be ascribed to the essential

concomitants of the Meccan worship,

sacred limits, and the holy months."

Ka'ba and

antiquity of the

He

the

Kaaba with

blackstone,

then attempts to prove the great

by mentioning

its rites

its

Greek

that the

historian

Herodotus (5th century B.C.) speaks of one of the chief goddesses of the

Arabs and mentions her name as

Alilat

which

"is

strong evidence of the

worship, at that early period, of Allot the Meccan idol." 3 Next Muir points
out that the Greek author Diodorus Sicilus, writing in the

spoke of a "temple"

Muir observes

in

first

Arabia which was "greatly revered by

that this

must refer

to the

Ka'ba, "for

century B.C.,

all the

we know

which ever commanded the universal homage of Arabia." 4

Arabs".

of no other

Finally,

Muir

suggests that the practice of idolatry was old and widespread in Arabia and,

on the authority of Ibn Hisham (Ibn

were "scattered from Yemen

to

some of them subordinate

Hira,

'Ishaq), points out that idolatrous shrines

Duma [Dumat
to the

al-Jandal]

and even as

Kaaba and having

rites

far as

resembling

those of Mecca." 5

On

Abrahamic

trace of anything

kiss the black stone, to

observances

at

make

in the essential

Muir

states that there "is

no

elements of the superstition.

To

the basis of such facts and arguments

the circuits of the Kaaba, and perform the other

Mecca, Arafat and the vale of Mina, to keep

months, and to hallow the sacred

territory,

the sacred

have no conceivable connection

with Abraham, or with ideas and principles which his descendants would be

from him." 6 These were according to him

likely to inherit

See also pp. cxxiv-cxxv.

1.

Ibid., p. cxv.

2.

Ibid., p. ccxii.

3.

Ibid., p. ccx.

4.

Ibid., p. ccxi.

5.

Ibid., p. ccxiii.

6.

Ibid., p. ccx.

"either strictly

SIRAT AL-NABI

72

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

local" or being connected with the system of idolatry prevailing in the south

of the peninsula, were imported to

when
rites

Makka by Banu Jurhum and

others.

And

Abrahamic legend was grafted on

"the indigenous worship, the

of sacrifice and other ceremonies were

now for the first time intromemory of Abraham ."' And

the

duced, or

at

any

rate first associated with the

once the legend was thus established

which

"attracted the

at

Makka,

Bedouins of Central Arabia" to

a national character to the local superstition,

of Arabia."

"common

"mercantile eminennce"

its

till

"by degrees imparted

it,

at last

it

became

the religion

Finally, suggests Muir, the Prophet only took his stand

on

this

ground", and effected a bridge between the "gross idolatry of the

Arabs and the pure theism of

Israel".

"The

of the Kaaba were retained,

rites

but stripped by him of every idolatrous tendency..." 3

Clearly, this thesis of Muir's
that

is

based on four assumptions, namely,

polytheism and polytheistic practices existed

tion of the Ismailite tribe there; (b) that the

with

are

it

polytheistic

at

Makka

before the migra-

Ka'ba and the

and are of south Arabian

conceivable connection with Abraham";

rites

origin,

connected

"having no

an immigrant Ismailite tribe

(c) that

superimposed the Abrahamic legend on those

(a)

rites

and

system was then by degrees adopted by the Arab

(d) that the

combined

tribes as the national

religion.

The

and arguments adduced by Muir do

facts

not,

however, substantiate

any of the four above-mentioned elements of the theory. With regard

first

assumption Muir mentions three

facts.

First,

to the

he says that the

fifth

century B.C. Greek historian Herodotus speaks of an Arabian goddess Alilat.

Muir notes

that

Herodotus does not speak specifically about Makka but

maintains that Alilat should be identified with the well-known

fact Ta'ifian)

goddess Al-Lat.

It

Makkan

should be pointed out that Herodotus

(in

in fact

speaks with reference to north Arabia. Even taking his statement to apply to

Arabia

in general,

and accepting the identification of Alilat with Al-Lat, the

evidence would take us back only

own

to the 5th century B.C., that

is,

by Muir's

admission, to a period some one thousand and five hundred years subse-

quent to that of Ibrahim. Muir's second fact

Greek writer Deodorus

1.

Ibid., p. ccxvi.

2.

Ibid., p.

3.

Ibid., ccxviii.

ccxv.

is

that the first century B.C.

Sicilus speaks of a universally venerated

Arabian

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

Muir

"temple".

us back

rightly takes

less in point

still

of time,

third fact is that polytheism

over Arabia.
Ishaq).

He

to refer to the Ka'ba; but this

it

only to the

i.e.,

evidence takes

century B.C. Muir's

and polytheistic shrines were widespread

on the authority of Ibn Hisham

cites this fact

should be pointed out that the

It

first

73

latter

all

(in fact Ibn

speaks of a state of affairs that

prevailed prior to the emergence of the Prophet. Neither Ibn Ishaq nor any

other autority implies that the situation obtained from time immemorial.

Thus, none of the facts mentioned by Muir takes us back beyond the
century B.C.

It

fifth

cannot be suggested that the supposed migration of the Ismai-

Makka

took place so

lite tribe

to

that; for,

Muir himself admits

late as the fifth

century B.C. or even after

that the descendants of

Kedar, son of Isma'Tl,

became so widespread

in northern

Old Testament, used

speak of the Arab tribes generally of those regions as

Kedarites.

to

According to modern

composed not

than the

later

fifth

and central Arabia

critics,

Makka,

the extant

century B.C.

affairs already prevailing in northern

that the

As

Jews,

Old Testament

was

speaks of a state of

it

and central Arabia, which includes

for a long time, and not of a recent dispersion of the Kedarite tribes

over those regions, the Isma'ilite tribes must have been settled
long before the

fifth

of south

are

at

Makka

century B.C.

Muir's second assumption that the Ka'ba and

they

the

i.e.,

its rites

are polytheistic, that

Arabian (Yamani) origin and that they have

conceivable connection with Abraham"

is

"no

both incorrect and misleading.

The Ka'ba and its rites must of course be assigned a very high antiquity, as
Muir emphasizes. But that in itself does not prove them to be pre-Abrahamic
in point

of time, nor that they are south Arabian

advance any evidence

was established

to

have found some trace

ancient accounts; and

venerated than

show

in imitation

its

it

that the

is
it

of south Arabian origin. If

initially

supposed imitation temple

is

it

Yaman, we should
some mention of it in

existing in

of that original temple or

should have been

no such old or venerable temple

in

Ka'ba

of anything like

Muir does not

in origin.

at

more important and more

Makka. But

known, neither

in

the existence of

Yaman

nor elsewhere

Arabia, from any source, not even from the writings of the ancient Greek

authors.

To

cite the

evidence of Deodorus again.

He speaks

of only one

universally venerated "temple" in Arabia, not of anything else like

superior to

Ibid.

it.

The existence of a number of

See also Isaiah 21:16-17.

it

or

idolatrous shrines throughout

SIRA T AL-NABI AND

74

Arabia before the

THE ORIENTALISTS

of Islam to which Ibn Ishaq refers and of which Muir

rise

speaks, including even the "Yamani Ka'ba

subsequently to and

in imitation

"

of Abrahah, were

Makkan Ka'ba

of the

all

established

not before

Muir

it.

simply attempts to put the cart before the horse when he draws attention to
the existence of these Ka'ba-like idolatrous shrines in order to suggest that

Makkan Ka'ba was

the

then he

is

forced to admit that

dinate to the Ka'ba

one such idolatrous establishment. Even

originally

"having

many of

rites

those idolatrous shrines were subor-

resembling those

at

Mecca".

In fact

none

of those shrines was older than the Ka'ba, nor was any one of them regarded

by the Arabs as of similar antiquity and commanding comparable veneration.

This fact alone proves that those shrines were established

in imitation

of the

Ka'ba. That they were devoted to idolatrous gods or godesses was also naturally in imitation

of the idolatry which had

the

in

meantime been

installed at

the Ka'ba, not vice-versa, as Ibn Ishaq and others very distinctly mention.
Idolatry had of course been prevalent in

since a

much

many of

earlier period; but to prove that the

some more

as an idolatrous temple requires

Muir has adduced.

the surrounding countries

Ka'ba was

originally built

relevant evidence than

what

All that he has mentioned, to repeat, takes us back only to

He

the fifth century B.C.

cannot imply that the Ka'ba was built so

late as the

5th century B.C. or around that time.

Muir admits

that the

Abrahamic

knowledge of God." They indeed

tribes

did;

of Arabia "originally possessed a

and

it

has been noted earlier that

despite their declension into gross idolatry they had not lost sight of Allah

(God) as the Supreme Lord of the universe. And

throughout the ages the Arabs used to
or

Bay t Allah. While

specific

of

the other shrines

all

god or goddess, such as

Wadd

deity, not

and so on, the Ka'ba

even

call the

it

is

remarkable that

Ka'ba the "House of Allah"

were each named

was never

originally built for any idolatrous deity, the

it.

It

some

called after any such idolatrous

after the Quraysh's principal idol Hobal. If the

remained associated with

after

the shrine of Al-Lat, that of Al-'Uzza, that

name of

cannot be supposed that the

Ka'ba was

would have

that deity

name of that

deity

was obliterated when the immigrant Isma'ilites allegedly superimposed the

Abrahamic
had

at all

tradition

upon the "temple".

taken place,

idolatrous deity

it is

more

in

If

such subsequent superimposition

would have been conjoined with Allah

supposed integration of the Ka'ba with the Abrahamic

To prove

name of

accord with reason that the

at the

that

time of the

tradition.

the supposed idolatrous origin of the Ka'ba

Muir

states that the

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

75

"native systems of Arabia were Sabeanism, Idolatry and Stone worship,

connected with the religion of Mecca."

This

is

ment. The religious systems mentioned were of course prevalent

different places

time.

and

Sabeanism with

Arabia.

its

circuits of the

Yemen

to the sun,

late as the fourth

moon and

stars"

in south
reli-

century "sacrifices

and

that the "seven

Kaaba were probably emblematical of the revolutions of

planetary bodies." 2

It is

not understandable

how

at

same

system was "connected with the

this

gion at Mecca" except saying that as

in

Arabia

worship of the heavenly bodies prevailed

Muir does not show how

were offered

in

not equally and everwhere at the

at different times,

all

misleading state-

a highly

sacrifices offered in

the

Yaman

"to the sun, moon and stars" could be connected with the religion at Makka.
The Makkan unbelievers did of course offer sacrifices to their idols; but they
did never do so by way of worshipping the sun, the moon and the stars!

Indeed the practice of sacrificing animals, or even human beings, for gods

and goddesses, had been prevalent among many ancient peoples before even
Prophet Ibrahim's p.b.h.) intended sacrifice of his son to Allah. But none

would therefore suggest

that such sacrifices

by the other ancient peoples or

by Ibrahim were only symbolical of Sabeanism! In

is

derived from the Sabaeans

who emerged on

fact the

term Sabeanism

the scene of history

subsequently to the generally assigned date of the Ka'ba.

More

much

specifically,

worship of the heavenly bodies was prevalent among the ancient Greeks,

among

others. In that perspective

Sabeanism was only a south Arabian mani-

festation of Hellenism.

More

strange

is

Muir's statement that the "seven circuits of the Kaaba

were probably emblematical of the revolutions of the planetary bodies".

There

is

no indication whatsoever

that

the

Sabaeans or other ancient

worshippers of the heavenly bodies used to make seven circuits around any
object as part of their astral worship.
that the ancient

Makkans

It is

also quite unreasonable to suppose

or others of the time were aware of "the revolu-

tions of the planetary bodies". If they had such

ledge, they

modern astronomical know-

would not have worshipped the heavenly bodies

With regard

to idolatry

and stone worship Muir,

at all.

after referring to

Ibn Ishaq says about the existence of idolatrous shrines in Arabia and
the Isma'ilites,

1.

Muir,

2.

Ibid.

when

dispersing from

op.cit., p. ccxii.

Makka, used

to carry

what

how

with them a

S1RAT AL-NABl

76

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

stone from the sacred precincts, states that this widespread tendency to stone

worship probably "occasioned the superstition of the Kaaba with

stone, than that

it

took

its

rise

from

evidence adduced by Muir does

in

that superstition."

no way show

its

black

As shown above,

the

that the idolatrous shrines in

Arabia and the attendant worship of stones or stone images came into existence before the erection of the Ka'ba.
ing that the Black Stone

Whatever
worship

at

And Muir

the Ka'ba

is

grossly

wrong

in suppos-

was symbolical of stone worship.

the origin of the Black Stone and whatever the origin of stone

in

Arabia, the pre-Islamic Arabs, neither of

Makka

nor of the other

places, are never found to have worshipped the Black Stone of the

Ka'ba

The

marked

kissing of the Black Stone

only the

was no worship of

the stone itself;

of making the circuit around the Ka'ba. This circumambulation

start

was not done

for any specific idol in the

Ka'ba or around

it.

It

and purposes a circumambulation of the House of Allah.

intents

it

was

to all

And

is

it

only an instance of the peculiar coexistence of the Abrahamic traditions and

idolatry

which the Makkan religion represented on the eve of the

Islam.

should be noted here that

It

(p.b.h.) that in the

was very much

rise

of

the practice of Ibrahim

course of his travels from one land to another he set up,

to

mark a place dedicated

is

put in the English versions of the Old Testa-

wherever he halted, a stone

("an altar unto

it

God"

as

it

to the

worship of Allah

ment). 2 That these places of worship were symbolized by stones erected as

pillars is clear
p.b.h.),

certain place
"set

it

from Gen. 28:10, 18-22, which informs us

when he journeyed from Beer-Sheba

up

name of

and

in the

Jacob (Ya'qub,

morning took the stone he had used as

for a pillar, and poured oil

that place Beth-el."

up

that

to Haran, halted at night at a

He

upon

the top of

further declared:
3

it.

"And

his pillow

And

this stone,

have

set

were

in the nature of foundation stones laid at different places

for a pillar, shall be God's house."

for God's worship were intended to be erected.

was one such stone with which

dation of the

1.

2.

up an

p.

House of Allah

where houses

The Black Stone of

was

the

Ka'ba

laid the foun-

the Black Stone of the

Ibid., pp. ccxiii-ccxiv.

Gen. 12:6-8;
"altar" unto

13:4; 13:18.

See also Gen. 25:25 which speaks of Ishaq's similarly setting

God.

3.

Gen. 28:10, 18-19.

4.

See

44.

which

In fact these stone pillars

the patriarch Ibrahim (p.b.h.)

(Beth-el). 4 Neither

and

he called the

Muhammad SulaymSn

Mansurpurf, Rahmatullil-'Alamin, (Urdu

text),

Delhi, 1980,

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

Ka'ba

77

symbolical of stone worship, nor were the Prophets Ibrahim, Ishaq

and Ya'qub

(p.b.t.),

by any stretch of the imagination, stone worshippers on

account of their erection of stone

The dogmatic

unto God".

pillars as "altars

assertion that the rites connected with the

Ka'ba "have no

conceivable connection with Abraham, or with the ideas and principles

which

his descendants

misstatement.

So

would be

far as the

likely to inherit

Black Stone

from him",

concerned,

is

its

is

a downright

connection with

Ibrahim and with the ideas, practices and principles that his descendants

were

likely to inherit

from him, are indubitably demonstrated by the above

mentioned testimony of the Old Testament. That the

also

very

is

much

in line

institution

of sacrifice

with the Abrahamic tradition admits of no doubt,

the incident of the intended sacrifice of his son being so clearly narrated in

both the Old Testament and the Qur'an. In

this

Abrahamic

is

rites

with idolatrous practices

case too the coexistence of

While the unbe-

noticeable.

Arabs used to sacrifice animals on various idol altars

lieving

places, their sacrificing of animals at

pursuance of the Abrahamic

Mina

at the

at different

time of the pilgrimage was

was no

sacrificing for

any

particular idols or their idols in general. Neither any idol nor any altar

was

only

in

there at

Mina

or 'Arafat. Indeed the pilgrimage, the staying at Mina, the

standing at 'Arafat and the sacrifices

any idol or

hamic

tradition. It

idols.

made on

the occasion

These were performed purely

were not done for

accordance with the Abra-

in

remarks about sacrifice are somewhat confusing. In

tradition. Muir's

attempting to show the supposed connection of Sabeanism with the

Makkan

religion he states, as mentioned earlier, that as late as the fourth century A.C.
sacrifices

were offered

in

Yaman

"to the sun,

moon and

the stars".

But while

suggesting that the Abrahamic tradition was grafted on the supposedly preexisting
sacrifice

Ka'ba and

its rites

by an

'Isma'ilite tribe

and other ceremonies were now for the

he

first

states that "the rites

of

time introduced, or

at

any rate associated with the memory of Abraham." This statement of Muir's
1

constitutes in fact a confession of the weakness of his theory and an admis-

sion that the "rites of sacrifce and other ceremonies"

connected with the Abrahamic

tradition.

Indeed Muir's third and fourth suggestions, namely,

tradition

was superimposed on

Ka'ba and

Muir,

its rites

by an

op.cit., p. ccxvi.

were very much

that the

the supposedly pre-existent

Abrahamic

and idolatrous

'Isma'ilite tribe subsequently settling there,

See also supra, p.72.

and

SIRAT AL-NABI

78

was

that this traditon

part of the

which

Arab

more subsequently adopted "by degrees" on the

still

because of the commercial pre-eminence of

tribes

them

attracted

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

more

are

thither,

Makka

and absurd. Both these

illogical

assumptions run counter to his other statement that so "extensive a homage"

to the

Ka'ba and

age."

The Ka'ba and

And

is

it

its rites

"must have

also noted that

Muir makes

tence of the Ka'ba and the extensive

Abrahamic
on

it

and

tradition

its rites.

beginnings

its

a distinction between the prior exis-

homage

But

that

If the

to these institutions only the

came
tions.

is in

Arab

In

all

Makka and imposed

likelihood, such an

Isma'Tlite tribe

it

tribes

on the one hand, and the

had since antiquity been

its rites,

name of Ibrahim

essence what Muir suggests

to settle at

to

does not resolve the inconsistency and difficulty

paying extensive homage to the Ka'ba and

for that

an extremely remote

on the other, which according to him was superimposed

involved in his proposition.

add

in

of course go back to a very remote antiquity.

its rites

at

they would not simply

a subsequent stage

just because an Isma'Tlite tribe

name on

Ibrahim's

illegitimate attempt

would have met with universal

the existing institu-

on the part of an

resistance, both

existing idolatrous population of Makka as well as from the

Muir seems
one hand, the

to

have foreseen the

fact that the

Arab

and large of Abrahamic origin so much so

Kedar or Qaydar) and, on the

it

is

make room

connection with Ibrahim "should have been handed

tribe, or association

likely that

it

of tribes".

As noted

was borrowed from

Jews and the Old

for his theory in

"improbable" that the

age of the patriarch by an independent

train

it

earlier,

is

memory of

down from

the

the remote

of evidence in any particular

he suggests that

the Jews, and kept alive

communication with them." 2 Now,

the

descendants of Isma'il's son

other, attempts to

the situation by suggesting that

Arab

the pre-

tribes.

and central Arabia were by

that both the

(i.e.,

from

Hence he recognizes, on

difficulty.

tribes of northern

Testament spoke of them as Kedarites

"it is

more

by occasional

highly unlikely that an acknow-

ledgedly conservative people like the Semitic Arabs,

who

of

all

people were

the most attached to their ancient traditions, remembering their

individual

genealogies going back to a distant past, would have continued to venerate

the Ka'ba and

its rites

time forgetting the

1.

Muir,

2.

See supra, p 71.

as belonging to their

real fact

op.cit., p. ccxii.

common

past,

and

at

the

same

of their descent from Ibrahim. The nature of

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

"living tradition"

is

not that

pendent train of evidence

is

it

should have been handed

any particular

in

handed down from generation

the

memory

tribe,

to generation

down

79

"by an inde-

or association of tribes."

It

by "popular memory", not by

or evidence of any particular individual or tribe.

It is

also just

not correct to say, as Muir does, that the Arab tribes having supposedly

memory "from

the

by occasional communication with them."

No

forgotten their descent from Ibrahim "borrowed" the

Jews" and
people

was "kept

it

who had

alive

forgotten their

common

ancestor would accept the ancestor

of another people as their ancestor too because the latter stated so, without
further and an "independent train of evidence."

The

Arab

fact is that the

of central and northern Arabia were not merely on "occasional

tribes

communication" with the Jews. Throughout the ages

till

almost the begin-

ning of the Christian era the Jews and the Kedarite tribes of northern and

were on constant contact with one another and they very

central Arabia

much

constantly

ing aside

all

remembered

tribes of their descent

have been told

Arab

if

from

Ka'ba and

Arab

tribes,

Arab

common

their

its rites

was no

all

patriarch Ibrahim, they

it

would also

polytheist and that the (supposedly)

had no connection with him. Therefore the

Ka'ba and

assoctiate the

Ka'ba and

the way,

the Jews at any point of time reminded the

by Muir's admission and by

fact associate the

Muir

only

Ibrahim even when they were reminded of

the

descent from Ibrahim. But leavis

that that patriarch

would not

tribes

common

these questions and going with

reasonable to suppose that

pre-existing

their

its rites

its rites

with the

memory

all

the available evidence did in

with Ibrahim for long before the coming

of Islam, a natural corollary of Muir's suggestion

is

that the Jews,

when

reminding them of Ibrahim, must also have told them that the Ka'ba and
rites

were of Abrahamic

the patriarchal legend of

superstitions."

Abrahamic

origin"

Abrahamic

forgotten their

reasonable to add that they had also not

polytheist.

long been

train

local

Isma'ilite tribe

came

origin.

"it

It

is

therefore

of the fact that Ibrahim

Hence they would not have desecrated the sacred memory

of their ancestor by associating

polytheistic

lost sight

says

on the

and engrafted

Thus by Muir's own statement, when the

Makka, they had not

was no

its

origin.

The unreasonableness of Muir's proposition does not end here. He

that the Isma'ilite tribe, when it came to settle at Makka, brought "in its

to

of

their actual ancestor. But, since

Ka'ba and

commanding

its rites,

the

it

the

with the (supposedly) pre-existing and

more

homage of

so because these institutions had

the Arabs. In such a state,

if

they

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

80

intended to integrate themselves with the Arab

would have simply allowed

ground and would have accepted the Ka'ba and

or vice versa, they

tribes,

Abrahamic memory

the

remain

to

the back-

in

as they were; for by

its rites

so doing they would not have lost anything, neither their domicile nor the
profitable trade of

Makka. Since they did not do

Ka'ba and

said, the

its rites

having retained the memory of

Arab

tribes accepted the

Abrahamic

as of

their descent

Ka'ba and

its rites

but accepted, as

so,

it

is

origin, notwithstanding their

from Ibrahim, and since also

as of

Abrahamic

the

origin, notwith-

standing their constant touch with the collateral branch of Ibrahim's descendents, the Jews, the natural conclusion
that the
sis

Ka'ba and

its rites

that they did so

is

were of Abrahamic

because they knew

Thus a

origin.

rational analy-

of even Muir's theory of subsequent migration to and settlement at

by an Isma'ilite
facts
rites

tribe,

Makka

makes and

together with the other assumptions he

he admits, leads to the unavoidable conclusion that the Ka'ba and

were of Abrahamic
(b)

the
its

origin.

About the Old Testament evidence

Muir's above discussed theory and assumptions proceed from his understanding of the information contained

north of Arabia."
that Isma'Tl

and

Gen. 21:21.

mother "dwelt

"to the north of Arabia", is Muir's

the Bible. Paran

is

made by

mentioned

in

the locality

meant by

says: "Hagar,

own

The

clause,

statement based understandably on

other Christitian writers and exegetes of

in

the

when

the Genesis simply says

in the wilderness of Paran".

connection with other events

places in the Old Testament. 2 But

is

He

in the wilderness of Paran, to the

The above mentioned passage of

his

the identification of Paran

exactly

in

by Abraham, dwelt with her son

cast forth

none of

name

all

these places

at three

it is

other

clear what

Paran. The answer to the question

where, according to Genesis 21:21, Hajar and Isma'il settled thus depends on
a correct identification of Paran.

The

subject

Bahadur

was

by Syed

shortly after the appearance of Muir's work.

either side have not

1.

in fact exhaustively dealt with

Muir,

advanced much since

op.cit., p.cxi.

Muir mistakenly

that time,

it

cites in his footnote

As

Ahmed Khan

the arguments on

would be worthwhile
Gen. 21:25.

It

ought to be

Gen. 21:21.
2.
3.

See Gen. 14:6; Num. 10:12; Num. 12:16.

Syed Ahmed Khan Bahadur, Essay on the Historical Geography of Arabia, London,

Trubner&Co.,

1869.

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

to recapitulate the

main points made by him, adding

or points as bear on the subject.

Muslim geographers speak

of Paran, namely,

first,

He drew

to

them such other

attention to the fact that the early

of three different places bearing the

the wilderness

facts

same name

where Makka now stands, together

with the mountainous region adjacent to

secondly, those mountains and a

it;

village that are situated in Eastern Egypt or Arabia Petra and; thirdly, a
district in

Samarkand. He further pointed out

1

and

that the Christian scholars

exegetes advance three different identifications of Paran.

One view

that

is

it

comprised a vast area extending "from the northern boundary of Beer-Sheba

as far as

Mount

Sinai"; the second

view

that

is

it

was

identical with Beer-

Sheba, which was also called Kadesh; and the third view

Mount

wilderness lying on the "western slopes of

identifications the first

Old Testament

the

show Paran

itself clearly

would suggest, and

many

that

also different

to be a distinct

the

these

and different

first identifica-

from Beer-Sheba/Kadesh. 3 The

third

on the western slopes of Mount

all

likelihood not

known by

the

name of Paran

time. For Moses, in the course of his journey with the Israelites

same
came

was

one of the Parans mentioned by the Muslim geographers,

but the locality was in

to Sinai,

it

As regards

others such as the

identification, that of Paran being a locality

Sinai, tallies with

is

two are obviously wrong, because the descriptions of

area, not a vast wilderness including

tion

Sinai."

at that

from Egypt

does not make any mention of Paran although he passed through the

locality

to be

and mentioned the places on the way. Most probably the place

known

as Paran at a period subsequent to that of

Moses on

account of the settlement there of a branch of Banu Pharan, a Qahtanite

tribe. 4

None of

these three localities, however, could have been the domicile of

Hajar and Isma'Tl. For,

that they settled in

in

the

first

any of those

place,

no

localities.

local traditions exist to the effect

Secondly, though Moses and his

followers are stated to have proceeded further from Sinai and having passed

through "Taberah", "Kibrothhattaavah" and "Hazeroth" next halted

2.

Ibid., p. 74.

See also Yaqut,

Syed Ahmed,

at the

Mu 'jam al-Bulddn, under Faran.

op.cit., p.76, citing Kitto's

Cyclopaedia of the Bible and The Peoples'

Bible Dictionary.
3.

Syed Ahmed,

op.cit., pp.

77-79. See also Gen. 14:5-7; Deut. 33:2; Hab. 3:3;

10:12; 13:1-3.6.
4.

Syed Ahmad,

op.

cit., p.

85.

Num.

SIRAT AL-NABl

82

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

wilderness of Paran, the exact course taken by them

1

themselves suggest as

tian scholars

many

is

not clear.

The Chris-

as five different directions.

More-

over, their statement that the descendants of Isma'Tl spread over the area

"from 'Shur to Havilah', or across the Arabian peninsula, from the borders of

Egypt

mouths of the Euphrates"

to the

of "Havilah" mentioned
rity in

in

sound, identify Havilah with Aval or Auwal of the Bahrayn islands. In

reality, as

Yaman,

Syed Ahmed points

lying

at Lat.

17 30'

Havilah

out,

N and

wide

settled in the

Yemen

of land extending from the northern frontiers of

tract

geographers.

This place

now

bears the

with Paran", as mentioned by the

identical

is

it

thus evident "that the Ishmaelites

It is

to the southern borders of Syria.

Hedjaz, and

a locality in the vicinity of

is

Log. 42 36, E, and called after Havilah,

one of the sons of Joktan (Qahtan). 2

itan

based on an incorrect identification

is

Gen. 25:18. They, guessing on a slender simila-

name of
Muslim

further noteworthy that an Arabic version of the

It is

Pentateuch edited by R. Kuenen and published

Samar-

Lugduni Batavorum,

at

1851, says in a note that Pharan and Hejaz are one and the same place. 4
Thirdly, a close look at Gen. 21:14-15

would make

it

clear that the

two

consecutive passages do not really speak of one and the same occasion. The
statement in Gen. 21:14 that Hajar "wandered

Sheba" does not mean

farther.

Nor does

that she

in the

wilderness of Beer-

wandered only there and proceeded no

the statement in Gen. 21:15,

"And

the water

was spent

in

mean that the incior in the vicinity of Beer-Sheba. Nor does it mean that the
bottle with which she had left her home "was spent" and

the bottle, and she cast the child under one of the shrubs",

dent took place

same water

in

in the

was obliged

therefore she

to "cast the child

Sheba was a place well known

long. There were also a

number of wells

different persons, as the

under one of the shrubs". Beer-

Ibrahim having lived there with her for

to her,

scattered over the region and

Old Testament very clearly

states at a

dug by

number of

The well at Beer-Sheba itself was dug by Ibrahim. All these could
not have been unknown to Hajar. She could therefore have obtained further
water, after a little search, from any of the many wells in the area. In fact the
places.

Old Testament writer here describes,

1.

SeeExod.

2.

Syed Ahmad,

op.cit., p. 80.

3.

Syed Ahmad,

op.cit., p. 80.

4.

Ibid., pp.

15:32; 17:8; 18:5; 19:2 and

75-76.

in

Num.

two very short and consecutive

10:12; 11:34; 12:16; 13:26 and 14:25.

See also Gen. 10:29.

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

passages, the long and arduous wanderings

beginning was her wanderings

in

made by

Beer-Sheba and the

83

Hajar, of which the

last

stage

was

at

such a

place where she could get no water, nor replenish her bottle in any way.

and despair she

in utter distress

two passages speak of two

cast the child

So

under one of the shrubs. The

different stages of her wanderings, separated

by

not too small gaps of time and place.

Fourthly, the causes and circumstances that led to Hajar's and Isma'il's

banishment from home, as described

they travelled to a land quite

continued to

live.

in the

away from

Old Testament, also indicate

that

where Sarah and IbrShim

the area

According to the Genesis, Sarah wanted

that Isma'il

should not be heir with her son Ishaq. So also, according to the Genesis,

was God's plan

another land.

that Isma'il

The Genesis very

"11.

And

"12.

And God

the thing

Abraham's sight because of

in

his son."

not be grievous in thy sight because of

it

bondwoman;

in

Sarah hath said unto thee,

that

all

seed be called."

in Isaac shall thy

also the son of the

it

and populate

graphically describes the situation thus:

Abraham, Let

said unto

hearken unto her voice; for

And

his descendants should settle in

was very grievous

the lad, and because of the

"13.

and

bondwoman

will

make

a nation, because he

is

thy

seed."
"14.

And Abraham

water, and gave

Thus

it

is

it

rose

up early

in the

morning, took bread, and a bottle of

unto Hagar,..."etc.'

very clear from the Genesis that

was not

it

really

because of

Sarah's desire but decisively because of God's plan and assurance of a fruitful future for Isma'il

that

communicated

to Ibrahaim,

and His command

to him,

he banished Hajar and Isma'il to a different land. God's words to

Ibrahim, "for in Isaac shall thy seed be called", was a consolation as well as

an assurance that the banishment of Isma'il did not mean an end

constriction of the line of Ibrahim's descendants.
shall thy seed

where he was

The

to,

or a

statement, "in Isaac

be called" meant that Ibrahim's progeny will continue there

at that time,

empahsis on the

through Ishaq; whereas the other statement was an

fact that Isma'il

was

progeny will be multiplied and made

his seed ("he is thy seed) but his

into a nation in another region.

By

the

very nature of this plan of God's (and Sarah's desire to exclude Isma'il from
his father's

1.

immediate possessions was

Gen. 21:11-14.

itself part

of God's plan), Hajar and

SIRAT AL-NABI

84

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Isma'Tl could not have been settled in any place

in

the region of

Beer-Sheba

and Sinai, which were very much then within the sphere of Ibrahim's and
Sarah's activities. Hajar and Isma'il could only have been, and were indeed

consigned

to a

far-away and unsettled land. The Paran/Faran mentioned

in

the Genesis as their domicile could not simply have been any Paran in and

around Beer-Sheba and Sinai, as the Christian scholars imagine.

and Isma'Tl's domicile

Fifthly, as regards the exact location of Hajar's

Thus, when Hajar

Genesis 21 also furnishes

a clue.

helplessness prayed unto

God and

and

thirst,

"

7.

God responded

And God

What
is."

up the

lad,

hunger

heard the voice of the lad; and the Angel of

heard the voice of the lad where he

lift

her utter distress and

also the child Isma'il cried out of

Says the Genesis:

to them.

out of heaven, and said unto her,

"18. Arise,

in

aileth thee,

and hold him

Hagar?

thine hand; for

in

God

called to

fear not; for

will

Hagar

God

make him

hath

a great

nation."
"19.

And God opened

her eyes, and she saw a well of water; and she went and

with water, and gave the lad drink."

filled the bottle

Thus God provided Hajar and

Isma'il with a well of water, on the spot

where they were ("God has heard the voice of the

where he

is.")

Hajar

did not have to look around and walk any distance to find the well.

"God

opened her eyes",

water."

them

It

i.e.,

God made

her open her eyes,

was not simply a temporary

to be the

means of

lad

relief.

their sustenance

It

"and she saw a well of

was God's especial

and settlement there

in

gift for

accordance

with His plan and promise to "make a nation" out of Isma'il. This divinely

provided well cannot be identfied with any well

surrounding

mentioned

region

in the

for

the

simple

reason

that

in

Beer-Sheba and

is

Old Testament as God-given. On The contrary they are

very distinctly described as the work of

tradition pointing to the existence there,

human hand. Nor is there any local

now or in the past, of any divenely

caused well. To attempt to identify the well given by

Hajar with any of the wells

in

the Beer-Sheba region

God

to Isma'il

Zamzam

and

would be an affront

the clear wording and purport of the text of the Genesis. This well

takably the

its

none of these wells

is

to

unmis-

well by the side of the Ka'ba. Ever since the time of

1.

Gen. 21:17-19.

2.

Obviously Hajar was deeply absorbed

in

prayer with her eyes closed.

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

Hajar and Isma'il

it

has continued to be a perennial source of water for the

descendants of Isma'il and others

of

human tampering with

Last but not

Qur'an,

least, the

Thus Psalm 84:6

"Who

who

repair there, except for a short period

it.

name

finds mention in the

85

of Makka, which

also called

is

Bakka

the

in

Psalm of David, together with the well

too.

says:

passing through the valley of Baca

make

it

a well; the rain also filleth the

pools."

'Baca' in the

above passage

is

clearly

Bakka of

the Qur'an, and the well

Zamzam. It is also noteworthy that ancient works on

make mention of floods being caused at Makka by
occasional heavy rains, a feature not quite unknown even in modern times
thus completing the identification with Makka
"the rain also filleth the
spoken of

is

the well of

history and georaphy

pools."

Thus, despite some obvious discrepancies

sis,

it

is in

consonance with

all

in the description

of the Gene-

the essential features in the Qur'anic and

Islamic accounts; and they combinedly prove that Hajar and Isma'il were
settled at

Makka, according

to the

Divine plan and provision.

(c) Isma'il

Just as the orientalists

in

deny

that

or Ishdq?

(p.b.t.)

Hajar and Isma'tl were settled

order to suggest that the Ka'ba and

its

rites

at

Makka,

have no connection with

Ibrahim, similarly they deny that Isma'il was the object of the intended sacrifice

by Ibrahim,

favour.

And

were indeed

coming of

in

order to suggest that Ishaq was the "child of promise" and

just as being faced with the undeniable fact that the Isma'ilites

settled at

Makka and

in

Arabia generally for long prior to the

Islam, the orientalists suggest the theory of subsequent migration

by the Isma'ilites

to

Makka and

the surrounding region, similarly, being

confronted with the equally incontrovertible fact that the descendants of

Isma'il did indeed multiply greatly and flourished as a great nation, as
ised by

God, they

"spiritual"

1.

2.

prom-

(the orientalists) resort to the theory of "temporal"

blessings.

Thus

and

the Bible exegetes as well as the orientalists

Q. 3:96.

One such obvious

discrepancy relates to the age of Isma'il

at the

ment. Genesis 21:5-9 would show that he was about 16 years old
21:16. 19, 20 would
correct one.

show

that he

was

time of his banish-

at the

a "child" and "lad" at the time.

The

time, while Gen.

latter

view

is

the

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NAB1

86

suggest that "God's promise of temporal prosperity" in favour of Isma'Tl was

fulfilled in his

twelve sons and their multitudinous descendants, but

was the obeject of both "temporal" and

premise of the

of the intended sacrifice

The

is

"spiritual" blessings.

main objection

orientalists, their

this

based on Genesis 22, particularly 22:2.

"spiritual"

is

essen-

a medieval European concept arising out of the relationships between

tially

"Empire" and the "Papacy". According

the

Apart from

to Isma'Tl's being the object

between things "temporal" and things

distinction

Ishaq

to

this

concept

"temporal"

matters belonged to the jurisdiction of the Emperor, while "spiritual" matters

within the dominion of

fell

modern western

distinction

God

(Pope). This dichotomy underlies the

made between

the merits of the concept, a strict regard to

prevented

and

application to God's dealings in

its

and

"religion"
it

to

dim

"state".

Whatever

chronology should have

antiquity with the sons of

Ibrahim.

The premise
the

is,

Old Testament.

however, not

at all

cursory look

clear that analogous promises were

Ishaq. There

is

borne out by the facts mentioned

at the relevant passages should

made

former. Rather, on a careful reading,

it

would appear

respect of Isma'Tl were earlier and repeated a

Ishaq's birth.

and the
ral

It is

thus not understandable where

prosperity and Ishaq

latter

that

in the

it

but not to the

promises made

number of times even

orientalists get the impression that Isma'Tl

in

of both Isma'Tl and

in respect

nothing which was promised to the

make

in

after

Bible do the exegetes

was promised only tempo-

was promised both aspects of

it,

temporal as well as

spiritual.

To mention

only a few instances. Thus, long before either Isma'Tl or

was
born, Ibrahim received God's blessings on his progeny. Says the
Ishaq

Gensis

12:

"Now

the

Lord had said unto Abram, Get thee out of thy country, and from thy

kindred, and from thy father's house, unto a land that

make of thee
shalt

a great nation, and

be a blessing:

3.

And

eth thee; and in thee shall

as the

LORD

all

will

shew

thee. 2.

And

will

will bless thee,

and make thy name great; and thou

them

and curse him

will bless

that bless thee,

families of the earth be blessed. 4.

that curs-

So Abram departed,

had spoken unto him; and Lot went with him: and Abram was seventy

and five years old when he departed out of Haran."

1.

Gen. 12:1-4.

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

The same promise was repeated
conceived

Isma'il.

levant and very significant passage runs thus:

"And
that

it

LORD

the angel of the

numbered

shall not be

said unto her,

for multitude.

Behold, thou art with a son, and

her,

LORD hath heard

lshmael; because the

shalt

terms when Hajar

specific

Who named

was God

It

more

in

son

her

87

The

Isma'il.

re-

will multiply thy seed exceedingly,

And

the angel of the

LORD

said unto

bear a son, and shall call his

name

thy affliction."

Thirdly, God's "covenant" was in fact made, together with a repetition of

the promise of blessings, with Ibrahim and Isma'il well before the birth of

The
token of circumcision which was

was then ninety-nine years old and

Ishaq. Ibrahim

covenat was made and sealed with the

performed by Ibrahim and Isma'il and

And

it

was on

"Abram"

to

that occasion that

Abraham

(Ibrahim).

"And when Abram was

and said unto him,

And

will

ingly. 3.

behold,

am

my

on

fell

covenant

LORD

his face:

and

thee,

appeared

me and

Almighty God; walk before

make my covenant between me and

And Abram

to

Abram.

be thou perfect.

will multiply thee

and God talked with him saying,

with thee, and thou shalt be a father of

is

name from

the patriarch's

text runs as follows:

ninety years old and nine, the

the

of Ishaq.

that also before the birth

God changed

The

Isma'il, thirteen.

4.

many

As

2.

exceedfor

me,

nations. 5.

Neither shall thy name any more be called Abram, but thy name shall be Abraham;
for a father of

between

many

me and

nations have

thee

and thy seed

made
after

And

thee... 7.

me

covenant, to be

God

unto thee, and to thy seed after

Abraham, thou

shalt

keep

their generations. 10. This

among you

man

shall circumcise the flesh of

your foreskin; and

me and

circumcised
old,

in the flesh

child

And Abraham was

you. ..24.

thee... 9.

my covenant therefore, thou,

is my covenant, which ye shall

and thy seed after me; Every

betwixt

will establish

of his foreskin. 25.

when he was circumcised

in the flesh

was Abraham circumcised, and lshmael

it

covenant

shall

And God

said unto

and thy seed after thee

keep, between

be circumcised.

shall be a

in

me and you
1

1.

And

ye

token of the covenant

ninety years old and nine,

And

my

generations for an everlasting

in their

when he was

lshmael his son was thirteen years

of his foreskin. 26. In the selfsame day

his son. 27.

And

all

the

men

of his house...

were circumcised with him." 2

Thus God's "covenant" with Ibrahim and

1.

Gen. 16:10-1

2.

Gen. 17:1-5,

1.

7, 9-1 1,

24-27.

his "seed" Isma'il

was made and

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NABI

88

sealed with the token of circumcision before Ishaq's birth. In fact

God gave

occasion that

that

it

was on

Ibrahim the good news of another son for him

through Sarah, adding that the covenant would be made with him too. Note
the text.
"15.

name

And God

Abraham, As

said unto

name

Sarai, but Sarah shall her

son also of her: yea

people shall be of

will bless her,

for an everlasting covenant,

name

his

establish

my

covenant

will

(Gen. 17:21), are

(i.e.

in the

covenant", as mentioned
17:7, 9-11).

in

in

the

Ishaq,

my covenant
But

time

with him

my covenant

Gen.

which Sarah

in

in

will

17:19) and "But

my

shall bear unto thee..."

made

their generations for an everlasting

above one

(i.e. in

Gen.

Gen. 17:19 and 21 are an assurance given to

when born, Ishaq too will be admitted in the covenant

had already been made with Ibrahim and sealed by his and son Isma'il's

Ibrahim by

that

circumcision on the same day. In no

mean

that

God

way can

the statements be taken to

cancelled that covenant or indicated that

He would

be making

a fresh covenant with Ishaq abrogating or modifying the previously

one with Ibrahim. That the statements

in

uation and confirmation of the covenant

form three other

and

will

next year."

in the

above passage, "and

the passage preceding the

The statements

God

will establish

nature of a reiteration of the covenant already

with Ibrahim and his seed "after him

that

seed after him... 2

establish with Isaac,

and give thee a

mother of nations; kings of

shall bear unto thee at this

covenant with him"

I

will bless her,

Sarah thy wife shall bear thee a son

and

should be noted that God's statements

It

shall be a

said,

Isaac:

and with

which Sarah

establish with Isaac,

And

be. 16.

and she

And God

19.

her...

indeed; and thou shalt call his

for Sarai thy wife, thou shalt not call her

his

facts,

namely,

progeny were repeated

was simply

initiated into the

eighth day of his birth, as

done

to indicate that

made

question were meant to be a continin

(a) that the

respect of Ishaq

is

further clear

promises made regarding Isma'tl

after Ishaq's birth; 2 (b) that Ishaq,

when

born,

covenant by Ibrahim by cirmucising him on the

God

had directed; 3 and

(c) that

no further

act

was

God's covenant was henceforth exclusively meant for

Ishaq and his descendants. The text relating to Ishaq's birth and initiation
into the covenant runs as follows; 4

1.

Gen. 17:15-16, 19,21.

2.

Gen. 17:20; 21:13; 21:18.

3.

See Gen. 15:12.

4.

Gen. 21:1-5.

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

"And

had spoken.
set

Lord

the

visited Sarah as he had said,

and the Lord did unto Sarah as he

For Sarah conceived, and bare Abraham a son

2.

time of which

God had spoken

son that was born unto him,

to

whom

him.

And Abraham

3.

Thus was Ishaq

when

years old

God

his son Isaac

had

4.

at

the

name of

his

And Abraham

commanded him.

5.

And

was born unto him."

"covenant" already

initiated into the

old age,

in his

called the

Sarah bare to him, Isaac.

circumcised his son Isaac being eight days old, as

Abraham was an hundred

89

made with Ibrahim

by the performance of his (Ishaq's) circumcision on the eighth day of

his

commanded by God. There is nothing here or elsewhere to suggest

God had made a separate and exclusive covenant with Ishaq abrogating

birth, as

that

made with

or modifying the one previously

covenant made by

had been

God

his father. In fact,

with Ibrahim into which he and his

it

was only the

first

son Isma'il

by the performance of circumcision on the same

initiated earlier

day, while Ishaq was initiated a year

when he was

later,

born.

That the promises and blessings were made equally for Isma'Tl and Ishaq

would be
(

clear

from the following:

Before Ibrahim had any son he was promised by God:

"And

(a)

will

make

thee a great nation... in thee shall families of the earth be

blessed." (Gen. 12:2-3)

Unto thy seed

will give this land

(b)

"...

(c)

that his "seed" shall be as

(d)

God

said to Ibrahim:

Egypt unto the great

(2)

Canaan

numerous as

"Unto thy seed

'//

and at

(Gen.

2:7)

the stars in the heaven. (Gen. 15:5)

have given

river, the river Euphrates."

After the birth of Isma

/."

this land,

from

the river of

(Gen. 15:18)

the time

of making the covenant

God

promised Ibrahim:
"I will

stranger,

all

give unto thee, and to thy seed after me, the land wherein thou art a
the

land

of

Canaan,

for

an

everlasting

possession;..."

(Gen.

17:8)

(3)

After the birth of both Isma'il and Ishaq, but without specific refe-

rence to either, Ibrahim was promised by God:

"... I

the heaven,

will bless the,

and

in

multiplying

and as the sand which

is

will multiply thy seed as the stars of

upon the sea

shore;...

shall all the nations of the earth be blessed..." (Gen. 22:17-18)

And

in

thy

seed

SIRATAL-NAB! AND THE ORIENTALISTS

90

God blessed:

(4)

Hajar: (Gen. 16:10-11)

Sarah (Gen. 17:15-16)

God gave

(5)

the

good news of a son

to

Hajar (Gen. 16:10-11)

Sarah (Gen. 17:16,19)

God named:

(6)

Isma'Tl (Gen. 16:1

1)

Ishaq (Gen. 17:19)

God promised to

(7)

multiply the progeny

of:

Hajar (Gen. 16:10)

Sarah (17:16)

God's promises

(8)

in

repect of

Isma'tl: "Will

make him

fruitful,

and

will multiply

ingly; twelve princes shall he beget,

him

and

him exceedI

will

make

a great nation." (Gen. 17:21)

"I will

make him

a great nation." (Gen. 21:18. See also

Gen. 21:13)
Ishaq:
It

No

such promises.

should be clear from the above that analogous promises were

made

in

respect of both Isma'tl and Ishaq and both were equally intiated into the

covenant made by

and the

first

God

with Ibrahim. There

is

nothing to show that the elder

born was blessed only temporally and the younger son was

blessed both temporally and spiritually. The sequence of events narrated in

Old Testament brings out two important

the

place, that

and

his

God made

God gave

the

old.

him

after

that

it

for

that

God

Secondly,

it

fit

in

in the first

tests,

after that event that

him through Sarah.

was

after the

making of

for Ibrahim

well with the Qur'anic account

specially blessed Ibrahim and

he had passed the

was

shows,

good news of another son

through Sarah. These two broad facts

which says

It

His covenant with Ibrahim when he was 99 years old

son Isma'Tl was 13 years

the covenant that

facts.

made

the covenant with

including the test of sacrificing his son, and

God gave him

the

good news of another son

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

An

apparent conflict

in the

two accounts

91

created, however, by

is

Genesis says about the intended sacrificing of

his son

what the

by Ibrahim. Thus, after

having spoken of God's making the covenant with Ibrahim, of his and his
son Isma'il's circumcision on the same day, of the birth and circumcision of
Ishaq,

proceeds to deal with the incident of the sacrifice and states as

it

follows:

"And
said.

it

came

thine only son Isaac,

land of Moriah; and offer

which

On

will

God

to pass after these things, that

Take now thy son,

him

whom

did tempt Abraham,...

2.

And

there for a burnt offering

upon one of the mountains

thee of." (Gen. 22:1-2)

tell

the basis of this passage the orientalists

object of the intended sacrifice and assert that

it

deny

that Isma'il

was

an obvious contradiction.
in Ibrahim's life

Ibrahim's
alive

says "thine only son Isaac."

their father Ibrahim died at the

has occurred

at

no point of

was born when

in the

age of 175. Clearly, then, an error

statement. Either the expression only should not have

been there or the name of the son ought

to

have been Isma'il instead of

Ishaq. But the expression only son occurs twice

22: 2 and 22: 6; at both of

1

Now,

his only son; for the latter

from

son Isma'il was fourteen years old and both he and Ishaq were

first

when

It

was Ishaq

the

was Ishaq who was offered

for sacrifice. But this particular statement of the Genesis 22:2 suffers

time

he

thou lovest, and get thee into the

more

in the chapter, at

Gen.

which places God expresses His especial pleasure

over Ibrahim's not having withheld his only son from Him, and blesses him
particularly

on

the heaven,...

that account, stating: "I will multiply thy seed as the stars

And

in

thy seed shall

because thou hast obeyed

the only son of Ibrahim
that at these

two

then, the error

my

voice."

all
1

the nations of the earth be blessed;

There can be no doubt, therefore,

was asked and offered

for sacrifice.

It is

that

noteworthy

name of the son is not mentioned. Clearly,

of the name of the son in this account of the

latter places the

is in

the writing

The name ought to have been Isma'il, instead of Ishaq, who

fourteen years was the only son of Ibrahim. The mistake in the writing of
Genesis.

son's

name

in

Gensis 22:2 occurred most probably not

Bible author but

at the

is

rectified

the hand of the

by writing the name of

Isma'il in place of Ishaq the whole chapter of the Genesis

of the incongruity and the account would

Gen. 22:17-18.

at

for
the

hand of a subsequent scribe or compiler, who altered

the text in favour of Ishaq. If the mistake

1.

of

fit

in

would be relieved

well with the nature of

SIRAT AL-NABI

92

promise made

earlier

by

God

him exceedingly,

is

striking.

is

The

etc".

it

among

was

came

modified form,

"I

particular blessing for Isma'Tl

to pass. For though Prophets

Ishaq's descendants, as

God had promised

and

to his

descendants that God's promise of multi-

in Isma'il's

fulfilled. Isma'il's

more numerous and spread over a

far

"1

multiply thy seed" and uttered to

plying his "seed" exceedingly was admirably

became

Gen. 16:10 saying:

in a slightly

The appropriateness of this

princes arose from

in

similarity of this blessing with the

"I will

further indicated by what actually

mother Sarah,

17:20

in

blessing contained in Gen. 22:17,

Ibrahim

of Ismail

in respect

and again

will multiply thy seed",

will multiply

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

far

descendants

wider area than did the

descendants of Ishaq.

That Isma'Tl should have been the name of the only son

obvious from the context and sequence of events described

itself. In

test the

the first place,

it

would be

depth of Ibrahim's

patriarch,

promised him

to

all the

upon him

God

him

Isma'Tl and Ishaq and

too. Rather,

it

is

only

in the fitness

above

with him.

It

is

also

all,

God were

special blessings of

noteworthy that the blessing

test,

not before

thus bestowed

Secondly,

it.

unkind and inconsistent on God's

Ishaq too, after having

part to

commanded

continued

having assured him

it

my

upon Ibrahim

voice."

The

after he had

would have been also very

have asked IbrahTm

to sacrifice

the patriarch to banish his first-born to a

him over

distant land, having also consoled

further, after

of

before making an

Gen. 22:17-18 adds, "because thou hast obeyed

in

passed God's

is,

should proceed to

should have tested the faith of IbrahTm before bestowing

everlasting covenant

contained

God

is

Genesis

the covenant with the

the favours and blessings and,

all

that

Gen. 22

He had made

blessings, given

had also abundantly blessed them

things that

no purpose

faith after

in

in the

over the matter and,

his grief

that "in Isaac shall thy

seed be called", that

region where they were. Thus the internal evidence of

in the

Genesis 22 and the overall sequence of events and reason combinedly

suggest that

it

was Ibrahim's

asked and offered for

The

orientalists

first-born

in

it

is

Gen. 22.

written, that

Abraham had two

other by a freewoman. But he

but he of the

I.

who was of

freewoman was by promise."

Galatians 4:22-23.

who was

their theories to explain the expression

The most

frequently

expressly or implicitly on the following statement

"For

Isma'Tl,

sacrifice.

have of course

"only son" occurring

and the only son,

in the

made

plea

is

based

New Testament:

sons, the one by a bondmaid, and the

the

bondwoman was born

after the flesh;

THE ORIENTALISTS ON SOME BACKGROUND TOPICS

It

has been pointed out earlier that the expression "bondmaid" or "bond-

woman"

applied in the Bible to Ibrahim's wife Hajar

result of spite for

Isma'il.

husband Abram

to

wife to a Prophet.

be

his wife" 2

Isma'il

is

incorrect and

is

the

Particulalry after her marriage with Ibrahim, as

was

shows

the evidence of the Bible itself

Any

93

she

"And

Sarai...

gave her to her

attained the rank of a duly married

therefore a legitimate son born in wedlock.

suggestion of his being an illegitimate child and therefore not to be

reckoned a son to Ibrahim would be preposterous, an affront

to the

memory

of the father of Prophets Ibrahim and directly contrary to the repeated state-

ments

in the

The "son"

Old Testament

whom God blessed

was Ibrahim's "seed" and "son".

repeatedly promised to "make him

Isma'il

that

repeatedly,

a nation", to "multiply his seed exceedingly" and to cause "twelve princes"

to be begotten

by him, cannot simply be regarded as a non-entity except by

one who has no

faith in the Bible

nor

words of God. Moreover,

in the

according to the Bible the right of the first-born belongs to Isma'il. The Old

Testament says
"beloved", and

born

is

that if a person has

if

two wives, one "hated" and the other

he has two or more sons by these two wives and

by the wife

that

is

hated, the right of the first-born

if

the first-

and he

is his

should get double the portion of the other sons in the inheritance. 3

once again be stressed

that the claim that Ishaq

of God's "spiritual" blessing

Whatever might be
of the

New

is

totally

was the exclusive

may

It

recipient

wrong.

the distinction implied in the

above quoted statement

Testament, neither was Isma'il born only "after the flesh", nor

was Ishaq born only "by promise". Both of them were born of

father

and

The mothers of both of them, Hajar and Sarah, were blessed by God.
Both of them were promised and given the good tidings of the coming of
their respective sons by God. The names of both the sons were selected and
mother.

communicated

to their

mothers by God. Both of them were thus born "by

promise" as well as "after the

because

God promised him

flesh". If Ishaq

to Ibrahim as a

both the Old Testament and the Qur'an show,

God would

it

was

all

the

in the religious

1.

Sec supra, p.33.

2.

Gen.

3.

Deut. 21:15-17.

16:3.

it

may be

faith, as

more reason why

not have asked Ibrahim to sacrifice Ishaq because he

as a reward and a favour. Finally,

found

was more "by promise"

reward for his proven

was given

pointed out that no trace

is

to

be

ceremonies of the descendants of Ishaq of his suppo-

94
sedly having been offered for sacrifice.

of

Isma'il and the followers of the

commemorate

On

the other hand, the descendants

Abrahamic

religion all over the world

the event every year on the tenth day of the last

Arabic calendar.

It is

also they, unlike the others,

who

month of

the

invoke in their daily

compulsory and optional prayers blessings upon Ibrahim and

his

progeny

(not excluding the descendants of Ishaq), thus demonstrating their faith in

what God said

thee shall

1.

Gen.

all

to Ibrahim:

"And

12:3.

them

will bless

families of the earth be blessed."

that bless thee,...

and

in

CHAPTER IV

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF

THE RISE OF ISLAM
THE EARLIER EXPLANATIONS

I.

At the very outset of

that

work Watt explains

his

his standpoint

and declares

he writes "as a professing monotheist" and does not "regard the adoption

of a materialistic outlook as implicit in historical impartiality"; but that the

need for a "fresh

life

of

Muhammad

has been

the last half-century or so" historians had

Even

material factors underlying history."

felt

for

sometime" because

"in

become "more conscious of

those, he further says,

who

the
like

himself denied "that such factors entirely determine the course of events

have

to

He

admit their importance."

feature" of his biography of

therefore claims that the "special

Muhammad (^f )

to these material factors and attempts to

been raised

in the past."

Thus by

own

his

is

"that

it

pays

answer questions

fuller attention

that

have hardly

admission he follows the trend which specially char-

acterized historical writing in the

first

half of the twentieth century, namely,

paying greater attention to the material factors underlying history".

he breaks new ground

biography of the Prophet

in his

refer briefly to the principal

economic

may be

How

seen

if

far

we

interpretations of the rise of the

Prophet and Islam advanced by his predecessors.

The

first

notable theory in this respect was that of Hubert

1892 came forward with a

Islam, treating

it

simplistic interpretation

whom

were quickly and decisively pointed out by C.

approach did not save Watt the disapproval of the more pious of his compeers, one of
accused the "Episcopalean clergyman" of Marxism. (G.H. Bousquet's remarks

Maxime Rodinson, "A

praises

critical

survey of modern studies on

2.

p.

47.)

Watt for the "sharpness" and

adopts in his work,

I.,

in

of

defects and inappropriateness of this rather

Islam, ed. Marlin Swartz, O.U.P., 1981,

alist,

rise

Watt, M. at M., Introduction, X-Xl. Even such careful reservations about his mate-

1.

rialistic

ted in

The

of the

outcome of the usual struggle between the

as simply the

"haves" and "have-nots." 2

Grimme who

straight socialistic explanation

Mohammed,

Hubert Grimme,

especially p. 14.

Muhammad",

ci-

Studies on

Rodinson himself, being professedly a materi-

"clarity" of his conclusions {ibid., 46, 47)

and

the lines of approach suggested by Watt.

Mohammed (Darstellungen

etc.,

Band

7),

Vol.

I.,

Munster, 1892, Ch.

SIRA T AL-NABl

96

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Snouk Hurgronje' whose trenchant

on

their

being paid to the

fact,

which

is

were mainly a community of

decades prior
notice by

mainly
to

analysis thenceforth put the orientalists

guard against that interpretation. About the same time attention was

J.

to the rise of Islam.

Wellhausen who

and merchants for

least several

at

This fact was more specially brought to

ascribed Makka's greatness and importance

of the Quraysh "who understood better than others

to the ability

draw water out of

in their channels." 2

Makkans

evident from the sources, that the

traders

their

own

The same

well,

fact

and make

how

their neighbours' waters flow

was highlighted

also by C.C. Torrey

who,

concentrating on the commercial terms and figures of speech in the Qur'an

suggestes that

it

appeared

in

an atmosphere of commerce and high finance. 3

This renewed emphasis on the commercial character of pre-Islamic Makkan

society, together with the general trend with the orientalists to

influence of Judaism and Christianity on Arabian

life,

emphasize the

led to the

growth of

another line of thought, namely, that paganism was becoming unfashionable

and inadequate

Makkans and
those

in

satsifying the religious need of the

that "devout believers in Al-Lat

who had been

Reflecting

all

in the great

more advanced

and Al-'Uzza were thought by

world to be behind the times." 4

these views Margoliouth wrote in the early twentieth

century that "the Meccan heads of houses are represented as forming a jointstock

company

for the purpose of foreign trade, the profits on each occasion

being divided proportionately

among

the investors, and by

hoarded, or invested in fresh speculations..."

because of

this "healthy" nature

of the

mission "was a failure" there whereas

it

Makkan

He

them expended or

further suggested that

society

Muhammad's

"readily found a hearing" at

"which had been suffering for years from the curse of

Margoliouth concluded:

1.

C.

{%)

Madina
war." 6

civil

Snouk Hurgronje, "Une nouvelle biographie de Mohammed" R.H.R., 1894,

Works etc., Leiden, 1957, pp. 109-149.

pp. 48-

70, reproduced in Hurgronje, Selected

2.

in

J.

Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums, 2nd edition, Berlin, 1897,

Margoliouth,

p.

93, quoted

op.cit., p. 32.

3.

C.C. Torrey, The Commercial-Theological Terms of the Koran, Leiden, 1892.

4.

Margoliouth,

5.

Ibid., 30-31.

6.

Ibid., 31.

7.

Ibid., 44.

op.cit., p. 24.

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RISE OF ISLAM

"Had Meccah continued
leaders,

it is

to increase in

wealth and power under her sagacious

not probable that her people would have remained satisfied with a

gious system that was thought barbarous

been compelled

to obtain science

clearly that discovered in time

by

The

Mohammed

in

advance of the

of course true the

cult

for

was
it

of

solution of the problem was

ideal

of superseding both the enlightened

system which, so

religions; retaining the old source of wealth, but in a

being backward, was

that the old religion

would have rendered the substitution

Judaism impracticable.

reli-

whence she would have

in the countries

and learning. Yet the fact

the source of her material prosperity

either Christianity or

It is

97

of the

Roman

Makkans were mainly

far

from

Empire."

a commercial

community on

the eve of the rise of Islam; but there seems to be an over-emphasis on this
fact in the

above-mentioned writings, particularly

must be pointed out

that in so far as the

Qur'an

is

terms and imageries are no less numerous and vivid

the "commercial-theological" terms.

Qur'an to a cultivating
after. 2

The

of C.C. Torrey.

in that

It

concerned, agricultural
in

it

The whole worldy

than what

life is

is

called

likened in the

field for securing provision for the life in the here-

doctrine of monotheism, the central theme of the Qur'an,

is

home by repeated references to Allah's grace and

sending down rains from the sky and thereby enlivening the barren

sought to be brought

bounty

in

earth and causing plants, fruits and corns to

grow out of

generally depicted as a well-laid garden with

all

it.

Even paradise

is

kinds of delicious fruit-trees

and streams running through them. As Allah brings forth plants out of the
earth, so will

He

raise the

dead from

it

on the resurrection day. 3 Even the act

of procreation and therefore the process of continuing

to cultivating one's

ments one could

own

field.

human

race

is

likened

On the basis of such expressions and

state-

Qur'an appeared against

state equally confidently that the

an essentially and predominantly agricultural background!

That would however be an another misleading conclusion; for over-

emphasis on any single aspect of the information contained

other sources, to the neglect of the other aspects,

is

rect or distorted picture of the total situation. This

1.

bound

is

in the

Qur'an or

to yield an incor-

illustrated equally well

See for instance Q. 2:71; 2:223; 2:264-266; 6:136-138; 6:141; 13:3-4; 16:11; 18:32-42;

26:146-148; 34:15-16; 36:33-36; 44:25-27; 48:29; 50:7-11; 56:63-64; 68:22; 71:11-12; 78:16,
etc.
2.

Q. 42:20.

3.

Q. 35:9; 50:11.

4.

Q. 2:223.

SIRAT AL-NABl

98

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

by Margoliouth's statement noted above.

main drawback

Its

that

is

it

suggests the same fact as the cause of the rise of Islam on the one hand, and
as the cause of

because

"failure" at

its

Makka

Muhammad (0)
religious

Makka on

continued

to

only effected an "ideal solution" of the resultant socio-

wealth" but which "was

advance of the cult of the

in

Such contradiction

is

it

"the old source of

Roman

only indicative of the basic incorrectness of both

was

the

Makkan

society

of the rise of Islam as healthy as Margoliouth imagines

just

Empire"; but his

was a "healthy" commercial commu-

the premise and the conclusion. Neither

Muhammad (0)

community

commercial

as

anomaly by devising a "system" which retained

mission "was a failure" there because

nity!

the other. For Margoliouth says that

flourish

effect

on the eve

to be, nor did

it

an adjustment of the imbalance between

Makka's socio-economic growth on the one hand and

system on the other by simply devising a system

in

its

primitive religious

which he retained the old

Muhammad's (
role was only that of responding to
)
demand of Makka's socio-economic organism, it would not have rejected
and ousted him as Margoliouth recognizes it did.
source of wealth. If

the

Shortly after the appearance of Margoliouth's

work C.H. Becker gave an

avowedly economic explanation not so much of the

expansion of

its

political

rise

of Islam as of the

dominion over the neighbouring

lands.

Drawing

attention to the instances of migration in a rather distant past of several south

Arabian tribes

to

Madina, Syria and Mesopotamia

(Iraq)

and

to the decline in

the public waterworks in south Arabia, Becker suggested that the

expansion

in the

seventh Christian century "was the

last great

tion connected with the economical decline of Arabia."

It

Arab

Semitic migra-

was, according to

him, "the final stage in a process of development extending over centuries."

"Hunger and avarice, not

the

new

religion," he wrote,

"were the impelling forces for

expansion," but Islam supplied "the essential unity and power" for

the purpose.

It

gave the movement "a party cry and an organization."

There are obvious weaknesses

in Becker's theory. It totally neglects the

economic and commercial growth of Makka on the eve of the

rise of Islam,

generalizes the not too well established economic decline of south Arabia in

the distant past and applies

whole of the peninsula.

It

also ignores

the long time-gap between the migration of the south Arabian

tribes to the

1.

it

to the

The Cambridge Medieval History, Vol.

Cambridge, 1913,

pp. 330-332.

II

(ed.

H.M. Gwatkin and

J.P.

Whitney),

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RISE OF ISLAM

99

north and the Arab expansion of the seventh century.

adequately prove the premise that there was a

over Arabia immediately prior to the

expansion was not

was not the

nated

a migration. If

religion of Islam, but only

then

first,

strictly

it

is

in

Grimme's

its

of Islam. Moreover, this

it is

true, as

political

states, that

it

sway, which was dissemi-

was even the prohibition upon

the conquered lands.

of their neighbours, the "haves".

the Arabs'

Becker's theory agrees, however, with

socialistic interpretation in

one

respect.

the entire Arabian peninsula as the "have-nots"

to

Becker

latter

equally true that that political sway was not a migration

either. In the initial stage there

settling

rise

Nor does Becker

sharp economic decline all

It

It

assumes

who

the tribes of

all

preyed upon the lands

also savours of the assumption

common

Muir, Margoliouth and others that the Prophet consciously and ambi-

tiously

aimed

at political

union of Arabia which "unity and power" provided

the basis for the "new expansion."

Becker's suggestion of a general economic decline for Arabia on the eve

of the rise of Islam does not appear to have found wide acceptance with the
scholars.

the

On

the contrary the Wellhausen-Torrey-Margoliouth emphasis on

commercial growth of Makka formed

in the process

H.

the basis for further

development

of economic interpretation. Thus writing shortly after Becker,

Lammens added new dimensions

to the theme.

Lammens

water to the pilgrims

somewhat

Inflating

Margoliouth's allegation that 'Abd Al-Muttalib used to

sell

the

Zamzam

stated that the privilege of siqdyah

was

make money by levying some charge for the use of the well of
Zamzam by pilgrims. More sepcifically, however, Lammens emphasized
the commercial importance of Makka in western Arabia as a whole and
utilized to

stated that
tribes

it

enjoyed a position of supremacy over the neighbouring nomadic

because of the commercial and

political

well as because of their military strength.

being a commercial centre

financial operations

Makka was

were carried

out.

He

acumen of

the

Quraysh as

also suggested that along with

also a financial centre

where complex

Also drawing attention to the fact that

individual interests and selfishness were sometimes put above tribal considerations

Lammens

suggested that there was a decline in tribal solidarity and

Makkan

a corresponding growth of "individualisme" in the

H.

Lammens, La Mecque a

2.

Ibid., p. 177.

3.

Ibid, p. 231.

la Veille

de I'Hegire, Beirut,

924,

p.

55.

society

on the

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

100

eve of the
It

rise of Islam. 1

needs to be pointed out

once

at

no valid authority

that there is

for the

suggestion that the pilgrims were required to pay a charge for their use of the

Zamzam. In any case scholars have called in question the accuratemany of the details suppiled by Lammens and his use of the sources.
A recent writer has very aptly pointed out that Lammens "is a notoriously
unreliable scholar whose name is rarely mentioned... without some expreswell of

ness of

sion of caution or disapproval."

Nevertheless Lammens's and his prede-

suggestions have continued to influence the further attempts at

cessors'

socio-economic interpretations of the

rise

of Islam. Thus, reflecting the

views of Wellhausen, Torrey and Margoliouth on the one hand, and those of

Lammens on

the other, R. Bell observed in the early thirties that (a)

"had risen in comparatively recent times

on the material side of

life

had been

it

wealth and prosperity"; that (b)

"in

touch with the lands of culture

which lay just beyond the bounds of Arabia";

the spiritual life in those lands

that (c)

any influence which

had exerted "had probably been negative,

tending to undermine the old religion" that (d) the

;

new

conditions of wealth

"were playing havoc with the kindliness and equality of the old
(e)

Muhammad (0),

itually

backward"

set

lands possessed."
points

Bell

Muhammad's (0)

and

that

himself "to transplant into their minds some of the

Emphasizing more
while

wrote,

life"

seeing his people "materially prosperous but spir-

'knowledge' of things religious which those

3

Makka

to

dealing

who

dwelt in more enlightened

particularly the

with

specifically

two

last

the

mentioned

beginning

religious activity, that he, being impressed

of

by man's

dependence on divine bounty and "also no doubt by the decay of religion

and the neglect by the Quraish, rendered proud and arrogant by the influx of
the

new

wealth, of the kindly duties which in tribal

together and mitigated

its

H.

1.

Rome

Muhammad {0

87

ff.,

2.

Patricia Crone,

3.

R.Bell,

4.

cited in watt,

Meccan

"Who were

the

trade

and poor

power of

who were
however, from those who

"ambitiously aimed at uniting Arabia by the

I'lslam:

M.

and

VArabie Occidentale a la Veille de I'Hegrie,

at M., p. 18.
the rise

of Islam, Oxford, 1987,

p. 3.

hanifs",MW., 1930, pp 121-122.

R. Bell, "The beginning of

24), p. 23.

Lammens, Le Berceau de

9 14, pp.

rich

to the "ideas of those

already worshippers of one God." 4 Bell differed,

thought that

bound

harshness", set "himself to revive the

which purpose he turned

religion" for

life

Muhammad's

religious activity" T.G.U.O.S., VII, (pp. 16-

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RISE OF ISLAM

worship of one god and obedience
is

himself and

to

stated that to

"to confuse the result with the beginning"; for there could

Bell emphasized, that from the

gious one, and religious

political

manoeuvring

it

first

Muhammad's

10

assume

that

be no doubt,

"object

was a

reli-

remained fundamentally to the end, inspite of the

which he became involved, and the

in

political

success he ultimately gained." 1

In thus emphasizing that the Prophet
the first and that his object

Bell

comes nearer

from

first

was not

to last

politically

Muhammad

the truth; but in saying that

mainly attempted to solve the socio-economic and

society, consequent

upon

the influx of

religion", Bell essentially

that of

new

spiritual

"religious"

($|?

only or

problems of his

wealth, by reviving "the

power of

echoes the views of his predecessors, particularly

Margoliouth, which says that the Prophet sought to carry out his

project of socio-economic reforms

Bell's other statements also are

cessors' views.

Thus

by means of a new

more or

religious system.

less a recapitulation

the suggestions that

Makka had

wealth and prosperity, that the Quraysh had been

culture"

motivated from

was fundamentally

in

of his prede-

recently risen to

new

touch with the "lands of

which made them somewhat aware of the primitiveness of

their

society and culture, that the influence of such contact with those lands,
particularly with Judaism

some extent undermined

removing the anomaly between his

and Christianity, had

paganism, that the Prophet only aimed

at

to

people's material prosperity and spiritual backwardness and that in doing so

he derived his ideas and inspiration from "those

pers of one

God"

(i.e.

Jews and

Bell's prededcessors like Muir, Margoliouth,

suggestion that the influx of

who were

Christians), had each

and

already worshipall

been made by

Torrey and others. Also the

new wealth had made

the

Quraysh

proud and negligent of the "kindliness and equality of the old

selfish,

life" is clearly

a paraphrasing of Lammens's view of the decline in tribal solidarity and

growth of "individualisme".
Bell seems to base the last mentioned point on an analysis of the early

passages of the Qur'an.

number of

these passages

do of course denounce

the Quraysh leaders' worldliness and emphasize the duty of kindness and

consideration for the needy and the orphan. But there

soever in the Qur'an that the

trait

is

no indication what-

disapproved of or the duty emphasized

were new developments and concomitants of the supposedly new wealth.

1.

Ibid., p. 24.

siratal-nab! and the orientalists

102

we

Bell seems to think that since

hospitality, generosity

made

the

liness

and equality of the old

It

hear so

and kindliness,

it

much about

the pre-Islamic Arabs'

must be the "new" wealth which

Quraysh proud, arrogant and oblivious of what he

assumes

that the

calls the "kind-

The conclusion is erroneous

of old was full only of virtues,

life."

Arab society

in

two ways.

free

from

kinds of wrongs and injustices. But the pre-Islamic Arab society was not
all

such a Utopia. Instances are not wanting to show that the opposite

traits

all

at

of

deception, greed, miserliness, pride, arrogance, perfidy and violation of

others' rights

among

and property were equally prevalent among them, particularly

that very section, the

affected by the supposedly

doubt

no way

likely to

be

no

tribes,

that the international trade of the

new phase

who were

prosperity. Secondly, although there is

nomadic

new

in

Makkan Quraysh had

entered upon a

of expansion as a result of the Prophet's great-grandfather

Hashim's conclusion of a

Yaman, Abyssinia,

series of trade treaties with the

Byzantine autho-

mean that there was

a sudden influx of new and overwhelming wealth for the Makkan Quraysh
setting at naught their traditional kindliness and equality. Nor are decline in

rities,

etc.,

that does not necessarily

generosity and growth in selfishness an invariable outcome of an increase of

wealth and prosperity in any and every society.

members of

despite tribal solidarity, individual

It is

also to be noted that

the tribe

owned, bequeathed

and succeeded to property, enjoyed a good deal of freedom

and not infrequently placed

affairs
rest

of the

which

tribe.

Lammens

In other

truth

At any

Arab

that the Pre-Islamic

rate,

with the

all

new commercial

The

traits

and the

previous divine revelations, approves of and encourages the

II.

latter.

WATT'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE THEME

In the light of the

above

it

will

be easy to understand Watt's contribution

to the stock of materialistic interpretations.

1.

expansion.

society, like perhaps every society in all

former, and denounces and reforms the

tional"

inte-

they cannot be said to be exclu-

times and climes, contained both good qualities and bad

Qur'an, like

above the

words "selfishness" and "indivividualisme" of

new developments coming

is

their individual interests

speaks and Bell implies existed in the pre-Islamic Arab

society in no small measure.

sively

in their personal

The

"fuller attention"

which he

Patricia Crone, op.cii., in fact goes to the other extreme of suggesting that the "conven-

view of Makka's trading

activities "is

south Arabia and the Mediterranean

some

six

based on classical accounts of the trade between

hundred years" prior

to the rise of Islam!

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RISE OF ISLAM

claims

to

have paid

material

the

to

appears to consist

factors

03

an

in

elaboration of the above-noted views and theories of his predecessors on the

one hand, and his adoption and incorporation of

all

the different views in his

treatment of the subject, on the other. In elaborating his predecessors' views,

however, Watt

and the

strains the facts

texts to

fit

in

with those views; and

incorporating them he seems to overlook the fact that

some of

in

the views run

counter to some others.

To begin with, Watt acknowledgingly accepts Lammens's conclusion that

Makka on the eve of the rise of Islam was not only a growing commercial
centre but also an important financial centre where "financial operations of

considerable complexity were carried out."

Makka,

it

may

be recalled,

is

Watt also accepts Lammens's view

others.

primacy over the neighbouring

The commercial growth of

emphasized also by Margoliouth, among

tribes of

that the

Quraysh enjoyed a

west and west-central Arabia; but he

rejects the latter's theory of the Quraysh's retaining "a

mercenary army of

black slaves" for maintaining and enforcing that primacy. Instead, Watt takes

up Lammens's other
and suggests

point, that of political

that "the

acumen or hilm

primacy of Quraysh did not

rest

for the Quraysh,

on their military

prowess as individuals" but "on the military strength they could bring to bear
on any opponent". This military strength was that of a "confederacy" of the
tribes

which the Quraysh had

prises."

For

"built

their caravans to

Quraysh required

up on

the basis of their mercantile enter-

Yaman, Syria and elsewhere, says Watt,

the services of a large

number of nomads

the

as guides, escorts

and camelmen, and would therefore "pay a chief for safe-conduct through
his territory, for water,

into their trading

which side

was

and for other supplies." Thus did the Quraysh draw

network the nomadic

their bread

was

further strengthened by

tribes

"and by the

Meccan

'joint

is

"Joint-stock

Margoliouth's. 3

of houses". Watt extends

1.

Watt.M. atM,3.

2.

Ibid., 10-11.

3.

Supra,

p.

its

chiefs'

who

"quickly recognized on

it

He

Makka

matrimonial alliances with the various

chiefs' receiving

tribal

stock companies'."

The expression
recalled,

tribes

buttered." "This feeling of solidarity" with

an allocation of shares

in

the

Company"

for the

Makkan

traders,

speaks, however, only of the

to include the neighbouring

96. Also Margoliouth, op.

cit.,

30-31.

it

may

be

"Meccan heads

and nomadic

tribes

SIRAT AL-NABI AND

104
as well.

He

does not, however,

cite

THE ORIENTALISTS

any specific instance of "the

receiving an allocation of shares in the

view of the

Makkan

facts that the

Meccan

chiefs like

'joint

tribal chiefs'

stock companies'." In

'Abd al-Muttalib concluded

marriage alliances with some of the neighbouring tribes and that there were
occasional military alliances between Quraysh and such tribes, the possibi-

cannot be ruled out that some of those

lity

come forward

tribes

might occasionally have

to taking part in the trade caravans of

Makka, though we

should always remember that nomadism and commercialism are strange bedfellows. In any case,

it

is

far-fetched to conclude that such occasional joint

trade ventures or military alliances constituted a "confederacy" of the tribes.

Whatever might have been

the nature of such cooperation of the tribes

it is

simply antithetical to suppose that such an alliance or 'confederacy' could be

an instrument for the Quraysh to bring their military strength to bear on

those very neighbouring tribes.

Watt also

links

up the commercial

inter-clan rivalry for

power and

of the Quraysh with their

activities

leadership at

Makka and

states:

"Within the

commercial community of Mecca there was a continuous struggle for

power."

And

although he does not directly say that the Prophet's mission was

a phase in that traditional struggle for

power and

suggests this by saying that "since from the

of a statesman,

it is

necessary to consider

first

leadership, he in effect

Muhammad was

at least the

chief points."

something
1

As

these

chief points or "political groupings within the Quraysh" Watt refers to

Qusayy's snatching the control of

between

his successors

the offices and

Makka,
and

to their ultimately

relates this

the struggle
for

functions connected with the Ka'ba and administration of

forming two

their

Makka from Banu Khuza'ah,

Banu 'Abd al-Dar and Banu 'Abd Manaf

rival

coming

groups called Al-Ahlaf and Al-Mutayyabun,

to a

compromise over the

issue. 2

Watt

further

development with the subsequent formation of Hilfal-Fudul}

Speaking about the "control of

affairs in

Mecca", however, Watt

belittles

the importance of the traditional offices of al-liwd', al-siqdyah, al-rifddah,

etc.,

though, reflecting the views of Margoliouth and Lammens, particularly

of the
for

latter,

he observes that the office of al-siqdyah offered opportunities

making money,

1.

Watt.M. atM.A.

2.

lbid.A-5.

3.

Ibid., 6-$.

that "there

was some charge

for

the use of the well of

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RISE OF ISLAM

Zamzam by

the pilgrims."

Next

is

it

105

observed that the influence of the indi-

vidual in the affairs of the city depended on his personal qualifications and

power of his clan which depended on its wealth. According to Watt,

Banu 'Abd Shams and Banu Makhzum were the leading clans of Makka at
the

the time of the Prophet's mission and that

dominated Makkan policy

at the

'Abu Sufyan of

the former clan

time because of his personal qualities of

diplomacy and commercial and financial shrewdness. Watt even compares

the position of 'Abu Sufyan at

More

Makka

with that of Pericles

at

Athens. 2

notably Watt extends the inter-clan rivalry of the Quraysh for

power and leadership

assumes a keen

at

Makka

inter-tribal

into the field of their international trade

commercial

rivalry

that

in

sphere too.

and

He

observes that the "political groupings" within "the commercial community"

were

"in

turn involved in relations with the

Makkan caravans came

into contact,

Arab

tribes with

whom

the

and with the great powers to whose

markets they carried their goods." 3

In fact his suggestion

of the tribes, mentioned above,

presented as an illustration of this rela-

tionship.

The same theme of

is

inter-clan

of a "confederacy"

commercial rivalry being carried to

the great powers he attempts to illustrate by alleging that at the time of Abra-

hams invasion 'Abd al-Muttalib attempted

to obtain favourable business

terms for himself from the Abyssinian invader. 4 The same assumption underlies his further

from the

field

assumption

assumption that

Muhammad (0)

in his

of the most profitable business operations.

of inter-clan

commercial

rivalry

elaborate in connection with his theory about the

youth was ousted

And

it

is

the

same

which Watt attempts

Harb

to

al-Fijdr and the Hilf

al-Fudu\. 6

That theory about the Harb al-Fijdr and the Hilf al-Fudul will be dealt
with

in

'Abd
later.

a subsequent chapter. 7 The unreasonableness of his assumption about

al-Muttalib's role during Abrahah's

8

campaign

will also be pointed out

Also the speciousness and self-contradictory nature of his assumption

1.

Ibid.,&-9.

2.

Ibid., 9.

3.

Ibid., 4.

4.

Infra, pp. 138-139.

5.

Infra,

6.

Watt.M. atM.,6-S, 14-16.

7.

See Chap. IX.

8.

Infra, pp. 139-140.

Ch. VIII,

sec.II.

SIRAT AL-NABl

106
that the

Prophet

in

his youth

operations will be noted

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

was ousted from

in its place.

most profitable business

the

Here some basic weaknesses of the

assumption of inter-clan commercial rivalry may be noted. The instances of

namely, Qusayy's ousting of Banu Khuza'ah from

"political groupings",

Makka,

the struggle for

Banu 'Abd Manaf,

not at

all

power and

between Banu 'Abd al-Dar and

offices

the formation of Al-Ahldf and Al-Mutayyabun, etc.,

an outcome of commercial rivalry among them, but of the struggle

Ka'ba and the town of

for the offices connected with the adminstration of the

Makka. Even

Hashim

were

that dispute

was

settled

by a compropmise. In fact before

'Abd Manafs conclusion of a

ibn

series of trade treaties

with

Yaman, the Byzantine authorities, Abyssinia and a number of Arab tribes,

which was posterior to the above mentioned struggle, the Quraysh had not
really entered the field of international trade

we

the glimpses that

the

Makkan

get of the

Arab

tribes'

on any mentionable

scale.

Also

cooperation or participation in

do not

trade ventures since Hashim's time

in

any way give the

impression that those were commercial alliances effected by one group of

Quraysh clans against another group. Although within

various Quraysh

clans vied with one another for

the city of

power and

Makka

the

influence, there

did not exist any commercial war, so to say, between their two main groups,

nor did they ever carry their supposed commercial rivalry to the foreign
courts and markets, nor to the tribes. Such a conduct on the part of the

Quraysh clans would have been

suicidal for their

commercial

interests as a

whole, particularly in their relations with the tribes and for the safety of the

Makkan caravans

through

tribal territories.

There

no instance of one group

is

of Quraysh clans ever making an alliance with a foreign power or with the

nomadic

tribes against another group, neither for

The

purposes.

tical

seize political

instance of

commercial nor for

poli-

'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith, who attempted

power of Makka with Byzantine

help,

to

was a case of personal

ambition and, as Watt himself recognizes, 'Uthman was disowned and aban-

doned by

As

his

own

clan,

Banu Asad. 2

regards Watt's treatment of the "control of affairs" in

clearly geared to relegating

ground. That
the

is

Ka'ba and

why

Banu Hashim,

1.

Infra, pp. 189-190.

Watt.M atM.,

it

is

the Prophet's clan, into the back-

the traditional offices and functions in connection with

the city administration are belittled.

2.

Makka,

15, 19.

At the same time the

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RISE OF ISLAM

function of al-siqayah, which was held by
the opportunities of

Banu Hashim,

making money from

is

07

said to offer only

the pilgrims. This insinuation,

together with the allegation against 'Abd al-Muttalib in connection with

Abrahah's

invasion

intended mainly

are

bring

to

signifcant fact that for

more than

half a century

the Abyssinian invasion 'Abd al-Muttalib

dominated both

its

was

is

made of

at least five

years after

the virtual chief of

Makka and

till

in the city affairs,

besides exercising the tradi-

tional functions in connection with the Ka'ba, as is illustrated

successfully withstanding the opposition of

mention
It

is

the clans

all

None of

seventh year of the Prophet's mission.

in

the very

and external scene. Even after his death Banu

internal

Hashim were very prominent

least the

Banu

disrepute

into

Hashim. For the same purpose no mention whatsoever

by

their

combined

till

at

these facts finds

Watt's description of the control of affairs in Makka.

indisputable that the Quraysh and

Makka

itself

owed

their impor-

of the Ka'ba which

tance and position mainly to the existence in

it

Arabs venerated and

and made annual pilgrimage.

Makka's

up with

to

which they paid

all

the

whole and much of her external trade were bound

internal trade as a
that

visits

House of God.

Surely, therefore, the administration of

its

affairs

and the task of managing the annual occasion of pilgrimage, particularly

maintaining the supply of water and food during that season, formed the

most important

part of the city's affairs. This important

function in the city's civic

life

belonged to Banu Hashim by

ment of the Quraysh. The importance of

clear

if it is

remembered

and all-absorbing

that in ancient

that position

common

would be

all

agree-

the

more

and early medieval times those who

held the helm of religious affairs were considered the highest and most

important group

in

society.

The administration and management of

"reli-

gious affairs", which never were exclusively "religious" in the narrow sense

of the term, was the most important aspect of the affairs of the bodypolitic.

Watt simply ignores these

facts in his treatment of the control of affairs in

Makka.
Conversely, he focusses attention mainly on the importance of mala' or

assembly of the city-elders, which was

in fact

nadwah, one of the

traditional

five-or six-fold divisions in the administration of Makka's affairs. In stress-

ing the function of

ence of a clan
of

its

mala Watt
'

further states that the importance and influ-

in the city's affairs

depended on

its

wealth and the intelligence

individual members. Wealth and intelligence of course counted, as they

do count

in

every society in

all

ages; but

if

Banu 'Abd Shams and

their allies

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

108

played important roles

assembly of elders,

in the

they only possessed wealth and their individual

ities

this

was so not because

members possessed

the qual-

of diplomacy and commercial and financial shrewdness, but mainly

because,

according

compromise between

the

to

Mutayyabun, the functions

Banu 'Abd Shams. And

it

this rule

the clans

all

unanimously consented

of unanimity; but he would have done better

when 'Abd

also noted in this connection that

to

no decision could be

worth stressing that

adopted and acted upon unless

Watt notes

the

al-nadwah and al-liwd' were assigned

like
is

and

Ahldf

the

if

to

it.

he had

al-Muttalib went out openly to

negotiate with Abrahah, he must have done so with the unanimous consent

of

all

the clans; for he simply could not have taken such a

concerning the
tion of

city's life

on

his

'Abu Sufyan obviously

own

momentous

step

account. Finally, Watt inflates the posi-

at the cost

of the other

Makkan

leaders. Far

from being the Pericles of Makka, 'Abu Sufyan does not emerge on the
scene prominently

till

the Prophet's migration to Madina. Before that event

had been dominated by leaders

the scene of opposition

'Abu

like

Jahl,

'Utbah ibn RabT'ah, Al-Walid ibn Mughirah and even 'Abu Lahab of Banu

Hashim, not

by 'Abu Sufyan. In

at all

the control of affairs in

But

Makka

to return to Watt's

is

all

these respects Watt's treatment of

clearly partial

economic

and tendentious.

interpretation.

Within the framework of

a supposed inter-clan commercial rivalry within the Quraysh, Watt adopts

and elaborates the other ideas of

tions (a) that the

his predecessors, particularly the sugges-

commercial growth and influx of the new wealth played

havoc with the old kindliness and generosity, giving

rise to selfishness

and

individualism, (b) that this growing individualism together with contact with
the outer world and with Judaism and Christianity led to a decline in the

pagan religion and also

occurring between the

in

new

tribal

solidarity;

Muhammad

the

anomaly thus

material growth and the primitive spiritual and

moral order needed to be readjusted;

justment

that

(c)

(d) that in

seeking to effect that read-

conceived a religious solution for essentially socio-

economic problems and

(e) that in

doing so he derived his ideas from Juda-

ism and Christianity.

These views of

his predecessors

social, moral, intellectual

Watt works out

in his

and religious background of the

1

discussion on the
rise

of Islam and

also in his treatment of what he calls the relevance of the early

1.

Watt,M. atM., 16-24.

message of

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RISE OF ISLAM

the

Qur'an

contemporary

to the

ground Watt attempts

to

show

situation. 1 In discussing the social

that there

was a decline

a corresponding growth of individualism.

He

The members of

prone to selfishness

if

tribe." 2 Further,

though

interests

thinking. This tendency to individualism

differed

form

life in

his clan

Makka. That

beings

would

it

above those of the

was

made

its

appearance

in their

fostered by the circumstances

why, points out Watt, 'Abu Lahab

is

and opposed the Prophet, the "opposition

came from

ibn al-Huwayrith

was "never

continued to govern the actions of

"tribal solidarity

the best people, yet a certain individualism" had

of commercial

it

human

calls 'individualisme';

sometimes they put private

only be natural

and

though the concept

the tribe were not automatons, but

or what Lammens

back-

in tribal solidarity

states that

of tribal solidarity "applied in general to the city of Mecca",

absolute.

109

within his

own

clan" and

to

'Uthman

many became

the

Prophet's followers "despite the disapproval of their clans, even of their

parents." 3
in

Mecca

At the same time there appeared "an interesting new phenomenon

common

the appearance of a sense of unity based on

material

so that business partnerships sometimes "cut across clan rela-

interests"

tionships."

It

was

this

sense of

common

and the Mutayyabun to compose

material interests "that led the Ahlaf

their quarrel. It

was

this

again that led to

the forgetting of rivalries and the formation of a 'coalition government' after

the defeat at Badr."

The

significance of

all this

was

that the

bond of kinship

by blood was weakened and an opportunity was revealed "for establishing a

wider unity on a new

basis." 4 "If

we

are to look for an

economic change

correlated with the origin of Islam", concludes Watt, 5

"then

it is

here that

we must

look... In the rise

have a movement from a nomadic economy

By

the time of

Muhammad, however,

there

of

Mecca

to wealth

to a mercantile

and

and power we

capitalist

had been no readjustment of the

moral, intellectual and religious attitudes of the community. These were

tudes appropriate to a nomadic community, for the most part.

Muhammad

economy.

still

The tension

and some of his contemporaries was doubtless due ultimately

contrast between men's conscious attitudes and the economic basis of their

And more

or less the same ideas are advanced

72-96.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

Ibid., 18.

3.

Ibid., 10.

4.

Ibid.

5.

Ibid., 19-20.

in his

social,

the

atti-

felt

by

to this

life."

discussion on the

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

110

pre-Islamic "moral ideal"

Under

and the "religious and

these sub-headings Watt states, in sum, that (a)

pagan religion" was on the decline;

that the archaic

background". 2

intellectual

generally agreed

"it is

that (b) the

moral

ideal

of muru'ah which found expression through generosity, hospitality, fidelity,

and which was the same as

etc.,

"tribal

because of the growth of individualism

and that

(c) the

humanism"
(i.e.

"premonitions of monotheism

been due mainly

to Christian

Needless to point out

also

was on

the decline

selfishness and niggardliness) 4

among

the Arabs

must have

and Jewish influences." 5

how

does Watt reflect in the above

closely

mentioned statements the views of his predecessors, particularly those of

Margoliouth and Bell. The question of Christian and Jewish influences and
of the decay of the pagan religion are dealt with separately. 6 Here the untenability

of the main assumption, namely, that the commercial progress of

Makka

led to the

solidarity

growth there of individualism which

and faded the old

In the first place,

led the 'Ahldf

rightly notes,

if

ideal of

muru'ah may be pointed

a sense of unity based on

and the Mutayyabun

and

if

the

in turn

same sense

compose

to

led the

common

corroded clan

out.

material interests

their differences, as

Quraysh clans

to

is

was

in

called a 'coalition government' after the defeat at Badr, then that sense

no way a "new phenomenon", however "interesting"

it

Watt

form what

might appear to Watt.

For an era of about a century spans the two events, on the simple calculation
that the battle of
old, that he

Badr took place when

was born when

the Prophet

his father

years old, and the latter was born

was about

fifty-five years

'Abd Allah was some twenty -five

when

his father

'Abd al-Muttalib ibn

Hashim was about the same age and that the compromise between the Ahldf
and the Mutayyabun was made when Hashim was a young man. Also it
should not be overlooked that the commercial expansion of the Quraysh took
place after that event and mainly as a result of Hashim's wise policy and
leadership.

the

The sense of unity based on common

common

sense, to

20-23.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

lbid.,23-29.

3.

Ibid., 23.

4.

Ibid.. 20, 24-25.

5.

lbid.,21.

6.

Infra, ch.

XL

which Watt

refers,

material interests, or rather

was thus neither a new deve-

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RISE OF ISLAM

lopment

time nor did

at the Prophet's

it

Quraysh

the

hard and desert conditions

in

commercial growth.

arise out of the

Such common sense or pragmatism may be

people living

1 1

be characteristic of

said to

in general, like

the Arabs, and of

in particular.

Secondly,

the sense of unity based

if

on common material

interests

prevailed over the Quraysh during Hashim's time as well as after the defeat
at

Badr, then

is

it

simply unreasonable to assume

clans carried their mutual and petty rivalries inside

their international trade

to the foreign courts

same Quraysh

that the

Makka

and

into the sphere of

nomadic

to the

The same sense of common

material interests must have dictated to

advisability of not doing so.

And,

as already pointed out, there

tribes.

them

the

no instance

is

of a Quraysh clan ever concluding a trade or military pact with any foreign

power or nomadic

tribe against

any of their

own

clans.

Thirdly, in saying that business partnerships sometimes "cut across clan

relationships" and also in citing this fact as an instance of the growth of indi-

vidualism Watt seems to labour under a fundamental mistake.

He seems

to

think and suggest that previously to this development business activities of

the

Quraysh followed clan

ties

do not appear

at

such, but by

its

on behalf of

his clan. This

trades.

relationships. This

any time

individual

to

was never

Business activitribe or clan as

name of or

members

as individuals

was so

both the spheres of internal and external

in

and not

in

the

A trade caravan going to a foreign land consisted of a number of indi-

vidual traders,

almost always from different clans, together with their

servants and equipage.

It

was a company only

in the sense of the

ionship' of the traders, rather than in the sense of an

individual capitals into a 'joint stock".

of their travelling together for safety

trader,

so.

have been carried on by the

however, did business with

tee partners

who

his

It

was

'compan-

amalgamation of

their

also a joint venture in the sense

and other advantages. Each individual

own

capital

and with

paid their capital to him for the purpose.

that

of his absen-

And

just as indi-

viduals from different clans could conclude marriage alliances, similarly

they could and did enter into business partnerships without infringing clan
solidarity.

This was no

new phenomenon and

there

was no question of

"cutting" across clan relationships in such deals.

Fourthly, Watt, following

priority to one's

own

Lammens, considers

interest as

illustrations of this individualism

selfishness or one's giving

And

as

'Abu Lahab's going against

his

coterminous with individualism.

Watt

cites

SIRAT AL-NABl

112

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

clan and opposing the Prophet, 'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith's taking a stand

from

different

that of his clan

and the early Muslims' embracing Islam

despite the disapproval of their clans and families. These illustrations are
faulty in at least

one respect. Such divergent and conflicting conducts

of 'Abu Lahab on the one hand

Muslims

in

embracing

phenomenon

or the

in

opposing Islam and that of the early

on the other could not have been due

it

as that

to the

same

same type of individualism. 'Abu Lahab and 'Uthman

ibn al-Huwayrith no doubt acted in pursuance of selfishness or self-interest;

but the early Muslims, whatever might have been their considerations, did
not act in pursuance or in furtherance of their selfishness or material inter-

Even if their action is regarded as symptomatic of individualism, surely

Lammens-Watt definition cannot be applied to it. Its source and inspira-

ests.

the

must have been

tion

different

from and unconnected with commercialism

and the influx of the new wealth.

same

as

Thus

it

existed

among

In other words, their individualism

was

the

the Arabs since time immemorial.

the premise that the commercial progress led to the rise of indi-

vidualism weakening clan solidarity and the ideal of

the opportunity for reorganizing the society on a

mum 'ah

new

basis

thus providing

wrong. The

is

extent of individualism discernible at the time was inherent in the Arab tribal
society since antiquity.

So did

selfishness, niggardliness, cruelty

and care-

lessness to the needy and the indigent exist side by side with generosity,
hospitality

and

fidelity.

There was no decline as such

in clan solidarity,

any perceptible and immediate need for providing an alternative

system of social

solidarity.

Also the statement that

have a movement from a nomadic economy

economy"
Trading

known
cial

by

is

in the rise

of

nor

to the

Makka "we

a mercantile and capitalist

to

specious and a simplification of a rather complex situation.

and commercialism side by side with nomadism are

activities

to exist in

Arabia since time immemorial.

At any

rate,

the

commer-

agreements concluded some one hundred years before the Prophet's time
his great-great-grandfather

Hashim with a number of

the neighbouring

countries and nomadic tribes presuppose a good deal of commercial tradition

and experience indicative

in

no way of a new movement from nomadism

commercialism. In fact Watt, besides attempting

Bell thesis that the
1.

Once

again

new

we may

situation at

Makka

to

Margoliouth-

called for a re-adjustment of the

recall here Patricia Crone's thesis that the classical

Arabia's commercial activities relate to a period

Islam.

to justify the

som

six

accounts of

hundred years prior to the

rise

of

ON THE MATERIALISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RISE OF ISLAM

old socio-religious and moral attitudes, also appears to incorporate

elements of Grimme's

socialistic interpretation.

1 1

some

Thus, in trying to show the

relevance of the early Qur'anic messages to the contemporary situation,

rather in justifying his socio-economic interpretation,

Watt not only

or

reiter-

and elaborates the themes of individualism and the decay of social

ates

solidarity etc., but also further states that

though

been any increase in absolute poverty

in

it

is

unlikely that there had

Makka due

to the

commercial

growth, the "gap between the rich and the poor" or "between the rich, not so
rich

and poor" had increased2 and

bottom layers of the

that

social scale, but

Islam "drew

its

from the middle...

support not from the

It

was not so much a

struggle between 'haves' and 'have-nots' as between 'haves' and 'nearly

hads'." 3 This

is

unmistakably reminiscent of Grimme's

socialistic

inter-

pretation with a slight modification. All these, however, relate to the early

phase of the Prophet's mission and the contents of the early Qur'anic
passages. These and other sayings of Watt in this connection are therefore

discussed

at

a later stage in this work. 4

1.

Watt, M. at M., 72-96.

2.

Ibid.,12.

3.

Ibid.,96.

4.

See Ch. XXIV.

SECTION
BIRTH,

II

BOYHOOD AND YOUTH

CHAPTER V

FAMILY BACKGROUND, BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

I.

Prophet
clan,

Muhammad

Banu Hashim, of

Quraysh clan

at

FAMILY BACKGROUND

was born of the noblest family of the noblest

the noble Quraysh tribe of

Makka

whom

with

marriage. 2 His father 'Abd Allah

Makka.

There was no

he was not closely related by blood or

was

a son of 'Abd al-Muttalib, son of

Hashim, son of 'Abd Manaf, son of Qusayy, son of Kilab, son of Murrah,
son of Ka'b,etc, going back to Prophets Isma'il and Ibrahim

(p.b.

on them).

His mother 'Aminah was the daughter of Wahayb, son of 'Abd Manaf, son
of Zuhrah son of Kilab, son of Murrah,

leader of the Zuhrah clan.

etc.,

Thus

the ancestries of both the parents met in the person of Kilab ibn Murrah.
ancestral tree stands as follows:

The

IBRAHIM
i

ISMA'IL
'Adnan
i

Ma'add
1

Nizar

'Akk (Al-Harith)
1

Mudar

Qanas

'Iyad

'Anmar

Tyad

Rabi'ah

Al-Qahhak

'Ubayd

(?)

Qays 'Aylan

Ilyas

Mudrikah

'Amr

'Umayr

('Amir)

(Tabikhah)

(Qama'ah)

'1

Khuzaymah

Hudhayl

Ghalib

(?)

1
i

Al-Hun

Asad

Kinanah
I

Malk4

Al- Nadr

Malik

Mil kan

'Abd Manat

Yakh'lid (?)

1.

Bukhari. nos. 3491, 3492; Musnad,

I.,

210; IV, 107, 166; Ibn Sa'd,

2.

Bukhari. nos. 3497, 4818; Musnad,

I.,

229; Ibn Sa'd,

3.

Hazm

Ibn Hisham,

chart upto

They
4.

I.,

92-97, 103-104; Al-Tabari (Tarikh),

Ansdb al-'Arab,
from left to right,

al-Andalusi, Jamharat

'Abd Manaf

are,

Beirut, 1403

1.,

II,
/

239-276

Hazm

specifically notes that the

(I /

1983, 9-15.

20-23.

1073-1 122); Ibn

The Names

written in the order mentioned by Ibn

are not necessarily in the order of their dates of birth.

Ibn

I.,

24.

name

is

Malk, not Malik.

in the

Hazm.

S1RAT AL-NABl

118

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

FIHR (Quraysh)

Al-Salt (?)

Muharib

Ghalib

Al-Harith
(Progenitor of

Banu

Tamim

Lu'ayy

al-Harith)

Qays

(Al-Adram)

Ka'b

'Amir

(5 other sons ?

A'idah, Samah,

(progenitor of

B.'Amir)

Awf &

Sa'd,

Al-Harith?)

Murrah

'Adiyy

Husays

(progenitor of

'Amr

B. 'Adiyy)

Sahm

Jumah

(Pro. of

B.

Kilab

Sahm)

Taym
(Pro. of B.

(Pro. of

B.

Jumah)

Yaqazah

Makhzum

Taym)

(Pro. of

Banu

Makhzum)

Qusayy

Zuhrah
(Pro. of B.

'AbdManaf

'Abdal-Dar

'Abdal-'Uzza

Zuhrah)

'Abd

Asad

(Pro. of B.

'Abd al-Dar)

(Pro. of B.

'Abd Manaf

Asad)

Wahb

'Abd Shams

Hashim

Al-Muttalib

(Pro. of B. A. S)

'Umayyah

Rabi'ah

(Pro. of B.

'Umayyah)

Hashim had some

other children by other wives.

Nawfal

FAMILY BACKGROUND, BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

1 1

'Abd al-Muttalib
1

*n

Al-Harith

Abu

7 other

A1-' Abbas etc.

'Abd Allah
1

'Aminah

Lahab

sons

MUHAMMAD
Fihr,

the tenth

Quraysh.

It

was

line

that all his descendants

after

Quraysh or the Quraysh

tribe.

known
known

of descent from 'Adnan, was

the

him

in

The

came to be

from

sixth in the line of descent

as
as

Fihr,

Qusayy, was the great-grandfather of 'Abd al-Muttalib, the Prophet's grandfather.

It

was Qusayy, as mentioned

Makka, established

earlier,

who had

complete control over

their

it

settled the

Quraysh

and had combined

hands the five traditional functions of the Makkan bodypolitic.

It

at

in his

has also

been noted how these functions were subsequently shared by Qusayy's

descendants, Banu 'Abd

Manaf and Banu 'Abd al-Dar and how Hashim,

the

Prophet's great-grandfather, besides exercising the functions of al-Siqdyah

and al-Rifddah, developed the international trade of the Quraysh as a whole

by concluding a series of trade

treaties with the

Persia in the north and with the rulers of

He

Bayzantine authorities and

Yaman and

Abyssinia

had also concluded trade pacts with the Arab

Quraysh's

tribes

in

the south.

lying on

the

trade routes. 2

In connection with one of his trade journeys

Hashim

visited the

market of

Yathrib (Madina) where he was captivated by the natural charms and com-

manding personality of a lady

whom

he saw supervising her employees in

buying and selling her merchandize. She was Salamah bint 'Amr of Banu
'Adiyy ibn al-Najjar. She had previously been married

to

'Uhayhah ibn

al-

1.
'Abd al-Muttalib had 15 sons and 5 daughters by 6 wives. They are: By Safiyyah of
Banu 'Amir b. Sa's'ah Al-Harith. By Fatimah bint 'Amr of Banu Makhzum Al-Zubayr,
Abu Talib, 'Abd al-Ka'bah and 'Abd Allah; and five daughters, Bayda', 'Umaymah, 'Arwa,
'Atikah and Barrah. By Lubna of Banu Khuza'ah
'Abu Lahab ('Abd al-'Uzza). By Halah of
Banu Zuhrah (sister of 'Aminah) Al-Muqawwim, Hajal or Khajal, Al-Mughirah and
Hamzah. By Nutaylah of Banu RaM'ah ibn Nizar Darar, Qatham and Al-'Abbas. By
Mun'amitah of Banu Khuza'ah Ghaydaq and Mus'ab.

Of the daughters Al-Bayda' was married to Kurayz ibn Rabi'ah of Banu 'Abd Shams;
'Umaymah to Hajir ibn Ri'ab al-Asadf; 'Atikah to 'Umayyah ibn al-Mughirah of Banu
Makhzum; Safiyyah was first married to Harb ibn 'Umayyah, of Banu 'Umayyah ('Abu
Sufyan's father) and on Harb's death to
brother). Barrah
2.

was married

See supra, pp. 38-39.

to

'Awwam

ibn Khuwaylid of

Banu Asad (Khadijah's

'Abd al-Asad ibn Hilal of Banu Makhzum.

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

120

Julah but
nobility

was now divorced. Hashim proposed

to

marry

and importance among her own people she

have freedom to manage her own

allowed her to stay

There she

Madina

at

Hashim

affairs.

her.

Because of her

stipulated that she should

agreed, married her and

to look after her business

and other

course of time gave birth to a son for Hashim. The child was

in the

named Shaybah.

Naturally,

Hashim

the child to

left

care of his mother, intending to bring

him

to

grow up

there under the

Makka when he would be

ping into boyhood. That time nearly approached when Hashim,

den, died

Ghaza

at

trade travel.

the

two

It

(then in Syria,

may be

now

recalled that

it

in Palestine)

The

Abyssinia.

to

Makka

at

al-Muttalib. "Hell

his

summer

winter towards

now devolved on Hashim's

When

From

he came with the boy

boy was Al-Muttalib's

on you", shouted out al-Muttalib

brother's son." 2

in the

deceased brother's son Shaybah

the appropriate time.

the people jokingly remarked that the

my

also introduced

functions of al-Siqaya and al-Rifadah

from Madina

step-

of a sud-

principal yearly trade journeys for the Quraysh, once in the

younger brother Al-Muttalib. He brought

is

all

where he had gone on a

was Hashim who had

towards Syria and the Byzantine lands, and again

Yaman and

affairs.

that time,

to the

slave,

'Abd

crowd saying, "He

however, the boy's original name

receded into the background and he was popularly called 'Abd al-Muttalib.

Like his brother Hashim, Al-Muttalib also exercised the functions of

Siqayah and al-Rifadah with credit and generosity. Indeed he proved
generous

in the

him al-Fayd or

al-

be so

discharge of those functions that the Quraysh used to call

the

Generous 3 After exercising those functions for a consi-

derable time he died at

sion.

to

Radman

in

Yaman where

he had gone on a trade mis-

His death was quickly followed by the death of his remaining brother

Nawfal. 4

'Abd al-Muttalib was by now a grown-up young man. He was extremely

handsome,

which he added a commanding presence, a penetrating

to

ligence and other qualities of a born leader.

He now succeeded

intel-

to the offices

of al-Siqayah and al-Rifadah. Under his management these two functions

became
1

the

Supra,

two most important public

p.

39.

2.

Ibn Hisham,

3.

Ibid., 137.

4.

Ibid., 139.

I.,

138.

activities

of

Makkan

life.

His most

FAMILY BACKGROUND, BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

121

was the re-excavation of the

well which brought both prosperity and influence for the Quraysh

important achievement, as already mentioned,

Zamzam

as a whole.

But he had one want. He had

the time of re-excavating the

at

Zamzam

well only one son; and he earnestly prayed to Allah to bless him with at least

'Abd al-Muttalib was so fervent

ten sons. Tradition says that

for a large

number of sons

he was blessed with

that

and

till

pursuance of

Him

if

yearning he mar-

this

one from Banu 'Amir, two from Banu Khuza'ah

Fatimah bint 'Amr ibn 'A' id, from Banu Makhzum. Allah

fourth,

He

granted his prayer.

tenth

yearning

he vowed to Allah to sacrifice one for

at least ten. Partly in

ried successively four wives,

and the

in his

had

in the

course of time ten sons (and more). The

then the youngest was 'Abd Allah, by his Makhzumite wife

Fatimah. 'Abd Allah was an exceptionally handsome boy of perfect health

and

As

constitution.

vow. He took

all

he grew up 'Abd al-Muttalib proceeded to

his sons to the

Ka'ba and drew the

for selecting the son to be sacrificed.

est

and dearest

The

lot fell

fulfil

lots in the usual

his

manner

on 'Abd Allah, the young-

to his father. 2

'Abd al-Muttalib forthwith proceeded

to fufil his

vow

lest

he should be

overtaken by love and affection. But opposition came from the Quraysh lea-

Banu Makhzum, Al-Mughirah ibn

'Abd Allah ibn 'Amr ibn Makhzum, because 'Abd Allah was the son of their
daughter, Fatimah bint 'Amr ibn 'A' id. 3 Ultimately 'Abd al-Muttalib was
ders, the fiercest being

from

the leader of

obliged to seek the advice of a famous lady-soothsayer of Yathrib (Madina)

to find a solution for the difficulty arising out of his pact with Allah

on the

one hand and the determind opposition of the Quraysh leaders on the

other.

The

lady suggested to

side and
so,

him

'Abd Allah on the

that he

draw

other, asking

lots

by placing 10 camels on one

'Abd al-Muttalib

eash time adding 10 camels to the number,

till

to continue

doing

the lot fell on them.

'Abd

al-Muttalib returned home, went to the Ka'ba and

1.

Supra, pp. 40-41.

2.

Ibn Hisham,

3.

wanted

I.,

lots as advised.

153.

Mukhzumite
'Abu Salamah of

parallel to the

to persecute

drew

gave him protection on the ground

that

role in the matter

their clan

on

his

happened subsequently when they

conversion to Islam but 'Abu Talib

he was 'Abu Talib's

sister's son. Still

subsequently the

Prophet ruled that a son belongs to his mother's family too (Bukhdri, no. 6762:

See also Musnad,

II,

19, 171-172, 180, 201, 222, 231, 246, 275,

Tirmidhi, no. 3901; Al-Nasat, nos. 2610, 2611; Al-Darimi,

II,

fji)\

oi

j>\

276-277; IV, 396, 430:

pp. 243-244.

SIRAT AL-NAB1

122

When

the

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

number of camels reached

Muttalib was

strictly

100, the lot

sure about Allah's intention in the matter.

times; and again each time these

redeemed by

life

sacrificing 100

fell

on them. But 'Abd

fell

scrupulous and conscientious.

He wanted

Hence he drew

on the

camels instead.

It

is

Allah's

well-known

was the son of two

Prophet Isma'Tl and 'Abd Allah ibn 'Abd al-Muttalib.

Undoutedly
save the

two more

the lots

for this

al-

be quite

camels. Thus was 'Abd

incident that the Prophet subsequently used to say that he

sacrifices,

to

life

it

was wise on Al-Mughirah's

have come forward

part to

of their daughter's son 'Abd Allah. Tragically, however,

was

it

equally a folly on the part of Al-Mughirah's son, Al-Walid, to lead a

to

little

subsequently the opposition to 'Abd Allah's son. 2 But though Al-WalTd thus
reversed his father's policy, there could be no reversal of the fact that the

bloods of both Banu Hashim and Banu

'Abd Allah's

veins.

And

to these

Makhzum

flowed equally well

two streams was soon joined a

of blood, that of Banu Zuhrah. For 'Abd Allah soon bloomed into

He was now

in his early twenties,

and 'Abd al-Muttalib was

suitable bride for his son. His eyes fell

in

in

third stream
full

youth.

search of a

Wahb

on 'Aminah, daughter of

ibn

'Abd Manaf, leader of Banu Zuhrah. The marriage between 'Abd Allah and

'Aminah took place

lier

in

due course. 'Abd al-Muttalib himself had a

married her cousin Halah, daughter of Wahb's brother

Wahayb

little

ear-

ibn 'Abd

Manaf.

Makkan and Arab

by Abrahah's invasion of Makka

Scarcely had these happy occasions ended

society in general were stirred to their depth

when

the

and the Ka'ba. 3 The disastrous end of Abrahah's campaign against the Ka'ba
is

significant in at least three important respects. Far

importance of the Ka'ba,

its

the Arabs, and along with

it

eyes of the Arabs

'Abd

importance and prestige

soared high with

the prestige of the Quraysh also increased in the

in general.

Secondly, the event illustrated and confirmed

al-Muttalib' s leadership of the

most important functionary

from diminishing the

now

in

Makkan

society and his position as the

connection with The House. Thirdly,

it

pro-

vides the sheet-anchor in the life-story of the Prophet, and therefore in the
history of Islam; for he

1.

Ibn Hisham,

Ch.

I,

was born

154-155.

XXV.

2.

Infra,

3.

Supra, pp. 41-42.

in

"The Year of the Elephant".

FAMILY BACKGROUND, BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

BIRTH

II.

'Abd Allah,

123

AND INFANCY

the Prophet's father, had been married to

'Aminah

less than a

year before the occurrence of the Elephant. The couple was not destined,

however,

to enjoy conjugal life for long. After living with his wife for

time 'Abd Allah went on

trip.

The caravan

a trade journey to Syria and

him with

left

fell

on

ill

his father's maternal relatives of

some

his return

Banu 'Adiyy

ibn al-Najjar of Yathrib (Madina) where 'Abd Allah died of that illness

He was

shortly afterwards.

when he

hardly 25 years old

'Aminah had conceived Muhammad

(0)

died.

At

that time

barely for a few months.

'Abd

Allah was buried at Madina. Thus the Prophet became an orphan before his
birth.

The sources
I,

generally agree in saying that the Prophet

on a Monday

in

The Year Of

Madina took place

that the Prophet's hijrah to

the 53rd year of his

assuming

I.

It is

in

now

was born

in

RabT'

an established fact

622 A.C. when he was

in

Calculating backward from this latter year and

53 lunar years equal 51 solar years,

that

A.C. There

life.

the Elephant. 2

his birth

would

fall in

571

a difference of opinion, however, about the exact day of Rabi'

is

For instance, Ibn Ishaq puts

Waqidi, states

it

it

on the 12th; Ibn Sa'd, on the authority of Al-

to be the 10th, while

calculations have been

the 12th of Rabi'

made on

and the

Mas'udT puts

it

on the

8th. 3 Further

the basis of this period between the 8th and

fact

of

Monday

being the day on which the

Prophet was born. According to minute astronomical calculations carried out

by

Mahmud

Rabi'

Pasha al-Falaki of Egypt, the only Monday between 8 and

of 571 A.C.

scholars

that

state

falls

on

the 9th. 4

the Prophet

Accepting

this calculation

number of

was born on Monday, 9 Rabi'

responding to 20 April 571 A.C. There are others, however,

cor-

I,

who assume

that

53 lunar years would equal 52 years. Hence they place the birth-date
in

March

April

570

A.C. 5

But

former

the

view

appears

more

reasonable.

1.

Ibn Sa'd,

2.

Ibn Hisham,

al-Fida',

I.,

99.

3.

Ibn Hisham,

4.

Mahmud

158; Ibn Sa'd,

I.,

100-101

I.,

158; Ibn Sa'd,

I.,

100; Al-Mas'udt, Tarikh, Cairo, 1346 H., 398.

Tirmidhi, no. 3619;

IV., 215;

Pasha al-Falaki, Natd'ij al-Afham Ft Taqwim al-'Arab Qabla al-Isldm,

Dar al-Basha'ir al-Islamiyah,

Beirut, First print, 1407

by Ahmad Zaki Afindi), specially

5.

Musnad,

I.,

'Abu

II., 5.

1986,

(tr.

from the French

etc.,

into Arabic

pp. 32-35.

Holding the former view are Shibli Nu'mant, Stmt Al-Nabi (Urdu

text),

Vol.

I.,

Azam-

SIRAT AL-NABI

124

related that before

is

It

instructed
as

Muhammad

Ahmad)

(or

name

an angel to

and

even toady experience dreams

dreams are mentioned

Bible

Jesus and other prophets.

Be

that

the Prophet-to-be

and

birth

days. 3

at all unlikely

prove remarkably

that

the

born,

'Abd al-Muttalib, the grandfather,

that

in

when

the child,

had a similar dream. 2 Such dreams are not

also

'Aminah had been

of her child

the birth

a dream or by

in

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

connection

in

as

may, there

it

Also similar

true.

with
is

many

the

birth

no doubt

was named Muhammad almost immediately

of
that

after his

he was alternatively called 'Ahmad' since his very early

that

There

are

also

some miraculous and

of

reports

supernatural

occurrences accompanying the birth of the Prophet. 4

was the custom of

It

at

nurses

for suckling

Muhammad
happy

that

Makka

and bringing them up. For a few days

he

after

his

birth

was suckled by Thuwaybah, a female slave of 'Abu

Lahab's, an uncle of the Prophet.

so

and respectable families of

the noble

time to entrust their new-born babes to the care of suitable

that

the

at

birth

free

set

this

of a son

female

It

to

reported that 'Abu

is

of

slave

Lahab was

deceased brother 'Abd Allah

his

She

his.

had

also

suckled

Hamzah, another of the Prophet's uncles who was almost his same
age. After some days, however, the Prophet was made over to the
care

of Haltmah bint

Hawazin

branch

Abu Dhu'ayb

of Quraysh.

They

Hudaybiyah and were

desert area of

of Banu

Sa'd belonging to

lived

the

called

was

Al-Harith

ibn

'Abd

open

and

the

healthy

also noted for the purity of their

Arab culture and the high standard of

band

in

their

al-'Uzza

language.

ibn

Rifa'ah

Halimah's hus(also

perhaps

'Abu Kabshah). The couple themselves had a baby son named

al-NadwT, Muhammad Rasulullah (Eng. tr.

Muhammad al-Kurdt, Nur al-Yaqin Fi Sirat
Sayyid al-Mursalin, Cairo, 1328 H., p. 9; Muhammad Akram Khan, Mustafa Charit (Bengali
text), 4th edn., Dhaka, 1975, pp. 224-225. The other view is held, for instance, by Muhammad
al-Ghazali, Fiqh al-Sirah, 7th impression, 1976, p. 60; Muhammad Husayn Haykal, The Life
of Muhammad (Eng. tr. Isma'fl Raji al-Faruqi), Qum, Iran, n.d., pp. 47-48.
1.
Ibn Hisham, I., 157-158; Ibn Sa'd, I., 104; Ibn Hibban, Al-Sirat al-Nabawiyyah wa

garh (India), 1962, pp. 171-172; 'Abul Hasan

by M. Ahmad), Lucknow, 1979,

Akhbar al-Khulafa

first

p.

91,

'All

n. 4;

impression, Beirut, 1407

Al-Rawd al-'Unuf

1987, p. 53.

2.

Suhayli,

3.

Bukhari, no. 4896; Muslim, Nos. 124, 125; Musnad, IV, 80, 81, 404; V, 404; Tirmidhi,

no. 2840; Darimi,

4.

II,

I.,

p. 105.

317-318; Ibn Sa'd,

Musnad, IV, 127, 128; V, 262;

I.,

104-105.

Tayalisi, no.

140; Ibn Sa'd,

I.,

102.

FAMILY BACKGROUND, BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

'Abd

Hudhafah. The
along

with

(^f).'In
to

two

and

Allah

latter

named respectively 'Unaysah and

was more commonly known as Shayma' and she,
daughters

mainly

mother,

her

his later years the

Shayma' and others of

Muhammad (0)
years

in

child

every

the

Halimah's care and

in

During

making him over

to

child

for

she

fondness

for

the

differ,

her

'Aminah,
also

for the purpose

view

in

of

the

view of the

in

keep him

to

to

uncommonly

healthy,

handsome

receive

foster

his

parents

and

sweet-

for

another

this

second term of

his

stay

with his foster

occurred a miraculous and supernatural incident to him.

there

shaqq al-sadr or "opening of the chest". 3 The reportes

as

however,

in

matters of detail as well as in respect of dates and

places of the occurrence. 4 Shortly after the incident Halimah

him

for

as

so.

Towards the end of

known

two

had already developed a strong motherly affection

term of two years or

is

'Aminah

to

Makka and

at

mannered boy. Thus he remained with

It

well

Halimah was only too glad

with her for a further period.

parents

as

growth and health of the child asked Halimah

satisfactory

for

used to bring the

she

visit

But

her.

unhealthy climate then prevailing

him back

period
for

nursing

growth and well-being. At the end of the

two years Halimah brought the

of finally

and

this

'Aminah

to

satisfaction as to the child's

first

Muhammad

boy

the

after

Prophet used to show affectionate respects

remaind

months

looked

his foster relatives. 2

instance.

first

six

125

returned

finally to his mother.

IV.

The Prophet was

mother for long

BOYHOOD AND THE JOURNEY TO SYRIA

not destined to enjoy the

after his return

from Halimah's

company and

affection of his

care. Barely a year

and a half

elapsed after she had taken charge of her son, 'Aminah took him to Madina,

'Umm

accompanied by the family maid

'Ayman,

to visit her husband's

maternal relatives. In the course of her return journey from Madina, how-

1.

Ibn Hisham,

2.

Ibn Sa'd,

3.

Ibn Hisham,

1,

I,

160-161; Ibn Sa'd,

I,

164-165; Ibn Sa'd,

No. 261; Nasd'i, Nos. 448, 452; Darimi,

4.

I,

108, 110-112; Darimi, Intr. p. 8;

Musnad, IV,

184.

114-115.
I,

12;

Musnad,

Intr. p. 8.

See for discussion Fath al-Bdri, V, 244-245.

III,

121, 149, 238; IV, 184; Muslim,

SIRAT AL-NAB1 AND

26

ever,

'Aminah

fell

and died

ill

THE ORIENTALISTS

Abwa', a place between Madina and

at

Makka. The Prophet was brought back

'Ay man. Thus he became

full

mother

the orphan

the boy

who was

al-Muttalib,

maid servant

'

Umm

He was

when he

only six years old

lost

now

then about 80 years old.

'Abd al-MuaUalib used

mantle spread for him

him, but not on

upon

it.

'Abd
The old man bestowed upon

naturally devolved on the grandfather,

care and affection and always kept him in his company.

all

related that

sit

the

too.

The charge of

to

Makka by

orphan when he had just crossed the stage of

infancy and stepped into boyhood.

his

to

it,

in the

to

spend most of his time

When

his uncles attempted to take him

prevented them from doing

so,

on a

sitting

shade of the Ka'ba. His sons used

out of respect for him; but the boy

It is

to

Muhammad

sit

round

used

away 'Abd al-Muttalib

saying that he noticed signs of future great-

ness in the boy and caressing him by gently patting him on the back.

pleased 'Abd al-Muttalib to see what the boy did while sitting near him.

'Abd al-Muttalib was, however, already

after

two

years, at the

far

advanced

in

age and died

When he realized
boy Muhammad (

age of eighty-two.

approaching he specifically entrusted the

It

his

end was

to the care

who was a full brother of 'Abd Allah. 2 The Prophet

was only eight years old when his grandfather left him for ever. 'Abu Talib
treated him like his own son and, as will be seen later on, did not abandon
him even at the most trying hour of his own and the Prophet's life. The
of his uncle 'Abu Talib,

Prophet grew up along with

'Abu

Talib,

Very

who

little is

his cousins, specially Ja'far

and

'All,

sons of

turned out to be his best friends since boyhood.

recorded about the activities of the Prophet

at this

except that he sometimes tended sheep along with his cousins.

tender age

It is

noted,

however, that unlike the other children of his age he did not engage himself
in useless

and

idle plays

and games. Also, there

institution,

no reference whatsoever
any

notable incident recorded by the chroniclers about his early

life

nor to his having learnt to read and write.

The only
is

is

hands of any individual or

at

to his having ever received education at the

his journey, along with his uncle

The Prophet was about 10

1.

IbnHisham,

2.

Ibid., p. 179.

I.,

168.

'Abu

Talib, in a trade caravan to Syria.

or 12 years old

at that

time.

The account of

the

FAMILY BACKGROUND, BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

journey, as given by Ibn Ishaq,

When

with a trade caravan to Syria.

the preparations

caravan was ready to depart, the boy

Bahira

arrived

and

Christianity

were complete and the

Muhammad (Hf)

so stuck himslef to

monk named

Bosra where there lived a Christian

at

monastery

in

Talib planned to go

on him and took him on the journey. The

his uncle that the latter took pity

caravan

Once 'Abu

as follows:

is

127

cave

or

He was

him.

for

many

Previously

scripture.

its

well-versed

in

times the Quraysh car-

avans had passed by the same route and by his abode, but he had
never taken any notice of them. This time, however, he treated them

was so because,

specially. This

"it

alleged"

is

He

noticed something special in the caravan.

(0^*e y

he had

that

U-i),

noticed from his cell the

caravan approaching and a piece of cloud giving shade to the Prophet

alone

among

his

stopped under a

As

people.

of the tree drooped

the

came

caravan

near

the

cell

and

the cloud also stopped there while the branches

tree,

down

Prophet from the sun. Thus

protect the

to

recognizing in the boy the signs of the coming Prophet as foretold in

the Christian scripture Bahira prepared a

and invited them

be

behind.

left

Yet,

sumptuous meal for the party

the feast, mentioning

when

went

party

the

specifically that
to

Bahira's

be present

the

at

was not among

When

reception.

came Bahira

told

only

that

"got

a boy

had been

at

him

closely

and noticed

looked

at

left

the people had

conversation

with

the

what

Bahira

knew of

his

sit

with the

his

physical

shoulders

in

the

"very

in

finished eating and gone

asked

Prophet,

description."

Muhammad's (0) back and saw

his

he

Prophet

him a few

about his affairs and was satisfied that the answers

with

between

When

behind,
the

coming Prophet

features and other things described as signs of the

away Bahira had

left

When

up and embraced him and made him

Bahira also looked

the Christian scripture.

cided

they

Bahira noticed that the Prophet

requested them to bring him too, which was done.

questions

place

he enquired of them whether everyone had

his guests,

come, and on being

people."

none shoud

behind with the equipage thinking that he was too young

the Prophet
to

to

"coin-

Then the monk

"the seal of prophethood"

place described"

in

the

scripture.

Bahira then went to the boy's uncle 'Abu Talib and asked him what
relation the

boy was

Bahira remarked
father of this

to him,

that that

boy was

and when he said that the boy was

could not be the case, "for

alive."

it

his son,

could not be that the

Thereupon 'Abu Talib said

that the

boy was

SIRAT AL-NABI

128

nephew and

his

that his father

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

had died before the child was born. "You have

and added: "Take your nephew back

told the truth", said Bahira

and guard him carefully against the Jews, for by Allah!

try

and know about him what

before this

nephew of

know, they

yours, so take

to

evil;

quickly.

if

coun-

him

they see

a great future

So

took

his uncle

Makka when he had

lies

finished his

alleged", further writes Ibn Ishaq, that three other

"It is

"people of the Book" had noticed

him

that they tried to get at

do him

him home

him off quickly and brought him back

trading in Syria."

will

to his

in the

Prophet what Bahfra had seen and

but Bahira kept

them away.

The story is related in more or less the same form in other works too. 2
The report in Tirmidhi adds that as the caravan stopped near the monastery
Bahira came out to them, recognized the Prophet in the party and exclaimed:
"This

is

the leader of the world, the

Messenger of God, who

The Quraysh

blessing for mankind!"

party, being surprised,

He

about his reasons for making such a remark.

that since the party left

trated in

Makka, every

honour of the Prophet and

tree

be sent as a

asked Bahira

replied that he had noticed

and every stone on the way pros-

that such

would never be the case with

and stones except with regard to a Prophet.

trees

will

It

is

further stated that

Bahira noticed the shade of a tree moving as the Prophet moved from place
to place

and

had come

was

that

to

a few "Romans" came in search of the Prophet because they

know from a

study of their scripture that the promised Prophet

The

to appear at that time!

report ends by saying that Bahira earnestly

requested 'Abu Talib not to take the boy to the country where the "inimical"

Jews abounded and

that

'Abu Talib

sent

him back

to

Makka

"and 'Abu Bakr

sent Bilal with him". 3

Muslim

scholarly opinions are divided on the correctness of

details in the

above

many of

the

though the essential facts of the Prophet's travel to

story,

Syria with his uncle and the meeting with Bahira are not doubted. Ibn Ishaq
inserts the qualifying phrase "as they think"

times

in his

holding that the report

and

that he

Hy^y. or

'oy>t.y

U-i) at least five

account, once before every material statement. Tirmidhi, while

is

"good" {j-f) adds that

does not know

it

1.

Ibn Hisham,

2.

See for instance Al-Taban, Tarikh,

I.,

it

is

in the

170-173.
II,

278-279; Ibn Sa'd,

(Vol. V., Egyptian edn.. 1975, 590-591).

3.

Tirmidhi, no. 3620 (Vo. V., pp. 590-591).

4.

Ibid.

His words

an "unusual one"

from any other source. 4 The obvious error

are:

**<p -u j
i

*ij

*> 1 v*> o*

,jL

*)

1.,

121; Tirmidhi, no.

3620

FAMILY BACKGROUND, BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

last

129

statement of the report which says that 'Abu Bakr sent Bilal with the

Prophet was pointed out simultaneously by Al-Dhahabi

Qayyim

al-Jawziyyah,

(d.

and 'Abu Bakr was a child

No other

748 H.) and Ibn

1

75 1 H.), both mentioning that Bilal was not born

at that time.

incident about the Prophet's early

1.

Al-DhahabuA/jrfa//'^/,II,581

2.

Ibn

Qayyim

(d.

life is,

(no. 4934).

al-Jawziyyah, Zad al- Ma'dd,

I.,

76-77.

however, on record.

CHAPTER VI

THE ORIENTALISTS ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS,

NAME AND CHILDHOOD
The

have made a number of assumptions and suggesstions

orientalists

regarding the very

phase of the Prophet's

initial

These assumptions

life.

centre mainly round his family status, his name, the incident of shaqq al-

sadr with the insinuation of epilepsy, his meeting with Bahira and some
other childhood matters. These are briefly discussed below.
I:

The

first

early life

is

REGARDING THE FAMILY STATUS

thing to notice about the orientalists' views about the Prophet's

their attempt to

show

belonged to an unimportant and

that he

humble family of Makka. The suggestion

is

put forward

more pointedly by

Margoliouth. His arguments are as follows:

1

That the "Kuraish

(a)
to

in the

them who was not of noble

(b)

the

That when

at the height

Quraysh people

"to a

of his power the Prophet was compared by

palm springing out of a dung-hill." 3

That on the day of

(c)

Koran wonder why a Prophet should be sent

birth." 2

declared "that an end had

his

implication being that he himself

offerd

him by some

devotee."

to the

Makka

the Prophet

pagan aristocracy by blood", the

was not of aristocratic blood. 4

That "he himself rejected the

(d)

title,

'Master and son of our Master'

That his grandfather, 'Abd al-Muttalib, was engaged

(e)

was "of

lending, which profession

And

triumphal entry into

now come

if

he dug the

Zamzam

esteem

little

well and rendered

with camel's milk, honey, or raisins,

it

its

in the

honour

at

Meccah

1.

Margoliouth,

2.

Ibid., 41.

3.

Ibid, (citing

4.

Ibid.

5.

Ibid, (citing

and

entertainer'

water potable by mixing

which

"it

would seem

45-51.

Musnad,

IV, 166.)

Musnad,

III,

241).

it

that the

later writers represent as posts

resolve themselves into a trade, and one that

op.cit.,

money-

could not be assumed that "he put

himself to this trouble without remuneration". Hence

offices of 'waterer

in

eyes of the Arabs".

of

was not hon-

SIRAT AL-NABI

132

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

ourable since the Prophet afterwards forbade the sale of water."

(0 That the name 'Abd al-Muttalib, "slave of al-Muttalib", though given

"a fanciful explanation" by the historians, "is probably to be interpreted as

meaning

that

its

owner was

manumitted and enrolled

(g)

one time actually a

at

into the

Hashim

though afterwards

slave,

clan." 2

That when the Prophet's enemies wished to

insult him, they called

nature of the

Abu Kabshah" which conveyed some sting;

insult was we cannot define with certainty." 3

Now,

adduced by Margoliouth

him

humble

the proofs thus

show

to

the Prophet as of

origin are far-fetched, ill-conceived and based on gross twisting and

concealing of the material

Thus

facts.

the very first

unjustifiable twisting and tampering with the

"And

43:31, which says:

man

big

"but what the

"the son of

of the two

unbelievers
that the

conveyed

is

they said:

cities

'Why

(Makka and

in

is

argument

not this Qur'an sent

Taif)?" 4

38:8 also which says: "Is

is

down

on him, of

it

in these

the slightest indication that the

unbelievers called in question his family status or

noble birth". The clear implication of both the passages

men

that

'said

deserve to be a Prophet because, as Margoliouth twists

consider the Prophet as one of the leading

on an

The same objection of

Qur'an (al-dhikr) has been sent down?" 5 Neither

sages nor anywhere in the Qur'an

built

is

meaning of a Qur'anic passage,

it,

is

all

to a

the

of us

two pasQuraysh

he did not

"he was not of

that they did not

of the two towns and

this

they said because, in their peculiar notion, only a wealthy and influential
individual should be the recipient of Allah's message.

from the

faulty premise

38:4, that any

It is

which

human being

is

like

in

in his society, particulary

presence of his uncles like 'Abu Talib, 'Abu Lahab and other close

relatives

from Banu 'Abd Shams and Banu Makhzum,

in the position
in the

i.e,

themselves could not be Allah's messenger. 6

an admitted fact that the Prophet was no leader

in the

They even proceeded

mentioned immediately before 38:8,

of a young son.

Makkan

then

It is

also worth

to

whom

remembering

he was but

that leadership

or Arab society was determined on the basis of seniority

47-48.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

Ibid., 48.

3.

Ibid..

50-51.

4.

43:31

=^ rJv.tf jil\jAj>r)j*y .jil\\iA J'jiiyijJisj).

5.

Q. 38:8=4...u^ Cr./aJi*J(.j^i^

6.

38:4 =

<^...|+ij.LJ

i>'n>j>*j^

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS. NAME AND CHILDHOOD

133

in

age which was thought to impart the other qualification, namely, maturity

in

wisdom. In a

being lower

tribal society like that at

in origin

than another

constituting the tribe were

all

Makka

the concept of one family

an anathema; for the families and clans

is

descended from the same and not very distant

ancestor and also they were closely inter-related by

We

riage.

ties

of blood and mar-

of course hear of poets and individuals boasting of the superiority

of their respective families or tribes; but these were more often than not

marks of the

intertribal rivalry

and empty claims than true statements of the

a Qur'anic evidence to prove the supposed humble family sta-

facts. In citing

tus of the Prophet,

Margoliouth

is

wrong

in three

ways.

He

meaning of the Qur'anic passage or passages which do

has distorted the

in

no way

reflect

adversely on the Prophet's origin and family status. Second, he has mis-

understood the nature of the Makkan society wherein, though the clans and
families were not all equal in wealth and influence, none of

could, regard the other as of

person of noble birth

ety, or that a

man

humble

invariably a

is

origin. Third,

man

them

he seems to assume that a

of means and influence

of means and influence

is

did, nor

in his soci-

invariably of noble birth

both

of which assumptions are equally faulty.

With regard
whole

truth.

second argument, Margoliouth has not revealed the

to his

The

report in the

came

of the Helpers (ansdr)

were saying
to a

all sorts

of Allah".

tell

to the

cites

says that once a group

Prophet and reported that the Makkans

of things about him, some of them even comparing him

palm growing out of a

before him to

Musnad which he

who

he was. They

The Prophet

On

dung-hill.

said: "I

all

this the

shouted out: "You are the Messenger

am Muhammad,

'Abd al-Muttalib" adding, (and here

Prophet asked those present

son of 'Abd Allah, son of

the narrator remarks that he had never

before heard the Prophet thus speaking about his ancestry), that Allah had
raised

you

him from

in respect

the best of families in the best of tribes. "So

am the

best of

of family, and the best of you as a person."

Margoliouth's use of

this report to

tus of the Prophet is faulty in

show

two main

the supposed

respects.

He

humble family

simply grasps

sta-

at the

obviously spiteful remark of the Prophet's avowed enemies, disregarding the

many

other indisputable facts that prove to the contrary. Secondly, and

seriously, he withholds

when he came
1

to

know

from

his readers

more

the important fact that the Prophet,

about the malicious remark about him, immediately

Musnad, IV, 165-166, hadith of 'Abd al-Muttalib ibn RabT'ah ibn

al-Harith.

S'lRAT AL-NABl

134

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

names of

protested and mentioned before the audience the

way

grandfather in such a

well-known figures
the ansdr before

as leaves no

that they

whom

room

his father

needed no further introduction.

In fact

He

specifically pointed

out that he belonged to the best family of the best of clans in

By suppressing

many of

'Abd al-Muttalib's own

the Prophet thus spoke were

maternal relatives. The Prophet did not stop there.

tribes.

and

were so

for doubt that they

the best of

very material fact of the Prophet's immediate

this

protestation against his enemies' malicious rermark and his unequivocal and

public declaration of his most respectable family background Margoliouth

has miserably manoeuvred to turn one of the decisive evidences in favour of

the Prophet as one against him! That the report in question

is

strongest evidences in favour of the Prophet's family status

shown by

known index

fact that in his well

report under the heading,

in respect

is

Makka

is

Wensinck

the Prophet's saying: "I

of family, and the best of you as a person."

As regards
into

which

for the traditions

the

rightly lists this

am

the best of

you

the point at (c), namely, that on the day of his triumphal entry

the Prophet declared that "an end had

now come

aristocracy by blood", Margoliouth clearly misconstrues this

laration

one of the

was made not because

have just mentioned above

the Prophet himself

that

the best family in the best tribe.

to the

fact.

pagan

The dec-

was of no family and we

;

he had publicly declared that he belonged to

The

do away with the root of the pagan

declaration under reference

evil

was made

to

of blood-feud which often grew out

of a false sense of honour and family pride; and also to emphasize that a person's real claim to

honour lay

in the purity

of his faith and

in the justice

and

greatness of his acts, rather than in his family origin.

Similarly misleading

is

the argument at (d), namely, that the Prophet him-

self rejected the title, 'Master,

and son of our Master', by which he was once

addressed by a person. The Prophet discountenanced the form of address not

because he was of no respectable family origin but because, as the report

which Margoliouth
adopt any other

cites in his support 2 clearly states,

title

which Allah had bestowed on him. Margoliouth's

if

we
1

2.

recall the Qur'anic passage

A.J.

241.

fallacy

would be obvious

33:40 which forbids addressing the Prophet

Wensinck, Miftah Kunuz al-Sunnah, (At.

MusnadlU,

he did not like to

except the one, "Messenger of Allah" (Rasiil Allah),

tr.

by F.A. Baqi),

p.

436.

The heading

is:

ON THE PROPHETS FAMILY

as the "Father of so-and-so".

No

STATUS,

NAME AND CHILDHOOD

one would use

this

passage

35

argue that the

to

Prophet was childless and therefore no father of any individual! As in the

report under discussion, so also this Qur'anic passage specifically enjoins

addressing

him

Rasul Allah instead of using any other form of address.

as

Equally fallacious and far-fetched

his

is

argument

at (e).

document mentioned by Ibn al-Nadim which purports

1

by 'Abd al-Muttalib himself and which records

San'a' (Yaman)

owed him one thousand

Margoliouth infers "that

occasionally lent

it

out".

Abd
2

al-Muttalib

Now,

Arabic writing. There

'Abd al-Muttalib on

is

no

have been written

to

Himyarite of

that a certain

silver dirhams.

From

was possessed of some

way

this

fact

and

capital

of tracing the development of

money was

indication whatsoever that the

interest.

refers to a

Ibn al-Nadim mentions this document found

Khalifah al-Ma'mun's treasury by

in

He

The debt recorded could

lent

by

as well have arisen out

of business transactions, remembering the fact that the Quraysh, particularly

Banu Hashim,

carried on trade with

unlikely that a
to

Makkan

Yaman

as well as Abyssinia.

if at all it

of interest would invariably have been indicated

Margoliouth argues
his

in a circle.

He

states: "In

['Abd al-Muttalib' s] wealth with the

we have

to

money on

time would lend

capitalist at that

an individual of so distant a land. Moreover,

fact

It is

was so

simply
interest

lent, the rate

of his being in a humble station

suppose that the profession in which his money was made was

not an honbourable one." 3 Thus Margoliouth

Muttalib was

a person "in a

humble

station",

independent evidence. But proceeding from

first

assumes

which
this

is

Muttalib was a

man

in

humble

in his

'Abd

to

avdance the

third

al-

possession

must have been made by "not an honourable profession". And from

second assumption Margoliouth goes on

al-

unsubstantiated

that since

found

satation, the wealth

'Abd

that

not proved by any

initially

assumption Margoliouth makes the second assumption

since his

But

the document.

in

order to harmonize the fact of

this

assumption that

money was earned not by an honourable profession, 'Abd alman of humble origin! Needless to point out that

Muttalib must have been a

no sober

historian

would proceed

to vilify a historical figure

on the

basis of

such a circle of unsubstantiated assumptions. Moreover, Margoliouth's

underlying assumption that money-lending as such was an unhonourable
1.

See Ibn al-Nadim,

2.

Margoliouth, op.

3.

Ibid., AS-

Fihrist,

cit.,

DSr al-Ma'rifah,

47-48.

Beirut,

1398

1978, pp. 7-8.

S1RAT AL-NAB1

136

profession in pre-Islamic Arabia

by him on

this point, that

creditors' claims,

is

if

The evidence adduced

is

no evidence

to

Zamzam

show

that

well and

offices of waterer

and entertainer

by

into trade

he did

made

to the pilgrims for

selling the

On

so.

its

and the pilgrims, as Margoliouth admits, and

to the public

eluding the

skill in

'Abd al-Muttalib turned the

which he held,

entertainer",

he dug and renovated the

which by

correct.

all

the innuendo that

is

and

water of Zamzam. There

hand,

not at

is

of the poets' boastings of their

both questionable and un-convincing.

Equally untenable
offices of "waterer

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

the other

water available
if

he held the

over half a century,

accounts he did, he did so no doubt with the support and

all

acquiescence of the

Makkan people

And this
the Makkan

in general.

evidence of his preeminence and leadership

in

fact

a decisive

is

society.

The most preposterous is Margoliouth's assertion noted at (f). He tranname 'Abd al-Muttalib as Al-Muttalib's slave and states that this
means that "its owner was actually a slave, though afterwards manumitted
and enrolled in the Hashim clan". He rejects" as "fanciful" the account given
slates the

about the origin of

in the histories

this

positive evidence in support of his

'Abd al-Muttalib was

umitted and
trary

(c) that

name; 2 but he himself advances no

own

is

was subsequently manHashim clan. All these arbitranslation of the name. The

originally a slave; (b) that he

he was then enrolled

assumptions are based simply on a

translation

three-fold fancy, namely, (a) that

in the
literal

not quite correct, in that 'abd

is

a more general term usually

signifying 'servant' rather than slave, for which the

is

raqiq. That Margoliouth's fancy

the fact that in the the contemporary

dom

addressed or

known

Makkan

slave.

was

Nor was 'Abd Manaf

called

is

evident from

society an actual slave

was

who were

sel-

sub-

'Ammar and Khabbab, were never

as the 'abds of their respective masters.

the greatness of Quraysh,

mark

as the 'abd of so-and so. Slaves

sequently manumitted, such a Bilal,

known

more accurate expression

quite beside the

is

'Abd

the "slave" of

A son of Qusayy,

(or

founder of

'Abd Qusayy). He was no

Manaf. Had 'Abd al-Muttalib

been a manumitted slave admitted into Banu Hashim, he would never have
been accepted

in

pre-Islamic

Makka

as the dignitary in charge of the affairs

of the Ka'ba, discharging the functions of "waterer and entertainer" to the

pilgrims,

however much Margoliouth underestimates those

48-49.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

See supra,

p.

120 for the origin of the name.

functions.

Nor

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

137

could 'Abd al-Muttalib marry the daughters of the most respectable clans,

Banu Makhzum; nor could 'Abu Lahab,

including

manumitted

slave,

Sufyan,

of

all

whom

sister

of 'Abu

are regarded as of higher and better families by

Margoliouth and his followers of the

Margoliouth simply grasps

orientalists.

argument

Finally, as in the case of his

(g)

the son of the supposedly

marry the daughter of Harb ibn 'Umayyah,

at

so also in his argument at

at (b),

the abusive remark of the Prophet's

enemy

and suppresses the other material facts connected with the incident wherein
the Prophet

was

referred to as the son of

'Abu Kabshah. Margoliouth says

that great uncertainty prevails as to the identity of

acknowledges

that while

"patronymic" was

any

real person.

"fairly

some

applied

common."

ill-will

'Abu Kabshah; but he

to the Prophet's foster-father, the

In fact, the expression did not refer to

The expression "son of 'Abu Kabshah" was only an abusive

term which the Arabs used commonly

bore

it

apply to persons against

to

and anger. 2 Margoliouth's allusion

remark which he made privately

miserably discomfited

whom

they

obviously to 'Abu Sufyan's

companion when both of them were

who

court of Heraclius

at the

receipt of the Prophet's letter.

to his

is

interrogated

him on

Finding that the Byzantine ruler was favour-

ably disposed towards the Prophet 'Abu Sufyan disgustingly whispered to

his

companion saying

that "the affair of the son of

'Abu Kabshah" had

pre-

vailed even at Heraclius's court. 4 While citing this malicious and private

remark of 'Abu Sufyan's

in order to

show

the Prophet's allegedly

humble

family status, Margoliouth omits to note that the same 'Abu Sufyan on the

same occasion and

the very
family.
to

first

More

speak

tradicted

in

the

same

question put to
importantly,

lies against the

report

him by

is

found to declare publicly

Heraclius, that the Prophet

'Abu Sufyan adds

latter

anything not

at Heraclius's court

had specifically asked to contradict 'Abu Sufyan

true.

Thus the very incident and

twists in order to prove his assumption

dence showing the noble family

he would have attempted

Prophet had he ('Abu Sufyan) not feared being con-

by the other Makkans who were presant

whom the

that

Margoliouth, op.

cit.,

2.

Fath al-Bari,

3.

BukharUHo.b.

4.

The Arabic exression

I.,

in reply to

was of noble

50-5

is in fact

1.

(j-t^^i^i

y>\

y\

oil)

and

he spoke

which Margoliouth

another very strong evi-

status of the Prophet, publicy

53.

is:

report

if

acknowledged

SIRAT AL-NAB1

138
in

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

a foreign court by his then arch-enemy, 'Abu Sufyan.

As

for Watt, he appears to adopt Margoliouth's conclusion about the

Prophet's family status without, however, recapitulating the former's argu-

ments. Thus he

at

times explicitly states and

at

other times implies that the

Prophet did not belong to the aristocratic group of families.

the Qur'anic passage 43:31 to
society,

show

Watt also

cites

the Prophet's ordinary position in the

though elsewhere he (Watt) suggests

that during the first

few years

of his mission the Prophet had grown sufficiently important to induce the

Quraysh leaders

make him

to

offers of

compromise. Watt makes, however, a

completely new conjecture about 'Abd al-Muttalib's role during Abrahah's

expedition against Makka, making him appear in a very unfavourable

Watt assumes a prolonged

Quraysh clans

trade rivalry between

Banu Hashim and other

'Abd Shams, Nawfal and Makhzum and

like

light.

states that

'Abd

al-MuUalib's negotiations with Abrahah "ought to be interpreted as a patty

move of

a small group of Quraysh (along with the tribes of Du'il and Hud-

hayl) from which the main body of the Quraysh held aloof. If that

'Abd al-Muttalib was presumably trying

against his rivals

among Quraysh, such

We

and Makhzum...

is so,

then

to get support

form the Abyssinians

as the clans of

'Abd Shams, Nawfal

cannot be sure whether Abrahah accepted the overtures

of 'Abd al-Muttalib or whether, judging him not strong enough, he rejected

them. In any case the expedition came to nothing..." 2

Now,

Watt's theory of a prolonged trade rivalry between

and other clans (and

we

shall

economic

interpretation of rise of Islam generally)

have occasion to deal with a

be noted that

and

his

his conjecture

irrational.

It

is

Banu Hashim

little later

on

in this

work. 3 Here

about 'Abd al-Muttalib's role

is totally

wrong, and directly contrary to the sources,

it

may

wrong

to say that

'Abd al-Muttalib's action was a "move of a small group of Quraysh"

to

among Quraysh". He
and spokesman of the Makkans

obtain "support from the Abyssinians against his rivals

had gone to Abrahah's camp as the leader

and

after they, along with

Banu Kinanah and Banu Hudhayl had decided

about their inability to offer resistance to Abrahah's forces. 4 Also,

Abrahah who had

1.

Watt.M.

2.

Watt,M. alM.,

at.

p.

49.

14.

Chap. XXIV.

3.

See

4.

Supra, pp: 4

infra,

M.,

sent his

messenger

to

Makka

to

meet

its

it

was

"chief and

in

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

him an ultimatum requiring him

effect to deliver to

order to avoid loss of the Makkans'

hah's

camp was

a sequel to this

lives.

abandon

to

'Abd al-Muttalib's

move made by Abrahah

the

139

Ka'ba

visit to

in

Abra-

himself. His mes-

senger met 'Abd al-Muttalib because he was found to be the virtual chief and

spokesman

Makkan community

for the

as a whole.

And

if

he was accom-

panied by the chief of Du'il and Hudhayl that means they also went to Abra-

hams camp

in

accordance with the joint decision of Makkans and the neigh-

bouring tribes not to offer armed resistance to the Abyssinian invader and to
persuade him to return without destroying the Ka'ba. The report cited

try to

by Ibn Ishaq also mentions the important

one-third of the wealth of

Tihamah

All these facts squarely belie

thier

and spokesman for

all

from Abrahah, but

to

He

'Abd

aloof, but as the leader

did not go there to seek any advantage

persuade him, even by offering substantial material

benefits to him, to leave the city and

Quraysh did not remain

silent

open and were carried out on

its

temple alone. The main body of the

or indifferent to the negotiations which were

their behalf.

Watt's assumptions are also contrary to reason. Abrahah

came acknow-

ledgedly to destory the Ka'ba and thereby the commercial primacy of

in

Arabia. This being the main issue,

he would be amenable

al-

not at the head of a small group of

main body held themselves

of them.

Abrahah

he only spared the city and the Ka'ba.

three of Watt's assumptions.

camp

Muttalib went to Abrahah's

Quraysh from which

if

all

fact that they all offered

to

it is

Makka

simply unreasonable to assume that

making a commercial deal with a small and

alle-

gedly unimportant group of Makkans giving them trade advantages over

supposedly wealthier and stronger rivals

their

even one of

that city, with

an iota of

Abrahah with such a proposal when

common

come
was

all

receive
city

the

at all to

again,

traders?

Makka

Abrahah had made

was

city.

left in
all

How

could

him, approach

too clear, namely,

as a whole, and not of that

all

the preparations and had

to realize that all-absorbing purpose of his.

be dissuaded from carrying out his design,

some convincingly favourable

who

position

way

its

same

sense

his objective

destruction of the commercial position of

of any section of

in the

it

Hence,

if

was he who was

he
to

terms, rather than any section of the

could expect to receieve some advantageous terms from him. The

is

how

thus just the reverse of what Watt

would have us

believe.

And,

could the supposedly stronger and commercially superior clans

of the city remain idle or silent in the situation, and

denounce 'Abd al-Muttalib then or subsequently as a

why

did they not

traitor

and

fifth-

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

140

columnist? After

Watt appers

Abrahah were no secret

his negotiations with

all,

have been so preoccupied with

to

his

affair.

assumption of a com-

mercial rivalry between 'Abd al-Muttalib and the other clans, and of the former's supposedly inferior position at the time, that these simple questions do

him

not occur to

at all.

His statement that

we

"cannot be sure whether Abra-

hah accepted the overtures of 'Abd al-Muttalib or whether, judging him not
strong enough, he rejected them",
fact, instead

a naive attempt to confuse the issue. In

is

way and

of placing the facts in a straight

thereby showing 'Abd

al-Muttalib's supposedly inferior commercial position at the time, Watt, like

Margoliouth, argues

in

He

a circle.

says that 'Abd al-Muttalib's negotiations

with Abrahah "ought to be interpreted" as a party

group and then says:

trying

Quraysh"; and as he
like

is

is

presumed

to

have done

trade with Syria and

1

a small Quraysh

so, the other

'Abd Shams and Nawfal "had apparently by

Muttalib."

move by

then 'Abd al-Muttalib was presumably

so,

support from the Abyssinians against his rivals

get

to

"If that

This

is

Yemen which

this

among

Quraysh clans

time seized most of the

had formerly belonged to Hashim and

clearly arguing in a circle and basing

al-

one unsubstantiated

assumption upon another.

To sum

up, the Margoliouth-Watt assumption of an unimportant family

origin for the Prophet and of an inferior social position for

is

belied

by an array of indisputable

'Abd al-Muttalib

most important of which are as

facts, the

follows:
All

(1)

the

Quraysh clans descended from the same person, Fihr

(Quraysh) and their greatness

at

Makka was

established

by Qusayy, 'Abd

al-

Muttalib's great-grandfather.

The commercial

(2)

greatness of the

Makkan Quraysh was

'Abd al-Muttalib's father Hashim who, by a

by

initiated

series of trade pacts with the

Byzantine authorities and others, secured tangible trade adavantages for the

Quraysh

in Syria,

Yaman and

Abyssinia, besides securing safe journey for

the Quraysh caravans through the

(3) All the

by

ties

Quraysh clans

at

tribal territories.

Makka were

of blood as well as marriage, so that

closely related, one to another,

it

would be a sheer anathema

to

conceive for one clan a superior family origin to that of another. Particularly,
there

was no Quraysh clan with which

Prophet's clan, were not so related. That

1.

Watt, M. at M., 14.

the
is

members

why

of

Banu Hashim,

the

he, in the face of his kins-

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

141

men's opposition, applealed to them saying that he did not expect any mate-

advantage from them except love and consideration due to the near

rial

ones.

'Abd

(4)

excavated the

al-Muttalib,

Zamzam

well,

which

grandfather,

in itself

discovered and re-

was an epoch-making event

Quraysh as a whole and which further ensured

the life of the

eminence over

Prophet's

the

all

and entertainer"

'Abd al-Muttalib held the offices of "waterer

the Arabs.

to the pilgrims for over half a century for

which he became

a well-known figure throughout Arabia. The simple mention of his

was a

sufficient introduction for

leader of the Makkans, with

was on

his advice that the

in order to

who

again,

beseeching

him and

whom

Quraysh

his family.

as a

it

was

he, as the virtual

whole betook themselves

consigned the Ka'ba, on behalf of

to protect

It

name

Abrahah carried on negotiations and

save themselves from Abrahah's army.

Him

in

their pre-

all

It

was 'Abd

it

to the hills

al-Muttalib,

the Quraysh, to Allah's care

House. The miraculous destruction of

as His

Abrahah's army was naturally looked upon as Allah's response to that prayer

and the whole episode heightened the prestige of the House and of the

Quraysh as a whole
(5)

in the

eyes of

all

the Arabs.

'Abd al-Muttalib had contracted marriage

important Quraysh clans.

One

the Prophet's full grandmother,

combined

was a Makhzfimite

veins the blood of

in his

mather, of Banu Zuhrah, through his

his father.

relations with almost all

of his wives, mother of 'Abd Allah and thus

lady.

Thus the Prophet

Banu Makhzum, through his grandmother and of Banu Hashim, through

'Abd al-Muttalib's other sons and daughters too were married

important clans like

Makhzum

to

and 'Abd Shams.

The leading opponents of the Prophet, whom the orientalists appear to

members of high and respectable families, were none but his close
kins. For instance the leaders of Banu 'Abd Shams were 'Abd al-Muttalib's
own uncle 'Abd Shams's descendants; while the leaders of Banu 'Abd al-Dar
were 'Abd al-Muttalib's father Hashim's own paternal cousin Asad's
(6)

depict as

descendants.
(7) Finally,

Banu Hashim

alone, under the leadership of

offered protection to the Prophet against the opposition of

1.

Q.42:23 =

4-.. (>i^ t>Sijii

"Say, 'No reward do

kin.'"

!l!Ui^

ask of you for

this

'Abu
all

Talib,

the other

^ii-i")IJ...^
(

(work of mine) except the love of those of near of

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

142

Quraysh clans and successfully withstood

nearly three years.
to the

their boycott

and blockade for

The other clans, though they were combined

in

opposition

Prophet and were determined upon killing him, did not dare do so sim-

ply for fear of a bloody conflict with

Banu Hashim. Nothing c6uld be a more

decisive evidence showing that despite the vicissitudes in

fortune

it

was

socially and physically a

still

match for

all

Banu Hashim's

the

Makkan

clans

combined.
It was thus not for nothing that the Prophet publicly claimed, and his
enemy 'Abu Sufyan publicly affirmed, that he was raised from the best

family of the best tribe of the Arabs. But he did not claim any greatness, nor
the allegiance of his followers, on that score.
the essential equality of

men and

of one's

lies in the quality

attach any false value to

why

On

the contrary he emphasized

enunciated that one's nobility and greatness

character and acts.

faith,

mere "noble" pedigree. That

Hence Islam does not

is

no reason, however,

the Prophet's noble pedigree should not be recognized as a historical

fact.
II.

The

orientalists

have similarly

The

Prophet's name.

be Aloy Sprenger.

first

his

it

way

to agitate

it

is

seems

to

to

name of the Prophet was "Qut"Muhammad". Sprenger made this

as to convey an impression that there elapsed a

worth noting

first

and second names.

same chapter of

that earlier in the

Halabi reproduces several other reports showing that the

was agreed upon by

it

in Al-Sirat al-

that the original

considerable time between the adoption of the

Now,

doubts about

cue from a report reproduced

was subsequently changed

statement in such a

NAME

HIS

attempted to create confusion about the

modern scholar

Taking

Halabiyyah 2 Sprenger stated

ham" but

REGARDING

his

work Al-

name "Muhammad"

the child's mother ('Aminah) and grandfather ('Abd al-

Muttalib) and that the latter held a feast on the seventh day of the child's

1 .

scholar of Austrian origin with deep Christianizing sympathies. Aloy Sprenger was

appointed Principal of the Calcutta Madrasah (1852-1854) by the English East India

Com-

pany's administration for the purpose of de-Islamizing that institution by eliminating from

courses of study

all

started writing his

title:

lin,

that constituted real Islamic subjects, including the

work on the Prophet

at that

Das Leben Und Die Lehre Des Mohamed

1862 and
2.

Dritter

'All ibn

time.

It

was subsequently published under the

(Ester Band, Berlin, 1861; Zweiter Band, Ber-

Band, Berlin, 1865).

Burhan al-Dtn al-Halabi (975-1044), Al-Sirat al-Halabiyyah Fl

'Amin al-Ma 'mun.

its

Qur'an and hadith. He

al-Sirat al-

ON THE PROPHETS FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

143

name

the

and publicly announced

birth

upon by Sprenger shows

report relied
finally

his

as

"Muhammad"(||f

clearly that the

decided upon only a few hours

Even

).'

name Muhammad was

The

at the latest after the child's birth.

report runs as follows: 2

"In the Imta'^

it is

reported that

when Qath'am

ibn 'Abd al-Muttalib died at the age

of nine, three years before the birth of the Prophet, peace and blessings of Allah be

on him, 'Abd al-Muttalib was greatly grieved. So, when the Prophet, peace and
blessings of Allah be on him,

was born, he named him 'Qutham',

'Aminah informed 'Abd al-Muttalib

name

thus clear that the report simply describes what transpired immedi-

ately after the birth of the child,

when

life

mother

'Muhammad'. Thereupon he ('Abd al-Muttalib) named him 'Muhammad'.

the child
It is

his

till

that she had been instructed in a dream to

the

and definitely before the seventh day of

his

'aqiqah ceremony was held and the public and formal

announcement of his name was made.

Almost simultaneously with Sprenger, Muir advanced

the Prophet's name.

He

did not of course refer to the

name

his

remarks about

'Qutham', but oth-

erwise attempted to create confusion about the name, particularly the

name

He suggested that this latter form was adopted by the Muslims and
became favourite with them for their confrontation with the Christians and
Jews because it fell in line with the "supposed" prophecy about their Prophet
'Ahmad'.

in the Bible.

Muir

writes: 4

name [Muhammad] was rare among the Arabs but not unknown.... Another
form is Ahmad, which having been erroneously employed as a translation of 'The
Paraclete' in some Arabic version of the New Testament, became a favourite term
"This

with Mahometans, especially in addressing Jews and Christians; for

said) the

title

In a note

"The word

under which the Prophet had been

added

to this statement

Ahmad must

Muir

in their

was

(they

further stated: 5

have occurred by mistake

in

some

early Arabic translation

1.

Al-Sirat al-Halabiyyah, Beirut reprint, 1400/ 1980, pp. 128-130.

2.

Ibid., p. 131.

3.

Al-Maqrfzt, Taqt al-Dtn

The Arabic

it

books predicted."

text runs as follows:

Ahmad

'Ali,

Imta' al-'Asma" bimd li'al-Rasul

min al-Anba'

wa 'l-Amwal wa al-Hafadah wa al-Muta

4.

1894,
5.

W.

Muir, The Life of Mahomet, Vol.

p. 5).

Ibid., first edition, p. 17, n.

I.,

London, 1858,

p.

16.

(Third edition, London,

SIRAT AL-NABI

144

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

some ignorant

of John's Gospel, for 'the Comforter',... or was forged as such by

designing

monk

in

Mahomet's time. Hence

the partiality for this

or

name, which was

held to be a promise or prophecy of Mahomet."

The

subject of Biblical prophecy about the Prophet needs a separate treat-

ment. Here only the main weaknesses of Muir's remarks

known

well

that the

Muslim

may be

noticed.

It is

historians, while dicussing the novelty of the

name 'Muhammad', themselves take care to note that a few other persons had
been named 'Muhammad' because their parents had by chance come to know
from some well-informed Christian monk that there was a prophecy in the
Bible about the advent of a Prophet who was expected to appear very shortly
and who would bear the name 'Muhammad'. Hence each of the parents
named their son 'Muhammad' with the fond hope that he might turn out to be
the expected Prophet. It is also noted that the persons so named were all
1

contemporaries with the Prophet and most of them were born close to the
time of his call to Prophethood. 2 Muir

is

aware of

thus given by the historians for the parents' thus

he dismisses this reason as "the usual

this fact

naming

Mahometan

and the reason

their

children; but

credulity and desire" to

"exhibit anticipation of the Prophet." 3

Muir thus in effect relies upon one aspect of the information supplied by
Muslim historians and rejects and ridicules the other aspect of the same
piece of information. Thus he avoids mentioning directly that the historians
state that the Prophet was given the names of both Muhammad and Ahmad
the

since his infancy, and refers to the form 'Ahmad' in a roundabout

that

"became a favourite term with Mahometans, especially

it

Jews and Christians", because the name was supposed

tioned

in the latter's

holy scriptures. But since the

to

way

in

saying

addressing

have been men-

name Ahmad

did really

Muir proceeds to
away by two futher unsubstantiated assumptions, namely, that it
(Ahmad) was an "erroneous" translation of "The Paraclete" mentioned in the

occur

New

the then current Arabic version of the Bible

in

explain

it

Testament and

monk

ing

in

Mahomet's

his assumption.

See

that

If,

"was forged as such by some ignorant or design-

it

time." Clearly

in the first

for instance SuhaylT,

Muir here betrays the weakness of

it was a question of mere mis-

instance,

(Dar al-Fikr edition),

p.

82 and Al-Sirat al-Halabiyyah,

I.,

p. 131.
2.

Ibid.

See also

Muhammad Rawwas

1399/ 1979, pp. 17-18.

3.

Muir, op.

cit., first

edition, p. 17, n.

Qal'aji, Al-Tafsir al-Siyasi

li

al-Sirah, etc., Beirut,

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

145

translation in the Arabic version of the Bible, an indication of the mistake

would have been decisive on

he

monk

"ignorant or designing
there

the point.

But Muir

is

evidently not sure.

Hence

back on the alternative of alleging forgery on the part of some

falls

in

Mahomet's

was any, should have undertaken

Why

time."

such a monk,

the questionable expedient of

mitting a forgery while translating the Bible during the Prophet's time

explained by Muir. Following his

corollary

Ahmad
the

would be

in the alleged translation to

name only

own

Muir's

name

own

if

assertion,

that the so-called designing

show

comis

not

however, the inescapable

monk would

name

insert the

the compatibility of the text with

the Prophet had already been bearing

In other words,

it.

assumption presupposes that the Prophet had been bearing that

at the time.

Muir's other assumption that the term

the

if

Muslims because

it

was

Ahmad became

a favourite with

found in the alleged mistaken translation of the

name in question was adopted later on

when they became aware of its existence in the Bible an implication which
is in no way supported by the known facts, nor by reason. Simplified, the
Biblical text tends to imply that the

twin assumption of Muir's with their implications would stand as follows:

The Prophet had been bearing the name Ahmad since his early life and as
such a desiging monk made a forged and mistaken translation of the word
'Paraclete' occurring in the

was found

sion 'Ahmad'

New

in the

Testament as 'Ahmad'; and since the expres-

New

Arabic version of the

Testament, that

term became favourite with the Muslims. Nothing could be more confusing
than such arguing in a circle.
In fact the tenor and purport of Muir's assumptions
tralize the Biblical prediction

is

about the Prophet, which

is

to nullify

and neu-

neither a question

of mistaken translation nor a subsequent development. In the Qur'an

claimed that the coming of the Prophet was foretold

revealed scriptures and that this fact was

Book".

To

this

known

who were

in the matter of opposition to him,

gave a

and

Ahmad

simply incorrect to

when

the

to the

Q.

7:

57.

"People of the

See also Q.

touch with the

time. Both the

latter

names

for the Prophet occur in the Qur'an. Therefore

state that either of these

Muslims began

in close

lie at that

to confront the

2: 146; 6:20.

it is

names was adopted subsequently

Jews and

Nor could
of these names

Christians.

reasonably suggested that the Prophet adopted either

1

is

it

the previously

claim neither the Prophet's contemporary Christians and

Jews, nor the unbelieving Makkans

Muhammad

in

it

be

at

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

146

later stage in his life

Prophethood or

to

when he had already claimed to have received the call

Madina period when he had been fairly established

in the

in his mission; for there

was no point

changing his personal name

with the Biblical text.

Such a

questionable step of

in taking the

make

stage just to

at that

step at that stage

the

new name conform

would have only exposed

weakness, instead of imparting any strength to

and would

his claim,

own

likelihood have created serious misgivings in the ranks of his

if

not causing the desertion of many.

point of attack on

him by

his adversaries

The twin assumptions of Muir

the text in the

New

ularization by the

that

Testament and

Muslims

in the

followers,

would also have been a very

It

his

in all

effective

and detractors.

'Ahmad'

a mistaken translation of

is

name

that the

is

adoption or pop-

later

course of their confrontation with the Jews

and Christians have been taken over,

in

some form or

by subsequent

other,

Christian apologists and orientalists. Hence, on the one hand, attempts have

been made

to

show

that the Biblical text

does not really contain any pro-

phecy about the Prophet of Islam; and, on the other,

1

that the

"His name

Qur'anic expression in 61:6

later interpolation,

or that the expression

is

Ahmad

it

has been suggested

Ahmad"
in that

(.w-i

**->i)

is

passage "must be

taken in an adjectival sense rather than regarded as an interpolation." 3

It

about

is

not necessary here to enter into the question of Biblical prophecy

Muhammad (0

),

but

it

must be noted

that in so far as the latter

two

assumptions are concerned they are merely elaborations of Muir's suggestion

that the

name Ahmad became

a favourite with the Muslims

at

a subsequent

stage.

The assumption that the Qur'anic statement at 61:6, "His name is

Ahmad", is a later interpolation is based mainly on two grounds. (1) That Ibn
Ishaq (Ibn Hisham), while saying that the Syriac expression Almunhamanna
means "Muhammad", does not

1.

pp.

refer to this Qur'anic passage,

See for instance Bevan Jones, "Paraclete or

Muhammad" M.W.,

12-125; James Robson, "Does the Bible speak of

Muhammad",

though he

April, 1920, Vol. 10,

ibid,

January, 1935, Vol.

25, pp. 17-26.

2.

A. Gutherie

&

E.F.I.

Bishop, "The Paraclete and Ahmad",

ibid.,

October, 1951, Vol.

41, pp. 251-256, specially p. 253.

3.

W.M.

Watt, "His

name

is

Ahmad",

ibid., April,

1953, Vol. 43, pp.

10-117. Watt has

recently republished this article in a collection of his essays under caption Early Islam, Edin-

burgh University Press, 1991.

In the preface

Watt says

that in these articles he has elaborated

the arguments that are not to be found in his other books.

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

freely quotes the

The

in

appropriate contexts throughout his work. (2)

details in Ibn Ishaq's passage differ

For instance,
the

Qur'an

in "the

Now,

are the 'people of the

the Qur'anic passage.

to 'children of Israel': in

Injil'."

simply an absurd proposition that the Muslims,

is

it

in

form the obviously slender nature of the arguments thus

apart

adduced,

from those

Qur'an the words are addressed

work of Ibn Hisham they

147

in the

second

or third century of Islam, would interpolate the statement in the Qur'an by

Hisham (d.213/218).
they would not certainly

taking their cue form Ibn Ishaq (d.150/153) or Ibn

Moreover,
use a

making such an alleged

in

name by which

the Prophet

that also instead of the

Ishaq

interpolation

was not known

word given

as the

to his contemporaries,

and

meaning of Almunhamanna by Ibn

Ibn Hisham.

Realizing these obvious defects in the Gutherie-Bishop suggestion Watt

came up with

quickly

Ahmad

is

used

in

61

his alternative suggestion.

:6 in

He

says that the word

an adjectival sense, rather than as name, and adds

which Gutherie and Bishop "were contending

that the object

for could

be

secured by a simpler supposition, namely, that for the first century of Islam

word ahmadu was regarded not as a proper name but as an adjective." 2

Surveying the names of persons obtainable from such works as Ibn Sa'd's
the

Tabaqat, Ibn al-'Athtr's 'Usd al-Ghdbah and Ibn Hajar's Tahdhib al-Tahdhib

Watt

"Muslim children were

states:

about the year 125."

sible to

He

practically never called

puts his case "even

more

strongly" thus:

prove that any Muslim child was called

Ahmad

before about the year 725." 3 Watt notes that the

Muhammad,

occurred in the jahiliyah", but

this,

Ahmad
"it is

before

impos-

after the Prophet

name "Ahmad,

like

he says, could not have any

reference to the Prophet. 4 Similarly he notes that a

poem attributed to Hassan

Ahmad who fell at the battle of Mu'tah; and "an
obscure poetess" speaks of a man who counted as false the religion of God
and of "the man Ahmad". 5 But he treats Hassan's poem as not authentic and
ibn Thabit speaks of an

explains

most

1.

away

the "obscure" poetess's statement as only "calling the Prophet

praised'",

and not necessarily by name. Thus guarding himself against

Gutherie and Bishop, op.

2.

Watt, in M.W., op.

3.

Ibid.,

4.

Ibid., 111.

5.

Ibid., 117.

10.

The

cit..

cit.,

pp. 252-254. See also Ibn

13.

italicization is Watt's.

Hisham,

I.,

253.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

148

what he

calls "possible early instances of the use

of 'Ahmad'" Watt stipulates

who intends to refute his theory "would not merely have

to produce some Ahmads in the first and early second century, but would
have to show, or at least make it seem probable, that in each case the name
opponent"

that "an

was given with reference

the pre-Islamic usage."

The

stipulation

to the Prophet

and was not

clearly exceptional;

is

a continuation of

just

which perhaps betrays an aware-

ness of a three-fold basic weakness of the theory as a whole

recognize, in the

instance, that the

first

tain specified classes of

Muslims who

It

seems

works consulted deal only with

to

cer-

people and are not a register of the names of

all

lived in the first and the first quarter of the second century of

Islam. Obviously

it

is

hazardous to conclude from a perusal of these works

only that Muslim children were never called

Ahmad

before about the year

125. Secondly, the stipulation appears to recognize the unreasonableness of

name Ahmad was current in pre-Islamic time,

of Islam the word ahmadu was regarded not as a

the assumption that while the

"for the first century or so

proper

name

Ahmad was
taken only

but as a simple adjective."

a

in

name

It

not understandable why,

is

in pre-Islamic time, the expression

an adjectival sense

in

the

first

if

should have been

century of Islam or that

it

was

only a continuation of the pre-Islamic usage. The proposition seems to have

been rested on the further assumption

Qur'anic passage 61
first.

On

that the use of the

:6 is in the adjectival sense.

word

in the

But Watt does not prove

the contrary, he seems to argue from the opposite direction.

supposes that the word was regarded as a simple adjective

in the first

He

this
first

centruy

of Islam, and then makes this supposition the basis of his further assumption
that the Qur'anic use of the

out that even

if it is

tival sense, that

term

is

therefore adjectival.

It

may be

proved that the Qur'anic use of the term

does not necessarily mean

that its

should invariably be in that sense alone, or that

regarded as a continuation of the pre-Islamic usage.

use
it

in

is in

the

pointed

an adjec-

first

century

should otherwise be

Names

like

'Abd Allah,

Khalid, Al-'As, etc. were equally prevalent in pre-Islamic times, and these

were subsequently given

to

Muslim

children not as a continuation of the

pre-Islamic usage but because their meanings were in conformity with Isla-

mic

beliefs. Also,

most Muslim names, such as

the like are "adjectives" as words; but that

tifies their

1.

Sa'id, Khalid, Al-'As,

fact, far

and

from deterring, rather jus-

use as personal names. This brings us to the third inherent weak-

Ibid., III.

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

ness in Watt's stipulation.

Muhammad

it is

Prophet's names.

Whenever a Muslim

implicitly recognized that this

Seldom

is it

child

named Ahmad
in

this natural

by making the unusual

it

or

deference to the

expressly stated or recorded that this

son for selecting the name. Watt seems to recognize

and attempts to circumvent

is

done

is

149

is

the rea-

presumption

mentioned

stipulation

above.

Apart from the above, however, Watt

ises,

namely,

(a) that

is

wrong

no Muslim child was called

in all three

Ahmad

of his prem-

after the

Prophet

before about the year 125; (b) that the word during this whole period was

used only as an adjective and

in

(c) that in the

Qur'anic passage 61:6

it is

used

an adjectival sense.

As

to the incorrectness of the first challenging assumption, every serious

student of the Arabic language

Ahmad

ibn 'Amr, the

is

conversant with the

name of Al-Khalfl

ibn

famous grammarian and founder of the science of

Arabic prosody {'Urn al-'arud).

He was born

in

100 H. and died

in

170 or

175. In describing his biography Ibn Khallikan specifically states that Al-

Ahmad, is said to be the first person who was so named after

the Prophet. The claim of his being the first bearer of the name after the
Prophet does not appear to be quite correct; but there is no doubt that he was
so named after the Prophet. And since his son Al-Khalil was born in 100 H.,
he (Ahmad) must have been born in the seventies of the first century of
Khalfl's father,
1

Islam

at the latest.

One

of the

first

Muslim

children to be

named Ahmad,

if

not the very

first,

was Ahmad

ibn Ja'far ibn 'Abi Talib (al-Hashimi). Both Ja'far and his wife

'Asma'

'Umays were among

bint

the earliest

Muslims and both migrated

to

Abyssinia where 'Asma' gave birth to four sons named respectively 'Abd
Allah, 'Awn,
acteristic

Muhammad

and Ahmad. 2 In view of the zeal and

of the early converts to Islam

it

Muhammad

tion of the pre-Islamic usage.

Nor could

was

char-

cannot be assumed that the naming

of their children as 'Abd Allah,

Ahmad

spirit

and
it

Ahmad was just

a continua-

be suggested that the use of

as a simple adjective.

On

the contrary, there

is

every reason to believe that they selected the names becuase these were

in

in this instance

accord with their newly imbibed Islamic concepts. Particularly the naming of

1.

Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt al-'A'yan (ed. Dr. Hasan 'Abbas), Vol.

248.

2.

Al-'lsabah, nos. 408 and 51 (Kitab al-Nisa').

1.,

Beriut (1969?), p.

150

SIRATAL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

the

two youngest sons respectively as Muhammad and Ahmad suggests

was done after the names of the Prophet.

this

Another very early instance

is

the

that

naming of 'Abd ibn Jahsh's son

as

Ahmad. 'Abd and his wife Fari'ah bint 'Abt Sufyan were among the earliest
Muslims. The authorities differ as to whether they migrated to Abyssinia;
but there is no doubt that 'Abd was among the first couple of Muslims to
migrate to Madina. That they named the child after the Prophet is evident
from the

fact that while singing the praise of the

pride in being
similarly better
that

surname.

known
known

'Umm Ahmad

as

(Mother of Ahmad). 'Abd was

'Abu Ahmad, and

as

Prophet Fari'ah took special

is

entered in the Isabah under

point of time

little later in

but definitely born in the

first

century of

we get another Ahmad, who was better known by his kunya of 'Abu
Sakhr. He used to take traditions from Yazid al-Raqashi. 2 This latter person
died in 110 or 120 H. 3 More such names could be found if the sources are
carefully looked into. It should be clear from the instances cited how very
unteneble is the claim that hardly any Muslim child was named Ahmad'
Islam,

after the Prophet before about the year 125 H.

Watt

rejects the reference to the Prophet as

poem 4 on

the ground that these

poems

Ahmad

in

Hassan ibn Thabit's

The poetical materiBut Watt himself elsewhere

are not authentic.

als in the sirah literature are of course suspect. 5

accepts the information contained in such materials as genuine on the ground

that apart

from the question of

6
affairs.

On

the genuineness of such

poems, they

reflect

poem
name which he
actually bore. For, it is just not reasonable to assume that poems were forged
in order to give currency to a new and hitherto unknown name for the
Prophet. This is all the more unlikely in the case of the poem under reference

the actual state of

the

same ground

it

may

be said that the

of Hassan under reference speaks of the Prophet by the very

because, as Watt says, in

Surely

it

the Prophet "is given an undignified

such a composition he would not be given a

in

Ibid., no. 10

Ibn Sa'd, 1,436.

3.

Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, XI, 311.

4.

See Ibn Hisham,

5.

See

XXI

signifying

(Bab al-Kuna).

1.

2.

W.

new name

position". 7

II,

384-385 for the poem.

'Arafat, "Early Critics of the authenticity of the poetry of the Sira", B.S.O.AS.,

(1958).

6.

V/muM.atM.,

7.

A/.

W., Vol.43,

121.
p.

117.

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

that he

the

is

most praised one!

With reference

to the other piece of information,

"obscure poetess", as she

sons" for considering
follows:

called,

is

Watt does not

we should have

if

to

onwards...

means

any "obvious

find

Ahmad,

rea-

away

own

Muhammad

whereas

Prophet 'most praised'." 2 Thus Watt admits that

rence in poetry to the Prophet as

it

of metre, from his

There would be nothing improper

'praised'.

the couplet of an

as

admit an occasional reference

Ahmad in poetry, for the sake

Ahmad means 'more or most praised'

Prophet as

to the

i.e.,

unauthentic. But he attempts to explain

it

looks then, as

"It

151

it

time

merely

a poet calling the

in

a contemporary refe-

is

but he says that "for the sake of

metre" the expression has been inserted here as an adjective for "the person"
(al-mar'). This explanation
that

if

was intended

it

as an adjective

by prefixing al

"definite"

said to qualify,

is in

untenable for the simple grammatical reason

is

(Ji) to

it

ought to have been rendered

which the word

as the noun, al-mar',

it,

the definite form; for the rule of compatibility in respect

of definiteness and indefiniteness of both the mausuf and sifah

pensable

The expression 'Ahmad'

Arabic.

in

must therefore be taken

Watt

Ahmad" and adds

Ahamd was

was so used as
trouble to

show

adjectives!

is

to think.

places in
(1)

1.

Salm

under reference

is it

The

'Amr
She

is

term

his

own

for him.

own time onwards."

time onwards", and

correct that

Prophet's

is

it

name
name

only

at

this

Watt has not taken the

Ahmad from

the Prophet's time

for the sake of meeting the requirements of metre

two places

in

and as

Ibn Hisham' s work

of the Prophet in poetry, as Watt would

is

mentioned as such

in at least

nine other

as follows:

Talib's

poem on

render the Prophet to them.

(2)

was so "from

name, not as an adjective

given as the

poems

'Abu

that this

that all such uses of the

Nor

Ahmad

seem

in the couplet

indis-

for the Prophet.

used for the Prophet "from his

his

onwards were made

that

name

as a

is

also characterizes the instance as "an occasional reference to the

Prophet as
Yes;

is

ibn al-Jamuh's

'Umamah

Watt, M.W., op.

3.

Ibn Hisham,

4.

Ibid., 453.

I,

Quraysh

poem on

leaders' pressure

his

cit.,

353.

117.

on him

to sur-

embracing of Islam. 4

al-Muzayriyyah. The couplet

ibn 'Umayr. See Ibn Hisham,

2.

the

II,

636.

is

in

connection with the sariyah of

s!ratal-nabi and the orientalists

152

A poem

(3)

which Ibn Ishaq

attributed to 'Alt ibn 'Abi Talib but

which

Ibn Hisham says was composed by someone else, regarding the Bami
Nadir.

(4&5) Twice, once

in

each of the two poems by 'Abd Allah ibn

Zib'ara, respectively on the battle of

(6,7,8) Thrice,

once

on the

battle

Ahmad

and

of Khaybar. 3 In the

Muhammad,

'Uhud and on

in the

Hamzah, on

last instance

al-

embracing of Islam. 2

his

each of the three poems of Ka'b ibn Malik

in

Ansari, respectively on the death of

(9)

al-

the battle of

al-

Khandaq and

he mentions both the names,

poem.

Hassan ibn Thabit al-Ansari's poem on

and Ibn

the death of Harithah

Rawwahah. 4
Again,

it

name

Prophet's

poems

not in

is

is

only, but in Ibn Ishaq's text as well, that the

mentioned as

Ahmad

two

in at least

places, namely, in a

report of Hassan ibn Thabit which Ibn Ishaq quotes 5 and in his

ments on the Qur'anic passage

2:40. 6

made by

The way

Ahmad

the Children of Israel.

in his

comments on

this

own com-

This passage relates to the 'covenant'

in

which Ibn Ishaq uses the name

passage leaves no room for doubt that he

adopts the name from the Qur'anic passage 61:6 which speaks of the Israelites'

knowledge about the coming of

the Prophet

"whose name

name Ahmad by Ibn Ishaq

Incidentally, this use of the

is

Ahmad."

in his text nullifies the

assumption of Gutherie and Bishop, which Watt endorses and adopts, 7 that
the

name Ahmad was

not used by either Ibn Ishaq or Ibn Hisham.

Ahmad

Thus, by wrongly assuming that none was called

till

about the year 125 H. and that

till

after the

that time the expression

Prophet

was normally

taken as an adjective only Watt proceeds to interpret the Qur'anic passage

61:6.

He

translates

messenger who

Watt says
1.

its

will

relevant part as:" announcing the

come

after

me whose name

that the standard interpretation of the

is

142,419.

Ibid..

3.

Ibid., 158,

4.

lbid.,3%1.

256 and 349.

159.

5.

Ibid.,

I.,

6.

Ibid.,

534.

7.

M.W., 1953, Vol. 43,

p. 113.

8.

Ibid.

The Arabic

text is:

-w-i

tidings of a
praise." 8

words ismuhu ahmadu was

Ibid., II, 197.

2.

good

more worthy of

wi ^jju ja jl dyy. ty~j

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY

commonly accepted by Muslims

not

century.

153

until after the first half of the

secomd

In support of this statement he adduces

Ibn Ishaq does not mention

it

NAME AND CHILDHOOD

STATUS,

cannot be assumed

Musa

temporary

Ahmad

that the historian

ibn

that

name and observes

that

was unaware of the name,

Ya'qub al-Zami'

Ahmad

recorded by Ibn Sa'd giving

two reasons. He says

as the Prophet's

(d.

for his con-

153- 158) transmits a tradition

as the Prophet's name.

"It is

therefore

conceivable", argues Watt, "that Ibn Ishaq omitted a reference to the

Ahmad

interpretation of the Qur'anic verse." 2 Watt's second

Tabari (224-310 H.)

in his

orthodox interpretation,
for

rity

name

not because he was ignorant, but because he disapproved of this

argument

is

that Al-

61:6, "though himself giving the

unable to quote any earlier commentator as autho-

is

although "he

it",

commentary on

is in

the habit of quoting strings of authorities for

every slight matter." This means, says Watt, "that he knew of no reputable
exegete

who

held what was in his time the standard and obvious view." 3

Now, Watt
assuming
pointed

is

seriously mistaken in following Gutherie and Bishop and

as

Ahmad. As

name Ahmad and

that also in

Ibn Ishaq omits to refer to the Prophet's

that

out above, 4 Ibn

Ishaq does use the

interpreting a Qur'anic passage (2:40)

name

which reminds the Jews of

their

thus no

room

pledge and their knowledge about the coming Prophet. There

for doubt that Ibn Ishaq used the

name and

related

it

to the

is

prophecy about

the Prophet.

As

regards the argument about Al-TabarT, Watt's approach

two mutually exclusive premises. He says

clearly on

that

is

based

Al-Taban gives

the orthodox interpretation because that "was in his time the standard and

obvious view";

because he does not cite any authority, there "was no

yet,

reputable exegete

who had

held" that view. Needless to point out that no par-

ticular interpretation could

"obvious" one

if the

had not held

or

it

if

have been standardized and accepted as the

"reputable" exegetes of the time or of the previous age

they had held a different or contrary view.

noted that Al-Taban does not

cite authorities in

It

may

also be

each and every instance; he

generally does so where there are more than one opinion on the point or

where the

text is difficult

1.

ibid.

2.

Ibid.,

3.

Ibid.. 113.

4.

Supra,

113-114.

p.

152.

and admits of several interpretations. That he does

SIRAT AL-NABI

154

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

means only

not cite any authority in the present instance

that there

was no

difference of opinion about the meaning of the passage in question, neither

in his

own

that

does not admit of any other interpretation.

it

time nor previously, and that the text

Al-Tabari's omission to cite any authority

was previously a

is

so clear and unambiguous

in itself

is

no proof

that there

different opinion on the point. In fairness to that scholar as

own

well as in justice to his

claim Watt should have cited an earlier authority

in support of his interpretation.

He does

not do so and attempts to prove his

case only by a negative approach. But here also he

mistaken. 'Abd Allah

is

ibn 'Abbas (d.68H.), "the father of Kur'anic exegesis", 1 in fact interpreted

Ahmad as

the expression ismuhu

name

"his

", 2

Ahmad

is

about two centuries

before Al-TabarT.
In fact the expression

ismuhu

"His

name

is" is

vocal that there can be no other meaning for the clause.

for the first time has

advanced the strange suggestion

more worthy of

praise". This translation

and Arabic languages.

It is

It is

that the

here an adjecive and that the clause should be translated:

is

so clear and unequi-

only Watt

who

word Ahmad

"Whose

/His/

is

name

an affront to both the English

is

a person (or his act or conduct) that

is

generally

spoken of as "praiseworthy" or "more worthy of praise", not his name.

He

is

one would say: "His name

is

Hence normally
praise".

means

No

his

name

would be

it

as such

is

said:

praisworthy or more worthy of

praiseworthy". If

Praiseworthy", that

is

"He

is

it

is

so said,

it

Mr. Praiseworthy or

Mr. More Praiseworthy." The statement would thus be taken as giving the
person's name, though that

name

is

an adjective as a word.

Apart from the question of English usage, however, Watt's translation

grossly violates the recognized rules of Arabic grammar. In Arabic adjec-

of comparative or

tives

only

the

degrees

superlative

take

one of three forms

form of iddfah, for instance huwa afdalu-hum (He

is

the best of

them); the form of simple comparaison by the use of min, for instance
afdalu minhu (He

better than he) and the

is

fixing al to the adjective, for instance

2.

huwa

al-afdalu (He

is

the best).

Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edn., Leiden, 1986, p. 40.

Tanwir al-Miqbas min Tafsir ibn 'Abbas. Al-Maktabat al-Sha'biyah.

Among

other prints, this

by the Bulaq
It

print at

work was

302,

Bombay

in

280 H.

(reprinted

n.d.,

p.

The

469.

320), followed

Cairo in 1290 H. (reprinted 1863, 1867 A.C.) and at Istanbul in 1317 H.

has also been reprinted

Azhariyyah,

printed at

huwa

form of defieniteness by pre-

3 1 6,

at
1

the margin of Al-Suyuti's Al-Durr al-Manthur, Al-Mataba'ah al-

322 and

344 H.

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY

principle underlying
is

made must be

where al

is

all

STATUS,

these forms

NAME AND CHILDHOOD

from the context.

either expressed or understood

used,

is

it

which comparison

the object with

is that

155

In the case

generally one of superlative degree and here the object

made may be expressed

with which comparison

is

where exception

above mentioned rules are made, the object with

to the

which comparison

made

is

is

known

either universally

the context to need any mention of

it.

Such

or implied. In

or

is

all

cases

too evident from

not the case in the passage

is

under discussion. Watt's translation thus overlooks and violates the accepted
rules of the language

as he puts

More

it

in the

and

simply grammatically inadmissible, the more so

is

comparative degree

in relation to

his"name

what or whose name?

No

is

more worthy of praise".

other previous messenger of

name "Praiseworthy". In fact Watt

name, Ahmad, with the meaning of the

Allah nor any historical figure bore the

simply confuses the meaning of the

passage.

name,

If

Ahmad

in the clause

would have been

it

was meant

either prefixed with the definite article al or

have been followed by min and an object

in

be an adjective, and not a

to

to

it;

or

it

form of an iddfah adding some expression

the

would

would have been framed

the adjective

to

as

mudaf ilayhi

On

the basis of his untenable assumptions

proceeds

to reconstruct

says that

in

what he

and wrong translation Watt

calls "the course

of events" as follows.

He

order to meet "Christian criticisms of Islam some Muslims were

Muhammad

looking for predictions of

in

the Christian

scriptures"

and

noticed the passage Jn.XIV-XVI. Watt further says that possibly reflection

on the Qu'anic passage 61:6

slight

"first set

knowledge of Greek, on

a convert from Christianity, with a

the track of the argument about similarity of

meaning" which was based "on the confusion of parakletos with periklutos."
Therefore though

ahmadu

in the

it was now
name and because a

Qur'anic passage was hitherto "normally

taken as an adjective",

taken as a

pre-Islamic

link

Christian scriptural passage,

for the

making the argument

Muslims who were "more

We

was a familiar

own

scriptures."

And

need not here enter into the controversy over parakletos and periIt

would

statements.

1.

it

particularly convincing

familiar with their

once adopted, the name soon became popular.

klutos.

name because

would thus be established with the

suffice to point out the flaws in Watt's

The Qur'an makes repeated claims

M.W., Vol. 43, pp. 114-115.

that the

above mentionted

coming of a Prophet

SiRA T AL-NABi AND

156

had been foretold

that

in the

much awaited

tian criticisms

previous scriptures and that

of Islam to appear on the scene

was

in the

second century of Islam

to look for those predictions in the Christian

and the need for exegesis of the Qur'an

scripture. Natural inquisitiveness

would have

Muhammad

Prophet. Muslims did not therefore have to wait for Chris-

make them eager

in order to

THE ORIENTALISTS

Nor

started the process of finding confirmation in that scripture.

did Christian criticisms of

tury of Islam.

And

Islam delay their

since, as

Watt himself

appearance

states,

till

the second cen-

"Muhammad

a translation of periklutos as Ahmad", and since the

latter

is

just as

good

word, even

if

taken as an adjective, equally well answers the description of the Prophet,

was no need for the Muslims to take their cue from the pre-Islamic use
of the word as a name and to come forward with the novel declaration that
there

Ahmad

was

also

the Prophet's

name. Such an innovation would have caused

a serious controversy in the ranks of the Muslims themselves, praticularly

as

Watt would have us

"normally taken as an adjective". Watt's laboured assumption and

pretation

simply a reiteration,

is

in

the

Muslims

inter-

another form, of the long-exploded view

of Muir mentioned above, namely, that the

became popular with

if,

believe, the expression in 61:6 had hitherto been

name Ahmad

in their confrontation

for the Prophet

with the Christians

and Jews.
III.

THE INSINUATION OF EPILEPSY AND OTHER REMARKS

With reference

made

to the incident of

shaqq al-sadr some

have

orientalists

the wildest insinuation that the Prophet was, since his boyhood, a

life-

long patient of epilepsy or "falling disease". The insinuation originated with

the Greeks and

was then taken up by subsequent

Syed Ahmed Khan

(<Li*-ti)

occurring in the report as bi-alhaqqiyyah

translated

it

writers.

Some

of them, as

points out, even misread the expression fa-'alhiqihi

as "the Hypochondriacal disease".

(a-S^-u)

and then strangely

William Muir, when he com-

posed his work, was obviously influenced by the misconception of his predecessors.

Hence

referring to the incident he says that

of epilepsy" and writes:

"If

we

Syed Ahmed Khan, Essays on

1.

2.

W.

23-24).

was "probably

are right in regarding the attacks which alarmed

nervous or epileptic nature, they exhibit

Delhi, 1981,

it

p.

fit

in

the Life of

Halima

the constitution of

Muhammad, (London,

as

fits

of a

Mahomet

the

1870), reprinted

388.

Muir, The Life of Mahomet, Vol.

I.,

first edition, pp.

21-24. (The quotation

is

on

pp.

ON THE PROPHET S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

normal marks of those excited

and

states

ecstatic

157

swoons wich perhaps sug-

gested to his mind the idea of inspiration, as by his followers they were

undoubtedly taken to be evidence of

To

support this theory of epilepsy Muir cites

work of

Hisham

Ibn

expression

its

is

the report

in

in

a foot-note to his text the

(Ibn Ishaq); but disregarding the fact that in

tenfeld's edition of that work

which

it."

as also

'usiba

is

in

other editions the material

all

(v^X Muir reproduces

it

apparently a strange and meaningless expression.

meaning

as "had a

2 If
fit".

printed copy of the work,

not do so.

On

it

the contrary,

he had

in fact

Wus-

as 'umiba (v-i),

He

then gives out

followed a faulty manuscript or

would have been proper

to refer to that.

when Syed Ahmed Khan pointed out

in

Muir

did

870

this

gross mistake on Muir's part, 3 the latter simply omitted the foot-note in ques-

from the subsequent edition of

tion

his assertion, for

his

book without

altering or

modifying

which the foot-note had originally been given as evidence.

Thus, even though the mistake and misuse of the source were pointed

was

the allegation
It

may be

out,

persitently advanced. 4

noted that in none of the reports concerning the incident of

shaqq al-sadr

is it

scious or in a

fit

mentioned

that the

boy

Muhammad

was seen uncon-

of epilepsy. Again, none of the reports relates the incident

with the physical stresses and strains that sometimes attended the coming of

much

revelation to the Prophet

decessors, has done so and has

made

Yet Muir, following

his pre-

the unwarrantable observation that the

of a nervous or epileptic nature" were "the normal marks" in the con-

"fits

stitution of

Muhammad

which perhaps suggested

ers they

two

later in his life.

(_%) of "those excited states and ecstatic swoons

to his mind the idea of inspiration, as by his follow-

were undoubtedly taken

entirely different affairs

indicative of

two

is

to

be evidence of

not at

distinct attitudes.

It

all

it."

Such a mixing up of

supported by the texts and

betrays,

is

rather

on the one hand, an awareness

of the inadequacy of the various reports about shaqq al-sadr as basis for the

assumption of epilepsy. Hence a

sort of supporting

evidence

is

sought by

giving a twist to the circumstances that occasionally attended the coming of

revelation to the Prophet.

1.

Gottingen, 1858.

2.

Muir,

3.

Syed Ahmad Khan,

4.

See for instance Muir,

On

the other hand

it

betrays a confusion, or rather

op.cit., first edition, p. 21, n.

op.cit., p.

386.

op.cit., third edition,

London,

894, pp. 5-7.

S1RAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

158

an intention

to create confusion,

the nature of

about the nature of revelation and thereby

Muhammad's (0) Prophethood. This

appears to be the more fundamental

Hence many

in the

latter attitude in fact

whole approach

lepsy, has taken over the implication of Muir's

above noted remarks and has

attempted to explain the phenomenon of revelation (yj)

Muhammad's (0)

called

"consciousness", that

cerely" believed to be "inspiration" but which

God. This point

1

work. 2 Here

to the subject.

a subsequent orientalist, though not accepting the theory of epi-

it

will be taken

up

must be pointed

is,

in

terms of what

what he thought or

is

"sin-

was nonetheless not from

for further discussion at a later stage of this

out,

however,

that

Muslims do not take

the

so-called "excited states and ecstatic swoons" as evidence of inspiration, as

Muir

asserts.

The theory of epilepsy or of any such ailment cannot be

on

on

historical nor

rational and medical grounds.

It is

sustained, neither

evident from

available accounts that the Prophet possessed and retained

uncommon

the

his death an

Nor did he ever

and degeneration of body and mind which, by the

physical and mental health and resourcefulness.

exhibit any sign of debility

common

till

all

and present medical science, are the unavoidable

verdict of past

Not that this fact is quite unknown to the proMuir himself notes: "It is probable that, in other
of Mahomet was rendered more robust". 3 Yet Muir

effects of epilepsy or hysteria.

tagonists of the insinuation.

respects, the constitution

and

his followers

would

persist in

advancing the insinuation.

Thus Margoliouth, while recognizing

that

some of

the signs of epilepsy

including degeneration of the brain power were wanting in the case of the
Prophet, nonetheless echoes
also in relating the alleged

Muir not only

fits

in reiterating the allegation but

of epilepsy with the process of the coming of

revelation. Margoliouth even adds that the Prophet had developed the skill of
"artificially"

writes:

inducing the symptoms in order to "produce" revelations!

the notion current

"...

among

Christian writers 4 that he

He

was subject

to

epilepsy finds curious confirmation in the notices recorded of his experiences during the process of revelation

lessened

by the

induced." 5

The

possibility

insinuation thus

1.

Infra,

Chap. XX,

2.

Infra,

Chap.

3.

Muir,

op.cit, Vol.

XX,

sec.

4.

Here Margoliouth

5.

Margoliouth,

the importance of

which

is

not

the

I.

secs.II
I.,

symptoms were often artifically

developed by Muir and Margoliouth has

that

& III.

1st edition, p. 24; third edition, p. 7.

cites

Noldeke, Gesch.

Mohammed and the

rise

d.

Korans, 18.

of Islam,

third edition,

London, 1905, pp. 45-46.

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

been reiterated by many a subsequent
ticulary of Richard Bell
all

who, while giving

the leading orientalists

process of revelation.

modern times and

writer.

who have made

As Muir

is

159

Mention may be made par-

his support to the allegation, lists

it

and also relates

mainly to the

it

main propagator of the calumny

the

in

as the others have merely followed his suit without adding

any valid reason for the assumption, no separate analysis of

their

views

is

called for.

Of

the other incident of the Prophet's childhood special attention

by the

meeting

orientalists to his

along with his uncle because

his life with a Christian

shows

it

monk and

in

thus

it

is

paid

Bahira while journeying to Syria

with
a

way

the Prophet's contact early in

tends to support their theory that he

had acquired a previous knowledge of Christianity

in

various

ways and

that

he made use of that knowledge when he gave himself out as a Prophet. They

would even
tuition

inflate this reported

and learning

none of

meeting with Bahira into several sessions of

in the doctrines

and scriptures of Christianity, though

in

forms the report gives the impression of anything more than a

its

very brief meeting and an incidental discussion mainly on the topic of the
scriptural

prophecy about the coming of the Messenger.

The quesuion of

the Prophet's having allegedly

from the Christian and Jewish sources

work. 2 Here

this

it

may

his information

will be dealt with at a later stage in

only be pointed out that the orientalists's use of this

incident of the meeting with Bahira

first

borrowed

is

defective in

two main

respects. In the

place, they accept only a part of the report relating to the incident and

reject the other part because that part goes against their point of view.

main theme of the

report, indeed the

entertained the Quraysh party, his having talked

(0)

to the

boy

and his having asked 'Abu Talib to take the boy back

(Bahira's)

knowledge of

the

The

whole rationale of Bahira's having

scriptural forecasts about

Muhammad

home was

the

his

coming of a

Prophet and his recognition of the "signs" of that Prophet in the boy.

An

acceptance of the report as a whole would imply an acknowledgement not

only of the existence of such forecasts
the fact that

knowledge of such

priestly circle in the then

1.

2.

in the

forecasts

Christian scripture but also of

was prevalent among

Arab world. Yet, the

orientalists

would not concede

R. Bell. Introduction to the Qur'an, Edinburgh University Press, 1953,

Infra, chapter XI.

the Christian

p.

30

ff.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

160

even such an awareness and knowledge on the

Muir would even attempt

trarily

to explain

away

part of Bahtra

this fact, as

and

his like.

noted earlier, by arbi-

assuming mistake or forgery on the part of some designing monk!

They would

thus ignore or skip over the main part and essence of the story

and would instead concentrate on an incidental aspect, namely, Bahira's conversation with the Prophet as a boy, and

would build upon

it

the theory of

the latter's contact with and acquirement of Christian knowledge.

Secondly, as in the case of the report concerning shaqq al-sadr, so in this

make use of

case also, the orientalists, particularly Muir,

they entertain serious doubts about
sive footnote to his text in the

Bahira as fabulous and

izing that

genuineness. Thus Muir, in an exten-

first edition,

castigates the report regarding

of "so many absurdities"

full

what he wrote

its

the report although

1
.

But then, perhaps

the text, omits the footnote from the subsequent edition of his

of course, altering the

real-

in the footnote militated against his assumptions in

work without,

text.

Muir even conjures up

this

journey as a full-fledged study tour or explo-

ratory expedition on the Prophet's part. Thus, projecting the impression an

educated adult traveller would get, Muir imagines the Prophet's having
noticed

all

world and

the historical and archaeological sites in that part of the

states:

"The expedition... afforded

which were not

Arab

lost

to the

young Mahomet opportunities of observation,

upon him. He passed near

to Petra, Jerash,

ruinous sites of former mercantile grandeur; and the

impressed upon his reflective mind the

instability

sight,

have been the Christianity of

that

day

However

in Syria,

it

fallen

and other

no doubt deeply

of earthly greatness...

ney too he passed through several Jewish setlements, and came

national profession of Christianity in Syria...

Ammon,

in

On

this jour-

contact with the

and materialized may

must have struck the thoughtful

observer in favourable and wonderful contrast with the gross and unspiritual idolatry

of Mecca."

The above

is

undoubtedly an enjoyable

literary piece, but hardly a

and credible account of what actually transpired.

inclined to think that as

it

We

would

sober

rather be

was a journey made by a tarde caravan over a con-

siderably long and not too hospitable land route, the party must have care-

1.

Muir,

2.

Ibid., pp.

op.cit., 1st edn.,

35-36.

33-34 (3rd edition, pp. 10-1

1).

fully

ON THE PROPHET'S FAMILY STATUS, NAME AND CHILDHOOD

161

avoided making excursions to such commercially unprofitable

sites as

deserted habitations, ruined townships or sombre church assemblages.

CHAPTER VII

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

I:

GLIMPSES OF HIS ACTIVITIES

Muhammad (0 ) grew up

under the care and affection of his uncle 'Abu

member

Talib and continued to live as a

of his household

the age of

till

twenty-five. Like the other children of the family, especially his cousins, he
naturally took part in

Makkan

tions of the

The most important occupa-

activities.

society at that time were trade and tending of sheep,

goats and camels. That

in the valleys of

and

affairs

its

Muhammad (0 )

Makka

is

known from

in his early life

his

own

used to tend sheep

statements; for, even

when

undisputed leader of his people he was not ashamed of speaking about his

modest position

in early life.

Thus a

by 'Abu Hurayrah

tradition reported

who had

says that once the Prophet remarked that there was no Prophet

not

tended sheep, and when asked whether he himself had done so he replied

he had.

that

Companions of

Several other traditions, narrated by different

same

the Prophet state to the

Ajyad as one of the places

in

some of them

effect,

to tend sheep. 2

Makka where he used

stated that while shepherding he

sometimes used

to

mentioning

specifically

pluck the

It is

also

of 'ardk,

fruits

a kind of wild plant. 3

Whether he tended sheep

money

for others in order to earn

The question revolves mainly round

is

not clear.

the interpretation of the tradition

which

Makka at (or for) qardrtt." 4

name of a place; but since no

says that he used to tend sheep "for the people of

Some have

taken the expression qardrtt as the

place in or near

Makka

is

known by

plural of qirdt a denomination of

however, by
tion in

this interpretation; for

Arabia

name, others have taken

difficulty

in his

adolescence undoubtedly

1.

Bukhari, no. 2262; Ibn Majah, no. 2149; Muwatta',

Ibn Sa'd,

3.

Bukhari, no. 3453; Muslim, no. 2050; Musnad,

4.

Bukhari, 2262; Ibn Majah, no. 2149.

5.

See

I,

to

be the

in circula-

made Muhammad

K54/ B6/ H18;

Ibn Sa'd,

I,

125.

126.

two sources.

(iyi >)b sSU j*V

it

not fully resolved,

no coin by the name qirdt was

2.

differs in these

is

at that time. 5

The tending of sheep

is:

that

money. The

In the former

It

it is:

uuy c^r).

for discussion Al-Halabi,

I,

III, p.

may be

205-206.

JV

326; Ibn Sa'd,

I,

125-126.

noted that the material part of the text

Jyi

} J*

uity

c^)

and

in the latter

it

SiRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

164

(H?

ment

well acquainted with the desert

in

as well as with the urban environ-

life

which he grew up. The experience stood him

time came for his mission and struggle.

It is

in

good stead when the

also not unlikely that the vast

expanses of nature, the seemingly endless deserts, the bare and steep moun-

by deep vales and other

tains relieved

stars at

which he moved
dome and studded with

solitary scenes in

about, and the clear blue sky appearing like a big

dusk must have made deep impressions upon

his

mind, for he was

thoughtful, reserved, extremely intelligent and remarkably discerning since

his early life.

Although taking

part in the

work and

he was quite unlike his compeers

on record

It is

immersed

of the family like the others,

temperament and deportment.

though living amidst an absorbing idolatry and a society

that

and bedevilled by the vices commonly associated

in superstitions

with an unbridled indulgence

all

affairs

in character,

in

wine and women, he steered

his life clear

of

the blemishes and abominable acts. Al-Tabari reproduces a report on the

authority of Ibn Ishaq

which says

that while tending

sheep with other boys

the Prophet twice thought of enjoying the night-life of

both occasions he was saved from the

pitfall

rightly points out that this

II.

is

but that on

by divine intervention

was overtaken by sleep before he could even reach

the reporter has probably

Makka

the place.

in that

he

Ibn Kathir

a very strange and unusual report and says that

mixed up

his

own

affair with that of the Prophet. 2

ABSTINENCE FROM POLYTHEISTIC PRACTICES

Since his boyhood the Prophet developed a strong abhorrence of the polytheistic rites

and practices of

his people

polytheistic worship or festival.

It

is

and did never participate

reported by

'Umm

for his

in

honour of an

Another report given by

on the

altar of

"I

'Umm

al-

had never

an idol even before Allah honoured

with His message." 4 Another tradition narrated by 'Abd Allah ibn 'Umar

1.

2.
rut,

idol. 3

'A'ishah says that she heard the Prophet saying:

tasted anything sacrificed

me

Muhammad

determined refusal to attend, inspite of repeated askings, an

annual festival

Mu'mimn

any

Hani, the family

maid, that once 'Abu Talib became rather angry with the boy
(

in

Al-Tabari, Tarikh,

3.

279

Ibn Kathir, Al-Bidayah

1987, p. 567.

4.

II,

IbnSa'd,

I.,

158.

At-Halabt, 1,201.

(1

126-1 127).

etc., I-Il,

227-278. See also Ibn al-Athtr Al-Kamil

etc.,

I,

Bei-

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

commencement of

states that long before the

was once presented before

that he did not eat of

narrated by

Zayd

the mission a meat preparation

the Prophet, but he refused to partake of

what was sacrificed on

ibn Harithah states

altars.

or

as the

Quraysh used

by 'Alt ibn 'Abt Talib

worshipped an

He

wine?'
I

to do, while

making circumambulation round

idol?'

states:

He

it

saying

yet another tradition

that the Prophet,

even before the

between Al-Safa and Al-

receipt of revelation, did not touch the idols placed

Marwah,

165

making runs between those points

the Ka'ba. 2 Again, a tradition reported

"Once

the Prophet

was asked: 'Have you ever

replied: 'No'.

They asked: 'Have you ever drunk

knew what

they used to do was unbelief, though

replied: 'No; for

kitdb nor of /man." 3

was not then aware of the

Indeed, lack of a knowledge of the kitdb (Qur'an) and of the details of

imdn might be described

phethood. This

Olefin j v_-^Ji

...

referred to in the Qur'anic passage 42:52

is

the book, nor of imdn." u

"You had not been aware of

states:
4i

what

is

as his religious state prior to his call to Pro-

which

The same sense

my

runs: "Say, verily

upright din, the true

It is

way of

is

conveyed

in a

Lord has guided

way by

me

It

reads:

sion, the spiritual yearning

receipt of the revelation; as

gratitude

not find you

iUrjj^. This passage

three in the order of revelation.

which he

felt

on

Prophet had been astray

idolatry.

^>

the passage 6:161

it

away from
is

It is

the path and then

indeed the earliest of the

refers to the great mental stress

It

and

and ten-

the consequent anxiety that preceded his

also indicates the great sense of relief and

his attainment of the

(ddll) in the sense

worth remembering

in this

new enlightenment. None of

prior to his call the

of having been engrossed

in

connection that the word ddll, like

other expressions in the Qur'an, as elsewhere, has different connota-

tions in different contexts. 4 Apart

from abstinence from idolatrous practices

1.

Bukhdri, no. 3826. See infra, Ch. VIII, sec. IV. for further discussion.

2.

Al-Tabarani,

4.

to the straight path, the

the three passages could be construed to suggest that

1:7;

'Ibrahim."

"And did He

guided you?"

3.

which
u

with reference to these two passages that the passage 93:7 should be

understood.

many

t$j. c^S"

Al-Halabi,

1,

Majma'

etc.,

Vol. 9,

p.

418.

204.

Three different forms of the word occur

in a total of 14 places in the Qur'an.

They

are:

2:198; 3:90; 6:67; 15:26; 23:106; 26:20; 26:86; 37:69; 56:51; 56:92; 68:26; 83:32 and

93:7.

The

difference in meanings and implications

may be

seen by consulting any standard

S1RAT AL-NAB1

166

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

the Prophet, like the others of the Quraysh people, used to observe the Abra-

hamic

of

rites

'umrah and circumambulation of the Ka'ba. Also,

hajj,

them, he used to keep

particularly

fasts

like

during the early days of the month of Muharratn,

on the 'ashura day.

Since his boyhood the Prophet had a keen sense of modesty and propriety. Ibn Ishaq records an incident in the

words of the Prophet himself.

"I

found myself, he says, "among Quraysh boys carrying stones such as boys

We

play with.
ting

round

it

had

his

uncovered ourselves, each taking his

all

neck as he carried the stones.

same way, when an unseen

your

shirt on'.

upon

my

dent

is

So

took

neck, wearing

recorded also

Suhayli

is

in

figure slapped

and put

it

my

shirt

it

was going

me most

among my

to

and put-

and fro

in the

painfully saying: 'Put

on and then began

alone

shirt off

to carry the stones

fellows." 2

similar inci-

connection with the rebuilding of the Ka'ba. 3 Hence

more

inclined to think that the incident happened to the Prophet

than once. 4

Be

that as

it

may, the report

is

reminiscent of the fact that the

Prophet, even during his boyhood, abstained from exposing his person in the

ordinary course of his activities.

As he grew up he was

distinguished by his exemplary character, his

sincerity, honesty, integrity, truthfulness

ily

and trustworthiness. Ibn Ishaq pith-

describes this fact in the following expressive passage: 5

"Thus the Messenger of Allah, peace and blessings of Allah be on him, grew up,
Allah taking care of him, protecting him and keeping him away of the

filth

of hea-

He intended to honour him and make him His Messenger, until he

manhood and turned out to be the best of his people in manliness, the

thenism because

grew

into

noblest of them in character, the most respectable in lineage, the best of them as a

neighbour, the greatest of them

in intelligence, the

most

truthful, the

most

reliable

and the farthest removed from any debasing practices and conduct, through loftiness

and

nobility, so that he

qualities

became known

which Allah combined

as 'The Trustworthy' because of the

good

in him."

commentary on these passages. For instance at 2:198 the word is clearly used in a very narrow sense of those who skipped over the rite at Muzdalifa during pilgrimage. Similarly at
15:56

it

is

used in the sense of one

pessimist. Again, at 68:26,

1

it

is

See for instance Bukhari,

2.

Ibn Hisham,

I,

3.

Bukhari, no. 3829.

Suhayli,

5.

Ibn Hisham,

208-209.
1,

183.

has not

no. 2002.

183; Al-Halabi,

4.

1,

who

full

confidence

in

used in the ordinary sense of one

I,

See also nos. 2001

199.

God's mercy and

who

892.

is

mistaken.

is

rather a

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

HI.

Two

167

THE FUAR WARS

notable events during the Prophet's early youth were the Fijdr or

Wars and

Sacrilegious

the conclusion of the Hilf al-Fudul or the Pious Pact.

The Fijdr wars took place when

the Prophet

was roughly between

fourteen and twenty years of age. There were in fact a series of

some

four

consecutive wars extending over a period of not less than five years. These

were called Fijdr or sacrilegious wars because they were

the sacred

month of Dhu al-Qa'dah when

started or fought in

a breach of the peace and carrying

out of inter-tribal hostilities was traditionally considered a sacrilegious act.

The wars

originated at the

for the first three

famous 'Ukaz

fair

weeks of Dhu al-Qa'dah

Nakhla. They were also related

which used to be held annually

at

a place between Ta'if and

measure

in a large

to tribal

sense of honour and dignity in protecting and supporting a

tribe,

be he

in the right or

thronged from

all

ego and a

wrong. At 'Ukaz not only traders and merchants

and wares,

parts of the peninsula with their merchandize

but also poets, musicians, magicians, dancers and other entertainers

exhibit

and make money out of

tural features

their respective skills.

One

of the fair was a sort of national competition

who

of the various tribes

to establish his

own

false

member or ally of

came

to

of the main cul-

among

the poets

recited their respective compositions, each seeking

as well as his tribe's prestige and superiority over the

others. Naturally, tribal spirit

and excitement ran high on such occasions and

these often led to a good deal of quarrels, conflicts and bloodshed.

The

first

of one tribe
all

Fijdr

war was occasioned by

who claimed

the boasting at that fair of a person

himself to be the most respected individual

among

the Arabs and then his being challenged in that claim and struck with a

sword by an equally headstrong person of another

third wars broke

by a man of another

tribe

and over the question of

a person of one tribe to a person of another

broke out over a more serious

wanted

to

tribe.

out, respectively, over the insulting of a

affair.

tribe.

Nu'man

send his trade caravan to the 'Ukaz

The second and

woman

settling the

The

fourth,

of one

debt

i.e.,

the

tribe

owed by

the last

war

ibn Mundhir, king of Hira,

fair

and looked for a suitable

guarantor (kafil) for that purpose. Barrad ibn Qays of Banu Kinananh of

Makka and 'Urwah

ibn 'Utbah of

ting the assignment

which doubtless carried a commission for the guarantor.

Nu'man

ultimately selected

Banu Hawazin of

'Urwah as

Ta'if contested for get-

the guarantor.

Stung

at this dis-

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

168

comfiture Barrad waylaid 'Urwah and killed him.

In the fightings that con-

sequently broke out over this affair the Quraysh and Kinanah tribes along

with their allies were ranged against the Hawazin and Qays tribes and their

The war continued

allies.

for four years, with long intermissions, the fight-

ings taking place mainly at the time of the

between the contending

and victory alternating

fair,

sides. Ultimately the hostilities

end by an agreement which provided

that the side of

were brought

an

to

whom a greater number

of people had been killed in the course of the fightings should get compensa-

number of their dead

tion for the excess

According

to Ibn Ishaq the Prophet

Fijar war took place.

people.

was twenty years of age when

Ibn Hisham, however, puts the age at 14 or 15 and

further says that on one of the "days" of the

uncles to the battlefield.

Prophet as saying:

them by

He

war

the Prophet

further records a report

Ibn Hisham dose not mention any authority for

taking

him

(a)

it.

his

which represents the

It

at

the Prophet. Taking Ibn Hisham's statement as

tlefield but his

was taken by

used to return to them (my uncles) the arrows thrown

"I

their enemies."

emerge from

the last

it

saying of

this particlular

the following points

is,

appears that the Prophet did not himself go to the bat-

uncles "took" him there with them, (b) This fact of his uncles'

there

shows

that

he was hardly a young

man

to act independently

or to actively participate in the fightings, (c) His role there

was

in the nature

of a camp-follower, being limited to the task of collecting and returning to

his uncles the arrows

thrown

at

them by

their

enemies (obviously for

their

reuse by his uncles).

Al-Waqidi, a senior contemporary of Ibn Hisham, gives a version of

this

incident which appears to be a combination of the statements of Ibn Ishaq

and Ibn Hisham. Thus, obviously following Ibn Ishaq, Al-Waqidi

the Prophet

was 20 years old

was present

the Prophet as saying: "I

and threw arrows

1

See for

details

FiAkhbar Quraysh

in

it. I

wish

Muhammad

(ed.

Khurshid

160-185. See also Ibn Hisham,

2.

Ibid., 186.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Ibn Sa'd,

I,

28.

at the

1.,

ibn

at

it (i.e.

had not done

my

(d.

245

859), Kitab

uncles

al-Munammiq

Fanq), Beirut, 'Alam al-Kutub, 1405 h

184-185.

The Arabic

the Fijar war) with

so." 4

Habib al-Baghdadi

Ahmad

states that

time and then, like Ibn Hisham, quotes

text runs as follows:

1985, pp.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

Like Ibn Hisham, again, Al-Waqidi does not
report.

This omission on his part

the

is all

same place and dealing with

that in the
full for the

statement of

Hakim

ibn

being present at the Fijdr War.

Hizam does

cite

more

this

view of the

fact

topic he gives the isndd in

that he

saw

the Prophet

Significantly enough, this statement of

of the Prophet's either collecting or

throwing arrows. In view of these discrepancies

in the reports

be sure about the exact nature of the Prophet's role

two

any authority for

striking in

same

Hizam who says

make any mention

not

the

169

it

is

difficult to

in the battle. Clearly, the

different versions of the Prophet's reported saying given by Ibn

and Al-Waqidi cannot both be

said, if

he did

on the

at all,

at the

Hisham

same time an accurate report of what he

subject.

THE HILF AL-FUDUL

IV.

Closely following the termination of the Fijdr Wars was concluded a pact

known
dently

as Hilf al-Fudul.

It

was not a

direct sequel to those

grew out of that good sense which had brought

it

wars but

to an

it

evi-

end and which

recognized the baneful effects of the lack of security and lawlessness that
generally prevailed

in the land.

The immediate occasion

of the pact was that Al-'As ibn Wa'il of Banu

goods from
for them.

a visitsing

The

latter

Yamani

Sahm

for the conclusion

of

Makka

obtained

him

the value

(Zibaydt) trader but did not pay

appealed to the Ahldf, a group formed earlier by Banu

'Abd al-Dar, Banu Makhzum, Banu Jumah, Banu Sahm and Banu 'Adiyy
ibn Ka'b, 2 obviously because Al-'As ibn Wa'il belonged to that group.

Ahldf however, declined

Yamani took
assemble

to intervene in the matter.

his case before the general

Ka'ba compound. There

at the

Hence

The

the aggrieved

body of the Quraysh who used

his cause

to

was taken up by Zubayr

ibn 'Abd al-Muttalib, an uncle of the Prophet (full brother of 'Abd Allah), at

whose instance

the leaders of

Banu Hashim, Banu

Banu Asad and Banu Taym met

at the

mentioned clan and one of the

last

The

latter offered

al-Muttalib,

Banu Zuhrah,

house of 'Abd Allah ibn Jud'an of the

richest, if not the richest

man

of the

city.

a grand feast on the occasion. There the leaders and those

of their followers

who were

present there entered into a pact solemnly

undertaking:
(a) to protect

and support the oppressed;

(b) to restore to the rightful

1.

Ibid.

2.

See Supra, pp. 38-39.

owner any property of which he was wrongly

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

170

deprived or dispossessed; and

(c) to

oppose

injustice

and

done

to get justice

to the aggrieved party,

irrespective of tribe and clan affiliations of the parties involved, or of

their social position, or

Because of

this

of their domicile.

noble object of the pact

it

came

to

be known as Hilf al-

Fudul or "Pact of the Pious". Another explanation given

it

was

held

so called because

excess

in

was so

(i.e.

it

aimed

fudul) of his rightful claim to

called because three of those

had each Fadl for his name,

who were

like

would have us believe

its

that

it.

third

view

active behind

its

that

is

it

formation

that

it

was so

plural of fadl.

Yet another expla-

called because those

who

did not

formation scornfully remarked that the confederates had bothered

themselves with an unnecessary (fudul)

It

is

Al-Fadl ibn Fudalah, Al-Fadl ibn Wada'ah

(i.e.

and Al-Fadl ibn al-Harith), fudul being the

nation

name

for the

taking from a person such property as he

at

must be observed

affair. 2

that the three last

mentioned explanations are not

in

accord with the context in which the pact came into being. That

it

league against injustice and was properly so called

from the

background against which

it

formances. The story of three Fadls being active

is

is

clear not only

was formed but also from

in

its

bringing

was

subsequent perit

into existence

not supported by the well-known facts that Zubayr ibn 'Abd al-Muttalib

and 'Abd Allah ibn Jud'an

were the moving

Similarly the explanation of the

name

wrongful possession only confirms the

spirits

behind

its

formation.

with reference to the "excess" or

real object

of the pact. Again the

casual and rueful remark of an ill-disposed group could not have bestowed

upon

the pact a

name by which

attained celebrity in the annals of the

it

people.

That there was a group of clans who did not

apparently subscribe to

its

objectives

is

like its formation

nor did

evident not only from the facts con-

nected with the formation of the Hilf but also from Ibn Ishaq's description of
it

immediately after his treatment of the differences that developed in the

ranks of the Quraysh after Qusayy's death and the consequent division of the
clans into

1.

two

distinct groups, the

Al-Baghdadi, Kitab al-Munammiq

Muruj

etc.. II,

etc.,

570-571; Ibn Kathir, Al-Bidayah

I,

Ahldf and the Mutayyabun? and not

276-277; Ibn Hisham,

2.

Ibid.,214.

3.

See Supra, pp. 38-39.

I,

etc., op.cit., pp.

133-135; Suhayli,
etc.,

MI,

(II),

I,

after

186-188. See also AI-Mas'udT,

155-156; Ibn al-Athfr, Al-Kamil

290-293; Al-Halabi,

I,

21 1-215.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

his description of the Prophet's early life, though

elsewhere and from the other sources

it

was a pact mainly of

the

generally acknowledged fact.

from the

The Prophet himself

Mutayyabun group of

forward to

live

significant

is

above mere clan

and act up

at the

and

is

and he remembered

much

name of
that

even then

that

the Hilf he

came
common good. More

who was

then just stepping into man-

conference at 'Abd Allah ibn Jud'an's house and

reported to have remarked,

ment of Islam,

significant deve-

local considerations and

to a higher principle for the

participated in the formation of the league. 3

tion in a public act

also a

whatever their other considerations,

spirit

the fact that the Prophet,

hood, was present

is

in that the confederate clans,

raised themselves

indicates

clans. 1 This

The formation of Hilf al-Fudul was undoubtedly a

lopment

by him

facts stated

clear that the /////came into being

it is

shortly after the conclusion of the Fijdr War.

that

171

if

It is

his first recorded participa-

as an important event

it

later in

his life

and

would gladly extend

it.

It is

He

after the establish-

any oppressed person sought

4

in his life.

his help in the

mainly with reference to

he also said that though there was no further need for any pact

it

(hilf) in

Islam, whatever had been concluded before the coming of Islam was con-

firmed and strengthened by

The /////was successful

it.

in its

immediate objective. After concluding the

pact the leaders went to Al-'As ibn Wa'il and

the

Yamani merchant. This

fact

Ahldf

It

Khath'am came
daughter.

away

An

return the

group proved

on record

goods to

to be a

pow-

itself against the

that shortly afterwards a

man

of Banu

is

also

to

Makka on hajj or 'umrah bringing with him his beautiful

Makka named Nubayh ibn al-Hajjaj forcibly took

inhabitant of

the girl for an evil purpose.

pound invoking help of

1.

Musnad,

2.

Al-Halabi,

3.

Ibn Hisham,

I,

4.

Ibn Hisham,

I,

I,

The poor

father cried at the

Ka'ba com-

the Hilf al-Fudul. Immediately the leaders of the

came forward well-armed and

confederate clans

5.

made him

that the

of the city and could assert

erful factor in the social life

clans.

shows

forced the miscreant to

190.
I,

214.

See Musnad,

134;

Musnad,

134; Suhayli,
I,

190, 193;

Dd'ud, no. 2909; Darimi,

II, p.

I,

I,

II,

190, 193.

155-156, 158.
180, 207, 212-213, 215;

III,

281; IV, 83; V, 61; 'Abu

243; Tayalisi, no. 1084.

(So*- ji ixi.

"Jjf^lMjipJ AJUIfl^OlTUk- Jf)

StRA T AL-NABl AND

172

THE ORIENTALISTS

restore the girl to her father. 1 Indeed the /////continued to

after the establishment of Islam.
his

Al-Husayn ibn

to

obtaining his right and

late as the

be a living force

time of Khaltfah

Mu'awiyyah

Al-Walid ibn 'Utbah, was obliged to pay what he

governor of Madina,

owed

As

'All

when he

threatened to invoke the Hilf for

when 'Abd Allah

ibn al-Jubayr

announced

his sup-

port for Al-Husayn. 2

V:

SECOND JOURNEY TO SYRIA AND MARRIAGE WITH KHADDAH

The formation of the Hilf al-Fadul indeed marks the Prophet's emergence
He was by then well known for his honesty, integrity, truthfulness, reliability and high moral character so that he was generally called
into public life.

Al-'Amin or "The Trustworthy". Such reputation and public recognition of

his character he

must have acquired by

by

ple, especially

have been reposed

his day-to-day dealings with his peo-

his discharge of the trusts

in

him from time

to time.

and responsibilities

We have,

must

that

however, no detailed

information about such activities on his part. All that the sources reveal are

some

indirect

and vague allusions to some trading

activities

on

his part in

Makka. 3
It is

Syria,

particularly

when about

on record, however,

it

him presupposes

to

experience

would not have staked her

in this respect.

if

this event in

proved to be a turning point

such

in

experienced as Khadijah was by

honest and just,

made a second journey

have been careful to note

commercial assignment

acknowledged

he

to

twenty-five years of age, leading Khadijah's trade caravan

to that land. Historians

obviously because

that

all

capital

that

in his life.

some

Yet

detail

this

very

he had by then some

transactions;

for,

wise

and

well-

accounts in trade and commerce, she just

and caravan upon a young man, however

she had not been convinced of his abilities and suitability

Nonetheless

might have been engaged

it

in at

is

certain that whatever trading activities he

Makkah, he had not previously

trade caravan to a foreign land. If he

had done

been referred to by the chroniclers and

so, that fact

led

any other

would surely have

traditionists at least in

connection

with this trading mission on behalf of Khadijah.

Khadijah was the daughter of Khuwaylid, son of Asad, son of 'Abd

al-

'Uzza, son of Qusayy, son of Kilab, son of Murrah. Her ancestry thus met

1.

At-Halabi, 1,221-222.

2.

Ibn Hisham,

3. At-

I,

134-135.

Isabah, IV, pp.

1 1

1-1

2;

V,

p.

60; Al-Mustadrak,

III, p.

637.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

173

with that of the Prophet in Qusayy. At the time she was about forty years of

She had been previously married successively

age.

whom

had died leaving a couple of children for

health, youth

and beauty. Her

conduct. She lived

all

real

two persons, both of

to

She

her.

still

retained her

beauty lay, however, in her character and

through a pure and chaste

life,

singularly free

from

all

the blemishes of her city and society. For that reason every person, friend

and

foe, high

pure Lady".

and low, used

To

to refer to her respectfully as Al-Tahirah,

this sterling quality

understanding of

men and

she added a rare wisdom, a penetrating

of affairs and a practical business acumen. She

owned a considerable fortune, partly

management of her business. It is

also

skilful

caravan almost equalled,

ers of

Makka

coveted lady of the

It is

Naturally she

all

the other

Quraysh

the most respected and

his uncle

to lead her trade caravan to Syria, offering

Muhammad (0 ),

and well-wisher 'Abu Talib, accepted

accompanied as an

in the case

trad-

no

less

with his

and capa-

contacted him through his uncle, 'Abu Talib,

remuneration she used to pay others.

to Syria,

wares and

city.

Muhammad (0)

and requested him

As

was

stated by Ibn Ishaq that Khadijah, hearing of the character

of

bilities

inherited but mainly multiplied by

stated that her business

not surpassed, those of

if

at that time.

"The

him double

in consultation

this offer

the

with

and led her caravan

by Maysara, a servant of Khadijah's.

assistant

first travel to

company with

Syria in

his uncle, so

also in connection with this second travel, the historians have narrated the
story of another

monk, Nestorius, who

lived about the

Bahira did some twelve or fourteen years before and

Muhammad (0 )

similarly recognized in

spoken

to

him

as well as to

Maysara

return journey.
that as

it

The

same

Muhammad {%) from

effect. 2 It

have

to

is

also stated that

another version of the

the sun in the course of his

authenticity of these reports

at

is

of course arguable.

Be

a considerable profit but also

obtained with the proceeds goods that on return to

280

said to

may, the trading expedition proved unexpectedly successful. The

Prophet not only sold Khadijah's wares

double

is

the signs of the future Prophet and

to the

Maysara himself noticed two angels (according

report, clouds) shading

same place where

who

Makka

fetched her almost

in profit.

1.

Ibn Hisham,

2.

Ibid.

1,

188.

Also Ibn Sa'd,

(1/ 11 28); Ibn Kathir,

I,

130; Ibn al-'Athir, Al-Kamil

Al-Bidayah

etc., II,

294.

etc.,

I.,

569; Al-Tabari, Tarikh,

II,

siratal-nab'i and

174

The contact thus

ually

down

individuals.

She employed her

Muniyah

sound

all

the accounts state that she grad-

making

when she

companion and

trusted

Muhammad

that

it

($|?) on the

raised

subject.

friend Nafisah bint

She says

Quraysh

that

when

question of marriage

the

at that stage

of his

life

he

and

the Prophet

was taken by surprise and remarked:

could that be for me?" "Leave that to me", Nafisah answered, where-

upon the Prophet

signified his consent for her to proceed with the matter.

Nafisah returned to Khadijah with

the

and

disclosed her exact mission and the identity of her employer

and the proposed bride

"How

qualities

the proposal for marriage although

expressed his financial insufficiency for marriage

that

and

the proposals of several well-to-do

some preliminary words she

after

and Khadijah

not clear whether he carried on any fur-

his personality, character

the initiative in

she had previously turned

to

It is

on her behalf, but

became captivated by

was she who took

Muhammad (0)

established between

ultimately led to their marriage.

ther trade operations

the orientalists

results

of her mission.

all satisfaction

and communicated

to her

took place

Thereafter further negotiations

between the two sides ending

in their

stated that the Prophet's uncle,

'Abu Talib or Hamzah, acted as guardian for

him on

marriage on the appointed day.

the occasion, while Khadijah's uncle,

'Amr

ibn Asad, acted as guar-

dian on her behalf. She was at that time forty years old, while

(0

was twenty-five years

The marriage turned

is

It

Muhammad

only. 3

out to be singularly happy and successful.

It

had

continued for twenty-five years when Khadijah died. During this long period
of a quarter of a century, which coincided with the prime of his youth, the

Prophet did not take any other wife. All his children except one (Ibrahim)

were born of Khadijah. They were two sons, Al-Qasim and Al-Tahir ('Abd
Allah), and four daughters, Zaynab, Ruqayyah,

All the sons, including Ibrahim

Umm Kulthum and Fatimah.

who was born

of Mariah at a subsequent

date, died in their infancy; while the daughters lived long,

and migrated
tively to

cJi

to

Madina.

Two

of the daughters were

two sons of 'Abu Lahab; but

1.

IbnSa'd,

2.

Ibid. Nafisah's statement runs as follows:

1,

la i^J-j

i*j

cJli

at first

their marriages did not

U JUi -jj5

'AlJii^ uWfj

Ibid.

go through

131.

01 diaue la Juv>

\j

:ciii cfUJI j*

j*i Jls

*Jrj 01 Juu

Mi fcli)l j J_^JIj Jttlj

(

3.

embraced Islam

betrothed respec-

-Wau^l U_J

^^dLjli)

JU*M J\ c-mj iUi c~JS

i

Jii liU

Jli

OJs

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

because of the

ill-feelings

('Abu Sufyan's

sister).

and opposition of the

175

latter's wife,

The marriage with Khadijah

was married

relieved

to 'All ibn

'

Muhammad (0)

Abi

of his uneasy

Talib and started living independently with Khadijah. She placed

at

his

her

This favourable change in his circum-

life.

clearly alluded to in the Qur'an, 93:8, "Did

impoverished and then enriched thee?" Historians

silent

'Abu

all

command. This undoubtedly afforded him a

comparatively easy and contented

is

after

Talib.

financial circumstances. Henceforth he left the household of his uncle

wealth and resources

al-

Ruqaiyyah and

were successively married to 'Uthman ibn 'Affan, one

the death of the other; while Fatimah

stances

Jamil

Ultimately Zaynab was married to 'Abu al-'As ibn

RabT' (ibn 'Abd al-'Uzza ibn 'Abd Shams ibn 'Abd Manaf).

'Umm Kulthum

Umm

are,

He

not find thee

however, completely

about his activities for about ten years following his marriage with

Khadijah.

We get only an indirect glimpse of what he notably did during this

period from the famous report about Khadijah's immediate reaction and

remark when the Prophet, on

state of utter

receipt of the first revelation,

bewilderment and

fear.

came

She comforted him by saying

could not mean any harm to him because "you always speak the
tain guests, look after the relatives, help

distress" etc. 2

Obviously these were the

and

assist the

to her in a

that Allah

truth, enter-

poor and persons

facts of his day-to-day life

racter so that they immediately occurred to her as grounds for assurance

consolation for herself as well as her noble husband

ture of their

life.

at that

in

and chaand

momentous junc-

There could be no doubt that the Prophet had turned his

newly acquired easy circumstances

to

good account and had distinguished

himslef by the good deeds referred to by Khadijah.

We

have information of

ten years of his married

at least

life that

two

may

specific acts of his during the first

clearly be classified with the category

of benevolent activities mentioned by Khadijah. The one was his adoption of

'Alt,

son of 'Abu Talib.

It is

stated that because of a large family

and con-

sequent upon a year of drought 'Abu Talib was passing through a hard time.

At

this the

Prophet approached his uncle 'Abbas,

who was

better off,

and

suggested to him that they both should do something to relieve 'Abu Talib.
Hence both of them went to the latter and persuaded him to allow them to

1.

Al-'Isabah, IV, p. 121. 'Abu al'As's mother was Halah, a sister of Khadijah. Hence he

was her nephew and Zaynab's

2.

See

Infra,

Ch. XVI,

cousin.

sec.I.

SIRAT AL-NAB1

176

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

maintain some of his sons. The old

was one of

him

man

agreed. Thereupon the Prophet took

He

while 'Abbas took Ja'far. The Prophet brought up 'AIT as his son.

'All,

the very

few

first

embrace Islam and, as indicated above,

to

the Prophet subsequently gave his youngest daughter Fatimah

to
in

marriage.

The other

act

was

the adoption of

Zayd

ibn Harithah.

a boy by the enemies of his family or by banditti and

slave at the

famous 'Ukaz

bought him for her

presented

him

at

fair

The Prophet

him

as

Zayd

freed

ibn

either to stay with

Zayd was by

as a

his trace,

money

him or

all

bondage of

and affection that peo-

Muhammad.

asked his favour for returning their son to them

the

him from

fatherly love

on getting

father Harithah and uncle Ka'b,

The Prophet declined

them

where Khadtjah's nephew Hakim ibn Hizam

him with so much

ple started referring to

captured as

sold by

400 dirhams. On her marriage with the Prophet she

the boy servant.

servitude and treated

He was

was

Subsequently Zayd's

came

in lieu

to the Prophet

of the bond money.

but allowed complete freedom for

to return to his family with his father

that time so impressed

and

Zayd

and uncle.

by the treatment he had received from

the Prophet that he preferred staying with the

latter.

As a token of

further

assurance to Zayd's father and uncle the Prophet then went to the Ka'ba

compound and

publicly announced his adoption of

remainder of his

few

life

to believe in his

Zayd stayed with

Zayd

the Prophet and

as a son. 1

was one of the

When

about thirty-five years of age the Prophet's character and per-

which the

sonality received national confirmation through an event

torians have understandably taken care to record in

reconstruction of the Ka'ba.

flooding by heavy rains.

Its

walls had

It

made away with some

treasures kept in

height and to put a roof over them.

ability of a suitable craftsman,

also by the wrecking of a

of

its

shown

some

it.

detail. It

was

his-

the

signs of cracks due to

had also hitherto no roof over

decided to raise the plinth of the structure,

iting

first

Prophethood and to embrace Islam.

RECONSTRUCTION OF THE KA'BA AND THE PROPHET'S ARBITRATION

VI:

lately

For the

Hence

it

and a

thief

had

the Quraysh leaders

to rebuild its walls to a greater

The plans were

an Egyptian copt,

at

facilitated

Makka

by the

avail-

at that time;

and

Greek ship off the coast of Jedda and the depos-

timbers on the shore by winds and waves. These timbers were

Al- 'Isdbah,

I,

no.

2889

(p.

563).

The

relationship

by adoption was abolished

in Islam.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

177

purchased by the Quraysh leaders for the purpose of making the roof.
advisory role

in

the plans was played by 'Abu Wahb

Quraysh clans decided

The

'Amr of Banu

ibn

a maternal uncle of the Prophet's father 'Abd Allah. 2

Makhzum,

all to

share the

An

The

work of rebuilding the Ka'ba.

task of reconstruction involved, however, first the demolition of the

existing walls; and this task initially occasioned a

because

it

was apprehended

that

good deal of

hesitation

such interfering with Allah's house, though

well meant, might bring upon the participants in the

work of demolition His

wrath and retribution. The hesitation was brought to an end, however, by the
boldness of Al-Walid ibn al-Mughirah

one corner and then

all

who

first

waited for a night to see

As nothing happened to him by that

down the walls. The Quraysh clans

time they

broke a
if

little

of the wall

at

any mischief befell him. 3

all started

the

work of pulling

organized themselves into four distinct

groups, each undertaking to demolish and rebuild one of the four sides of the
house.

It

would be

interesting to note this grouping of the clans for this not-

able public

work

phethood.

stood as follows:

It

just five years prior to

Muhammad's (0)

Manaf

The door and wall on

and Banu Zuhrah

(B)

(C)

Pro-

Assignment

Clans
(A) Banu 'Abd

call to

(i.e.

Banu Makhzum and

The wall between

some

& the Yamant corner.

other clans

Banu Jumah and

The wall opposite

Banu Sahm

(i.e.

(D) Banu 'Abd al-Dar, Banu

that

east) side.

the Black Stone

the door side

west).

The Hatim and wall on

that side.

Asad ibn 'Abd al-'Uzza

and Banu Ka'b ibn Lu'ayy

The Prophet took

stones on his

work of reconstruction of the Ka'ba by carrying

shoulders along with his uncle 'Abbas. 4 The work of rebuilding
part in

progressed as usual but

when

the walls reached the height where the Black

1.

IbnHisham.I, 192-193.

2.

Ibid., 194.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Bukhari, nos. 364, 1582, 3829; Muslim, no. 340; Musnad,

455.

III,

295, 310, 333; V, 454,

siratal-nab! and the orientalists

178

Stone needed to be reset

in its place differences

Each of them desired

the clans.

to

to the division of work agreed upon,

work would devolve on either or both of

According

it

piece of

the groups

cated above. But opposition was offered to

group

who, as Ibn Ishaq

and dipped their hands

lives in fighting for

reports,

it

'Umayyah

by the

what they conceived

to

that this

and

indi-

by

others, particularly

uncompromisingly asserted
to lay

their claim

down

their

be a singular honour. The quar-

and stalemate continued for four or

rels

would appear

bowl of blood, thus vowing

in a

among

of opinion developed

have the honour of resetting the stone.

five

days when,

we

are told,

Mughirah of Banu Makhzum, who was the oldest among

ibn

all

the Quraysh, prevailed upon them to submit the dispute to the arbitration of
the person

who would be

Ka'ba compound from a

who

the

first in

particular side.

the following
2

Fortunately for

compound turned

thus entered the Ka'ba

and everyone welcomed him exclaiming: "This

him; he

is

all

out to be
is

of them the

man

Muhammad (0)

the Trusted one;

we

accept

Muhammad." 3

The chosen

proved himself equal to the occasion.

arbitrator

a piece of cloth to be brought

placed the stone on

it

When

in its place.

that

in for the

purpose.

When

and asked the leaders of the clans

of the cloth and then

spot.

morning to enter the

all raise

this

He asked

for

was done he

to hold the four sides

the stone to the desired height at the desired

was done he himself again took

the stone and positioned

it

Thus was the dispute resolved, an impending internecine war averted and
the clannish

ego of the leaders

pleasing end to the drama,

the final act in

putant clans

it.

It is

it

decision of a stranger

an adequate explanation to say that the distheir lives for the sake

of gaining the mis-

of a sudden agreed to stake their chances to the

all

who would be

direction. Definitely a

Although the story thus furnishes a

obviously leaves a good deal to be said about

just not

who had pledged

conceived distinction

satisfied.

good

the

first to

enter the arena from a certain

deal of discussions and consultations had taken

place on the subject and about the character and qualifications of the would

1.

Ibn Hisham,

2.

Ibid.

Salam or

I,

196-197.

The side indicated was Bab Bant Shaybah

Bab al-Safa).

3.

Ibid., 197.

4.

Ibid.

Ibn Ishaq's words

Also Musnad,

III,

are:

or Bant 'Abd

Shams (modern Bab

(XwiJuiM'ji^i u :ijJiijijWi)

425; Taydlisi, No. 113.

al-

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

be

Muhammad

arbitrator. It is also unlikely that

actively participated in the

work of rebuilding

member

an intelligent and respectable

by

it

arbitration,

and then became

account of his simply being the

from a

certain direction. In

that the

first

any case,

first

who had

Ka'ba and was

the

it,

himself

in addition

particularly of the decision to

that arbitrator just

by chance and on

person to enter the Ka'ba compound

it

is

evident even from the story as

Quraysh leaders welcomed him as the

he was the

(4|f),

of his society, was unaware of the dis-

pute and the developments connected with

settle

179

arbitrator not simply

is

because

person thus to enter the arena but clearly and decisively

because he was Al-'Amtn, the "Trusted One", with proven integrity and
ability, in

it

whose honesty and

confidence. This

is

impartiality everyone

had the most unreserved

the essence of the whole story.

takably marked a triumph for

Muhammad's

reli-

The

arbitration

unmis-

character and personality

over the clan-spirit and family-pride of the Quraysh leaders of the time.

was indeed a national confirmation of

It

his absolutely spotless character, his

truthfulness, impartiality and popularity.

The

authorities generally agree in saying that the reconstruction of the

Ka'ba took place

five years prior to the Prophet's receipt of the revelation.

This means that up to that time,

leading his
part in

its

life

i.e., till

roughly the age of thirty-five he was

as an ordinary and respectable

day-to-day

activities, well

fulness and liked and trusted by

all

known

member

of the society, taking

for his noble character and truth-

and sundry. The period of solitary stay

and meditation which by

all

accounts preceded the coming of the revelation

had not obviously

till

that time. Exactly

started

a noticeable turn in his

way of

life

came

is

from which year or date such

not known; but assuming that

followed not quite long after the reconstruction of the Ka'ba,

it

may be

it

sta-

ted that such a period of solitary stay and contemplation did not exceed four

years at the most.

VII:

LACK OF FORMAL EDUCATION

Another remarkable aspect of

any formal education and his

his pre-prophetic life is his non-receipt of

inability to read

although they are particular in relating

Prophet's

life

and

activities,

and

do not give any

number of the

Prophet's

historians,

about the

indication of his having ever

received any education whatsoever during his early

contrary there are a

The

details

write.

many minor

own

life

and youth.

On

the

statements to the effect that

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

180

he was an unlettered or untutored

number of statements

itself that

Qur'an

in the

'ummiyy

in

in

its

person.

Also there are a

prove unmistakably that he did

know

neither receive any formal education nor

emerges from the term 'ummiyy which

reading and writing. This fact

singular and plural forms occurs

a total of six places in the Qur'an 2 and which means both an

uneducated person

(that

one who

is,

mother's lap in respect of learning) 3 and also "one

who

revealed book". 4 Besides these passages, there are

Qur'an,

e.g.,

illiterate

and

considered to be in the state of his

is

has not received any

some

others

in

the

16:103; 25:4-5 and 29:48, which do not contain the term

'ummiyy but which clearly prove

that the

know

Prophet did not

the art of

reading and writing. The implications of these two types of the Qur'anic passages will be discussed in connection with the orientalists' views about the
Prophet's "illiteracy" and also in connection with their allegation that he

received his knowledge from an "informant" or

Reference should be made

known

incident

Hudaybiyah.

down by

It is

in

connection

in

stated that

when

informants" at Makka. 5

"

this connection,

with

the

however, to the well-

conclusion

the terms of the treaty

of

the

of

treaty

were being written

on behalf of the Prophet, the Quraysh leader Suhayl

'All (r.a.)

objected to the expression Rasul Allah, Messenger of Allah, being added to

the Prophet's name.

Hence

the Prophet, in order to facilitate the conclusion

of the treaty, asked 'All to delete the expression and to write instead simply
"the son of

'Abd Allah". But

'All, out

of understandable zeal and devotion,

declined to interfere with the expression Rasul Allah. Hence the Prophet

took the paper from him and, according to some versions of the report, asked
'All to

shown

show
it

the place where the expression

he struck

was

written,

and on

his being

off and then had the alternative expression "son of 'Abd

it

Allah" written there, as suggested by the Quraysh leader. 6 Other versions

state

simply that

in

view of the Quraysh

leader's objection to the expression

Rasul Allah the Prophet wrote "son of 'Abd Allah"

See for instance Musnad,

II,

2 1 2. (Wi ^'-Ji

2.

Q. 2:78; 3:20; 3:75; 7:157-158 and 62:2.

3.

See Lisan al-'Arab under 'umm.

4.

Infra,

Ch. X,

sec.I.

5.

Infra,

Ch. X,

sec.

6.

.u~ ui

instead. 7

^^

ui

With regard

J^)

III.

Bukhari, nos. 2731-2732, 2698, 3184; Muslim, nos. 1783-1784; Musnad,

III, p.

IV, pp. 86, 291,325, 330.

7.

to

Bukhari, no. 4251; Musnad, IV,

p.

298; Darimi,

II,

pp. 237-238; Tayalisi, no. 713.

268;

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH

these latter versions

be taken

and
the

in the

has been very aptly pointed out that the statement

it

is

to

sense in which communications written by heads of states

institutions are taken,

namely, that they themselves do not write or draft

communications but they are written under

latter

181

their authority. 1

Even

these

versions do not say unequivocally that the Prophet himself wrote the

words.

Some have

attempted to reconcile these

testimony about the Prophet's

little bit

illiteracy

latter

of reading and writing later in his

lation of the Qur'anic

passages

a tradition narrated by

'Awn

ibn

versions with the Qur'anic

by assuming
life

in question.

Prophet learnt a

that the

and subsequent to the reve-

This view

probably based on

is

'Abd Allah which says

that "the

not die before he read and wrote." 3 This particular tradition

regarded as very "weak" and

Qur'anic

testimony. 4

learnt to read

It is

is

rejected on the

ground of

its

is

Prophet did

unanimously

conflict with the

also pointed out that had the Prophet subsequently

and write, that noticeable

helped him in acquiring the

skill,

fact

and the person or persons

who

would surely have been noted and reported

by many of his companions. Hence the assumption cannot be sustained. 5

1.

Fath al-Bdri, V.,

2.

See for instance

3.

Al Haythami, Majma' al-Zawd'id

4.

Ibid.

5.

p.

217.

'Izzat

Darwazah, Sirat al-Rasul

etc.,

etc.

I,

Beirut,

VII, Beirut, 1986,

p.

400

H., p. 82.

274.

'Abul-'A'la Maududi, Sirat -i-Sarwari-'Alam, (ed. Na'im Siddtqi and others),

Lahore, 1978,

p.

124

n.

I.,

CHAPTER VIII

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

A

number of observations and assumptions have been made by

talists

regarding the Prophet's

prior to his receipt of the revelation. Quite

life

a few of these assumptions bear heavily on his

pre-prophetic

would be worthwhile

life, it

In the

main the

as Prophet and on his

life

mission as a whole. Nevertheless, since they relate

coming of revelation

the orien-

in the first instance to his

to discuss

them before noting

him and

the beginning of his prophetic activities.

orientalists'

remarks and assumptions relate to the

to

the

fol-

lowing topics:
(a)

The

(b)

The nature of Fijdr wars and Hilf al-Fudul and

Prophet's

life

as a shepherd;

the Prophet's role in

them;
(c)

His trading

(d)

His marriage with Khadijah;

(e)

The

activities;

state of his religious beliefs;

and

(0 His alleged ambition and preparation for the

role he subsequently

played.

The

last

item embraces the question of his illiteracy and that of the influ-

ence of the contemporary situation upon him, particularly his alleged drawing on Judaism and Christianity and his allegedly having imbibed the errone-

ous

scientific notions of the time

Qur'an. This

economic

latter allegation is

and

consequent reproduction

their

advanced

lately

by Watt. He also

interpretation of the rise of the Prophet

and of Islam

wars and the Hilf al-Fudul. The issues and points raised

momentous and they

with items

require careful consideration.

(a), (c), (d)

and

chapters taking, in order,

Fudul,

(ii)

(i)

(e).

The

rest are

in the

relates his

to the Fijdr

in all these are

The present chapter deals

discussed in four successive

Watt's theories about

Harb

the allegation of ambition and preparation,

al-Fijdr and Hilf al-

(iii)

the alleged draw-

ing on Judaism and Christianity and (iv) the alleged contemporary errors in
the Qur'an.
I.

With regard

REGARDING

HIS LIFE AS

to the Prophet's tending of

A SHEPHERD

sheep

it

has been suggested that

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

184

he earned

money by

tribute

needy uncle 'Abu

that profession in order to support his

Thus william Muir

Talib.

would con-

writes: "the hire received for this duty

towards the support of

his

Abu

needly uncle

Talib."

Margoliouth

goes a step further and says: "Abu Talib probably employed him
after the

sheep and camels which he kept

is

received a rather step-fatherly treatment

at

looking

'Uranah, near Mt. Arafat". 2 The

at

obvious innuendo of these statements

in

that the

'Abu

so needy at the time that he had to hire out his

boy

Talib's

nephew

Muhammad {%)

hand and

that

he was

as a shepherd for oth-

ers for a pittance.

It

may be

noted that though there was no stigma or humiliation attached

to the profession of tending sheep nor to earning

money

thereby, the above

mentioned suggestions are not supported by any direct evidence.

Muhammad (0 was

engaged

the sons of

'Abu

in

Talib. Also the assumption that the latter

needy when the Prophet was a boy

is

till

twelve years old. Nor

is

tending sheep for others

tion

mentioning

was very poor and

when

was not

worse off

that

was about

the Prophet

money by

the point about the latter's having earned

is

well established by the sources.

having tended sheep

his

but he

life,

trade journey to Syria

at least his

boy

not correct. 'Abu Talib's financial posi-

tion did of course deteriorate late in his

earlier,

If the

the tending of sheep, so were his cousins,

at

The

solitary tradi-

or for qararit as noted earlier, 3

is

not in any case a clear evidence on

the point. These facts need to be kept in

mind while making any speculation

admits of different interpretations and

about the Prophet's

life

as a shepherd boy.

Both Muir and Margoliouth also reproduce the

TabarT4

which says

that twice

by Al-

tradition noted

while tending sheep the Prophet thought of

enjoying night-life of the town but on each occasion he was overtaken by

sleep before he could even reach the supposed place of enjoyment. 5

Muir

accepts the reported statement as correct and observes: "making every allow-

ance for the fond reverence which paved an easy way for the currency of
such

stories,

it

is

quite in keeping with the character of

Mahomet

that

he

should have shrunk from the coarse and licentious practices of his youthful

1.

W.

Muir, The Life of Mahomet, 3rd edition, 1893,

Mohammed and the Rise of Islam,

2.

D.S. Margoliouth,

3.

Supra, pp. 163-164.

4.

Al-Taban,

5.

Muir,

II,

279

p.

(1 /

17 (1st edition, Vol.

3rd edition,

905,

p.

II., p.

1126-1 127).

op.cit, 3rd edn., p. 18; 1st edn., pp. 14-15;

Margoliouth, op.cit,

p. 52.

12).

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

friends."

remarks:

Margoliouth, however, casts doubt on the Prophet's veracity and

we

"if

are to believe him, sleep

could so disgrace himself'.

Of

185

late,

fell

on him miraculously before he

toeing the lines of Muir and Margoliouth

reproduced the report

Guillaume has

a footnote to his translation of Ibn Ishaq's

in full as

He introduces it by way of explainig a remark of SuhaylT's. The latter,

may be recalled, 4 while commenting upon the incident of the Prophet's not
taking his shirt off when carrying stones in connection with some work at the
work. 3
it

Ka'ba, says that the incident probably occurred twice. Guillaume suggests
that this

assumption of "twice" on SuhaylT's part has been prompted by the

term "twice" occurring

in the

above mentioned

Guillaume's real

tradition.

reason for reproducing the tradition, however, appears to be what he further

says in this connection.

He

boy Muhammad's

sense of modesty, Al-Tabart "omits the story alto-

gether and

in

its

(0)

place"

says that though Ibn Ishaq gives the story of the

inserts

story

the

about the intended nocturnal

enjoyment.

For these reasons a

In the

place, though

first

Humayd who

received

Ishaq narrated
is

it

not inserted

assume

little

it

closer look at the report in question

in

necessary.

Al-Tabart states that he had the report from

from Salama

on the basis of

to

whom,

it is

others' narrations,

stated,

it is

Muhammad

was originally

sequently omitted by Ibn Hisham;

omits and what he adds of his

he

for,

Ibn Ishaq's

in
is

It

is

hard to

work but was sub-

particular in mentioning

own comments

ibn

strange that the report

Ibn Ishaq's sirah as edited by Ibn Hisham.

that the report

is

or notes.

what he

Guillaume himself

does not appear to think that the report was originally inserted by Ibn Ishaq
in his

work. Hence

report

and yet

doubts about
in

its

its

this

very fact of Ibn Ishaq's not having recorded the

being traced to him

in

a subsequent

Al-Tabart and some other works subsequent to

it

another. 5 This discrepancy in the wordings leaves no

Muir,

raises serious

do not agree with one

room

for doubt that the

op.cit.

2.

Margoliouth,

3.

A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad:

op.cit.

5th impression, Karachi. 1958,

4.

Supra,

5.

Compare

287-288.

work

authenticity. Secondly, the wordings of the report recorded

p.

p.

Translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah,

81 n.

66.

for instance the text in

Al-Taban and

that in Ibn Kathir,

Al-Bidayah

etc., II,

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

186

reporters themselves introduced their

and

that therefore

said, if

he did

it

at all,

own words and

on the subject. Thirdly, the report as

Tabari says that the Prophet was tending sheep

(5. je\>)

and

their

Now,

own homes and

was not usual

it

is

wrong with

noting the report, rightly points out that

something has been mixed up

is

it

in

it is

given by Al-

not quite

if

in

away

the field

at

evidence of the

internal

Hence Ibn

it.

Makka

look after his sheep

to

for shepherds,

away from home. The

story thus indicates that something

report.

in the story

the "upper part" of

oases, to keep their sheep

at distant

night and themselves remain

that

in

asked his shepherd colleague

that he

through the night,etc.

from

expressions

not a verbatim report of what the Prophet might have

is

Kathir, while

"very strange and unusual" and

the process of transmission of the

Another insinuation against the Prophet has been made by Margoliouth.

He

says that the Prophet had a love for sport and merry-making and remarks:

"and indeed even when Prophet he had a taste for the performance of singing
girls." 2

As his authority for this statement Margoliouth cites two traditions in

Musnad? Both the traditions, it may be noted, relate to occasions of marriage ceremonies and do not in any way concern the Prophet's personal participation in or enjoyment of any sport or singing performance. To ilustrate
how the text has been misinterpreted we quote in full the tradition on which
the

the insinuation about singing girls has been founded.

pfriu j

pp*

Translation:

f^iiu

"^4

"It is

Jli

,*<u

cJli

\&j J\ Aylfl

narrated by Jabir.

He

(=**!

i^SUJ

said that the

to 'A'ishah (r.a.):

on her way

She

said:

<J)I

runs as follows: 4
Jj^j

said: 'Yes'.

We

have come

to you,

we have come

'Have you started the bride

He

(the

'Have you not sent with them (the bridal party) someone

saying:

Jli Jli ji\*r

Messenger of Allah, may peace

and blessings of Allah be on him, said

to her (husband's) house'?'

It

to you; so

Messenger of Allah)

who

welcome

will sing to
us;

them

we welcome

you. For the Helpers (ansdr) are a people with a custom for such felicitating rhyme
(ghazal)."
It is

1.

73

clear that the tradition refers to a particular

Ibid, p. 288.

See also

Muhammad

n.

2.

Margoliouth, op, at.,

3.

Musnad,

III, p.

391; IV,

4.

Musnad,

III, p.

391.

p. 70.
p. 67.

custom among the Help-

al-Ghazali, Fiqh al-Sirah, 7th edition, 1978, pp. 72-

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

ers relating to the sending of a bride to her husband's house.

wording of the rhyme

that

little girls

also given in the tradition. Also

is

it

187

The

was

specific

custom

the

and boys should vanguard the bridal party reciting the rhyme.

The whole purpose of such performance was not simply an expression of joy
on the happy occasion, but mainly to make the conclusion of marriage
known to society and to discourage the performance of marriage secretly and
unobtrusively. By no stretch of the imagination this tradition, and the others
to the same effect, can be construed to show a liking on the Prophe's part for
1

the performance of singing girls, an expression that conveys a totally different impression.
II.

SPECULATIONS ABOUT THE PROPHET'S TRADING ACTIVITIES

That the Prophet did engage himself

from the sources.

once

Syria,

Khadijah's

made any

in

It is

known

also well

in

trade journeys to

company with his uncle 'Abu Talib and again as

caravan when he was about twenty-five years old.

leader of

he had

If

other trade journeys to distant lands that would surely have been

tant event in his life.

orientalists

many companions

Basing upon the above mentioned

facts,

as an impor-

however, the

have made a number of far-fetched and wide speculations.

Thus W. Muir, writing

makes him

visit

in

connection with the Prophet's second journey to

number of other

places, though there

slightest indication in the sources to such excursions.

the direct route from

terranean,

activities is clear

(r.a.)

noted by the chroniclers or reported by his

Syria,

some trading
made two

that he

it

Makka

was possible

to

Muir says

is

that

not the

though

Bosra lay a great way east of the Medi-

that either in connection with that journey or

on

the former journey the Prophet might have seen the Mediterranean sea and

even visited Gaza, "the favourite entrepot of the Meccan merchants." The
reason adduced by him

is:

"His reference

in

the

Coran

to ships gliding

majestically on the waters, like mountains, point to a larger class of vessels

than he was likely to see on the

pictures of sea- storms and

Red

Sea."

waves drawn

It is

in the

further stated that the vivid

Qur'an might have been seen

by the Prophet from the Arabian shore, but the "mountain ships" he saw

"more

likely

from the Syrian." 2

This statement of the Prophet's having visited the shores of the Medi1.

See for interpretation of

'Abd al-Rahman al-Banna

2.

Muir,

this tradition

al-Sa'atf,

op.cit., 3rd edn., p. 21

and some others

to the

same

effect in

Al-Fath al-Rabbani, Part XVI, pp. 212-213.

nl

(1st edn.,

II, p.

20

n.)

'Ahmad

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

188

terranean and the port of

Gaza

a pure conjecture based on an equally

is

untenable assumption that he himself composed the Qur'an incorporating

it

his

own knowledge and

The

experiences.

in

incorrectness of this latter

hypothesis will be discussed elsewhere in this work.

Here only

it

may

be

pointed out that the "vivid pictures" of sea-storms and "mountain ships"

found

Qur'an could not have been drawn even by a casual view of

in the

them from the shores

alone. Also, had the Prophet visited the shores of the

Mediterranean, not to speak of Gaza, either on his

first

or on his second

journey to Syria, that fact would have found mention in the chronicles or
the traditions in

some form or

journey to such distant lands

other. For, after all, he did not

his

makes him

either his friends or enemies.

cue from Muir, Margoliouth extends the scope of

the Prophet's imaginary travels in

south, and

in

trade

alone and without being accompanied by a

all

number of others who became subsequently

Obviously taking

make any

visit all

all

directions, east

the countries

in

and west, north and

and bordering the Arabian

Syria, Persia, HIra, Bahrayn, Yaman, Egypt and Abyssinia. "The

peninsula:

Koran shows him," writes Margoliouth, "acquainted with

travelling by sea as

well as by land; he there describes the motions of the ships and the results of

storms with a realism which savours of experience." 2 Thus avoiding the

unreasonableness

in

Muir's assumption, namely, that a casual glance from

the shores could not have imparted such realism in the Qur'anic description,

Margoliouth makes the Prophet not simply stand on the shores of the Arabian Sea and the Mediterranean but also travel by land as well as by sea.

Margoliouth further says

that the

sea, "the two, he supposed,

is

Prophet knew a sweet sea as well as a

were kept from combining by a dam";

salt

that there

reason to suppose that he saw the Dead Sea, the rock-tombs of Al-Hijr, the

villages in

Bahrayn and a "breed of

find mention
It

is

follows

by him

in

some form

how

not necessary to point out

Muir

tailless

sheep

in

Yemen",

all

of which

or other. 3
closely and faithfully Margoliouth

The same assumption underlies them,

in these conjectures.

namely, that the Prophet himself composed the text of the Qur'an; but

Margoliouth adds a new dimension

that the

Prophet took advantage of

&

1.

Infra, chaps.

XI

2.

Margoliouth,

op.cit., p. 57.

3.

Ibid., p. 58.

XIII.

to

all

it.

He advances

these travels

another hypothesis,

and journeys

to acquire

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

all sorts

made a

of knowledge and thus

189

rather long-drawn preparation for the

role he subsequently played. That hypothesis will be dealt with presently. In

the

meantime

it

may simply be

asked: If everything stated in the Qur'an

is

why

taken to be based on the Prophet's personal knowledge and experience,

not believe in the vivid descriptions of paradise and hell given therein, spe-

when

cially

there are reports categorically stating that he had a view of

in the course of a special

Of

late

journey made by him?

Watt also has

lent support to the

Thus describing the Prophet's

of the Qur'an Watt observes
describing a storm

Muir-Margoliouth conjectures.

what he conceives

early life in

work on the

in his latest

sea (10:22...)

at

some would hold

subject: "In the

implied personal experience of a storm; and

Muhammad

must have voyaged across the Red Sea

why

to be the light

in

to Ethiopia."

Red Sea where, according

only the

passage
of the

that the vividness

description

opia, of all places, and

them

that

case

Why

Ethi-

to Muir, the

"mountain ships" could not be found, are not indicated by Watt. He adds,
however,

that

such experiences might have been familiar to many others as

well at Makka. Again, a

sage revealed at

little

further on, while referring to the Qur'anic pas-

Madina and speaking about an attempt by some

section of

'Uhud

the people to mislead the Prophet on the occasion of the battle of

Watt says

(4:1 13)

Meccans before

that

"it is

conceivable that

the Hijra to 'lead

merce." 2 Watt does not explain

struction

on the passage, nor does he

conjecture that the

Makkans

More remarkable

it

astray'

by engulfing him

in

in his ealier

attempt to lead the

commerce.
of his runs somewhat

work about the Prophet's trading

from the most profitable operations.

each

In fact

in effect contradicting the other.

says that although there

Syria again "does not

is

mean

Watt makes a number of suggesThis

is

how he does

W.M.
p.

Watt,

Muhammad's Mecca:

48.

2.

Ibid., p. 50.

3.

Watt,MarM.,p.

38.

so.

He

first

no record of the Prophet's having travelled

that he did not

do

so,

though

it is

that he entrusted the oversight of his business to others." 3

1.

activi-

suggesting that he was excluded from the inner circle of traders and

tions,

1988,

com-

any fact or authority to support the

is that this latest observation

counter to what he says

in

"conceivable" to put such a con-

is

cite

might refer to attempts of the

did, before the hijrah,

Prophet astray by "engulfing" him

ties,

him

how

it

to

always possible

Having thus sug-

History in the Qur'an, Edinburgh University Press,

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NAB1

190

gested that the Prophet might have again travelled to Syria or might have
entrusted the job to his agent, that

Makka's international

others, in

is,

he was

trade,

in

any case engaged,

Watt seems

to

like the

have remembered his

Banu Hashim and

one hand and Banu 'Abd Shams, Banu 'Abd al-Dar and

laboriously built theory of an acute trade rivalry between

their allies

on the

their allies

on the other, and his further theory

former from the

field

that the latter

excluded the

of Makka's external trade. Therefore he quickly adds a

reservation or rather a virtual contradiction to the above mentioned statement

saying immediately: "The possibility should also be kept

was excluded from

that he

fitable operations."
to realize that

have given

the inner circle of traders and

But again, having made

own

clan,

about-turn saying:
since he

Abu

to

his

fact that

to the sons

found to

of another influential

mem-

hurries to carry out another

was altogether excluded,

daughter Zaynab to a

Muhammad,

is

he seems

of the influential Banu

member

of the clan of

two other daughters were betrothed

most promising youths of the

in three

member

unlikely, however, that he

marry

Lahab,... suggests that,

Thus

this last observation,

Abu Lahab. Hence Watt

"It is

was able

'Abd Shams... The

of

mind, however,

he was too close on to the time when the Prophet

his daughter in marriage to a

'Abd Shams and two other daughters

ber of his

in

from the most pro-

too,

was regarded

to

two sons

as one of the

clan." 2

consecutive sentences

at

one place Watt would have us

believe that (a) the Prophet probably carried on trade with Syria either by
travelling there personally again or through his agent; (b) that he
sibly

excluded from such profitable operations and from' the inner circle of

Makka's

traders,

and

he was very much

(c) that

it

was unlikely

in close relationship

cantile elite of the city. Needless

the trouble of
in the

web

that

he was so excluded because

with that "inner circle" and the mer-

to say that

Watt could have saved himself

making such contradictory conjectures had he

not

been caught

of his misconceived theory of an acute trade war between

Hashim and
is

was pos-

the others

that neither

on which he builds many other conjectures. The

Banu Hashim

in

Banu
truth

general nor the Prophet in particular were

ever excluded from the so-called "most profitable" operations, nor did the
so-called

Makkan

inner circle ever attempt before the hijrah to divert the

Prophet from his mission by "engulfing" him

1.

2.

libd., pp. 38-39.

Ibid., p. 39.

in

commerce.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

CONCERNING THE PROPHET'S MARRIAGE WITH KHADIJAH (R.A.)

III.

The

orientalists'

remarks regarding the Prophet's marriage with Khadijah

concentrate on three matters

(r.a.)

age

191

at the

time of the marriage and

(a) his

(c) the

motive

manner

in

in

marrying her; (b) her

which the marriage was

performed.

As

made by

regards the Prophet's motive, the main insinuation has been

He

Margoliouth.

alleges that the Prophet delayed marrying

the twenty-

till

year of his age because he was a calculating and ambitious individual

fifth

and waited

for an opportunity for

improving

through

his material position

marriage. In this connection Margoliouth castigates not only the Prophet but

"Mohammed,

also the Arabs in general for their alleged passion saying;

though not without

his share of that passion of

which the Talmud rightly

says nine parts have been given to the Arabs, and only one to the rest of the
world, waited to marry

The above
Khadijah

he could better himself thereby."

a glaringly spiteful remark.

is

was

(r.a.)

till

It is

an acknowledged fact that

a very rich lady and that the Prophet's material position

was undoubtedly improved by

Qur'an.

It is

also true that

this

when

marriage. This fact

Khadijah's

(r.a.)

is

attested

by the

agent Nafisah asked the

Prophet about the reason for his not having married

till

then, he frankly sta-

ted his financial insufficiency for undertaking the responsibilities of married

life.

But these

facts

cannot be twisted to suggest that he entertained a plan to

improve his financial position by marrying a wealthy lady, not

Khadijah

(r.a.)

the fact that

self,

all

only. That he did not

the authorities are

not the Prophet,

who

took the

dream of marrying her

unanimous

in

saying that

initiative in the

is
it

matter and

speak of

to

evident from

was she

made

her-

the pro-

posal for the marriage. Secondly, the statement of her agent, Nafisah, shows
that the
(r.a.)

Prophet was unmistakably surprised when she disclosed Khadijah's

name

"How

as the proposed bride.

could that be for me?"

He

On

hearing Nafisah the Prophet remarked:

ultimately signified his assent to Nafisah to

proceed with the matter only when she made

under instructions from Khadijah

itate

his

clear that she

had been acting

These indisputable

facts mil-

material position by marrying a wealthy lady like Khadijah

Margoliouth,

op.cit., p. 66. Cf. his

the Prophet's potency.

2.

(r.a.) herself.

against any assumption of a prior design on the Prophet's part to

improve

1.

it

Supra,

p. 174.

remark

at his p.

69 where he

reflects adversely

on

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NABI

192
(r.a.).

Equally untenable

age

(r.a.)

at the

is

employed

the logic

doubt about Khadijah's

time of her marriage with the Prophet. "She was some years

Mohammed",
Mohammed's biographers

older than

writes Margoliouth, "but assuredly not forty, as

though the legend makes some of the bed-

assert;

ouin ladies keep their good looks

women were

shite

to create

eighty or even hundred, and the Kura-

till

regarded as an exception to the law which renders child-

bearing impossible after sixty."

And almost echoing him Watt

asserts:

"The

age of Khadljah has perhaps been exaggerated. The names of seven children
she bore

to

Muhammad

are mentioned in the sources...

Sa'd's authorities says, they

make

sible, but
it

is

came

her forty-eight before the

one would have thought

even the

it

if,

as one of Ibn

regular yearly intervals, that

at

last

Even

was

born. This

is

would

by no means impos-

sufficiently unusual to merit

comment;

of thing that might well have been treated as miraculous.

sort

Yet no single word or comment occurs

in

the pages of Ibn Hisham, Ibn Sa'd

or at-Tabari." 2

Now, some

later

works on sirah do of course mention a few

ings about Khadijah's

age

(r.a.)

earlier authorities like Ibn Sa'd

she was forty

at the time.

The

at

different say-

her marriage with the Prophet; 3 but the

and Al-Tabari accept the report saying

logic

that

employed by Margoliouth and Watt

to

create doubt on the point, that of the age-limit for child-bearing, and the supposition that her age "has perhaps been exaggerated" are, however, both gratuitous.

Margoliouth speaks of sixty as the age when child-bearing should be

considered unusual; but that age-limit

instance. Watt,

is

clearly not applicable in the present

on the other hand, seems

pect; but in doing so he (Watt) too

culating, as he does,

to rectify

Margoliouth

somewhat beside

is

on the basis of yearly

in this res-

the mark. For, cal-

births, the birth

of the seventh

child should be placed in the forty-seventh and not in the forty-eighth year of

some view, the number of her children was

names of Tayyib and Tahir having both been used for one and the

her age. But then, according to

six, the

same

child. 4

The

age-limit

1.

Margoliouth,

2.

Watt, M. at M.,

3.

See

al-Wahid),
4.

would thus be reduced by another year

op.cil, p. 67.
p. 38.

for instance Ibn Kathtr (701-747 H.), Al-Sirat al-Nabawiyyah, (ed.

I.,

to forty-

Beirut, n.d., p. 264; Al-Halabi,

See Ibn Hisham.

I 190, n.3

I,

p.

and Suhayl!,

229.

I.,

214.

Mustafa 'Abd

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

193

Even allowing some gaps and accepting Watt's calculation that her last
was born in her forty-eighth year, it would not be quite unusual or

six.

child

unnatural for any lady of sound health, neither in ancient nor

times to bear a child at such age.

Watt himself acknowledges

argues that such an event
it

"was the

sort

is

that this is "by

comment" and

that

of thing that might well have been treated as miraculous", but

ment. The innuendo

at

no means improbable."; yet he

sufficiently unusual to merit

Ibn Hisham, Ibn Sa'd and Al-Tabari record

grasp

modern

in

it

without a single word of com-

Muslim

that these early

is

every unusual event and cite

it

authorities

were eager

to

as a miracle for their Prophet. If they

had really been so inclined to twist every unusual occurrence as a miracle

they would surely have

made

a point out of the present case. Indeed, neither

these historians nor their authorities

had no axe
surprise

on

to grind thereby.
this point

would have exaggerated her age

Hence the very

fact that they

means, on the one hand,

if

they

do not express any

that they did not

simply con-

sider child-birth at about the forty-eighth year of the mother's age anything

unusual and, on the other hand, that they did not exaggerate the age; for they

had no purpose

assume

in

doing

so.

Obviously

it

is

not fair and logical

that those authorities exaggerated Khadijah's (r.a.)

first to

age and then to

use their silence about the supposed unusual birth of her child as an argu-

ment

in

support of the allegation of exaggeration.

manner

Lastly, about the

in

which the marriage took place.

lowing Weil and Sprenger, 2 adopts a report which

is

W.

Muir,

fol-

noted by Al-Waqidi

along with a number of other reports on the subject and which says that
Khadijah,

(r.a.)

fearing that her father Khuwaylid

would not consent

to the

proposed marriage, had recourse to a contrivance. She prepared a grand feast

for her father and
in

when he was

"well drunk and merry"

made him

unite her

marriage to the Prophet "in the presence of his uncle Hamza", and that

when

the old

the act but

It

man came

was

to his senses he

was furious and wanted

revoke

ultimately persuaded to accept the fait accompli?

must be noted

that

Al-Waqidi, while giving an account of the marriage

The present writer himself saw a child born to a colleague of his at Riyadh in 1984 (an
when his wife was nearly fifty. Also a British lady (of Greek origin) gave
to a son some years ago in London when she was well over forty.

Indian national)
birth

to

2.

Cited by Muir, op.

3.

Ibid., pp.

23-24

cit, 1st edition, II., p.

(third edition, p. 23).

24

n.

S1RAT AL-NABl

194

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

on the basis of other reports, refers to

that

it

was a mistaken and

namely, he mentions

it

this

one as well by way of pointing out

unreliable account.

and then adds

his

Al-Tabari also does the same,

own comment

saying that

it

is

untrue and unreliable. 2 Both these authorities also point out that Khadijah's
(r.a.)

Khuwaylid died before the Fijar war and

father

Asad acted

And

as guardian for her marriage.

says that Khuwaylid gave her

that her uncle

'Amr

althought Ibn Ishaq

at

ibn

first

marriage, he (Ibn Ishaq) rectifies his mis-

in

take at a later stage in his work and mentions that

'Amr gave her

in

marriage. 3
Clearly Muir has misled his readers by suppressing the fact that Al-

Waqidi,

whom

racterizes

it

he quotes as the authority for the report, unequivocally cha-

Muir of course argues

as untrue and unreliable.

that since the

report got currency in spite of what he says the proneness of the

scholars to suppress every report that

be accepted

is

Muslim

discreditable to their Prophet,

"as a fact". 4 In this statement too

Muir

is

mistaken. The

it

must

Muslim

scholars did not suppress any report found to be discreditable to the Prophet,

On

not at least this one.

the contrary they, in their eagerness to preserve

every information that was available about him, took care to note whatever
they

came

across,

sometimes adding

regarding a particular report. That

have done
If

their

own comments and

observations

exactly what Al-Waqidi and Al-Tabari

in the present instance.

Muir had been

less inclined to lend

creditable to the Prophet and

have seen

is

if

credence to whatever appears dis-

he had applied his

critical

that the report contains in itself elements of

its

mind he could

spuriousness.

said that Khadijah (r.a.) had her father drunk, then slaughtered a

cow, pre-

Muhammad's (0) uncles and other relatives

marriage performed, etc. Now, such an elaborate preparation

pared a marriage

and got the

It is

feast, invited

would require a whole night or a whole day, and

that her father

is

manifestly unthinkable

Khuwaylid should have remained under the influence of the

drink for so long a time.

also unlikely that her brothers and other rel-

It is

133. Al-Waqidi writes:

1.

Ibn Sa'd,

2.

Al-Tabari, Tarikh,

3.

See Suhayli,

4.

Muir, op.

I,

it

1,

II,

282

(I /

129).

214.

cit., 1st

edition,

II,

24-25.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

would have remained completely

atives

Indeed, the story

assume

at

Khadijah

so absurd that

is

same time

the

that there

it

silent

who by

Prophet's uncles and relatives,

it

all

is

summonning by
ficient to
It

expose

may

its

at

if

He

the story

is

not

is

the

at

Khuwaylid's house withsurreptitious

Al-Waqidt had not pointed out

look at

it

would have been

further be pointed out that the report emanates from

her death.

Waqidi

even

little critical

which

suf-

spuriousness.

(Lahiq ibn Humayyid)

says Khadijah

we

equally unthinkable that the

made by him and on a mere

his daughter. Thus,

the unreliability of the story, a

situation

accounts were present

ceremony, would have so presented themselves

out any invitation having been

her work.

was an elaborate conspiracy hatched by

and her relatives against her father

(r.a.)

at

cannot be conceived of unless

borne out by the sources. Moreover,

at all

and conniving

195

(r.a.)

who was

stated to

a tdbi'i and

him

etc.

who

died

in

'Abu Midlaz

106 or 109 H.

Now, 'Abu Midlaz was born long

He

after

could thus by no means have got the narration from her. Hence

clearly a later fabrication

and cannot be

relied upon, as Al-

rightly points out.

IV:

More

CONCERNING THE STATE OF HIS RELIGIOUS BELIEFS

serious are, however, the remarks

made by

the orientaiists con-

cerning the Prophet's religious attitude and practices prior to his receipt of
the revelation.

It

has been alleged that he was more or less a polytheist like

some of the

the rest of his people and worshipped or revered

gation

is

idols.

This alle-

quite contrary to the reports mentioned earlier about his pre-

prophetic

religious

state. 2

This

allegation

has

been

made mainly by

Margoliouth though he took over some points from his predecessors as the
others subsequent to

him have taken over from him.

Margoliouth's arguments are as follows:

"The names of some of the children show

(a)

named them were

(b)

"He

that their parents,

Khadijah performed some domestic

[the Prophet] with

honour of one of the goddesses each night before

(c)

"He confessed

to

having

1.

Taqrib al-Tahdhib,U, 340.

2.

Supra, pp.

3.

Margoliouth,

4.

Ibid., 70, citing

when they

idolators." 3

at

64- 1 66.
op.cit., pp.

69-70.

Musnad, IV,

p.

222.

rite

in

retiring." 4

one time sacrificed a grey sheep

to Al-

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

196

'Uzza".
(d)

It

to dislike
(e)

was

the monotheist

meat offered

Though

repugnance

to

Zayd ibn

Amr who

'

Muhammad

inspired

to idols. 2

the Prophet railed against idolatry "he had not that physical

which men had often had: otherwise the kissing of the Black

it

Stone would not have been a ceremony for which he yearned when deprived
of

it,

and which he permanently retained." 3

As regards

the

first

does he elucidate

it

argument Margoliouth does not

in his

work under

reference.

who

ated, however, by a subsequent writer

the statements. This question

cite

any authority nor

The point has been

reiter-

cites an authority in support

of

would therefore be taken up when we come

to

consider that writer's views on the matter. 4

As regards

the argument at (b) Margoliouth cites the authority of a tradi-

Musnad. 5 To see how

tion in the

understood or misused
M

4&I j isruJjJ-

o jjuu y\S
I

,.$,-,/'

"...

necessary to quote

Jji jAj

^\

Translation:

it is

this particular tradition has

JJby- C-u

Ail

oils' JlS i yi\

J*-

o^Jl

AsiuJli-

its

text

which

is

as follows:

jUr jJJj- J\4 Aji

SoJ> Jj&i
J>-

Jli Ijji

x&\

been mis-

ji\

*i .UJlj ij j*Jl j

LiJ*-)

o^Ul xti

Ibn 'Urwah, narrating from his father, stated: 'A neighbour of

KhadTjah bint Khuwaylid related

to

me

that

he (the neighbour) heard the Prophet,

peace and blessings of Allah be on him, saying to KhadTjah: 'O Khadijah, by Allah,
I

do not worship Ldt and 'Uzza, by

Khadijah

Allah,

Now,

it

is

[the people]

used to worship before retiring

it

properly or he has distorted

idols they used to

and not

however, he has either failed

It is

it.

worship before

ment of Khadijah's neighbour,

general,

at night."

obvious that Margoliouth has based his assumption on the

sentence of the tradition. In doing so,

were the

He (the neighbour) says, at this

He (the neighbour) said: 'Those

never do.

said: 'Leave that Ldt, leave that 'Uzza.'

were the idols they

stand

at all to that

last

to under-

clear that the expression: "those

retiring at night"

refers to the practice of the

of the Prophet and Khadijah

which

is

a state-

Quraysh people
(r.a.).

This

is

in

obvi-

ous from the context as well as from the grammatical rules governing the

Margoliouth,

op.cit., 70, citing

2.

Margoliouth,

op.cit., 70, citing

3.

Margoliouth,

op.cit., 79.

4.

Infra, pp.

5.

Musnad, IV,

204-210.
p.

222.

Wellhausen, Reste, 34.

Musnad,

I,

p. 189.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

text.

As

regards the context,

on the part of the reporter to

his wife that he never

it

state, as

he did,

worshipped the

that

he heard the Prophet telling

and then

idols

to state, at the

wanted

and discredit the Prophet which, by no

to contradict

same

Indeed there

making such a statement unless he

the reporter's

in

97

would be incongruous and self-contradictory

time, that the Prophet and his wife used to worship those idols

would be no point

stretch of the

imagination, can be assumed to have been the reporter's intention in the

present instance.

As regards
verbs in the
(Oj-laj)

last

Had

his wife, they

is

worth noting that there are three

(dyo^euoj), all in the plural, in contradistinction to the

these verbs been intended at

(ou_iy)

rules.

and

in the dual

yadtaji'ani (JWJajsj), as

The obvious meaning of

Prophet and

to refer to the

all

would invariably have been framed

ya'buddni

grammatical

it

clause of the sentence, namely, kdnu 0 jits'), ya'huduna

and yadtaji'una

dual form.

(Wf),

the gramamtical rules,

form,

demanded by

the expression

is

i.e.,

kana

the Arabic
that, after

having reported what he heard the Prophet telling his wife the narrator adds a
description of the idols saying that those were the idols "they",

Quraysh people, used

worthy

to

worship before going to bed

i.e.

at night. It is also note-

that the very description of the idols as their idols precludes

other conclusion. For the

two

idols

and inaugurated by the Prophet and

his wife,

nor were they (the two idols)

(r.a.)

family.

Hence

could in no way have spoken of the idols in question as

the reference

is

any

mentioned here were neither introduced

exclusive to the Prophet's or Khadijah's

Prophet's and Khadijah's

the

(r.a.) idols.

their, that is the

Both grammatically and

unmistakably to the Quraysh people

the narrator

linguistically

in general.

Hence

the

very authority which Margoliouth adduces in support of his allegation only

proves to the contrary showing that the Prophet forcefully stated, and that
also to his wife,

from

whom

he had no reason to hide anything about his hab-

saying that he did never worship the idols.

its,

In support

of his statement

at (c),

namely, that the Prophet allegedly once

confessed to having sacrificed a grey sheep to Al-'Uzza, Margoliouth cites

the authority of J.Wellhausen's Reste, 34. 2 This latter scholar in fact bases
his assertion

on a report which occurs

in the

work of Yaqut and

1.

This has been pointed out by many a scholar. See for instance

2.

i.e.J.

also in that

Akram Khan,

305.

Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums, 2nd edn, Berlin, 1897.

op.

cit., p.

SIRAT AL-NABi AND

198

THE ORIENTALISTS

of 'Abu al-Mundhir (ibn al-Kalbf). In his book Mu'jam al-Buldan Yaqut,

while giving an account of Al-'Uzza, writes: '"Abu al-Mundhir has said: 'We
heard

[uaA, jSj]

that the Prophet, peace

and blessings of Allah be on him, men-

tioned her [Al-'Uzza] once and said:

when

was following

the report from

the religion of

'Abu al-Mundhir.

Yaqut's description of Al-'Uzza

is

offered a grey sheep to Al-'Uzza

my

people."

It is

whole of

a verbatim reproduction or rather a blatant

plagiarism of what 'Abu al-Mundhir writes about that idol

Idols.

Yaqut had

clear that

In fact not only this report but the

The Book of

in his

Now,

all

Mundhir

on hadith

the recognized authorities

'Abu

literature treat this

al-

as a notorious falsifier and fabricator of traditions and declare

unanimously

that

he should not

be trusted and relied upon

at all

matters

in

concerning the Prophet's character and questions of legal and theological

Thus Ibn Hibban, one of

rules.

'Abu al-Mundhir

the early authorities on hadith, characterizes

as an extreme Shi't, very prolix in telling strange stories

and reports of which there

is

no foundation

'Abu al-Mundhir's mistakes and

that

in fact.

do not require description. 3 Similarly Ibn Hajar

and quotes
cheap

Ahmad

story-teller

as a Rdfidi. 5

is

always

He

mentions

Yaqut, Mu'jam al-Buldan, Beirut,

'Abu al-Mundhir (Hisham ibn Muhamad

3.

Ahmed

354

Ibn Hibban

4.

n.d., IV,

16.

ibn al-Sa'ib al-KalbT, d.

204

Zakf Pascha, Cairo, 1914. Compare specially Yaqut's

pp. 18-19. His description of

(Muhammad

H.), Kitab al-Majruhin

Muhammad

that Ibn 'Asakir characterized

These are by way of examples only. 6 'Abu al-Mundhir him-

1.

'Abu al-Mundhir's

be avioded. 4 Equally unfavourable

to

2.

al-Asnam, ed.

was a

and gossip-monger. Ibn Hajar also quotes Al-Daraqutni as

the opinion of Al-Dhahabt.

him

'Abu al-Mundhir

castigates

ibn Hanbal as saying that he ('Abu al-Mundhir)

saying that 'Abu al-Mundhir

is

Ibn Hibban further says

fabrications are so notorious that they

Ahmad 'Abu Hatim al-Tamtml

Min al-Muhaddithin wa al-Du'afd' wa al-Matrukin,

III,

h.),

Kitab

with that of

Al-'Uzza occupies his pp. 17-27.

ibn Hibban ibn

Ibrahim Zayd), Aleppo, 1396,

206

text

al-Bustt, d.

Vol.

I III

(ed.

91.

Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalant, Lisdn al-Miidn, VI, Beirut, third impression, 1406

1986,

p.

196 (no. 700).

5.

AI-DhahabT, Mizdn

al-l'tiddl, (ed. 'All

Beirut, pp. 304-305. See also

n.d., p.

6.

Muhammad

al-Bukhari) VI, Dar al-Ma'rifah,

Al-Mughni Fi al-Du'afd' al-Kabir

(ed.

Nur al-Dtn

See also AI-'Aqil ('Abu Ja'far

Muhammad

ibn

'Amr

ibn

XII,

p.

II,

Hammad), Kitab al-Du'afd'

al-Kabir, (ed. 'Abd al-Mu'tt 'Amtn Qal'ajt) First impression, Beirut, n.d.,

Ahmad

'AsTr),

711, no. 6756.

Zaki Pascha's introduction to the Kitab al-Asndm,

269.

op.cit., p. 17;

p.

339, No. 1945;

Tahdhib al-Tahdhib,

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

vided false information.

it is

many occasions fabricated reports and proEven by his own wording of the report under con-

having on

self confesses to his

sideration

199

a mere hearsay (Ub

Thus

jsj).

the report

which the

orientalists

long before the appearance of their writings been

persistently cite had

rejected as a fabricated and unreliable one.

It

stands

condemned

as a hearsay

by the admission of Ibn al-KalbT himself.

ibn

As regards
'Amr who

to idols,

says that

argument

his
is

Margoliouth of course

Zayd

namely,

at (d),

that

it

was

the monotheist

Zayd

reported to have inspired the Prophet to dislike meat offered

'Amr

ibn

cites a tradition

ibn Nufayl

Zayd

ibn Harithah. At that time

ibn

recorded

in the

Musnad. 2

It

once passed by the Prophet and Zayd

'Amr was asked

to partake of a

meal pre-

pared for the former two but he declined to do so saying that he did not eat
anything slaughtered on an altar (nusub). The narrator adds that thereafter
the Prophet

was not seen eating anything slaughtered on an

altar.

This tradition about a meeting between the Prophet and Zayd ibn 'Amr

come down

ibn Nufayl and the incident of the meal has

to us through diffe-

rent chains of narrators in various versions with considerable additions

alterations. 4
in the
is

is in itself

a clear proof that things have been mixed up

course of transmission of the report. So far as the report

concerned a few points need

among
to

This fact

its

narrators

is

to

in

be noted specially. In the

Mas'udi about

mix up matters and

whom

it

is

Hisham

Musnad,

3.

He was

'Amr being

I,

quite trustworthy. 6 In

(ibn Sa'id) are not

p.

Musnad

first

place,

any report coming through him could

that therefore

Kitab al-Asnam, op.cit,

2.

the

generally held that he used

not be cited as evidence. 5 Also two other narrators, Nufayl ibn

his father

and

Hisham and

another version

21

189-190. (Margoliouth,

op.cit., 70).

a hanif and a paternal cousin of

brothers. Their father Nufayl ibn

'Umar

ibn al-Khattab's, both AI-Khattab and

'Abd al-'Uzza was the

sixth in descent

from

Ka'b ibn Lu'ayy.

4.

See for instance, besides the Musnad, Bukhari, nos. 3826 and 5499; Al-Tabarani, Al-

Mu'jam

al-Kabir, Vol.

Dalail al-Nubuwwah
al-Nubala', Vol.

I.,

I.,

second impression,

etc.,

Vol.

II,

n.d., p.

Beirut, 1986, pp. 220-222; Al-HaythamT,

IX, Beirut, 1986, pp. 420-421.

It

(ed.

1987, pp. 85-92, where almost

'A' lam

etc.,

'Umar 'Abd al-Salam Tadmurf),

all

Vol.

Al-Tabarani, Al-Mu'jam al-Kabir,

1,

first

the different versions have been

reproduced.
5.

Al-DhahaM, Siyar

Majma al-Zawaid

has been recorded also by Nasa't in his section on man&qib.

See also Al-Dhahabi, Al-Sirat al-Nabawiyyah

impression, Beirut,

151 and Vol. V, pp. 86-87; Al-BayhaqJ,

Beirut, 1985, pp. 120-128, 144;

op.cit., p. 151, f.n.

SIRAT AL-NABI

200

Muhammad

'Amr

ibn

sidered untrustworthy.
sidered 'weak'.

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

ibn 'Alqam
1

Hence

is

one of the

In fact the entire portion of the report

to the end of his reported remarks

(juj

happened. 3 This

is

same Mas'udi

that the Prophet

none of the

and

his

is

con-

is

con-

from "Zayd met them"

which

in

this portion

does not occur. 4

is,

it

it

can

in

no way be

had slaughtered the animal and prepared the meal. In

On

the contrary

show

clearly that

different versions gives such an impression.

the wordings as well as the tenor of the various versions

the meal

Musnad

a mixing up of what actually

Secondly, even taking the Musnad's text as

shown

He, too,

evident also from the fact that Al-Bayhaqi gives the

is

report through the

fact

narrators.

this particular version in the

was prepared by

the others and presented

by them

to the Prophet

companion. And as regards the question of eating of the meal, the

correct and reliable report given

by Bukhari says

once Zayd ibn 'Amr

that

ibn Nufayl happened to meet the Prophet before his call to Prophethood, at

Baldah (near Makka), when such a meal was presented

refused to partake of

it;

so did

people slaughter on the

which was a sequel

Zayd

ibn

altars, etc." 5

'Amr, adding:
Obviously

this

"I

to the Prophet.

do not eat what you

expresion of Zayd's,

to the Prophet's earlier refusal to partake

which Zayd made when he was

in turn offered the

He

of the meal and

meal, has been mixed up

by some of the narrators and made to appear as though he was the person

who

first

declined to eat of the meal. 6 That things have been mixed up

cleary illustrated also by the fact that in one version of this report the

group of narrators add

to their narration that the Prophet,

between Safa and Marwah

strictly

is

same

while running

asked Zayd ibn Harithah, his adopted son

who was

with him, not to go near nor touch the two idols, 'Isaf and Na'ilah,

posted

those two places and which the other

at

See also Al-Dhahabi, Siyar 'A'lam al-Nubala',

6.

Ibid.

Al-Tabaram,

Makkans were wont

op.cit.,

V,

p.

86

I,

to touch

p. 222.

n.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Muhibb Allah Shah, quoted in Al-TabaranT, op.cit., I, p. 151 n. See also Nasir al-Din
comment in Muhammad al-Ghazali's Fiqh al-Sirah, 7th impression, 1986, pp. 86-

al-Albant's

87n.
4.

Al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il

5.

Bukhari, no. 3826. The text runs as follows:

6.

See for comments on

IX, pp. 630-631.

etc., II, first

this report

impression, Beirut, 1985

1405. pp. 123-124.

Fath al-Bari, VIII, third impression, pp. 176-178 and

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS* VIEWS

while making the

ritual

was

that the Prophet steered clear of idolatry

to

call to

emphasize

201

runs there. Evidently the intention of the narrators

even before

Prophethood. Again, the same group of narrators report

his

this latter

incident as a separate narration without alluding to the incident of the meal.

Thus a comparison and

shows

collation of the various versions of the report

and prepare the meal,

that neither did the Prophet slaughter the animal

nor did he partake of

although the mere partaking of such food, like mar-

it;

rying within the prohibited degrees, would not be regarded improper before
the orders of prohibition were revealed respecting these

other hand one version of the report in Bukhari, which

more

two

is

matters.

first

decline the meal. Also, two other versions of the report from the

of narrators emphasize,
placed

at

Safa and

also obvious

in addition, that the

Marwah

from the

Prophet

the

unquestionably the

Prophet was the

reliable, categorically states that the

On

strictly

person to

same group

avoided the idols

while making runs between those places.

different versions that the reported

It is

meeting between

Zayd ibn 'Amr and

the Prophet took place not long before the latter's call to

Prophethood when

his religious attitude, particularly his attitude

idolatry,

must have taken

definite shape, specially as

emphatically stated to his wife

life that

to

which the report under discussion

be "inspired" for the

detest the idols

and

to avoid

towards

he

that

an obviously early stage of their conjugal

he had never worshipped Al-Lat and Al-'Uzza. 2 Clearly

ture of time to

no need

at

we know

frist

relates the

time by Zayd ibn

at that junc-

Prophet was

'Amr and

in

his like to

meats dedicated to them.

Lastly, with regard to Margoliouth's remark noted at (e) above, namely,

that the Prophet

had not much of physical repugnance to idolatry because he

retained in Islam the practice of kissing the Black Stone. In

remark Margoliouth has

making

this

fallen into three errors, namely, (a) an error about

the original nature of the Black Stone; (b) an error about what he calls the

Prophet's yearning for kissing

object of the practice of kissing

There are a number of

1.

Cf. Al-Dhahabt, Siyar

Nabawiyyah,

it

and

(c)

touching

an error about the purpose and

it.

traditions about the origin of the

'A'lam al-Nubald',

op.cit, pp. 81, 87-88;

and Al-Tabarani,

1,

pp.

op.cit.,

220-221

V,

Black Stone. 3

and his Al-Sirat

pp. 86-87 (Nos.

al-

4663 and

4665).
2.
3.

Supra, 196.

See for instance Musnad,

878; Nasal, no. 2935. See also

I,

307, 329, 373;

Muhammad

277; Tirmidhi, nos. 877,

II,

213, 214;

III,

Tayyib

al-Najjar,

Al-Qawl al-Mubin Fi Sirat

SIRAT AL-NABI

202

According

to Ibn

al-'Athir,

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Prophet Ibrahim, while erecting the Ka'ba,

obtained the stone from the nearby mountain of 'Abu Qubays and placed
in

one corner of the Ka'ba so

that

it

might become the starting and finishing

point of circumambulating (tawdf) the House.

Although

how and why

succeeding ages
lost sight of.

of

Prophet Ibrahim got

this nature

Makka and

evil.

Nor

of worship or a

kiss
it

it.

But there

is

rite

identity with the

House

nothing in the

along with their goddesses or con-

connected with the worship of

power of doing

Abrahamic

idols.

The

kissing of the

sort of national institution signifying their

tradition,

never an act of idolatrous worship.

the suggestion that the retention of the practice

idolatry

is

there any hint that the act of kissing constituted a form

Black Stone was for the Arabs a

Hence

nonetheless

other Arabs used to start their circumambulation of the

as having any divine attribute or possessing any

it

it

Throughout the

it.

and purpose of the Black Stone has never been

sources to suggest that they worshipped

good or

and used

Following the Abrahamic tradition the pre-Islamic inhabitants

from the point of the Black Stone and

sidered

it

statement of

this

Ibn al-'Athir's does not really explain the origin of the stone

informs us

it

is

a remnant of

simply a misinterpretation of its origin and nature.

is

Secondly, Margoliouth's reference to the Prophet's alleged "yearning" for

kissing the Black Stone

is

indeed a twisting of the

Prophet did indeed yearn for making 'umrah and

same

facts.

After the hijrah the

hajj; but that is not the

thing as saying that he yearned merely for kissing the Black Stone or

viewed

it

as an object of devotion or adoration.

Thirdly, the

same

practice of starting

and finishing tawdf of the Ka'ba

from the point of the Black Stone as established by Ibrahim has been
retained in Islam. Indeed the hajj and 'umrah are a continuation of the Abra-

hamic

tradition in Islam. This tradition has nothing to

worship.

'umrah

It

is

that the

do with idolatrous

an essential condition of correct performance of hajj and

Ka'ba should be circumambulated;

it

is

also an essential con-

dition that the act of circumambulating should be started and finished at the

point of the Black Stone.

The touching and kissing of it is not an absolute

The Prophet himself sometimes kissed it, someof kissing is done by way of showing one's love

requisite for hajj or 'umrah.

times he did not.

The

act

Sayyid al-Mursalin, Riyadh, 1981, pp. 21-26 where the various traditions have been quoted
and discussed.
1

Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil

etc.,

I,

p. 82.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

203

and feeling for the Ka'ba, the centre which imparts a sense of direction for

Muslim community. The

the entire

kissing of the Black Stone

is

only an

expression of that sense of unity and adhesion to the great family and broth-

erhood which traces

who

found

its

origin to Ibrahim.

Not a

thinks he worships the Black Stone, or regards

any power of bestowing a benefit or causing any harm.

The practice concerning the Black Stone

remnant of

a subsequent writer. Mention

fery who,

some

orientalists'

"Was Muhammad

the observation that the

from idolatry
ous

to

lowed

is

it

and of the

neither a fetish nor a

in

his

arguments and conclusions by

may be made, however,

of Arthur Jef-

quarter of a century after the appearance of Margoliouth's

work, harnessed the

tioned:

as possessing

idolatry.

Margoliouth has been followed

many

it

Muslim worships

Alone of

neither the Black Stone nor the Ka'ba, but the Lord

universe.

Muslim could be

single

arguments on

this

question in an article cap-

a Prophet from his infancy."

Jeffery starts with

whole question of Muhammad's

in his early life is "an

any instructed intelligence

exceedingly foolish one", for

Thus

"obvi-

it is

that every prophet before his call has fol-

the religion of his people, and that an infant prophet

logically a monstrosity." 2

immunity

(%)

castigating the

would be psycho-

Muslim

attitude

on

the

subject Jeffery forestalls the objections that might be raised to the traditions

he cites by saying that the Muslim criticism of tradition concerned

"solely with the examination of the sanad"

matn or substance of

the

Hence modem scholarship

on isndd alone as worthless. He further says

Buddha

little

attention to

tradition itself; but attention to the latter yields

"astonishingly fruitful results".

tion

and paid "very

itself

treats concentra-

that as in the cases of Jesus,

or even Alexander, there grew an idealizing tendency in the case of

Muhammad {% )

too at a subsequent period giving rise to

tions. "It is thus precisely those traditions

izing tendency

which are

which are a priori the most

many such

farthest

from

tradi-

this ideal-

likely to be genuine." For, these

could not have been invented "after the idealizing process had started" and
they would in

all

likelihood have been suppressed at that time "had they not

been old and unquestionably authentic." 3

passage 93: 6-7 shows that Allah found

1.

MW..XX,

3.

1930,226-234.

226.

2.

Ibid.,

227-228.

He further says that the Qur'anic

Muhammad (%) "in a false reli-

SiRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

204

gion" and then guided him to the true one and that his whole attitude in the

Qur'an

is

man who

that of a

has forsaken the old religion of his people and

pressing on them the necessity of embracing a

new and

is

better religion. Jef-

fery then enumerates the following six reasons in support of his view.
In his Kitab al-Bad'

(i)

wa

al-Tdrikh Al-Maqdisi gives a tradition on the

authority of Qatadah 1 which says that the

"bore to the Prophet in the Jahiliyya was

first

son

whom

Khadtjah

(r.a.)

named by him 'Abd Manaf,

i,e,

Manaf was the name of an ancient and at one time

Makka. And since Muhammad (0 ) "after his assumption

Servant of Manaf".
important idol of

of the prophetic office" took care to change "the names of those of his fol-

lowers which were reminiscent of the old paganism",

would not have named

his first-born

it

is

obvious "that he

'Abd Manaf had he been

at that

time

following the 'religion of Abraham' which he later professed". 2

(ii)

Prior to his prophethood he married three of his daughters to three

idolatrous husbands (two to

'Abu Lahab's two sons and

the eldest to

'Abu

al-

'As ibn Rabf); and at that time "there was no consciousness on the part of

anyone of any difference between the

Meccan
(iii)

contemporaries."

religion of

Muhammad

and

that of his

Referring to the Prophet's arbitration in setting the Black Stone to

its

place at the time of the rebuilding of the Ka'ba Jeffery says that the fact that

Muhammad
al-Lat,

(^f

took part in the rebuilding of the Ka'ba, the "House of that

al-'Uzza and Manat" against

whom

he later "fulminated in the

Qur'an" shows that he was then "following peacefully the religion of his
people." 4
(iv) Jeffery cites the tradition in the

Musnad (iv,

222), already referred to

by Margoliouth, which speaks of a neighbour's overhearing the Prophet's

statement to his wife refusing to worship Al-Lat and Al-'Uzza, and the
neighbour's remark: "Those were the idols which they used to worship, and

then go to bed". Jeffery adds his

interpretation of the

tradition. 5

own

reasons for supporting Margoliouth's

These reasons

(v) Jeffery also cites the tradition in the

1.

Jeffery writes "al-Qatada" which

2.

Jeffery, op.

cit.,

3.

Ibid.,

229-230

4.

Ibid.,

230-231.

5.

Ibid.,

231-232.

228-229.

is

a mistake.

will

be considered presently.

Musnad (i,
The name

189), also cited earlier

is is

simply Qatadah.

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

by Margoliouth, purporting

to

show

that

Zayd

ibn

205

'Amr ibn Nufayl

inspired

own

the Prophet to abandon eating meat offered to idols.' Jeffery adds his

reasons which will be discussed presently.

(vi)

Jeffery

Finally,

also

cites

the

mentioned

tradition,

earlier

by

Margoliouth, which purports to show that the Prophet once offered a sheep
to Al-'Uzza. 2
It

may be

noted that the

first in this series

of arguments

is

only a doc-

umentation of Margoliouth's statement about the idolatrous nature of the

names of some of

The argument at (iii) about the

Black Stone is also somewhat an exten-

the Prophet's children.

Prophet's role in the resetting of the

And

sion of Margoliouth's remarks about the Black Stone.

merated

at

and

(v)

(iv),

are a reiteration

(vi)

the points enu-

of those mentioned by

may be said to be
adduces his own reasons

Margoliouth. Thus the only additional argument which

essentially Jeffery's

own

But since he

is that at (ii).

to strengthen all these points, all of

by one. Before doing so, however,

them

it

will be taken into consideration

would be worthwhile to examine a

one

little

closely Jeffery's preliminary remarks.

It

may be

noted

tion in order to

at the outset that Jeffery

make

(% )was a Prophet

somewhat

inflates the proposi-

out his case. Muslims do never claim that

since his infancy, as Jeffery puts

the Prophet followed since his

boyhood

it,

the religion of

Muhammad

nor do they say that

Abraham. They only

say that the Prophet was free from the stain of polytheism (shirk) even in his
pre-prophetic

life.

This

is

not the

same thing as saying

"from" his infancy. Again, Jeffery's statement that

to

any instructed intelligenece

the religion of his people"

is

it is

that he

was a Prophet

"sufficiently

obvious

that every prophet before his call followed

arguable.

Nor

is it

at all "foolish" to think of a

person, even though born and brought up amidst a certain religious environ-

ment, not practising the religious

rites

be more easily the case where, as

formance of religious

rites

of that religious system. Such could

in the

was more

Makkan

in the nature

tribal society, the per-

of a communal exercise

than of personal practice. Indeed in such a society non-participation in the

communal

religious functions

and unobtrusive

attitude

on

by any individual would be

his part than

rather a passive

any noticeable disruption

in the

socio-religious system. Instances are not wanting of "non-practising Chris-

1.

Ibid.,

232-233.

2.

Ibid.,

233-234.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

206

And

tians", for instance, in a Christian society.

would be found

vacuum or

to be in an intellectual

made about
many of them

enquiries are

if

what exactly such "non-practising" individuals believe

in,

are atheists or marxists,

though they generally pass off as normal members of

their respective reli-

gious communities.

The matter goes beyond

this,

however.

instructed intelligence that in the case of

It

many a

very obvious to any

is

great

man

subsequent greatness were discernible even in his very early

far as a great religious figure is

concerned

it is

not

at all

the signs of his

life.

And

in

so

God

unlikely that

mind in the right direction from his boyhood. Enquiries made with
persons newly embracing a monotheistic religion but previously belonging
sets his

community

to another religious

reveal that in

many

cases they had developed

an abhorrence of the polytheistic practices of their communities and avoided

those practices since an early stage of their

viewed a young Bengali Hindu convert

mic University. He
idols

when he was

12 years,

left

writer inter-

Madina

Isla-

and avoid the worship of

when he was about

travelled to Pakistan with the help of a benfactor and

secondary education there joined the Madina Islamic Uni-

and graduated

year (1991).

this

merly belonging to a Christian family

ied for

to dislike

8 or 9 years of age, embraced Islam

home,

after finishing his

versity

The present

to Islam studying at the

began

stated that he

lives.

some time

at the

Another young convert

at

Madina Islamic

Leicester, England,

to Islam, for-

who

also stud-

University, related to the writer a

similar story of his early abstinence from the Christian forms of worship.

The idea of a boy belonging

theism

is

thus not

to a polytheistic society yet not practising poly-

at all "foolish"

as Jeffery so confidently asserts.

His statement about the nature of Muslim criticism of tradition also

untenable.

The Muslim

criticism

ination of isndd; and even

if

was not concerned

that

was

so, that is

no

"solely" with the

is

exam-

justification for a total

dispensing with the examination of the authority on which a particular tradition purports to

be based,

made by Muir and

was a proneness on

as the orientalists

seem

since then echoed by

there

the part of the

press any report derogatory to their Prophet

is

never was any attempt to suppress anything.

1.

Sil),

The

Patuakhali.

Sri

The accusation

ori-

absolutely unjustifiable. There

On

the contrary, the attempt

name is Muhammad Safiullah (his previous name was Paresh Chandra

Sukumar Chandra Sil, of village Gabua, P.O. Mankaran, Badarpur, Dist.

convert's

son of

to do.

many including Jeffery that

Muslim authorities of old to sup-

ginally

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

was

and preserve anything and everything

to collect

in circulation. In fact there could

down

for the writing

207

was available and

that

be no attempt as such to suppress anything;

was no centralized

or circulation of traditions

affair

and

there could conceivably be no machinery to prevent an individual from writ-

ing

down and

transmitting a report or information he cared to collect. Sup-

pression of anything under the circumstances was out of the question.

because of

this

absence of any plan or

issuance of tradition, and because

were put

in circulation

were led of necessity

spurious traditions.

feasibility to supervise

was found

it

by interested parties

that

that

The sheer

historical fact

is

and control the

of this historical

ssary to strictly

fact;

and

it

is this fact

was an abundance and

which makes

examine especially those very

On

it

on any particular

the basically faulty assumption that there

an out-

is

absolutely nece-

traditions that

counter to the generally accepted facts about the Prophet's

tradictory and inconsistent information

from the

was no means of

that there

unbridled growth of spurious traditions. The emphasis on isnad

come

was

many spurious traditions

the Muslim traditionists

to formulate criteria to distinguish the genuine

controlling the issuance of traditions while there

It

seem

to run

or supply con-

life

point.

was a proneness on

the part

of the Muslims to suppress any report discreditable to their Prophet the

orientalists generally
their part to treat as

go

to the opposite

extreme of exhibiting a proneness on

genuine anything that appears to

reflect discreditably

on

the Prophet. Jeffery's statement that the traditions which are farthest from the
idealizing tendency are a priori the

most

likely to

be genuine

is

symptomatic

of this attitude. Even the existence of an idealizing tendency and the likelihood of the opposite type of traditions being genuine do not by themselves
constitute sufficient grounds for doing

away with any

critical

the latter in respect of both isnad and other aspects. After

examination of

all,

Muslims do

not readily accept the so-called idealizing traditions on the face of them

without subjecting them to any

test.

That a

little

careful examination of the

traditions cited by Jeffery in support of his view, in respect of both isnad

matn, reveals their weaknesses and the hazard

on the points

at issue

would be seen

Jeffery's first evidence

relating to the

1.

name of

is

in treating

them as conclusive

presently.

the report of Qatadah noted by Al-Maqdisi

the Prophet's

Mutahhar ibn Tahir al-Maqdist

(d.

Paris, 1899, reprinted Beirut, 1916, p. 139.

and

first

355

H.),

son born of Khadijah

Kitab al-Bad'

wa

and

(r.a.). It is

al-Tarikh. ed. Huart,

SlRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

208
defective in

many ways. This Qatadah

Di'amah,

(ibn

quoted some

thirty different

whom

there

is

More

he received this particular information.

whom

he

not even mentioned

is

it

gene-

is

on record,

further

is

it

persons as his informants but from

had never heard anything.' In the present instance

from

117/118 H.)

d.

considered a deceptive (mudallis) narrator who,

rally

important

still,

a gap of about two hundred years between Al-Maqdisi (d.355 H.)

and Sa'id ibn

'AM

'Urubah

(d.

who

156/157 H.)

is

said to have received the

how

information from Qatadah. Yet Al-Maqdisi does not mention

which sources he received the

latter's report.

This

is all

the

or through

more remarkable

because he mentions the book of Ibn Ishaq as the source while saying that
the

latter's

statement on the subject differs from that of Sa'id ibn 'Abi

'Urubah. 2 Apart from this consideration of the isndd, the text

its

itself exhibits

weakness. Al-Maqdisi writes: "According to a report of Sa'id ibn 'Abi

'Urubah from Qatadah she (Khadtjah,

Messenger of Allah

(0)

in the

gave birth

r.a.)

to

'Abd Manaf

Jdhiliyyah and she gave birth for

for the

him

in

Islam to two sons and four daughters, Al-Qasim and 'Abd Allah, and these

two died

two sons died

Now,

in the Jdhiliyyah."

have been born

pened

in the

book of Ibn Ishaq

to the alleged

is

that while

it

two sons, Al-Qasim and 'Abd Allah, who are said

in Islam,

died in their childhood,

'Abd Manaf who

The emphasis

in the Jdhiliyyah.

stated that his

it is

the most important thing to note about this text

specifically states that the

to

And

in their childhood.

laid

is

it

does not say what hap-

said to have been born before

on the death

other sons implies that the so-called 'Abd

in

Manaf did

them

childhood of the two

not so die. But history

does not know of any son for the Prophet attaining age or surviving him.

Hence

the statement in the report

part of the person

who made

is

clearly a mistake or confusion

or transmitted

it.

That there has been some confusion or mistake appears

from

the fact that in the Sirat Mughaltdy4

Khadtjah

(r.a.)

gave

See the next note.

3.

Al-Maqdisi, op.

( nie-l

1326

aDI j

ii j>r\j,

j f*-,)II

The Arabic

cit.,

139.

jfjii

*5Uj 0i j JJUlfl

p.

all

the clearer

unequivocally stated that

(or

'Abd Allah)

for

356.

text runs as follows:

^ l&U

ji

iU-J ^1

Al-Hafiz 'Ala' al-Din Mughaltay ibn Qulayz

H., p. 12.

is

it

named 'Abd Manaf

Tahdhib al-Tahdhtb, VIII, 35 1 -356, especially

2.

4.

birth to a son

on the

(d.

>->\

jij^f BUi l)lx*j

^.tfll

cl* yi j

726), Sirat Mughaltdy, Cairo print,

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

her

first

209

husband 'Atiq ibn 'A' id. The report under consideration appears
1

have confused

'Abd Manaf as the Prophet's

this

sequently married Khadijah

(r.a.). It

may

that Ibn 'Asakir (d. 571) quotes a report

that only four sons
2

Al-Qasim. In

son, because he sub-

also be noted in this connection

from the same Qatadah which says

to the Prophet of

this report there is

sum

Thus, to

were born

first

to

whom

the eldest

no mention of 'Abd Manaf

was named

at all.

up, the report given by Al-Maqdisi on the supposed autho-

rity

of Qatadah does not agree with another of the same Qatadah's report on

the

same subject

by Ibn 'Asakir. Secondly, there

cited

Qatadah's informants nor does Al-Maqdisi mention

report said to have

is

no mention of

how he

received the

been transmitted by Sa'id ibn 'Abi 'Urubah who had died

about a couple of centuries before him. Thirdly, the report implies that the
alleged

'Abd Manaf did not

Prophet did

so.

die in childhood while the other

two sons of

maturity or surviving him. Fourthly, Al-Maqdisi's information

with that given by

all

would be

It

those earlier authorities were par-

suppressing such an important fact relating to the Prophet as the exis-

tence and
est

all

conflict

is in

the earlier authorities including Ibn Ishaq.

both arbitrary and unfair to assume that

ties to

the

But history does not record any son of the Prophet attaining

name of another son

for him. Last but not least,

if

there

was an

eld-

son other than Al-Qasim, the Prophet's kunya would have been '"Abu so-

and-so" instead of 'Abu al-Qasim, for the kunya of a person was invariably
after his first-born child.

Prophet's

kunya? For

all credible.

all

these reasons the report under discussion

I.,

Muhammad

ibn al-Hasan al-Diyar Bakri

tocopy with the Madina Islamic University),

Al-Maqdisi, op.

3.

4.

It

'Urwah

may

(d.

the

i.e.,

1977,

(d.

966 H.) Tartkh

al-

is

respectively

(r.a)

its

gave birth for the Prophet

to

two sons

'Abd al-Uzza and Al-Qasim but both of them died before

This report too

more than one of

Univ. Or. 370 (pho-

another such report emanating from Hisham ibn

Islam. (Bukhart, Al-Tarikh al-Saghir, ed.

p. 4).

MSS. Leiden

fol. 96.

146 H.) which says that Khadijah

named

coming of

1397

not at

cit.

be noted here that there

145

before Islam,

is

the

Beirut, n. d, p.263.

Ibn 'Asakir, quoted in Mughaltay, Al-Zahr al-Bdsim,

2.

'Abu al-Qasim was

that

See also Husayn ibn

1.

Khamis, Part

Even Al-Maqdisi notes

is

incredible

narrators previous to

the others subsequent to him, like Isma'tl (ibn

dependable (see Tahdhib al-Tahdhib,

I.,

Mahmud

on the grounds

Hisham

ibn

Ibrahim Zayd, Part

that

it

is

I,

Cairo,

technically mu'dal,

'Urwah are missing, while some of

'Abd Allah ibn 'Abd Allah ibn 'Uways)

pp. 310-312, No. 568).

is

not

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

210

second argument

Jeffery's

that the Prophet, before his call,

three of his daughters to three idolatrous husbands without

at the

time any difference

prohibition in pre-Islamic

had married

anyone noticing

in his faith is

equally ineffective. There was no

Arab

on marriages between persons or

society

families of different religious persuasions. That prohibition in Islam

much

later on. Previously to that

came

development such marriages took place

in

the Arabian society without any noticeable objection being raised or any

qulams of conscience being exhibited by any

ribite leader

quarter.

For instance, the Yath-

Ka'b ibn al-Ashraf s mother was a Jewess of Banu al-Nadir,

while his father, Ashraf, was a polytheist of Banu al-Nabhan.

Similarly,

though Zayd ibn 'Amr ibn Nufayl was a monotheist (hanif) not practising
polytheism, no one objected to his son Sa'id being married to the polytheist
Al-Khattab's daughter ('Umar ibn al-Khattab's sister) Fatimah before the

coming of Islam. Again, Waraqah

ibn Nawfal, though a monotheist and a

Christian, did not find any difficulty in living peacefully and as a normal

member

of his polytheistic family and clan. That 'Abu Lahab and his wife

persuaded their sons to disband

was due not

really to his

he openly denounced the old

people to accept

it.

this latter aspect

own

faith

their

marriages with the Prophet's daughters

change as such
faith,

in his religious belief, but

preached a

because

new one and summoned

his

The enmity of 'Abu Lahab and the others was excited by

of the Prophet's

and not attempted

would perhaps have been

to

activities.

change the

Had he remained
faith

him

raised against

silent

with his

of his people, no objection

at all,

neither by

'Abu Lahab

nor by the others. Jeffery's argument ignores this fact and also the peculiar
marital practices in pre-Islamic Arabia.

It

also fails to distinguish between

the state of one's silent and unobtrusive non-observance of polytheistic practices

on the one hand and the

tion of the popular religion

steps to secure converts to

As

of ones open and challenging denuncia-

coupled with the promulgation of a

it,

on the

in resetting the

House of

Muhammad (0)

Black Stone participated

that al-Lat, al-'Uzza

minated" subsequently, Jeffery

is

ated respectively at Ta'if, Nakhala and

Ibn Hisham,

I.,

51.

in

faith

and

by

in

his arbitration

rebuilding the Ka'ba,

and Manat" against

mistaken

whom

he

"ful-

two ways. The Ka'ba was not

They and their shrines were situQudayd (near the Red Sea coast

the house of Al-Lat, Al-'Uzza and Manat.

1.

new

other.

regards the third argument that

and action
"the

state

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

21

between Makka and Madina) though they were revered by the Quraysh. Nor
1

was

the

Ka'ba

at

Makka

sanctified

and revered by the Makkans and Arabs

in

general as the house of their idols, though a good

number of them were

number of

shrines of their idols at

indeed placed

in

and around

different places also

Ka'ba

Dhu

at

it.

In fact a

were called ka'bas, such as the Ka'ba

at

Najran, the

Sindad (between Kufa and Basra) 2 and the Ka'ba al-Yamaniyyah

al-Khalasah. 3

the Arabs held

it

In so far as the

in especial

tion not as the shrine of

Ka'ba

at

Makka was

esteem and ascribed

any particular

to

idol or as the

it

at

concerned, however,
the preeminent posi-

house of their idols

in

House of Allah and because of its association with the

memory of Prophets Ibrahim and Isma'Tl. It was also only to this Ka'ba that
general, but as the

the Arabs, despite their lapse into idolatry, performed 'umrah and hajj in

pursuance of the Abrahamic

Hence the Prophet's

tradition.

action in re-setting the Black Stone to the Ka'ba

building of an idol house, nor

was no

arbitration

an evidence of his following

is it at all

and

participation in the
at that

time "peacefully the religion of his people."

Jeffery'a fourth plea
cites

is

the report of

Musnad

(iv,

222) which Margoliouth

and which speaks of a neighbour's overhearing the Prophet's conversa-

tion with Khadijah in

which he

(the Prophet) refused to

worship Al-Lat and

Al-'Uzza. The faulty nature of Margoliouth's conclusion on this report,

particularly the grammatical objections to applying the neighbour's

remark

"those were the idols which they used to worship and then go to bed", to the

Prophet and his wife, have been shown above. 4 Jeffery attempts to support
Margoliouth's conclusion in three ways: (a)
statement in the report in order to

make

it

He

mistranslates the Prophet's

conform

to his conclusion, (b)

He

puts forward an excuse to avoid the grammatical objections to taking the

nieghbour's

remark as applying

makes a few observations about

to the

Prophet and his wife; and (c) he

the implications of the report as a

whole

to

support his conclusion.

Jeffery translates the Prophet's statement: (ttj*Nj

Ui

xt\

1.

*sl

-OH j) as:

"Oh Khadijah: by

See Ibn Hisham,

Mu 'jam al-Buldan,

IV,

6;

I.,

Allah,

will not

^V

**h-&-

worship al-Lat nor

&
al-

83-85; Ibn al-Kalbl, Kitab al-Asnam, pp. 13, 16, 44; Yaqut,

V, 4, 204.

2.

Ibn al-Kalbi, Kitab al-Asnam, 44-45; Ibn Hisham,

3.

Bukhari, nos. 4355, 4356, 4357.

4.

Supra, pp. 196-200.

I.

83.

S1RAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

212
'Uzza: by Allah

ways. In the

in three

not perform worship again." This translation

1

I will

first

place, he renders the verb la 'a 'budu

places of the statement in the future tense which

be noted that

tical rules. It is to

used twice and both

form

in the imperfect

J-&~) tense.

But the general

present tense

rule

and the second

(Jt>)

this general rule, this is to

that

is

faulty

in

both

gramma-

verb 'a'budu

is

{mudari' %j\&>) form. In Arabic this

where

mudarV form,

occurs twice in the same

contrary to the

in this statement the

used to mean either the present (hdl

is

is

is

"si)

the

or the future (mustaqbal

Jl>)

in the
first

same statement the verb

use

to be taken in the

is

in the future (J-k~) tense. In addition to

be so specially and invariably when there are clear

indications that the second use of the verb has to be taken in the future tense.
In the statement under reference, the verb 'a 'budu in the second place,

lowed by the expression 'abadan

(Ijl><)

here the verb

The

is

in the future tense.

must therefore be taken

is fol-

which unmistakably indicates

first

that

use of the verb in the statement

to be in the present tense

On

(JH-

these simple

rules the correct translation of the Prophet's statement: (o^AJi j*m V

\jj jL*i

*sl

<0Jij itjJij)

'Uzzia; by Allah,

must be taken
instance

And
at

as

it is

it

would

"By Allah,

be:

will never

do not worship Al-Lat and Al-

worship (them)." The verb

in the sense of a simple present tense

because

in the

second

earmarked as the future tense by using 'abadan 0-w) with

not engaged in the act of worshipping those idols, the

half of the statement

must be taken to be an assertion of

and the second half as an emphatic refusal

tice

in the first instance

it.

cannot be assumed that the Prophet was simply saying that he was

moment

the

...

words the Prophet

stated that

it

was not

do so

to

his practice to

his habit

first

and prac-

in future. In other

worship those idols

nor would he ever worship them.

The second

fault in Jeffery's translation is his disregard or side-tracking

of the meaning of

Id.. .'abadan

correctly rendering the

is

(Ui

meaning of

...*sf)

this expression Jeffery imports,

the third fault of the translation, the

clause as:

"I will

which stands for "never". Instead of

word "again"

not perform worship again".

and

this

here, translating the

The use of

Id

with 'abadan

in

Arabic invariably means "never"; never does the expression mean again".
Jeffery

makes

rendering

this three-fold incorrect translation

the future tense in both places, side-tracking the meaning of

importing "again" in

1.

Jeffery, op.

cit.,

its

231.

stead

obviously

to

la.,

the verbs in

'abadan and

imply that while the Prophet

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

used previously to worship those
forth not

idols,

he

do so "again". Such a meaning

is

now asserted

that

213

he would hence-

totally unjustified

by the

text.

In addition to this twisting in the translation of the text Jeffery advances

an excuse to circumvent the grammatical objections

to applying the last sen-

tence of the report, the neighbour's remark, "These were the idols which they

used to worship, and then go

that

a modern writer

"but anciently

it

be pointless

"if

Khadija, and

if

likely to

is

was not
it

bed" to the Prophet and his wife by saying

to

be meticulous

He

so."

in his

use of duals and plurals

further says that the

whole

does not refer to the household of

pressed

we

tradition

would

Muhammad

could always argue that the plural

is

and

used to

include the family." 1

The excuse offered by

Jeffery to disregard the grammatical objections

simply poor and unacceptable. The narrators of traditions do not at

to

be such weaklings

in

all

is

appear

Arabic usage as to be careless about the rules regard-

ing duals and plurals in verbs. Jeffery himself betrays an awareness of the

weakness of

his position

that the plural is

family,

i.e.

used

says: "if pressed

we

could always argue

Khadyah's parental family or the Quraysh family

the family constituted

And

when he

to include the family." Yes, the plural is

by Khadijah and her husband on

this in fact brings

used for the

in general, not

their marriage.

us to Jeffery's observations about the implications

He says that the tradition raises the veil from

Muhammad's (0) domestic life for a moment and that it comes from that
period in his "spiritual development when he was beginning to feel the futilof the tradition in general.

of idol worship" either under the influence of "the purer religion around

ity

him" or "of those shadowy persons the Hanifs". 2

The
life

of

tradition

posed particular
if

might be raising the

Muhammad

but

spiritual

it

veil for a

moment from

the domestic

does not come from the period of his sup-

development under the influences mentioned. For

the Prophet, after having worshipped the idols with Khadijah for any

length of time, had subsequently developed a

would have been well aware of

have taken a different form. At

it

new

attitude

towards them she

and the conversation on the subject would

least

Khadijah would not have cut short of

the subject by saying "leave that Al-Lat, leave that Al-'Uzza" and
rather have sought

1.

Ibid., 232.

2. Ibid., 231.

some explanation

for her husband's

new

would

attitude.

Nor

SiRA T AL-NABi AND

214

would

some
was
it

THE ORIENTALISTS

the Prophet have replied in the

manner he did but would have used

other words indicating the reason for his

clear that

marital life
situation

when

took place,

it

the Prophet

if at all, at

it

he

the very initial stage of their

was confronted

which necessitated a statement of

Most probably

attitude, especially as

Thus the tenor and purport of the conversation make

talking to his wife.

amply

new

for the first time with a

his attitude

towards the

took place when he spent the night for the

Khadyah's parental family or

it

was the annual occasion

first

idols.

time with

falling for the first

time after their marraige when the Quraysh used to pay homage to those
This explanation of the incident having taken place at the

idols.

of their married

life

would

fit

initial

in well with everything in the report.

It

stage

would

agree with the correct meaning of the Prophet's statement, as noted above,

without the need for manipulating

ticular preconception.

it

in order to

make

it

conform

to a par-

There would be no need to impute ignorance of

grammatical knowledge to the early narrators of traditions, nor would the

report be otherwise pointless, as Jeffery imagines.
sideration the report

Prophet's married

must be

life

all

canons of con-

with Khadfjah.

In arguing that the tradition

began

By

related to a situation at the initial stage of the

to feel the futility

as this particular report

comes from a time when Muhammad

of idol worship Jeffery in effect admits that in so far

is

concerned

it

shows

that the Prophet henceforth did

not adore the idols and ceased worshipping them. This admission, together

with the fact that the incident must have taken place not very long after the
Prophet's marriage with Khadijah, invalidate Jeffery's three previous argu-

ments

too. For,

when

it is

recognized that the Prophet saw the

worship and ceased doing so

it

at least since

futility

of idol

an early stage of his married

life,

cannot consistently be argued that he nonetheless named his children,

when

born, after the idols; nor that he, by his arbitration in resetting the

Black Stone to the Ka'ba only five years prior to

his call to Prophetood, par-

ticipated in building a house for the idols; nor that he

was

still

a polytheist

when he gave his daughters in marriage to polytheists!

As regards the remaining two points (e & f), namely the tradition regarding Zayd ibn 'Amr ibn Nufayl's refusal to partake of meat offered to idols
and the tradition which alleges

that the

Al-'Uzza, Jeffery does not add any

traditions

1.

have already been discussed

Supra, pp. 197-201.

Prophet once offered a grey sheep to

new argument
in detail;

or observation. These two

so no further discussion of

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

them

is

21

called for.

Before concluding

Watt on

this

chapter reference should be

He seems

this subject.

to

made

to the

views of

have drawn on the views of his pre-

made an amalgam of them. Broadly three specific lines of

thought, all of them being of his predecessors, may be identified in his treatment of the subject. He seems to have accepted as an established fact the
decessors and

view

in

He

to the influence of

rise

or less

monotheism" prevalent

also adopts the view that the "vague

Arabia on the eve of the

due

Muhammad (0 ) was more

Prophethood

that prior to his call to

an idolater.

of Islam, specially the rise of the hanifs, was

Judaism and Christianity and

that

Muhammad

was not quite untouched by that monotheism. Thirdly and more specifically,
Watt adopts the view of his preceptor R. Bell who, on the basis of what he
considers the message of the early passages of the Qur'an suggests that even
for the

first

few years of

his

Muhammad {%)

Prophethood

did not openly

speak against the other gods but simply sought to stimulate gratitude to

by stressing

his

"goodness" and bounty.

Watt incorporates

these lines of thought and suggests that the Prophet

all

did not totally break

God

away from

idolatry

the incident of "the Satanic

till

Muslim

verses" and their abrogation. Deprecating the

scholars'

lack of

understanding of what he calls the "modern Western concept of gradual

development"

in the

"The

that his

truth

is

Muhammad's

case of

monotheism was

religious ideas

originally,

like that

Watt

writes:

of his more

enlightened contemporaries, somewhat vague, and in particular was not so

strict that
it.

He

the recognition of inferior beings

was

felt

to be incompatible with

probably regarded al-Lat, al-'Uzza, and Manat as celestial beings of a

lower grade than God,

in

much

the

same way

have recognized the existence of angels."

ceded Muhammad's

call

and

first

as

Earlier,

revelation"

Judaism and Christianity

speaking about "what pre-

Watt

writes: "In religion his

among the most

some kind of
his
own
admission, 4
by

outlook was presumably the vague monotheism found

enlightened Meccans, but in addition he must have looked for

reform

in

Mecca". 3 While writing these

was not so aware

1.

as he subsequently

R. Bell, "The Beginning of

lines Watt,

became

Muhammad's

that the

Religious Activities" T.G.U.O.S., VII, 16-24,

specially p. 20.

Muhammad at Mecca,

2.

Watt,

3.

Ibid., 44.

4.

Watt,

104.

Muhammad's Mecca, Edinburgh,

concept of Allah as the

1988, Preface, VII.

SiRAT AL-NABI

216

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Supreme Being was prevalent in pre Islamic Arabia. Hence

he somewhat modifies his statement as follows:

in his latest

"To judge from

and from the story

work

the witness of the

god' or supreme deity,

come

Qur'an

Muhammad's

of the Satanic verses

combined with

to regard as angels

who

to pre-Islamic religion

may have been

original belief

the lesser local deities

in

whom

Allah as 'high

he

may have

could intercede with the supreme being. There

even

is

a report that he said that he had once sacrificed a sheep to al-'Uzza."

These remarks of Watt

Muhammad's

relate

more pointedly

(0 ) activities as Prophet. They

fully a little later

on

in that

connection. 2 Here

to the early

phase of

have therefore been discussed

it

may

only be pointed out that

the remarks are not quite compatible with the theory of gradual development

of which Watt
to his call to

is

so

much

cognizant. In the

First

Prophethood Muhammad's

place, he suggests that prior

outlook in religion was the

"vague monotheism found among the most enlightened Meccans". At the

same time Watt

Muhammad (0 )

states that

spoke only about vague mono-

theism together with recognition of the lesser gods

the "Satanic verses,"

simply

i.e.,

with

inconsistent

till

the so-called affair of

for upto 3-4 years of his role as Prophet. This

concept

the

of

For

development.

gradual

is

Muhammad's emergence as Prophet must have been marked by something

new and better on his part than what was already known. None would have
paid any special attention to him and

become

his follower if his ideas

were

not clearly in advance of those of the enlightened Makkans. Secondly, by

"the

most enlightened Meccans" Watt evidently means the

hanifs; but he

simply confuses when he says that their monotheism "was not so

the recognition of inferior beings

was

felt to

monotheism of those enlightened persons,

vague, but

it

was

clearly

prevalent idolatry.

way recognize

It

the hanifs,

and unmistakably a reaction

was

strict that

be incompatible with

to

The

might have been

and a break with the

neither an off-shoof of idolatry nor did

the efficacy of the "inferior beings".

it."

it

in

any

Watt misstates the posi-

tion of the hanifs in order to transfer that position to the Prophet, both of

which manoeuvres are not

in

accord with the concept of gradual deve-

lopment, neither in respect of the hanifs nor

in

respect of the Prophet.

Thirdly, the last sentence of Watt's above quoted statement refers to the tradition about the Prophet's having allegedly once offered a sheep to

which Watt's predecessors also

1.

Ibid., 49.

2.

Infra, chapter XXIII.

cite

Al-'Uzza

along with some other reports. This

ADOLESCENCE AND YOUTH: THE ORIENTALISTS' VIEWS

report, as

shown

earlier, is spurious

and not worthy of credence.' But leaving

aside that question, even the text of the report as

stage long prior to

Muhammad's

21

{%)

call.

it is

While

refers obviously to a

citing this report Watt's

predecessors, particularly Jeffery, at least recognizes that prior to his call

Muhammad's

(0

religious attitude

underwent a change so much so

that he

unequivocally refused, while speaking to his wife, to worship Al-Lat and Al'Uzza. Watt's citation of the report by

way of

that the Prophet continued to recognize Al-Lat

substantiating the assertion

and Al-'Uzza even

after his

receipt of the call is thus both anachronistic and inconsitent with the others'

theory of gradual development.

does not

at all refer

It is

also tendentially selective in that Watt

to the other report concerning the Prophet's refusal to

worship Al-Lat and Al-'Uzza which Watt's predecessors specifically note.

1.

Supra, pp. 197-199.

CHAPTER IX

WATT'S THEORY ABOUT THE HARB AL-FIJAR AND

THE HILF AL-FUDUL
Watt advances a new theory about the Harb al-Fijdr and the Hilf alFudul, the two most notable events

in

Makka's

Prophet's adolescence and early youth.

assumes a prolonged trade

Harb

In explaining the

It

socio-political life during the

has already been noted that Watt

between two groups of the Quraysh clans.

rivalry

al-Fijdr and the Hilf al-Fudul he extends that rivalry

to the sphere of their international relations and international trade.

that there

was not only a prolonged

Quraysh clans themselves but also between

on

the

one hand and Hirah-Persia

and

other, relating this rivalry with the wider conflict

says

supposedly stronger group

their

in the north

He

between two groups of the

trade rivalry

Yaman

in the

south on the

between the Byzantine and

the Persian empires over imperial, commercial and religious interests.

The

Fijdr wars, according to Watt, were the results of that trade rivalry between
the stronger Quraysh clans and Hirah-Persia. In this context he further states:
(a) that the Hilf al-Fudul
i.e.,

was

"a later

development of the Mutayyabun",

of the so-called weaker clans, "and not a general league against

injustice"; 1

(b) that

it

was directed

against the stronger clans like

'Abd Shams and

Nawfal; 2
(c)

and

that

represented an attempt by the weaker group to prevent the

it

stronger group of clans from monopolizing the international trade in their

hands. 3

The following
The general

is

a brief discussion on these assumptions of Watt's.

international situation, particulary the rivalry

Byzantine and the Persian empire

many

is

well-known and

it

between the

has been treated by

a previous scholar in relating the background to the rise of Islam; 4 but

the conclusions

drawn from

this situation

by Watt about the relationship

between the Quraysh clans themselves are both novel and untenable. He says
1.

Watt.M atM.,6.

2.

Ibid., 6,

3.

Ibid., 12-15.

4.

See for instance P.K.

15,32.

Hitti,

History of the Arabs

(first

edn. 1937). Chaps.

IV

& V.

SIRAT AL-NABI

220
that

the

after

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

(565 A.C) the struggle between the

death of Justinian

Byzantine and the Persian empires "entered

final

its

who were

or 575 the Persians drove out the Abyssinians,

Byzantines, from "Arabia",

i.e.

Yaman, and

favourable to Persia, "though not

Having thus

phase" and that by 570

allied with the

established a regime there

strictly controlled

from the metropolis."

said that the Persian influence thus established over

Yaman was
Lakhmid

not quite effective, Watt states immediately: "By means of the

princes of al-Hirah... the Persians tried to direct the overland trade from the

Yemen

to Persia".

And

then,

by way of substantiating

this last statement,

he

war of the Fijar and the battle of Dhu Qar arose out of Persian
caravans from al-Hirah to the Yemen." 2
adds: "The

Now,
Persia
rated

it

should be noted that the principality of Hirah on the border of

was of course subordinate to the latter. But that principality was sepafrom Yaman by the whole expanse of the Arabian peninsula over

which the Persian empire had no control whatsoever. Nor did the

Dhu Qar take

says.

It

arose out of

the Persian ruler and the prince of Hirah,

So

far as the Fijar

ber of facts have been twisted

place, there

Nu'man
out, 4

some personal

Nu'man

most be regarded as yet another phase

trol that principality. 3

first

ibn

of

place out of "Persian caravans from al-HIrah to the Yemen", as

Watt so categorically

at the

battle

is

in

war

is

no indication

makes

it

could

concerned, however, a num-

in the sources that the

caravan which

the fourth Fijar

war broke

Persia or in her interest. Secondly, the trade

caravan was sent to the 'Ukaz

of the authorities

Mundhir and

Persian attempts to con-

Watt's above mentioned statement. In the

Mundhir despatched and over which

was sent on behalf of

ibn

in the

differences between

fair,

near la' if, and not towards

Yaman. None

the slightest allusion to the caravan

having been

intended for that land. Thirdly, the incident which has thus been generalized
as the cause of the Fijar wars related to the fourth of the series of wars

known

as the Fijar wars.

The

three previous wars in the series had each

different causes, not at all related to the international trading activities.

Fourthly, the hostile act which precipitated the fourth war was not an attack

upon Nu 'man's caravan

1.

Watt,

2.

Ibid.

3.

See for

Qadt, Vol.
4.

M.atM.,

I.,

as such, nor

trader of Hirah, but

12.

details Ibn Kathtr,

Beirut,

upon any individual

1407

Supra, pp. 167-168.

Al-Kamil Fi al-Tdrikh, ed. 'Abu al-Fida' 'Abd Allah

1987, pp. 374-380;

Mas

'udi,

Muruj etc.,

I.,

278.

al-

ABOUT THE HARB AL-FIJAR AND THE HILF AL-FUDUL

upon an inhabitant of

Ta'if,

Barrad, of Makka,

lant,

who was

Thus both

Thus

from the

the theory of Persia's attempt "to direct the overland route

to Persia"

where he notes
"metropolis",

is

based on a number of mistaken assumptions.

from Watt's own statement made a

clear even

is

and the victim

the assailant

favour of the caravan's coming to Ta'if.

in

Yemen
ness

personal rival of the assai-

outwitted by the former in the bid for act-

ing as "guarantor" for the caravan.

were

who was a

'Urwah,

22

that the

i.e.,

regime

in

Yaman was

the Persian capital.

little

The same

[i.e.

weak-

earlier in his

work

not quite controlled by the

fact is reiterated

couple of pages subsequently where he more clearly

kept in mind, however, that this conquest

Its

of

states: "It

Yaman by

by him a
should be

Persia]

was the

of a sea-borne expedition, and that therefore the province was not

result

firmly held, while the remainder of Arabia

sians."

This being the

real situation,

how

was not controlled by

could one suggest

that Persia attempted to direct the overland route

at the

from Yaman

through the entire peninsula over which she had no control?

intended to control the import or export trade with

been far

less

hazardous and easier for her

to

Yaman,

do so by the sea

it

If

the Per-

same time
to Persia

she really

would have

route or,

if

pos-

by an alternative eastern Arabian coast route and not vicariously

sible,

through HTrah and via the western Arabian land route.

But

having introduced his theory

to return to Watt's narrative. After

above mentioned way he asks

"What was

the position of

suggests that

it

in the

Mecca

in this struggle

of the giants?" In reply he

would appear from a remark made by Ibn Qutaybah

Qusayy, who established the supremacy of the Quraysh

the

in the

very following paragraph of his text:

at

Makka

that

as against

Khuza'ah, did so with help received from the Ghassanids or other

Byzantine

allies,

and

that this "conquest"

with the development of that

continues Watt, "for

of

city's trade

some time

after

Makka by Qusayy was bound up

with Syria.

Qusayy

"It

the route

would seem

from the

that",

Yemen

to

Mecca was mainly in the hands of the Yamanis; a Yamani merchant was
bringing goods to Mecca at the formation of the confederacy of the Fudul
(C. 580). If Mecca was thus mainly concerned with the northward trade, it
would be necessary
allies."

1.

Watt. op.

2.

Ibid..

3.

cit., 14.

to

be on good terms with the Byzantines and their

SIRAT AL-NABI

222

Now, we need

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

not find fault with the assumption of a tradition of friend-

ship between the Byzantines and the Quraysh; nor with the
for the sake of the northward trade, "to be on

and their

Makka

allies".

should be "mainly

"some time",

Muhammad (0
up

to

nis,

in the

Watt puts

as

it,

was

hands of the Yamanis". But

it

Yaman
was not

to

for

but for over a century since Qusayy's time, for

came

during whose youth the Hilf al-Fudul

which time, according

necessity,

good terms with the Byzantines

also understandable that the route from

is

It

latter's

to Watt, the route

was

in the

into being

and

hands of the Yama-

the fifth in the line of descent from Qusayy. Also the date indicated

by Watt, C. 580, as the date of the

Hilf, is not correct.

At the time of

its

for-

mation the Prophet was a young man of more than 20 years of age and he

was present

at the

590

the event around

But what

is

meeting

in

which

it

was formed, which

facts

would place

at the earliest.

stated next

by Watt

is

somewhat confusing. Thus by way of

elucidating the Quraysh's good relationship with the Byzantines he reverts to

the conquest of
tions

Yaman by

the Abyssinians and stresses that since the rela-

between the Abyssinians and the Byzantines were

friendly,

it

was

during this period of "comparative peace that the Meccans developed their
trade
far

on a large scale and sent

advanced

his

their caravans in all directions".

theme of friendship between Makka on

the Byzantines and the

the

Having thus

one hand and

Abyssinians on the other Watt finds himself con-

fronted with the stark fact of the Abyssinian viceroy Abrahah's expedition
against

Makka. Hence he makes

a quick modification

and adds: "Relations

with the Abyssinians must have deteriorated, however, for towards the end

of the occupation the viceroy Abrahah led an expedition against Mecca".

Why

presumed good

the

detriorated

Like

is

not at

many

all

others,

relations with the Abyssinian

regime should have

indicated by Watt.

however, Watt refers

to the religious as well as

com-

mercial motives of Abrahah and then makes a very far-fetched and unjustifiable assumption with regard to 'Abd al-Muttalib's negotiations with the

invader saying, as noted earlier, 2 that '"Abd al-Muttalib was presumably trying to get support

from the Abyssinians against

his rivals

among Quraysh,

such as the clans of 'Abd Shams, Nawfal, and Makhzum. The two former of
these had apparently by this time seized most of the trade with Syria and the

1.

Ibid.

2.

Supra, pp. 138-139.

ABOUT THE HARB AL-FIJAR AND THE HILF AL-FUDUL

Yemen which had

formerly belonged to Hashim and al-Muttalib."

Before making

this last statement

Makka

friendship of

223
1

Watt has spoken only of the

traditional

with the Byzantines, making particular mention that the

four sons of 'Abd Manaf, namely, 'Abd Shams, Hashim, al-Muttalib and

Nawfal, cultivated trade relations respectively with Abyssinia, Syria,

and

Iraq.

He

Yaman

has not hitherto referred to a single fact showing the growth of

a trade rivalry

those of 'Abd

between the sons of Hashim and al-Muttalib on the one hand

Shams and Nawfal on the other. Now, all of a sudden, being

confronted with the fact of Abrahah's invasion, he assumes the existence of

such a situation, imputes a selfish motive to 'Abd al-Muttalib

matter

in the

of his negotiation with Abrahah and, further, on the basis of this

latter

assumption, proceeds to presume that the clans of 'Abd Shams and Nawfal

"had apparently by

Yemen which had

this

time seized most of the trade with Syria and the

formerly belonged to Hashim and al-Muttalib."

If rela-

tions with Abyssinians deteriorated leading to Abrahah's invasion, as surely

they did and as Watt admits they did,

and Nawfal

at the

same time

ousting the clans of

As

how could

the clans of

seize the trade with Abyssinia

Hashim and

'Abd Shams

and

Yaman

by

al-Muttalib from there remains an enigma.

already shown, 2 Watt's allegation against 'Abd al-Muttalib

is

simply

untenable.
Still

more confusing

is

the statement about the attitude of the supposedly

wealthier Quraysh clans. Watt says: "Against the pro-Abyssinian policy of

'Abd al-Muttalib
which was clearly
trality

the wealthier clans

to turn the

One would

whom?

with reference to what or

Watt assumes,

would stand for a policy of

3
in their best interest."

table,

If

by default? Again, Abrahah came

How

latter's interest

and thus allowing

in the situation

importance of Makka.

'Abd al-Muttalib intended,

as

with Abyssinian cooperation, upon the

supposedly wealthier clans, how could the

remaining neutral

neutrality,

be tempted to ask: neu-

to

be served by

their

their interests to suffer

destroy the Ka'ba and the commercial

could then the

Makkan commercial

elite,

how-

ever friendly their relations with the Byzantines might have been, remain
inactive or neutral in the matter?
that

one could not take the

1.

Watt. op.

2.

Supra, pp. 138-140.

3.

Watt, op.

cit., 14.

cit., 14.

The Persians were not

neutrality to

yet

on the scene so

be one between those two powers. In

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

224

one must confess one's

fact

inability to

make any head

or

of

tail

this sup-

posed "policy of neutrality" on the part of the clans of 'Abd Shams and
others.

was

"Neutrality

more necessary

still

the Persian conquest of South Arabia."

when he speaks
Persians

in

for

Mecca", continues Watt,

"after

This sentence of Watt's shows that

of neutrality in his previous paragraph he does not have the

view and therefore he there implied by

Be

the traditional friendship with the Byzantines.

neutrality continuance of

that as

it

may, what he says

next about the exact nature of the Persian position in Arabia does not really

Makknans

suggest any need for the

to

be so particular about such neutrality.

For, immediately after having penned the above noted sentence Watt draws
his readers' attention to the fact that the Persian influence in south

was

ineffective "while the remainder of Arabia

Arabia

was not controlled" by

it

so

Makkans "made good use of this situation to consolidate their

power". And by way of illustrating this latter proposition he repeats his view
the

that

about the origin of the Fijdr war and says: "The war of the Fijdr, which

probably began some time after the expulsion of the Abyssinians, was the

an unprovoked attack by an ally of Mecca on a caravan from

result of

Hfrah to the

Yemen by way

terms, that the

Meccans were

of at-Ta'if. This would mean,

Thus would Watt have us believe

tral", i.e., inactive,

it."

that

because of the traditional friend-

Makkan commercial

elite

would remain "neu-

during Abrahah's attack upon their city and,

the Persians expelled the Abyssinians from south

leaders)

would attempt

when even
Makkan

Arabia, they (the

to close or control the land route as against Hirah-

Persia's trade with south Arabia

by way

of

Ta'if!

The most conspicuous

fallacy of the assumption lies in the fact that the caravan

which the whole theory

already pointed out.

economic

in

trying either to close this route altogether or to

ensure that they had some control over

ship with the Byzantines the

al-

is

based was not

may be

It

at all

from Hirah on

intended for

noted that while earlier

Yaman,

(at his p.

speaks of "Persian caravans from al-Hirah to the Yemen",

12)

as

Watt

in the present

instance he modifies his statement speaking of "a caravan from al-Hfrah"

and adding "by way of

1.

Ibid.

2.

Ibid.

al-Ta'if" to the

supposed destination, Yaman. The

ABOUT THE HARB AL-FIJAR AND THE HILF AL-FUDUL

modification of "a caravan"
leading.

and to

The

It

was only one caravan,

Ta'if,

to the

was made,

attack

but upon

i.e.,

its

'Ukaz

not caravans;

near

fair

it,

it

Makkan

It

was

but not "by

as already pointed out, not

Ta'ifian guarantor.

or on behalf of the

whole

correct; but the statement as a

is

Nor was

is

mis-

also sent from Hirah

way

of"

it

to

Yaman.

upon the caravan as such

was made by a personal

traders.

225

rival

of

his,

not by

way intended

the act in any

for

closing the route altogether against Hirah, nor for establishing the Makkans'
control over

it.

from HTrah

In fact, except for this caravan

Watt has not brought forward any other instance showing

sia carried

on or attempted

Yaman

wrong, the conclusion based upon

attack on

it,

wanted

way support

via Ta'if.

is totally

it

wrong. The sequel also does not

Ta'if. Neither

in the conflict, neither directly,

have sided with Ta'if

Yaman,

Persian control. There

been one against

all

in the war, at least

the

any

Hirah nor Per-

nor indirectly.

their interests, they

by

retaliating

more so because the

no record whatsoever

is

in

war which broke out over the incident

between Makka and

to hostilities

ginal incident had at

with Iraq and

And since
Yaman is

namely, that the Quraysh leaders, by an

it,

the assumption. For the

was involved

fair

to close the route altogether against Hirah or Persia or to

have some control over

was confined

'Ukaz

Hirah or Per-

very assumption of the caravan having been intended for

this

sia

on trade with

to carry

to the
that

latter

that

If

the ori-

would surely

upon Makkan trade

country was

now under

such was the case.

Indeed, there was no question of the Makkans' preventing the caravan

from coming

to Ta'if or

any other place. The quarrel, as already pointed

out,

arose simply out of the personal rivalry of two individuals, each of

whom

wanted the caravan should come

by the

Makkan Barrad upon

without any Makkan
pages earlier
for

in his

his Ta'ifian rival

instigation

is

'Urwah was personal and was made

recognized by Watt himself only three

work where he unequivocally says

him [Barrad] primarily

the pursuance of his

obedience to Makkan orders."

known and

to Ta'if ('Ukaz). That the attack

It

is

own

twisted and utilized

it

to build

up

was

therefore very strange that having thus

stated the exact nature of the incident

and Hirah-Persia and, on

that "the action

personal ends and not

Watt has subsequently

his theory of a trade

that basis, a

whole

war between Makka

series of other

assumptions and

speculations.

Such a trade war would not even appear

1.

Ibid.,\\.

logical; for the

Makkans were

SIRAT AL-NABI

226

carrying on trade with,

Yaman

and Abyssinia

among

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

other places, Syria and Iraq in the north and

the south and south-west.

in

was

It

thus in their best

interest to

remain on good terms not only with the Byzantines but also with

the others.

The Quraysh

or

Yamani caravan

traders could not just be that fool to attack a Htran

nearer

Makka and

thus hazard themselves to a certainty

of similar or even worse retaliatory attacks on their

ers near their
their part in

homes. Such irresponsible acts were

view of the

fact,

own
all

which Watt also points

caravans by the oth-

the

more unlikely on

out, that the

Quraysh

leaders needed the cooperation of the tribes lying on the trade routes and
often "would pay a chief for safe-conduct through his territory, for water and

other supplies."

The

sort

of trade monopolistic ambitions laid by Watt

at

the

door of the Makkan leaders would require the adhesion and cooperation of
all

the heterogeneous tribes along the routes north and south of

Makka. The

existence of such a zollverein, however, could not be conceived of for the

Arabian peninsula

in the late sixth

or early seventh century A.C.

On

the con-

some other tribes were ranged against

much against such an economic union as

trary, the fact that Ta'if allied with

Makka

in the

Fijdr war argues as

against Watt's theory of a confederacy of west Arabian tribes for military

purposes under

Makkan hegemony.

Watt would not however simply make

the

Quraysh leaders attempt

vent the caravans from Hirah from coming up

believe also that they wanted to prevent the

Yamani caravans too from com-

ing to the north, not even up to Makka. Indeed,

such assumptions of

Makkan

trade

to pre-

would have us

to Ta'if; he

it

is

not only on the basis of

war simultaneously with the northerners

and the southerners but also on the assumption of an acute trade rivalry

between two groups of

the

Quraysh clans of Makka

itself that

Watt unfolds

his thesis about the nature of the Hilf al-Fudul as follows: 2

"Against this background, the confederacy of the Fudul

significance."

The

refusal of a

Yamani merchant and

SahmT

the reaction of

writes Watt, suggest that

it

marked a

to

Banu Hashim and

significant

Banu Hashim and

1.

Ibid.

2.

Ibid., 15.

it

takes

on

new

new

trend

the other clans,

in

policy

"the

to

exclude the Yamanis from the

in their

hands." Accordding to Watt,

climax of an attempt by the wealthier clans

southern trade, and to concentrate

....

pay for goods received from a

the other clans were not sufficiently strong financially to

ABOUT THE HARB AL-FUAR AND THE HILF AL-FUDUL

run their

own

227

caravans to Yaman, but "made something out of dealings with

Yamani merchants

Mecca". Hence,

in

by clans

entirely controlled

the caravans to

if

Yaman were

'Abd Shams and Makhzum, then the

like

admitted to share

in

lesser

would be

clans "might have no goods to carry north to Syria; or else they

caravans but only on the terms prescribed by the wealth-

ier merchants..."

Thus does Watt conclude

that

because a Sahrm individual (AI-'As ibn

Wa'il) refused to pay for goods he had obtained from a visiting Yamani mer-

Hashim and some other

chant and because Banu

Fudul as

clans formed the Hilf al-

sequel, the so-called "wealthier clans" like

its

'Abd Shams and

Makhzum must have been attempting to monopolize the sending

to Yaman making the "lesser clans" thus fear that in that case

of caravans
they

would

"have no goods to carry north to Syria." Interestingly enough, just on the previous page of his text Watt has suggested that even before Abrahah's inva-

Banu 'Abd Shams and Nawfal had

sion

and the

Yemen which had

"seized most of the trade with Syria

formerly belonged to Hashim and al-Muttalib."

If

such had been the situation some twenty years before the formation of the
Hilf al-FudCd,

should

still

instance

is

it is

try to

that of

not that of a

why Banu 'Abd Shams and

non-payment

itself is:

their caravans to

How could

Yaman

to

to a visting

Makkan caravan proceeding

which suggests

Makka

not understandable

monopolize the caravans

to

Yaman. The case

YamanT merchant for his goods,

Yaman. Therefore the question

the "wealthier" clans ensure the safety of

while they themselves maltreated the

or prevented them from coming there?

to succeed in establishing such a

of other clans

at

Makka

itself,

avans to the Yemen"

is

How,

monopoly when,

however

Yamams

were opposed

Hashim and

his supposition only,

was played by 'Abd Allah

The leading

ibn Jud'an of

admission, was "one of the chief

men

of

which

is

to such a

the other clans

who

own

car-

sufficiently strong financially "to run their

the facts admitted by himself.

contradicted even by

part in the formation of the Hilf

Banu Taym who, by Watt's own

at the beginning of the war

Mecca

of the Fijar." 2 Indeed he was, according to the sources, one of the richest,
not the richest
rial

man

at

position declined
1.

Ibid., 14.

2.

Ibid., 32.

Makka
some

at the time.

at

again, could they expect

as Watt assumes, a group

less affluent,

policy? But then Watt's statement that Banu

formed the Hilf were not

their allies

in the present

Again, even

if

'Abu

if

Talib's mate-

years subsequently to the formation of the Hilf

S'lRATAL-NABl

228

and the orientalists

'Abu Lahab and 'Abbas who could stand

many of Banu 'Abd Shams and Banu Makhzum.
Moreover Banu Asad, who were a member of the Hilf were quite rich running their trade caravans to different places. The wares and caravan of
KhadTjah (r.a.), who belonged to that clan, are stated by the authorities to be
almost equal to those of all the other traders of Makka when the Prophet led
her caravan to Syria some five years after the formation of the Hilf. This

there were others of his clans like

comparison

fact,

wealth to

in

as well as the well-known incident of 'Abu Talib's trade travel to Syria

Muhammad (0) with him contradict Watt's suggestion that

Banu Hashim had been ousted from the field of Syrian trade as early as the
time of Abrahah's invasion. The statements that the "lesser" clans were not

taking the boy

financially able to run caravans to

out of dealings with

if

Yaman were

caravans to

and Makhzum" those

Syria",

Yaman and

YamanT merchants

in

Mecca" on

"entirely controlled

"lesser" clans

"made something

therefore
the

one hand, and

by clans

like

would have "no goods

on the other, are contradictory

to

each other. For,

'Abd Shams

to carry north to
if

they were able

and used to run their caravans north to Syria, as implied here, there

why

son

they should not be able to run their caravans to

Moreover,
as

if

that

would mean a

need for them

tion

Yaman

to

no

rea-

as well.

Yaman,

and natural monoploy for the

virtual

supposedly wealthy clans over that trade; and

of a visiting

is

they were so poor as not to be able to run caravans to

Watt assumes,

that

in that

case there

would be no

have recourse to such an extraordinary act as the spoliation

YamanT merchant

to secure that

monoploy. In

fact, if the inten-

had been simply to prevent the "lesser clans" from obtaining goods even

from a

visiting

YamanT merchant,

the simple business

have dictated the "wealthier" clans to

YamanT's goods and paying him

jeopardizing the fate of the

Thus

forestall their rivals

off, instead

Makkan caravans

the assumptions on

common

by purchasing the

of spoliating
in

which Watt bases

sense would

him and thereby

Yaman.
his theory

about the Hilf al-

Fudul are completely wrong and untenable. He assumes the existence of an

Makka

acute inter-clan trade rivalry

at

which had taken place

twenty years prior to the formation of the Hilf

al-Fudul.

He does

sion nor after

it

at least

at

the time of Abrahah's invasion,

not cite a single incident, neither before Abrahah's inva-

for twenty years, to

show

that there did exist such a pro-

longed internecine trade war. But since the /////was formed by Banu Hashim

and some other like-minded clans and since the immediate occasion for

was

the deceiving of a

YamanT merchant

at

Makka by

man

it

of Banu Sahm,

ABOUT THE FtARB AL-FUAR AND THE HILF AL-FUDUL

Watt has used
the

it

between

as a posteriori evidence of an acute trade rivalry

two groups of Quraysh clans and has given

presumed

that

rivalry a sort

of retrospective effect since before Abrahah's invasion, projecting

He does

Fijdr war.

229

into the

it

so obviously by closing his eyes not only to the facts

mentioned above but also to a very material

Band Hashim and

fact that

the

others of their group fought shoulder to shoulder with the so-called wealthier

clans in the whole series of the fourth Fijdr war.

Had

sioned by the "wealthier" clans' monopolistic designs

called "lesser" clans, as Watt suggests, the latter

mon

cause with the former

Some

war been occa-

at the cost

of the so-

would not have made com-

war.

other inaccuracies in Watt's assumption regarding the Hilf

was formed mainly

noted. That

it

pointed out,

among

The

that group.

in that

that

member

others, by Halabi;

but

it

may be

Mutayyabun was

at the instance of the

was not exclusively confined

story of a conversation between Khaltfah

to

'Abd al-Malik and

of Banu Nawfal which Ibn Ishaq records and which Watt himself

Banu 'Abd Shams and Banu Nawfal had entered the

Hilf though they subsequently left it. 2 That Banu Asad also joined it is admitnotes shows that both

ted

by Watt. 3 Nor was the Hilf

alliance of the

against the stronger and wealthier clans. That

is

proved by the

ibn Wa'il of
his

it

weaker and poorer clans

was not weak or

fact that the offender against the

ineffective

YamanT merchant, Al-'As

Banu Sahm was immediately brought

to his knees, in spite of

supposed strong connections, and was made to pay the Yamani

Significantly enough, there

is

nothing on record to

wealthier and stronger group, in

whose

the ill-advised act, did anything to

action of the Hilf nor

he

is

that the so-called

said to have

commited

to his aid as against the coercive

made any

other

and influence. Watt does not

at all

do they appear

teract the latter's policy

interest

come

show

his due. 4

to have

move

to

coun-

allude to this

remarkable silence and inactivity on the part of that group, not to speak of
explaining

it,

although he emphasizes that Al-'As ibn Wa'il's action marked

the "climax of an attempt by the wealthier clans" to monopolize the southern

trade.

The obvious explanation of

this situation

entirely his personal folly having nothing to

polistic

is

that

do with

what Al-'As did was

the

supposed mono-

endeavours of his group of clans. That these clans declined to

Supra,

p. 171.

2.

Watt, op.

3.

Ibid.,

4.

Supra,

cit., 6.

7,92.
p. 171.

inter-

SIRA T AL-NAB1

230
fere

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

on behalf of the Yamani was due

propriety in supporting a clan

to their clannish spirit

member or an

ally at

and old sense of

any event; but when they

found that the Hilf had taken up the issue on a higher principle of justice and
fairplay they quickly recognized that

common

interest

of

all.

That

is

why

what the Hilf was doing was

the

in

they silently passed over the affair and

implicitly acquiesced in the policy of the Hilf.

The

/////indeed marked a "significant" trend in policy; but that trend

was

not a reaction to the supposed monopolistic attempts of the "wealthier"

The Fijdr wars had

clans.

their origin in the rash act of a hot-headed indi-

vidual and an equally irrational and false sense of tribal honour in supporting

each and every clan

member

or client irrespective of the merits of the case.

But the loss of trade and of men and money must have made the Quraysh

aware of the

of blind adherence to that policy. This realization was

folly

reinforced by the incident, closely following the conclusion of the Fijdr war,

of the spoliation of the Yamani merchant by Al-'As ibn Wa'il of Banu

which exposed the Makkan merchants

Yamanis and

the tribes allied to

sober elements of
justice

Makka

felt

them

to

in the south.

Hence

the need for enforcing a

Sahm

measures by the

retaliatory

the saner and

minimum

more

standard of

and fairplay for the sake of smoothly running the society and the

Makkan

mercantile operations.

It

was

this

need which gave

birth to the Hilf

al-Fudul. Watt himself seems to touch on the point at a later stage in his

work, though

a different context, where he stresses that "the nomadic

in

tue of fidelity in the keeping of trusts

level of business integrity

which

oils the

is

is

certainly important, for a

minimum

necessary in order to inspire that confidence

wheels of trade; the confederation of the Fudul seems to have

originated in a protest against unscrupulously dishonest practices."

the Hilf had
integrity

and

war was the

minimum

origin in a desire to maintain a

in

a protest against dishonest practices. Neither

result of a trade rivalry

elite's

in effect contradicts

1.

Watt, op.
Ibid., 6.

cii.,

it,

nor the Fijdr

between two groups of the Quraysh

other.

And

in

so far

that the Hilf was a protest against dishonest practices,

his earlier remark 2 that

tice as such. Incidentally,

2.

Indeed,

attempt to monopolize the trade route

between Hirah-Persia on the one hand and Yaman on the

Watt recognizes

level of business

its

clans or of the mercantile

as

vir-

74.

it

was not a league against

he

injus-

J.W. Fuck apparently adopts Watt's view about the

ABOUT THE HARB AL-FUAR AND THE HILF AL-FUDUL

Fijar war and
trol

is

consequently mistaken

of the trade routes

in

the

Encyclopedia of Islam,

New

aim "was the con-

Nadjd and consequently the benefit of the great

gains which this trade offered."

1.

in stating that its

23

Edition, Vol.

II,

Leiden, 1983,

P.

884, article on Fidjdr.

CHAPTER X

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

It

has been alleged that the Prophet was an ambitious person

an early age had

made

an instance of this alleged ambition

it

sequently

made use

and that

at least

since

which he sub-

skill

of in composing the Qur'an. Further,

view of

As

has been suggested that since early

youth he had cultivated his linguistic and poetical

that the traditional

who

preparations for the role he subsequently played.

his being an illiterate person

it

has been said

not quite correct

is

he knew reading and writing to some extent. The present

chapter examines these statements and views of the orientalists.

I:

ON THE THEME OF AMBITION IN GENERAL

Both Muir and Margoliouth speak very

distinctly about the Prophet's

alleged ambition. "Behind the quiet retiring exterior of Mahomet", writes

Muir, "lay hid a high resolve, a singleness and unity of purpose, a strength

and fixedness of
vellous

sublime determination, destined to achieve the mar-

work of bowing towards himself

of one man."
(tjjjl)

will, a

the heart of all Arabia as the heart

This ambition, adds Muir, was reinforced after

arbitration in re-setting the

Black Stone

Ka'ba which "prompted the idea of

Muhammad's

the time of rebuilding the

at

chosen of

his being

God

to

be the

Prophet of his people." 2

Speaking
Koran, that

evidence

when few

time

strain

Mohammed was

we have

tion

same

in the

organization of

"We know, from

that "of his

life

Have we

not

the Prophet

about a

ambiat a

things were going well with his project:

when

the

comfort which his notoriety afforded him

expanded thy breast and exalted thy name?

solation takes,

asserts:

young man of promise" and

in the

Margoliouth

new

is in

is

the

trouble.

centre...

form which the divine con-

Expansion of the breast, the

and celebrity were then things for

which he yearned." 3 Margoliouth even suggests

that

it

was the Prophet's

ambition and love for achieving personal distinction which prompted him to
participate in the Fijar war. 4

On
1

his part

Watt also advances similar views though he does not speci-

W. Muir, The Life of Mahomet,

2.

Ibid., 29.

3.

Margoliouth, op.

4. Ibid.. 65.

cit.,

64-65.

3rd edn., 25-26.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

234
fically

employ

the term 'ambition' in his statements. Instead, he speaks of the

Prophet's "consciousness" of his "great organizing ability" and adds a psy-

chological dimension to that consciousness. Watt says that the Prophet was
actuated by a "sense of deprivation" which

was produced,

first,

by the

absence of a father during his childhood and, secondly, by "his exclusion

from the most lucrative

trade."

The

on the Prophet's part because of

tion

hint for this

his being a

have been made by Margoliouth, for he

supposed sense of depriva-

posthumous child seems

states

in

Prophet's childhood that the "condition of a fatherless lad

desirable". 2

Be

that as

it

was not altogether

may, Watt definitely follows Margoliouth

the Qur'anic evidence of divine consolation to the Prophet as a

"preparation for his

work

as

that while the latter invokes the evidence of surah 94,

(r.a.)

in citing

mark of

his

Messenger of God", with the only difference

surah 93. Thus, describing the years

Khadijah

to

connection with the

that

Watt does

that of

followed the Prophet's marriage to

as "years of preparation for the

work

that lay ahead,

Watt

gives a translation of 'ayahs 6-8 of surah 93 and observes that this passage

"seems to

refer to

Muhammad's

early experiences" and that

might perhaps argue that one stage

that the

work and

same passage, with a

"we

his misfortunes." 4

similarly referring to the Prophet's early life and "preparation for

have produced a sense of deprivation

of poverty as a young
tion."

this

slightly different translation, in his latest

work as Messenger of God" Watt

from

development was the realization

hand of God had been supporting him despite

Citing the

his

in his

man may

was most probably

"It

"The absence of a father must

states:

Muhammad, and

in

the real experience

well have nourished the sense of depriva-

his exclusion

from the most

lucrative trade",

concludes Watt, "coupled with his consciousness of having great organizing

ability, that

made Muhammad

turn to brood over the general state of affairs

in Mecca." 6

Thus do the
part.

It

must

Watt,

at

orientalists suggest ambition

once be pointed out

Muhammad's Mecca, 50-5

2.

Margoliouth, op.

3.

The

cit.,

"fci*

shelter?... find thee

4.

Watt, M. at M., 39.

5.

Watt,

6.

Ibid., 50.

assumption of personal ambition

46.

text runs as follows: <,>*t

orphan and give thee

that this

and preparation on the Prophet's

Muhammad's Mecca,

isj^i

Wj iia**

poor and enrich thee?"

50-51.

"Did He not find thee an

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

on
is

his part,

and of preparation by him

totally groundless

and

text of the Qur'an, nor

not at

is

by

to play the role of a Prophet-reformer

sustained by the sources, neither by the

all

innuendo that

that of the traditions. Margoliouth's

war

the Prophet participated in the Fijar

totally untenable

and does not

235

call for

to gain personal distinction

is

argumentaion. Here his handling of

may be noted.
young man of promise"

the Qur'anic evidence in support of the allegation of ambition

"Mohammed was

In support of his statement that

Margoliouth

of surah XI (Hud), 'ayah 65. The citation

1

cites the authority

is

completely wrong and irralevant. The 'ayah runs as follows:

(

1a

\ \

^ UjK<

jj- -Uj

dJi

Iji

ii-lii

jt^jb

j yd JUi U jymi ^
t

"But they humstrung her (the she camel), so he (Prophet Salih)

yourselves in your houses for three days. That
belied. "(1 1:65) This statement, indeed the

is

said:

Enjoy

a promise not to be

whole section here,

refers to

Prophet Salih and his warning to his people for their continued disobodience

and the retribution

to in the 'ayah has reference to the

belied.

By no

early promise

The "promise"

that ultimately befell them.

warning of retribution which was not

stretch of the imagination could

and determination of Prophet

it

be construed to refer to the

Muhammad (0 ).

In this connection Margoliouth also quotes, without citing

94, giving the translation of

'ayahs

its

(u-j) alluded

it,

from surah

and 4 as a continuous sentence,

omitting the two intermediate 'ayahs as: "Have

we

not expanded thy breast

and exalted thy name?" 2

Admitting that the passage

moment

of dejection,

resolve in his early

cludes from

it.

"early promise"

is difficult to

it

life

a divine consolation to the Prophet at a

is

and

Clearly his citation of

on the Prophet"s

of the passage from surah 94

The same remote and

see

how

it

refers to his ambition

to his yearning for celebrity, as

is

part

1 1

:65 in support of the allegeation of

is

misleading; while his interpretation

wrong and

inappropriate.

inappropriate construction has been put in this con-

nection by Watt on the Qur'anic passage 93:6-8 (surat al-Duhd). There

doubt that the passage

on

his part "that the

(r.a.). It is

Margoliouth, op.

cit.,

no

64.

also evident that

it

indicates a

hand of God had been supporting him

despite his misfortunes." But that realization

2. Ibid., 65.

is

in question refers to the Prophet's situation in life

prior to his marriage with Khadijah

"realization

and

Margoliouth con-

was unmistakably

posterior to

S1RAT AL-NAB1 AND

236
his

call to

prophethood and cannot be taken

prior to that event.

Nor does

THE ORIENTALISTS

Nor could

it

satisfaction

On

the contrary, the predominant note

and gratitude for the favourable change

call.

on the

the passage sustain the assumption of a sense of deprivation

Prophet's part.

mind

to refer to his state of

imply his mental preparation before the

is

that of

in his situation

brought

in

it

about by the hand of God. Whatever sense of deprivation he might have

supposedly suffered from,

it

had clearly yielded place to an unmistakable

sense of satisfaction and gratitude after his marriage with Khadtjah

And

changed

that

situation

and happiness had been continuing for

years before the coming of the revelation to him, that

is,

(r.a.).

at least

for the very mate-

period which Watt characterizes as the period of "preparation".

rial

Again, the assumption of the Prophet's "exclusion from the most lucrative
trade"

is

also worng.

Watt of course

Qur'anic statement (43:31)

man

important
cates, as

is

'a$im) of the

admitted on

all

cites in this connection the

"Why was

not the Qur'an sent

two towns

(qaryatayri)?'

mean

not necessarily

to

some

This passage indi-

hands, that the Prophet was not at the time of his

one of the leading men of the two towns, Makka and

call

well-known

down

his "exclusion" as

In fact, the theory of a trade rivalry

Ta'if.

But that does

such from the "most lucrative trade".

between Banu Hashim and some other

Quraysh clans and the probable exclusion of

Muhammad (0) from

the

most profitable commercial operations, on which Watt bases a number of

conclusions,

is,

as

shown

earlier,

groundless and

contrary the expression 'aghnd (^i), which

is

totally untenable. 2

the

keyword

in 93:8,

On

his

the

means,

as Watt himself recognizes, not only possession of substantial wealth but

also, in Watt's

own

words, "a place of relative independence and influence in

the community." This

is

confirmed by the well-known

Watt, that the Prophet, on the eve of his

fact, also

admitted by

call,

had entered into matrimonial

relationships with the wealthy and influential

'Abu Lahab on the one hand,

and with another very wealthy member of Banu Makhzum, on the other.

Thus the suggestion

Khadtjah

that during the fifteen years

(r.a.) to his call to

and exclusion from the most lucrative trade

erty

brood over the general

state

of a Prophet-reformer

is

2.

Watt,

his marriage with

of

affairs in

etc,

Mecca" and

to

pov-

"made Muhammad

ultimately play the role

both antithetical to the tenor and purport of surah

Muhammad's Mecca,

Supra, pp! 189-190.

from

prophethood a sense of deprivation due

50.

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

93 and contray to the well-known facts of his

life

237

relating to that material

period.

Whatever might have been the

the years preceding his call, there

sense of deprivation.

(it

is

Muhammad's

mind during

he did not suffer from any

that

plans and preparation for playing

clearly evidenced

by the Qur'anic passage

states:

"You were not wont

but

of

no doubt

Nor did he make any

the part of a Prophet. This

28:86 which

state

is

to expect that the

book would be

sent

down on

you;

has been given you) as a mercy from your Lord..." (28:86).

This unequivocal statement of the Qur'an decisively negatives any ambition or intention

on Muhammad's

had occasionally engaged himself

the receipt of revelation.

part to

become a Prophet, though he

in solitary stay

Nor did he ever

and contemplation prior

exhibit by his deeds and

nour any ambition or intention of becoming a leader

to speak of

becoming a Prophet.

not emerge on the scene

all

It is

community, not

in his

common knowledge

to

demea-

that a leader

does

of a sudden but through a process of gradual

development and preparation which seldom remains concealed from the

view and observation of

and

activities

Yet, there

is

If

people and immediate society. The conduct

he ever had entertained any plan and made any pre-

becoming a

some way or

own

nothing on record to suggest that such was the case with

Muhammad (0).
paration for

his

of the would-be-leader make his society aware of his ambition.

leader, that

would have been known

to his

people in

other and that would invariably have formed an important item

of criticism by his subsequent opponents. But nothing of the kind

is dis-

cernible from the sources. Till the receipt of the revelation he had not

any mark, by his deeds or intentions, as an aspriant to leadership

ety.

in his soci-

Truly did his adversaries point out, as the Qur'anic passage 43:31

noticed above shows, that he was not that important a

to

made

man

in the

two towns

be the Prophet. Nothing could be a stronger testimony to the lack of pre-

paration and ambition on his part than this statement of the Qur'an.

That the coming of revelation was a sudden and unexpected development

to

Muhammad

is

evident also from the famous tradition recording his

immediate reaction to the event. He hurried back home from the mount
Hira' bewildered and trembling in terror and asked his wife to cover him.

Then he

narrated to her what had happened to

him

in the cave,

expressing

SIRAT AL-NABl

238
his fear that

something untoward was perhaps going

haps he was going to

always speaking the

to

happen to him, per-

She comforted and assured him, saying

die.

mean any harm

could not

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

to

him

since he

was so good and honest a man,

truth, entertaining guests

the needy, etc. After the initial shock

and helping

his relatives

was over she took him

edgeable cousin Waraqah ibn Nawfal

that Allah

and

to to her

knowl-

to ascertain the significance

of her

husband's experience in the cave of Hira'. Waraqah, after having heard

about the incident, expressed his studied opinion that

Muhammad

had

received a commission from Allah similar to what had been previously

Musa and that this would involve him (Muhammad,

own people. This last remark caused further surprise

received by Prophet
in trouble

him.

with his

Now,

as

Maududi

points out, 2 several aspects of this report need to be

noted carefully. In the

that

in

of a person

who

is

first

place, the spectacle

clearly bewildered

we

get of the Prophet here

and confused

and extraordinary development. Had he ever entertained

is

some unexpected
any ambition, made
at

preparations for playing the role of a Prophet or religious leader and

expected or solicited any divine communication being made

would have been quite

tion

and

terrified, but

different.

He would

to

him, his reac-

not have been bewildered

would rather have returned from mount Hira' happy and

confident in the success of his endeavours and expectations, not needing

consolation and assurance from anyone else, and would have straightway

proceeded to proclaim

his

commission and mission.

Secondly, the reaction of Khadijah

(r.a.) is

equally significant.

husband been ambitious and making any preparation

at least to her.

Hira' with his

new

her

for playing the role of a

social or religious reformer, that fact, of all perons

been known

Had

on

earth,

would have

Hence, when the Prophet returned from mount

experience, she would have simply congratulated

him on

the ultimate success of his exercises and expectations and, instead of taking

him

would have taken other appropriate

to her cousin to obtain his opinion,

steps to

embark her husband on

Thirdly, the attitude of

relative of the Prophet

his

new

Waraqah

is

role.

similary noteworthy.

and knew him and

He was a

his background well since

his

close

boy-

hood. Waraqah was also conversant with the Christian scripture and the fact

369-373.

1.

Bukhdri, no.

2.

'Abul 'A 'la Maududi, Sirat-i-Sarwar-i-'Alam,

3.

See also

infra, pp.

I.,

Lahore

1978, Ch.

II.

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

of divine revelation. With that knowledge he instantly

who had

sion that the stranger

appeared to

Muhammad

who

Hira' could not be anyone but the angel

came
(^f

239

to the concluin the

cave of

used to bring God's message to

Musa. Had the Prophet been ambitious and desirous of becoming a religious
leader and had he been in the habit of receiving instructions in the teachings

of Christianity from Waraqah, as

would have been quite

attitude

Muhammad
likelier

public.

still,

that

often alleged, the latter's reaction and

is

different.

his preparations

any ambition and preparation on

his part to

Prophet was foretold

Muhammad (0)
It

or,

to the

an evidence that he neinor was aware of

become a socio-religlous
shows that by his

the contrary, Waraqah's reaction clearly

come

study of the previous scriptures he had

Prophet.

is in itself

and pretensions

Muhammad (0)

ther imparted lessons in Christianity to

On

either informed

he had obtained what he had so long been seeking

would have exposed

That Waraqah did neither of these

reformer.

He would have

may

in

them,

that his

answered the

to learn that the

advent of a

advent was expected shortly and that

scriptural

descriptions

further be pointed out that the orientalists,

Watt, state that Waraqah's assurance gave

Muhammad

of that awaited

more

particularly

confidence in

acknowledged lack of confidence on the Prophet's

his mission. 1 This

part at

the very inception of his mission further belies the assumption of ambition

and preparation on
his denial of

his part.

To

these

may be added

any desire for material gains out of

particularly, his turning

down

wealth, leadership and power to

Before ending

this section

it

the
his

well-known

facts of

mission and, more

of the Quraysh leaders' repeated offers of

him

in lieu

may be

of his abandoning his mission.

noted, however, that the Prophet did

of course ultimately become the leader of his people and of the faithful
general.

And because

and preparations on

in

of this fact the orientalists seem to read back ambition

his part into his pre-prophetic life.

But having

strict

regard to the facts and to the sources, and also keeping in view the historical

norm

that

be said
to

is

no leader emerges on the scene

that the

coming of the

revelation to

prophethood was the beginning of

him with

leadership;

since his early

life.

potential leader nor

1.

it

was not

Watt, M. atM., 50;

of a sudden, the most that can

Muhammad (0 )

that process

and his

call

which ultimately invested

the result of his ambition and preparation

At the time of

was known

all

to

his call to

prophethood he was neither a

have aspired after leadership.

Muhammad's Mecca,

59.

SIRATAL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

240
II.

As an

THE ALLEGED CULTIVATION OF POETICAL SKILL

instance of his alleged ambition and preparation

that since his early life the Prophet

and poetical

Muir says
'Ukaz

skill

which he

fair excited in

of

him with

his linguistic

and

poetical competitions at the

"a desire after personal distinction",

"rare opportunities of cultivating his genius,

and learning from the great masters and most perfect models of the

power of

poetry and
that

Muhammad (0 )

W.

"composing" the Qur'an. Thus

literary

Muhammad (0)

as they also provided

has been alleged

had taken care to develop

utilized in

that the spectacles

it

And echoing Muir Margoliouth

rhetoric."'

might have had some practice

he afterwards excelled". 2 He further

states that

in

art

of

observes

eloquence "in which

though the Prophet had some

aversion to poetry, the "language of the Koran was thought by experts to

bear a striking likeness" to early Arab poetry. Obviously alluding to the

poetical competitions at 'Ukaz, to which
this connection,

solemn or

Muir makes pointed reference

in

Margoliouth observes: "Of those lays which were recited on

festive occasions

some

verses then stuck in his

memory and

pro-

vided the form of future revelations." 3

It

must

at

once be pointed out

that the

Qur'an

not considered a book of

is

poems by any knowledgeable person. Nor did the Prophet ever indulge in
versifying. It was indeed an allegation of the unbelieving Quraysh at the initial

stage of their opposition to the revelation that

Muhammad (0)

turned a poet; but soon enough they found their allegation beside the

had

mark

and, as will be seen shortly, changed their lines of criticism in view of the

undeniable fact of the Prophet's being unlettered and completely unac-

customed

to the art of poetry-making, saying that

others, that

he had got the "old-world

he had been tutored by

stories" written for

him by

others and

read out to him in the morning and the evening. 4 This allegation also was
squarely rebutted by the Qur'an.

As regards the allegation of poetry-making or

way a work of poems, it strongly denies the charge

"And

We

the Qur'an being

have not taught him (the Prophet) poetry, nor

1.

Muir, Life of Mahomet, 3rd edition, 15

2.

Margoliouth, op.

3.

Ibid, 60.

4.

Infra, pp. 268-274.

cit.,

52-53.

(1st edn.

II, 7).

in

any

as follows:

is it

meet for him.

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

This

naught but a

is

citation, a

Qur'an, explicit." (36:69)

( t \

"And

is

it

241

not the saying of a poet. Little

is it

1S

) <^

that

0 y*jfi U

"*Jj jftLi

Jji

In fact, quantitatively speaking, not even one fourth of the Qur'an

in effect

'

innuendo

Muhammad

that

in

two ways. He
)

states at a

Uj ^>

you believe." (69:41)

might be called saj or rhymed prose. Margoliouth himself

dicts his

_j

subsequent stage

is

what

contra-

in his

work

lacked eloquence and was not a ready debater so that

he did not "try his chances" in what

is

called the "Council

Chamber" of

the

Quraysh. Secondly, while studiously shifting here the burden of opinion on

1

the shoulder of "experts" in the subject Margoliouth himself holds a diamet-

view which he put forward subsequently

rically opposite

in

an independent

study on the origins of Arabic poetry and in which he advanced the theory
that the

corpus of what

is

known

development modelled on the

elicited a

was a post-Islamic

as pre-Islamic poetry

saj' of the Qur'an. 2 This theory has naturally

good deal of discussion, 3 but

the very fact of his having

advanced

the theory constitutes a direct contradiction by himself of his earlier assertion that the pre-Islamic poetry "provided the
III.

form of future revelations."

THE QUESTION OF LITERACY: WATT'S THEORY

Though alleging that the Prophet cultivated his linguistic and poetic skill,
both Muir and Margoliouth hold, in conformity with the sources, that he was
an

unlettered

person.

Muhammad (^

were known

arts

Margoliouth

puts

"was not as a child taught

to

great." 4 Interestingly

many Meccans" and

categorically,

it

to read

in

commerce, Watt suggests

tered but

write,

that

though these

commerce was so

enough, by pressing the two facts mentioned here by

Margoliouth, namely, the prevalence of literacy

use

and

"their use in

saying

among

that the Prophet

knew some reading and

writing.

By

was

citing a

the

Makkans and

its

not altogether unlet-

number of Qur'anic

statements and a few other facts showing that reading and writing were in

vogue

at

Makka and

that these skills

gious purposes Watt states that

1

Margoliouth, op.

cit.,

J.R.A.S., July 1925,417-449.

3.

Ta Ha Husayn wrote
It

elicited a

Hudara's essay in

facts "there is a

presumption

his

work Ft al-Sha'r al-Jahiltyyah on the

basis of Margoliouth's

good deal of discussion. See for a concise account Muhammad Mustafa

Manahij al-Mustashriqin, Pt.I., Arab Bureau of Education for the Gulf

States, pp., 396-438.

4.

view of these

reli-

72.

2.

theory.

in

were used for both commercial and

Margoliouth,

Mohammed etc.,

59.

S1RAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

242
that

Muhammad knew

enough

at least

keep commercial records."

to

Watt

also cites in this connection parts of the Qur'anic passage 29:48 and 25:5.

These say, respectively, "You were not used

(the Qur'an), nor to tracing

fables he had

them written down

sages to say that the

first

for him". 2

Syriac,

no Arabic

any book before

it

interprets these

"Muhammad

man

Waraqah

like

two pas-

himself had not

ibn

Nawfal "or

alleged informants" had probably read the Bible in

translation of

second passage Watt says that

it

being available

"The probability

is

that

secretaries".

Muhammad was

ficiently for business purposes, but

it

seems

at that time.

Muhammad

"can mean" that

it

world stories written down for him "by

cludes:

Watt

passage means that

read any scriptures" previously, but that a

some of Muhammad's

to reading

with your hand" and "Those were old-world

it

As

to the

had the old-

Thus arguing Watt con-

able to read and write suf-

certain that he

had not read any

scriptures." 3

Watt further discusses

'ummiyy occurring

in the

would be worthwhile
well-known

that

and writing.

It is

in

this

connection the meaning of the term

Qur'an. Before dealing with that point, however,

to discuss the

some people

at

above noted reasoning of Watt.

Makka

at that

time definitely

also a recognized principle that

when

sumption of such a situation or feature

in

it

respect of a particular individual of

But niether the sources

Makka on

is

gives rise to a pre-

at

our disposal nor the

instances cited by Watt create the impression that reading and writing
the order of the day at

It

reading

a certain situation or

feature prevails generally in a given society or country,

that society or country.

knew

it

was

the eve of the Prophet's emergence, nor that

such was the case with any sizeable portion of the then Makkan community,
not to speak of a majority of them.

of reading and writing

in respect

known circumstances of

Hence

there

is

of the Prophet.

no case for a presumption

On

the contrary, the well-

his early life give rise to a strong

presumption that

he had not any opportunity or chance for receiving a formal education

during the formative years of his

life.

Secondly, with regard to the two Qur'anic passages, 29:48 and 25:5, Watt
has quoted them both only partly, had taken them both out of their contexts

and has put on them wrong and tendentious interpretations not supported by
Muhammad's Mecca,

l.

Watt,

2.

See below,

3.

Watt,

52.

text, for further discussion.

Muhammad's Mecca,

52.

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

see

how

necessary to quote the passages in original and in

full.

their contexts nor by the tenor of

he has done so

The

it is

29:48

text of

"And you were

writing

it

is

any of the passages as a whole.

not used to reading/reciting any book before this, nor to

with your right hand. In that case the prattlers could have enter-

what he was giving out

exposes the absurdity of
putable fact

known

to

made in the
allegation that the Prophet had himself composed
as revelation from Allah. The passage tersely
clear that the statement has been

It is

context of the unbelievers'

that allegation

every

Makkan

by simply pointing out the

at that

part to have

come forward

duction and give

from the

tlers

it

last

all

write).

(c-S"

it

was

quite unlikely

on

his

of a sudden with a remarkable literary pro-

out as Allah's revelation.

The

implication

is all

the

more

clause of the statement which says: "in that case the prat-

could have entertained doubts."

kunta

indis-

time that the Prophet did not

previously use to read and write anything so that

ma

To

as follows:

tained doubts." (29:48)

clear

243

also noteworthy that the expression

It is

u) implies a state of being unused or unable to (read and

Also the indefinite form

in

which the word kitab

used clearly means "any book", not the book

which the Qur'an invariably

(<->\&\),

j)

which

is

has been

the form in

refers to the Bible.

In his translation of the passage Watt of course uses the expression "any

book".

He

also notes in connection with his discussion that there are

"many

reasons for thinking" that the Prophet "had never read the Bible or any other

book." But having said so he proceeds to

restrict the

meanning of

the pas-

sage to the Prophet's not having read "any scriptures" and adds that though

he "himself" did not read the Bible nor wrote

ibn

it

down, persons

like

Waraqah

Nawfal and some of the Prophet's "alleged informants" had read

Bible

in Syriac.

Neddless

to say that such

an interpretation

is

the

not sustained

by the passage. Whether Waraqah or any other person had read the Bible
Syriac or in any other language

is totally

in

extraneous to the meaning and pur-

port of the passage which speaks only about the Prophet's antecedent. Watt's
interpretation

is

cleverly geared to sustain another assumption which will be

discussed shortly, namely, that

Muhammad

Biblical information and ideas which he

More
To

preposterous, however,

realize this

it

is

is

embodied

obtained through others

in

the Qur'an.

Watt's interpretation of the passage 25:5.

necessary to quote the passage along with

its

immedi-

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

244
ately preceding

jM \a

I_j!l4j (

And

"(4)

and following 'ayahs. The

jeyi\ j

^ *Jc

o 'j_U-Jl ^ jJ\ pi*

AiU-i j

<d jit

Ji

.Lj ^dl
(

the unbelievers say: This (the revelation)

Prophet) has forged and

they have
tales

ojjiJ

Uli>

text runs as follows:

in

come up with an

itej "iUJift 0! IjyiS' jjJJI

tAe-

J*

nothing but a

lie

which he

)^A--*i j

is

Jlij^

~s

jj

\&=Z\ jJj'W

(the

which another group of people have assisted him. Thus

unjust and false allegation. (5)

And

they say: (These are)

of the ancients which he has caused to be written (for him); then these are read

unto him morning and evening. (6) Say: The

vens and the earth has sent

it

the secret of the hea-

down..." (25:4-6)

obvious that the statement

It is

One Who knows

in

'ayah 5

is

made

in the context

of the

unbelievers' allegations and in continuation of their rebuttal as mentioned in

'ayah 4. This 'ayah mentions that the unbelievers used to say that the revelation

was

lie

assistance of a

and

that its text

had been fabricated by the Prophet with the

number of other people.

It

also

downright injustice and falsehood (Ufe and

condemns

Ijj3)-

the allegation as a

Continuing

this

rebuttal

'ayah 5 mentions the unbelievars' other allegation that what was being presented as revelation was mere old-world stories the Prophet had got written
for

him and read unto him morning and evening.

was

also the pith of the allegation

This

is

also denied by pointing out that the

heavens and the earth has sent

Who

knows

down

Significantly enough, here

that the Prophet

was

One Who knows

the revelation.

the secret of the

The reference

the secret of the heavens and the earth"

by others.

assisted

made

in this

to the

"One

connection

essentially an intimate affair

between

Allah and his Messenger and none else could be an eye-witness to

this pro-

is

just to the point. For, revelation

cess. Indeed, in

alone

is

many

is

places in the Qur'an

very rightly stated that Allah

the best witness between the Prophet and his detractors.

In dealing with this statement of 25:5

was an

it is

Watt of course recognizes

allegation of the Prophet's pagan opponents that

"old-world stories" he had got written

down

the fact of the denial of the allegation, which

is

it

the revelations were

for him; but

low the meaning and implication of the statement

that

Watt does not

as a whole.

He

fol-

sidetracks

the sole essence and spirit of

the statement. Instead, he treats the allegation as an isolated statement and

suggests that

it

"can mean" that the Prophet did not "himself" write

had

it

written by "secretaties".

text but

lievers' allegation

and suggests

that

Thus

in effect

down

the

Watt adopts the unbe-

though the Prophet had the text of what

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

he gave out as revelation written by others, he,

same

allegation to the

text

opponents'

in reply to his

stated that he himself

effect,

Nothing could be a more

245

had not written

stark disregard of the context

it!

and sequence of the

and a more absurd misinterpretation of it.

If

Watt had been a

little

careful before advancing his interpretation he

would have asked himself the

situation,

namely,

why

vital question,

which

the key to the

is

should the Prophet's opponents have

made

whole

that type

of allegation saying that he had obtained the help of others in composing the
text of the revelation

by others?

and had the old-world

moment's pause would have

stories etc. written

down

led to the unavoidable

for

him

answer

that

knew

full

they said so because they and everyone of their contemporaries

well that

Muhammad (0) was

ary piece as he

was giving out

himself incapable of producing such a

to

them

liter-

as "revelation". In fact they did not

stop by saying only that the Prophet had the old-world stories written for

him. They took care to mention also that he had those stories read or recited
unto him in the morning and in the evening. The obvious implication
they

knew

also that he could not

for him; he

needed them

do by simply having

to be recited or read unto

is

that

the stories etc. written

him

for the purpose of

mastering and memorizing them so that he could reproduce them before

men. The omission of

this very essential part

of the 'ayah regarding the

unbelievers' allegation constitutes the second grave defect in Watt's treat-

ment of it. He avoids mentioning

contention.

would dismantle

his

Thus by completely disregarding the context and tenor of

the

it

'ayah, by using only a fragment of

is

vitally

damaging

obviously because

it

and by omitting

to his interpretation,

it

its

Watt attempts

second
to

part,

which

make one of

the

strongest Qur'anic statements showing the Prophet's "illiteracy" yield a contrary impression.

the

Watt also does not seem

to be

assumption of mentors or secretaries

Margoliouth seems

compose

to

be quite aware.

If

aware of the implications of

for

the Prophet had

the text of the revelation for him, or, indeed

from any one of

his contemporaries, he

Prophet,

the

if

of which

employed others

to

he had taken lessons

would invariably have been exposed

by those supposed mentors or secretaries, the more so because his claims to

prophethood involved his leadership over the whole community including

the latter too.

Having thus grossly misinterpreted the above mentioned Qur'anic passages Watt concludes: "The probability

is

that

Muhammad was

able to read

S1RATAL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

246

and write sufficiently

for business purposes, but

seems certain

it

that he

not read any scriptures." Watt further says that this conclusion "gives

lim scholars

'ummiyy occurring

the term

scholars take

means

that is essential for apologetic purposes".

all

in the

He

same meaning. Therefore, he concludes,

of which he says convey

it

is

sical

for apologetic purposes

essential to point out that

'ummiyy only

Muslim

an

in the sense of

the sense of being "unscriptured" or "non-

attempts to

show

may

Muslim

be overlooked; but

state that the

Jewish." 3
in

term also conveys

While accusing the Mus-

only one sense, Watt himself

that at all the places in the

yields only one and the

it

"that

or uneducated person. Both clas-

lim scholars of having interpreted the term

in fact

means

scholars do not interpret the term

illiterate

and modern Muslim scholars clearly

occurs

this

conclusion gives

in Watt's declaration that his

all that is essential

actually

'ummiyy Prophet means the

the

had no direct knowledge of the Bible."

The innuendo

it

refers in this connection to

all

non-Jewish, gentile or unscriptured Prophet and that

scholars

then takes up

as implying "complete inability to read and write"

it

"a people without a written scripture".

Muhammad

He

Qur'an and says that though the Muslim

the Qur'anic passages 2:78, 3:20, 3:75 and 62:2,

the

had

Mus-

Qur'an where the term

same meaning of being non-Jewish or

unscriptured.

Thus even with regard

to 2:78,

where such an interpretation

inadmissible, because the whole description

upon the expression and says

that interpretation

verse shows that the reference

That

it is

little

carefully.

not at

all

It

so will be clear

"And among them

are

they

VA
'

Watt,

Ibid., 53.

if

we

look to the 'ayah and

) <^

dfloj

III

p Olj ^iUi

"ill

k_^Jl JjJm

ummiyy un who do not know

up

Muhammad's Mecca,

1 .

of the
4

context a

its

"51

the book except

do nothing but conjecture."(2:78) Watt gives a

translation of the 'ayah

2.

that "careful reading

to the people without a written scripture".

runs as follows:
(

'amdniyya; and

is

clearly

is

about the Jews, he imposes

is

to the expression

'ilia

'amdniyya (^Ut

Vi)

as:

52.

'

3.

See Ibn Hisham,

II

(ed.

Tadmuri), p.220; also Raghib al-Isfahant,

(d.

Mufraddt Fi Gharib al-Qur'an, 23; Al-Farra' (Abu Zakariya Yahya ibn Ziyad,
Ma'ani al-Qur'an Vol. I., Beirut, n.d., 224; Maududi, Tafliim al-Qur'an, English
Understanding the Qur'an,
4.

Watt,

(tr.

Z.I.

Muhammad's Mecca,

Ansari) Vol.
53.

I.,

502 H.) Ald.

tr.

Leicester, 1988, pp. 87, 242, 265.

207 H.),
Towards

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

"among them

are 'ummiyyun

who do

not

know

the

247

book except from hear-

say" and adds that the rendering of 'did 'amdniyya as "except from hearsay",

which

much

Pickthall's, "is

is

disputed but hardly affects the argument."

Also, citing Pickthall Watt says that kitdb should be translated as scripture.

Watt

is

'amdniyya

right in saying that Pickthall's rendering of the expression "ilia

"is

much

disputed". In fact

it

"desires",

"whims" or words

the trouble to refer to A.

appeared

found

in

that

Yusuf

it.

same

Its

generally accepted meaning

effect. In fact if

Watt had taken

Ali's translation, the first edition

of which

1934, only four years after that of Pickthall's, he would have

the expression has been translated there as

A.J.Arberry gives

use

to the

simply wrong; for no standard

is

lexicon or dictionary puts that meaning on

is

Pickthall's

'ummiyyun here

its

meaning

translation

as "fancies". 2

because

as people without

it

Watt seems

supports

his

Even

"desires".

to

have chosen to

way support

the interpretation of 'ummiyyun given here by Watt.

context of the 'ayah

is

their concealing important aspects

know

that Allah

Then comes 'dyah

"And among

78,

a warning to

knows what they conceal and what

which

is

they

quoted above, starting with the

them...", thus continuing the description;

succeeding 'dyah 79 refers to their practice of giving out their

tions as revelations

The whole

of the revelation

way of

they themselves had received; while 'ayah 11 states, by

expression:

no

in

a description of the conduct of the Jews of the time.

Thus 'ayah 76 speaks of

them: "Do they not

of

intrepretation

scripture.

But apart from the disputed meaning of 'amdniyya, the 'ayah does

reveal?"

and the

own composi-

from God, thus elucidating one of the ways

in

which

they used to indulge in their 'amdniyya (fancies) in respect of God's revelation. In fact the description

and censure continue

the 'dyah 78 refers to the 'ummiyyun of the Jews,

'dyah 82. Obviously

till

the uninformed and

i.e.

ignorant ones of them, not to any other group of people. If the reference
to the Arabs or unscriptured people in general, the expression

"And among them" would be

totally

irrelevant

because the Arabs or other non-Jewish people there were

Even keeping aside

and uncalled
all

it.

for;

unscriptured.

the context and taking the 'dyah individually,

impossible to reconcile Watt's interpretation with

was

wa minhum

Thus employing

it

is

the

English equivalents suggested by Watt the translation of the 'dyah would

1.

Ibid.

2.

A.J. Arberry,

The Koran Interpreted. O.U.P. (Paperback),

10.

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SiRA T AL-NAB1

248
stand as:

"Among them

are unscriptured people

ture (al-kitdb) except 'dmdniyya...)".

"unscriptured people" did not

know

It is

who do

know

not

Such a statement, besides

the scripture!

being nonsense, does not have the force of censure which

The oddity of the

takable tenor of the 'ayah in question.

be

the clearer

all

if

we

is

words

the unmis-

interpretation

would

take into consideration the last part of the 'ayah

which, characteristically enough, Watt does not mention. This

consists of five

the scrip-

simply pointless to allege that an

wa in-hum

'ilia

ya^unnuna-{a >J>

they do nothing but conjecture". This clasue

is

*i\

last

p* ojj)

clause

"and

just in continuation of the

censure and in the nature of an elaboration of the term 'amaniyya used previously

the 'ayah.

in

Hence

this

concluding clause of the 'ayah also will

have no force of censure and no purposeful sense

'ummiyyun
for

is

it

no

is

taken to imply a people

fault in

who have

such a people that they should only conjecture about the

contents of the book. Thus, whether considered in

the 'ayah clearly

whom
those

the expression,

if

not received any scripture;

means

"among them",

that

the

whole discussion

who

are ignorant and

that

its

is

context or in isolation

among

do not take care

to study their

who

only follow the dictates of their fancies and indulge

only

that,

they also give out their

own

the 'ummiyyun about

if

own

is

scripture,

in conjectures.

Not

compostitions as the book from God,

would be mean-

as the succeeding 'ayah 79 says. This latter statement also

ingless

the Jews about

going on here, there are 'ummiyyun, that

is

whom

it

speaks

taken to

is

mean a people

without a scripture. For there was no question for such a people giving out

something as the book to the people.

Watt thinks

ummot ha

that the

is

derived from the

is

the

more

'umm (mother) and

authoritative view that

therefore,

it is

fairly certain that the

Jews

it

is

derived from

'ummiyy means one who has no

acquired knowledge except what he received

case,

Hebrew phrase

'olam (the peoples of the world of gentiles). Such might have

been the case; but there

the Arabic

word 'ummiyy

at his

mother's cradle. In any

used to refer to

non-Jews as 'ummiyy or

unscriptured people. They did so derisively to imply that since the other people did not possess any revealed book they were devoid of

knowledge and

learning or, in other words, they were ignorant and

Thus even from

the Jew's practice the

be recalled

in this

word bore

the

meaning of

illiterate.

illiterate

or ignorant.

It

may

connection that the ancient Greeks also used to refer to

non-Greek (non-Hellenic) people as

'barbarians'.

all

This word also conveyed

not simply the meaning of non-Greek but essentially that of a person beyond

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

And

of civilization and culture.

the pale

is

it

this

latter

249

meaning

that

ultimately prevailed to the exclusion of the original meaning. Similarly the

Arabs used to refer to a non-Arab as 'a'jam,

that is

one who

unable to

is

express himself fluently, the original meaning of 'Arab being one

who

could

express himself fluently. Subsequently the original meaning of 'a'jam

receded into the background and

eigner. Again, the ancient

Hindus used

came

subsequently the word

came

it

to

concerned, both

its

It is

original

a non- Aryan a yavana; but

thus clear that such words had both

meanings and

those words bore both meanings.

is

to call

denote not simply a non-Aryan, but a non-

Hindu, more particulary a Muslim.

original as well as acquired

imply simply a non-Arab or for-

to

that for

a period of transition

appears that so far as the word 'ummiyy

It

and derived senses were

Qur'an was revealed. Hence we find

used

it

in

vogue when the

in both the senses in the

Qur'an,

the exact sense at each place to be determined by the context and tenor of

the statement. This

language there are

is

in

addition to the well-known fact that in every

many words each

of which bears a number of different

meanings depending on the context and the

As shown above,

situation.

the term 'ummiyy has definitely been used in the sense

of "unlettered" in 2:78. There are five other places where the term occurs in
the Qur'an. In three of these places, namely, 3:20, 3:75 and 62:2, the term

occurs in the plural and accusative form and

be taken either

in the

sense of

illiterate

in

each of these places

and uninformed people or

is

used

in its singular

each of these places

taken to

mean

it

. . .

who

signifies an unletterd person

<t_Uir>

who

<0!U

at the

J-4)Mj S-j)j=)l ,j

them

in the

1j

Tawrdh and

him and help him, and follow

are they

and can

no way be

in

relevant parts of these

j*

two

the

Injil,...

the light

which

whom

So those who believe

is

'ayahs.

j^JI Jj-.jJ1 HjAfi jjJJI ^>

cf-ill

follow the Messenger, the 'ummiyy (unlettered) Prophet,

find mentioned to

respect

7: 158,

a person without a scripture or a non- Jewish individual. This

"Those

of

form and as a personal epithet of the Prophet. At

would be evident if we simply look

They run as follows:
ajjjpj

may

in that

people without a scripture. At the other two places, namely, 7:157 and
it

it

sent

down

they

him,

in

with him, those

will succeed." (7:157).

J*}*

-OJli

U^r

<d)1

( >

oA

V)

<^

J\ ^-Ul l^L
OjJ^j

Ji

^>

jJlj

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

S1RAT AL-NABI

250
"Say:

men,

am

Allah's

Messenger

you

to

senger, the 'ummiyy (unlettered) Prophet

follow

him so

Two

that

you may

So believe

all...

who

believes

in

Allah and His Mes-

in

Allah and His words.

And

get guidance." (7:158).

points need to be specially noted about these

place, while the burden of the

'ayah

first

'ayahs. In the first

Prophet was sent as Mes-

that the

is

two

senger of Allah to Jews as well as Christians "who find him mentioned to

them

in the

"all the
it

Taw rah and

would be quite inappropriate

Arab ethnic

affiliation. In fact

to

it

sent to

emphasize here his non-Jewish origin or

would be simply self-defeating

non-Jewish or unscriptured Prophet was sent

had

their scriptures. Rather,

ers'

frequent allegation that what

own

was

the Injtl", the second 'ayah states that he

people" of the world. This being the main burden of the two 'ayahs

fabrication,

audience,

it

is

keeping

and also the

in

to the

view the

Jews and Christians who

fact that

it

Muhammad (0) was

was

the unbeliev-

giving out was his

was addressed

fact that the appeal

only natural that the case was put

to say that a

in the

way

to a

wider

best calculated to

rebut that allegation. Secondly, both the 'ayahs also say, implicitly as well
as explicitly, that the Prophet had been

he himself believes
in

<^

Thus

Jjii^jJi jjJi ijuJij^.

it

mean an

endowed with

*Uu y>$> ^aJI^.

*-.

both the places the expression can only

at

unlettered or untutored Prophet, not at

tured Prophet. For one thing,

when he had

as an

"unscriptured" Prophet

(kitdb)

and which he had been asking

Jews, Christians and

point at issue

"all

that

all

an un- Jewish or unscrip-

antithetical to describe

him

already received a scripture

Makkans, Arabs,

the people

the people" of the world

was whether

to believe.

The whole

the scripture he claimed to have received from

Allah was to be believed or not; and

have said

all

would simply be

it

book which

a revealed

and asked his audience to beleive

he simply could not

in that situation

he was an "unscrptured" Prophet.

Whatever meaning one may

be emphasized that

this

Prophet's being unlettered.

Qur'anic statements,

like to put

word

is

As already

made mainly

on

this term,

it

should once again

not the sole Qur'anic evidence of the

noted,

in reply to the

unbelievers, that unmistakably

show

the art of reading and writing

and

there

that the Prophet

that this fact

are

number of

various allegations of the

was unacquainted with

was so well known

to his

adversaries that they were forced to modify their lines of attack saying that

he had got his texts written

1.

Supra, 241-246.

down and

read unto

him by

others.

THE ALLEGATION OF AMBITION AND PREPARATION

Before leaving

this topic

would be worthwhile

it

opens his discussion by observing

nion argued that the Qur'an was

could neither read nor

write..."

that the

all
It

to

251

mention

"main body of

at

once be pointed out

Watt

Muslim

later

the greater miracle because

must

that

opi-

Muhammad

that

Muslims

hold that the Prophet was unlettered not because the "main body of later

Muslim opinion" argued

that for the sake of proving

Qur'an, but because the Qur'an

itself clearly

out a continuing challenge to anyone to

parable to any of

its

come up with

he

is

after all his laboured interpretations

probably

in this

way

"Muhammad was

know

much

not that

is

in

regard only indicate

out to prove the reverse, namely, that the Prophet did

and writing and, by implication, the Qur'an

But

a single surah com-

long or short surahs. Watt's premise and the

which he misconstrues the Qur'anic statements

that

the miracle of the

proves him to be so and throws

reading

of a miracle.

and arguments he concludes

that

able to read and write sufficiently for besiness

purposes." Obviously the question his conclusion suggests

is:

Was

it

likely

or natural for anyone with such modest knowledge of the three Rs and without any prior literary effort of any sort
to

produce

supreme

till

classic" of Arabic literature? 2 Unfortunately

word about

theme of preparation

the

question of the Prophet's illiteracy

indeed finds

life

Watt has not asked

himself the question, not to speak of attempting an answer to

Finally a

year of his

at least the fortieth

of a sudden a text which constitutes acknowledgedly "the

all

is

development without taking

in general, to

clearly related.

which

this

secular historian

emergence of a leader or

in fact

any

into account the circumstances of the time

and

difficult to explain the

it

it.

the background and preparation, direct and indirect, of the historical figure

concerned. In a sense, however, the question

lem of

history,

is

related to another basic prob-

namely, whether history creates the individual or the indi-

vidual creates history. Without entering into that issue

emphasized
and only a

that so far as

Muhammad (0)

historical figure like

is

it

concerned he

may
is

any other historical personality.

only be

not simply

He

is first

and foremost a Prophet, a Messenger of God. This may be a matter of belief;

but

it is

2.

necessary not to ignore that belief. This being the case, any attempt

Watt,

Muhammad's Mecca,

The phrase

translation of the

cover.

is

that

Qur'an

used by the Oxford University Press in

in

its

notice to A.J. Arberry's

"the world classics" series, paperback edition, 1982 reprint, back

S1RAT AL-NABI

252
to

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

make an assessment of Muhammad

historical investigation is apt

(0)

the extraordinary aspect of Prophethood.

for

an awareness of

only by the usual standard of

more often than not

this "extraordinary" in

overshadow

to overlook or

proper appreciation of him calls

him notwithstanding

his

being a

historical figure.
It is

of course admitted that a non-Muslim

believe that

Muhammad

fessedly historical study

quite a

directed predominantly to

Messenger of Allah, or

in spite

not conscientiously bound to

was a Messenger of Allah; but when a prois

the 'Western civilzation", the

haps

is

to illustrate the "danger"

work

of the intention of

show

in effect

its

Muhammad

at

Mecca

posed by Islam to

author to the contrary. Watt indeed sig-

he

states at the out-

that "in so far as Christianity

with Islam Christians must adopt an attitude towards

attitude

he was not

degenerates into a polemic, per-

nifies that intention. Writing as a "professing" Christian

set of his

that

is

in contact

Muhammad

and

that

ought to be based on theological principles"; but he (Watt) has

attempted to "preserve neutrality" on the theological questions and has

addressed his work

"first

and foremost

to the historian."

At the same time he

claims that his work "presents Christians with the historical material which

must be taken

into account in

forming the theological judgement" on Islam.

The professed

intention to preserve neutrality on theological questions does

not appear to have always succeeded in the work; and this appears to have

been due mainly to the declared objective of providing materials for the

judgement on Islam. The two purposes have obvi-

Christians' theological

ously been

at

the Prophet's

loggerheads throughout his treatment of the various aspects of

life.

The

historian has suffered at the altar of the evangelist.

The need to recoginze the "extraordinary" in Muhammad (0 ) does not

mean that his life should not be the subject of critical and historical study. It
only underscores the absolute need to be scrupulously just to the sources by
not attempting to distort or misinterpret their texts and by not taking them
out of their contexts.
tion should

It

also

means

be avoided unless

presumption should be

it

is

that

any unfavourable or adverse assump-

suggested by the clearest of evidence. The

that of "not guilty" unless

of "guilty" unless shown to the contrary.

1.

Watt, M. at M., Introduction,

x.

proved otherwise, not

that

Chabter XI

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

good deal has been

written

on the theme of the Prophet's having

gedly drawn heavily on Judaism and Christianity

trines

and teachings. The aim of these writings has invariably been

on the one hand,

his preparations for the role he played and,

disprove the divine origin of the Qur'an. Except for

alle-

formulating his doc-

in

on the

Abraham

to

show,

other, to

Gieger,

who

concentrated on the supposed Jewish influence only, William Muir was per-

haps the

first

modern scholar

to

advance the theory as a whole and did most

it. Since his writings a number of works have appeared on the

The sheer volume of these writings calls for an idependent treatment of it. The scope of the present work, however, allows only an epito-

to popularize

subject. 2

mization and discussion of the main assumptions of Muir, Margoliouth and

Watt.
I.

Muir says

that

SUMMARY OF THE ASSUMPTIONS

Muhammad (0)

obtained his knowledge of Judaism and

Christianity through his contact with the followers of those religions in

Makka, Madina and the 'Ukaz

fair,

neys to Syria. Even as a child he

as well as in the course of his trade jouris

said to have seen the

Jews

at

Madina,

"heard of their synagogue and worship, and learned to respect them as

that feared

God." 3

Muir of course

rejects as "puerile" the story of a

between Nestorius and the Prophet during

ing Khadijah's
certain that

(r.a.)

his

lost

no opportunity of enquiring

Abraham

Geiger,

Was

hat

Mohammed

"we may be

into the practices

tenets of the Syrian Christians or of conversing with the

1.

meeting

second journey to Syria lead-

trade caravan to that place. Yet, says Muir,

Mahomet

men

monks and

and

clergy

aus dem Judenthem aufgenommenl Bonn,

1833.
2. Of such works mention may be made of (a) Wilhelm Rudolph, Dei Abhangigkeit des
Qorans von Judentum und Die Christentunm, Stuttgart, 1922; (b) Tor Andrae, Der Ursprung
des Islams und des Christentum, Stockholm, 1926 (Fr. tr. Les Origins de I'Islam le Chris-

tianisme, Paris, 1955); (c) R. Bell, The Origin of Islam in

1926; (d) K. Ahrens, "Christliches in Qoran",

its

ZDMG,

Christian Environment, London,

1930,

15-68,

148-190 (also

his

Muhammed als Religionsstiffer, Leipzig, 1935; (e) C.C. Torrey, The Jewish foundation of
Islam, New York, 1933 (republished, New York, 1967) and (f) A.I. Katsh, Judaism in Islam.
New York, 1954.
3.

Muir, op.

cit,

third edition, 15 (Vol.

II,

Istedn, 8).

SiRAT AL-NABI AND

254

who

THE ORIENTALISTS

way." As specific instances of such contacts, however, Muir

1

fell in his

mentions only three, namely,

fair, 2

preaching of Quss ibn Sa'ida at the 'Ukaz

ibn Harithah

whose

ancestors,

having heard as a boy the

(a) the Prophet's

ence of Christianity and who, though sold as slave when a

communicated whatever impressions he had of

have

Muhammad (0);
Muir puts

it,

and

(c) the contact

that his mission

was

Muir

to the influ-

boy, must

little

Christianity

to

with Waraqah ibn Nawfal who, as

"had an acknowledged share

divine." 4

Zayd

(b) the contact with

Muir supposes, had been exposed

in satisfying the

further says that

mind of Mahomet

Muhammad (0 ) must

have noticed the differences and conflicts among the Christians and the Jews

them

but nonetheless he obtained from

Book and of

revelation, of a

the idea of

a name, that of

One True God,

of divine

Abraham, which both Jews and

Christians repeated with profound veneration and

who was

"the builder of

the Ka'aba and author of the rites observed there by every Arab tribe."
also says that while in Syria the Prophet must have observed what

As a

"the national profession of Christianity" there.

Muhammad

cludes Muir,

bishop, "but on a

still

is

Muir

called

result of all these, con-

thought of acting the part of a Christian

wider and more catholic scale." 5

Thus suggesting the

more particularly with

Prophet's contact with Judalism and Christianity,

Muir adds

the latter,

that since

he (the Prophet)

derived his information from the "orthodox party", the "ecclesiastics and

monks

of Syria", he obtained a "distorted" and faulty view of Christianity,

Mary and Jesus. 6 Had he been given a correct

view, observes Muir, he would have become a Christian instead of founding

particularly with regard to

new

the

religion.

Muir

therefore laments that "the

Empire thus grievously misled

him eventually so
The views
Margoliouth

great a part of the eastern

1.

Ibid.,

Muir were taken over and repeated by

pointed out earlier, Margoliouth assumes

34 (Vol.

4.

Ibid. (Vol.

5.

Ibid.,

6. Ibid.,
7.

Ibid.

II,

II.,

16 (Vol.

II,

on the Prophet's

lstedn., 18).

15-16 (Vol. U,

Ibid.,

the age, and through

world." 7

own way. As

20 (Vol.

3.

misnamed Catholicism of

mind of

thus advanced by

in his

large-scale trading activities

2. Ibid.,

the master

1st edn., 7-8).

1st edn., 49-50).

1st edn., 52).

II,

20-21 (Vol.

1st edn., 8-9).

II,

lstedn. 19-20).

part. In the

course of such

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

activities

puts

it,

tellers"

he

said to

is

have picked up information, most of it,

from "conversations

Margoliouth

wine-shop or from listening

(e.g.) at

among whom were "Jewish

as

255

dealers

who

such intercourse with the Arabian Jews and Christians the Prophet

have "derived a

sort of biblical phraseology". 2 Also,

so engrossed

business that "traces of this calling are found

in

Sacred Book."

Like Muir, Margoliouth also says

he

that

knowledge about these

two

systems

was

is

said to

From

is

said to

have been

all

over his

Muhammad (0 )

the idea of a Prophet, of divine revelation, of a Book,

and Christians. Like Muir, again, Margoliouth

to story-

traded in clothes."

etc.,

got

from the Jews

states that the Prophet's

and

faulty

"superficial". 4

Margoliouth adds, however, that as time went on the Prophet's knowledge

about

the

biblical

improved.

stories

There

Margoliouth, "that as the Koran grew in bulk,

became somewhat more

ries

accuracy
likely

may have

that

at

accurate:

no question,",

"is

its

knowledge of

and though

writes

biblical sto-

this greater

times been due to the Prophet's memory,

degree of
it

is

he took such opportunities as offered of acquiring

information."

more
more

But while Muir laments

Muhammad's

that a "distorted"

view of Christianity prevented

ultimate conversion to that system, Margoliouth seeks to

explain that outcome in terms of the Prophet's design and personal ambition.

The part which the Prophet played, says Margoliouth, was "present to his
mind for many years, suggested by conversations with Jews and Christians
and Parsees",
lator,

all

who had

of

whom

had "one thing which the Arabs had

acted as divine commissioner... Yet each nation ought to have

a leader. Here then

was an opportunity

Echoing Muir's statement

that the

for a Prophet." 6

Prophet observed and was impressed

by the "national profession of Christianity"

when he

(the Prophet) visited countries

subjected to the law of

own

not: a legis-

in

where

Syria Margoliouth says that

"the

God" he was convinced of

whole population was

the backwardness of his

country and of the need for reform which he decided to carry out by

assuming the role of a Prophet and by means of a revelation which he saw as

1

the

Margoliouth, op.

cit.,

60.

58-59.

2.

Ibid.,

3.

Ibid., 69.

Here Margoliouth refers to C.C. Torrey's Commercial-Theological Terms

Koran, Leiden, 1892, without specifying the author and

4.

Margoliouth, op.

5.

Ibid., 106.

6.

Ibid., 73.

cit.,

76-77.

title

of the work.

in

SIRA T AL-NABI AND

256

THE ORIENTALISTS

"an indispensable preliminary of progress."

did not think of embracing

Judaism or Christianity because, according

either

nity "could not

tium and

to Margoliouth, Christia-

be dissociated from subjection to the suzerainty of Byzan-

Mohammed was

far too great a patriot to

duction of a foreign yoke." Also, even

religion, he could not

bers

He

possessed." 2

have pretended

Hence he decided

to

if

contemplate the intro-

converted to "an established

such knowledge of

as older

mem-

reproduce the role of Moses or Jesus.

to

"Being a cool-headed student of human nature", further

Muhammad (0 )

it

Margoliouth,

states

could see that "they were men, and what they had done he

could do." 3 His plans are said to have been facilitated by the prevailing differences between the Jews and the Christians and between the

and

sects,

at

Madina he "claimed

that

it

was

latter's rival

his mission to put

them

right

where they disagreed." 4

These Muir-Margoliouth assumptions have been adopted and developed
by Watt. Thus he deals rather elaborately with what he

calls the "relation

of

Islamic teachings to Judaeo-Christian sources" and states that "one of the

theses" of his book,

Muhammad at Macca,
some

due to a "fusion" of

largely

Christian conceptions." 5

He

is that

the greatness of Islam

theme on a wider plane and speaks

sets the

about the influence of these "sources" upon the then Arabs

rather

on Muhammad's

vidually. 6 Like his predecessors

was derived mainly from

in general,

or

environment, as well as upon him indi-

Watt holds

that the

Christianity and Judaism.

the possibility of influence

is

Arab elements "with certain Judaeo-

concept of monotheism

Though

from the monotheistic groups

not excluding

like the hariifs

he

discounts any "movement" as such towards monotheism and asserts that the

"premonitions of monotheism
to Christian

and Jewish

among

the

influences." 8

Arabs must have been due mainly

Like Muir and Margoliouth, again,

Watt traces these influences through the Arabs' contact with

the

Jews and

Christians in Arabia and with the Byzantine Empire, which

was Christian

and "whose power and

and also with

1.

civilization they greatly admired",

Ibid., 74.

2. Ibid., 77.
3.

Ibid., 78.

16-11.

4.

Ibid.,

5.

Watt, M. at M., 23.

25-29 and Excursus B, pp. 158-161; and Muhammad's Mecca, 36-38.

M., 28; Muhammad's Mecca, 37-38.

6.

Ibid.,

7.

M.

8.

MatM.,21.

at.

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

257

Abyssinia and even Hirah, which "was an outpost of the East Syrian or Nestorian Church."

Watt also repeats the Muir-Margoliouth assumption

that

Hud and

Salih were prophets to 'Ad and

that the

The

idea of prophethood was derived from Judaism and Christianity.

"idea

Thamud", writes Watt, "was

probably a pre-Quranic instance of the application of the Judaeo-Christian

conception of prophethood." 2

Having thus spoken of

comes

influence" Watt

"indirect environmental

the

to the question of "direct" influence

and says

that there

"good

is

evi-

dence" showing that the Prophet had a "monotheist informant." 3 This "good
evidence" he seeks in the Qur'anic statement, 16:103, which,
tioned here,
informant.
effect

is

cited also

by Margoliouth

This passage gives a

by pointing out

but the Qur'an

is

lie to

may be menhad an

the unbelievers' allegation to the

that the person they hinted at

in clear Arabic. 5

it

to suggest that the Prophet

Watt does

not,

same

spoke a foreign tongue,

however,

cite

Margoliouth.

Instead, he adopts C.C. Torrey's peculiar interpretation of the passage 6 say-

ing that

it

shows

that the Prophet did not

only insisted that the teaching

deny having a human teacher but

came from heaven 7

Proceeding on the basis of that assumption Watt next develops in effect

what Margoliouth says about the supposed growth

in

accuracy

in

the

Prophet's knowledge of Biblical stories with the passage of time. Watt cites

some seven Qur'anic

what he

ment

calls the

passages, which

stories, particularly

"there are a great

we

shall presently notice, to

show

"growth in accuracy of the acquaintance with Old Testawith regard to

Abraham and

many"of such examples of growth

course citing them, and says that in view of these

it

Lot." 8

He

in accuracy,

is difficult

adds that
without of

for "the

West-

ern critic" to resist the conclusion that the Prophet's "knowledge of these stories

was growing and

that therefore

son or persons familiar with

the Qur'anic passage

1.

Ibid.

2.

Ibid., 28.

1:51

27 and Excursus B,

he was getting information from a per-

them." 9 In this

which says

connection Watt futher refers to

that neither the Prophet nor his peo-

159.

3.

Ibid.,

4.

Margoliouth, op.

5.

The passage

6.

C.C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam, op.

7.

Watt, M. at M., Excursus B.,

8.

Ibid.

9. Ibid.

is:

cit.,

j&

p.

106-107.

i>U

<Jj

p.

159.

OjowL

^ ui*

^OJi
cit.,

43

f.

u'j

o jjj*.

J*

Mi 3

SIRAT AL-NAB1

258
pie previously
that the

knew

in

to

it

the stories of the prophets revealed to him. Watt says

"embarrassment caused by such a verse to those

the sincerity of

did not

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Muhammad" (0)

make any

distinction

of

nificance

etc.

to

uphold

could be resolved by supposing that he

between the "story" and the "teaching" implicit

and by interpreting the term nuhi

mean we "cause

who want

(We

reveal) occurring in the passage

to understand the teaching implicit in

or the sig-

it

same views

Reiterating the

in his

work and

latest

further citing the

Qur'anic statement in 25:4 Watt states that there might have been more than

one informant

for

Muhammad was

Muhammad

and

that the

receiving information in this

Qur'an "does not deny

way" but

that

it

merely

insists

have been Qur'an, since a

that the material thus received "could not

that

for-

eigner could not express himself in clear Arabic." Watt thus once again
states that

what the Prophet received from

knowledge" but the "meaning and

his informants

"would be factual

iterpretation of the facts"

came

to

him "by

the ususal process of revelation." 2

Thus dealing with

Watt also

the topic of

recapitulates

borrowing from Judaism and Christianity,

and expands the Muir-Margoliouth assumption

that

the Prophet had obtained certain distorted and mistaken notions of these two
religions

and those notions were reproduced

in the

Qur'an. Avoiding Muir's

insinuation against the "orthodox party" and the Syrian Church Watt says
that "the particular

Jewish and Christian groups which influenced the Arabs"

had "many strange ideas". Examples of such strange notions, asserts Watt,
are the Qur'anic statement which "suggests that the Trinity consists of

Father,

Son and Mary". This statement, emphasizes Watt,

"is

doubtless a

some nominally Christian Arabs who held this view". Watt further states that "much of the detail" from the Jewsih side also was incorporated in the Qur'an, but this came "not from the sacred scripture but from
criticism of

secondary sources of various types". 3

The same thing he repeats in his latest work saying that "some people in
Mecca wrongly supposed certain beliefs to be held by Jews and Christians",
namely, "that Christians took Jesus and Mary to be two gods apart from
God, and

that the

Jews held 'Uzayr [Ezra]

1.

Ibid.

2.

Muhammad's Mecca,

3.

M. 'atM., 27-28.

4.

Muhammad's Mecca,

45.

2, 45.

to

be the son of God." 4 These

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHR1STIAN INFLUENCE

259

Qur'anic statements, asserts Watt, "are palpably false" because "these were
beliefs held

by the Meccans" and bceause, according

to him,

for

He

"it

was not

be corrected",

essential for God's purpose that false ideas of this sort should

addressed the Arabs "in terms of their existing beliefs" and that the

message

Qur'anic
beliefs."

could

communicated

be

without

correcting

these

Elaborating the same assumption Watt states that the Qur'an

addresses the Arabs

picture", including

speaking "in terms of their world

in the first instance,

even points

which

in

that picture

was "mistaken". As sup-

port for this statement he refers to the prevailing notion of the earth being a

space and quotes some seven Qur'anic passages to show that that mis-

flat

taken notion was reproduced in the Qur'an. 2

Again, like Muir and Margoliouth, more particularly the

states that

Muhammad

dition of his land

),

Watt

latter,

having observed the unsatisfactory social con-

and people, and having been convinced of the need for

bringing about a reformation, thought that this could be done by means of a

revelation or religion.

decided that

As Watt

puts

it,

Muhammad (0) "may

this [the unsatisfactory state]

could be got

of religious belief." 3 Again, echoing Margoliouth

further suggests, though in a guarded way, that

new

monotheistic

movement

in

in

rid

a remarkable way, Watt

Muhammad (0 )

launched a

order to avoid the political implications of

adopting Judaism or Christianity

"for Christianity

was linked with the

Byzantine and the Abyssinian empires, and Judaism had support

sian empire. In effect Islam

even have

of by some form

in the per-

gave the Arabs a monotheism independent of the

empires." 4 Watt winds up his discussion by adopting

tion that for "the study of the life of

Muhammad

it

in effect Bell's
is

observa-

hardly necessary" to

delineate the relative importance of Jewish and Christian influences; for, he

admits,

"many

details are disputed".

"is to realize that

Muhammad
ment

such things were

and were

'in

the

air'

before the Qur'an

part of the preparation of himself

and of

came

to

his environ-

for his mission." 5

Thus do

all

1.

Ibid., 2, 44.

2.

Ibid., 2, 5-7.

three of our scholars advance almost identical views with

The Qur'anic passages quoted

78:6-7 and 79:27-33. See

3.

"The main necessity", he emphasizes,

Ibid.,5\.

4.

Ibid., 38.

5.

M.

at M., 29.

infra,

are: 2:22;

pp. 301-319, for discussion

3:3; 20:53; 5

:47-48; 71 19-20;

on these passages.

SIRA T AL-NABI AND

260

THE ORIENTALISTS

similar arguments. In general these arguments revolve round the following

five assumptions:

The

(1)

or environmental

circumstantial

influence

of Judaism and

Christianity;
(2)

The alleged

specific instances of

Muhammad's

contact with particular

Christian individuals;
(3)

The supposed Qur'anic evidence about

(4)

The supposed gradual growth

in

his informant or informants;

accuracy in the Qur'an's narration of

the biblical stories; and

(5)

The alleged reproduction of contemporary

errors in the Qur'an.

The following is a discussion of the first four categories of arguments.

The fifth, the alleged errors in the Qur'an, is dealt with separately in the next
chapter.
II.

It is

ON THE ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCE IN GENERAL

an acknowledged

fact that there

were Jews and Christians

in Arabia;

the former mainly at Yathrib (Madina) and the latter mainly at Najran.
as

Makka,

activities

and

So

far

the birth-place of the Prophet and the immediate scene of his

was concerned, there were only a few Christians of humble

intellectual

immigrants.

being either slaves or petty

status,

One

two

or

original inhabitants of

retailers,

Makka

like

social

and mostly

'Uthman ibn

al-

Huwayrith and Waraqah ibn Nawfal had turned Christians, the former out of
personal or political considerations, and the latter as a result of his search for
a better

faith.

Also the Makkans conducted trading operations with such

countries as Syria and Abyssinia where Christianity prevailed.

quite understandable that the knowledgeable section of the

munity including

Muhammad (0)

all

common

beliefs

therefore

had been aware of both Judaism and

Christianity as systems of religion and did doubtless also

the

It is

Makkan com-

know something

of

and practices of the votaries of those religions. Indeed

the three of our scholars, Muir, Margoliouth and Watt, are at one in stat-

ing, after all their arguments, that

and Christianity was

Margoliouth even

embrace

at

states that

it

as

its

older

was

that

(0

knowledge of Judaism

"superficial"

one reason why

either of these religions

such knowledge of

Muhammad's

best second-hand,

and erroneous.

Muhammad (0)

did not

he realized he could not pretend to

members

possessed.

Now, this being obviMuhammad's (

)

ously the most that the orientalists think was the level of

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRIST1AN INFLUENCE

261

supposedly acquired knowledge of the two religions, the question that naturally suggests itself to the general reader is: Is

person of Muhammad's

he

(0

intelligence

admitted to be, would proceed to

is

and

it

reasonable to assume that a

common

sense, as

on

all

hands

propound a new religion and chal-

lenge the correcteness of both the prevailing systems of Judaism and

on the basis of a mere hearsay and

Christianity

them? The

orientalists,

preparations

on the Prophet's

part to play the role he did,

address themselves to this simple and natural question.

ness and inconsistency in the orientalists' approach
gest on the one hand that the Prophet

enough

to

knowledge of

superficial

although they spare no pains to prove ambition and

The

lies in

would

just not

inherent weak-

the fact they sug-

was ambitious and therefore careful

avoid the political implications of embracing either Judaism or

Christianity and,

on the

other, that he

was

careless

enough

to

proceed to

found a new religion by picking up information from bazaar gossips and

Jewish story-tellers

The

fact is that

at
it

wine shops!

is

as naive to say that Islam

is

an amalgam of second-

hand information about Judaism and Christianity with some Arab elements,
as

is

it

absurd to suggest that the Prophet was not cognizant of the two

gious systems. There

lation

The

is

no doubt

that the concepts

reli-

of prophethood, reve-

and of Allah as Supreme Lord were known to the pre-Islamic Arabs.

existence of these concepts does not, however, ipso facto prove that

they were derived from the Christians and the Jews, though the latter

undoubtedly possessed these concepts as well. In so far as the concept of

prophethood

is

concerned, the

memory of Ibrahim

as Prophet

and founder of

Ka'ba which the Arabs universally cherished, and the Abrahamic

the

like hajj or

rites

pilgrimage to the Ka'ba were unquestionably pre-Jewish and

pre-Christian. Similarly the concept of Allah as

Supreme Lord was known

to

the pre-Islamic Arabs independently of any Jewish or Christian influence.

The concept was

in fact a

remnant of the teachings of Ibrahim which had

spread in Arabia before the coming into existence of either Judaism or

Christianity.

So was

the concept of hanifas a worshipper of one God, which

The orientalists of course recognize the

among the Pre-Islamic Arabs; and of late
this point. 2 But while quoting a number of

also finds mention in the Qur'an.

existence of the concept of Allah

Watt pays

2.

See

special attention to

XIV for a discussion of the orientalists' views about the

Muhammad's Mecca, 3 1-36.

infra, ch.

Watt,

hanifs.

SIRAT AL-NABI

262

well-known Qur'anic passages

among

cept of Allah

that clearly

show

the existence of this con-

the pre-Islamic Arabs, and while quoting Teixidor's

study of the inscriptions to

common

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

show

that belief in a high or

supreme God was

throughout the Semitic Near East in the Greco-Roman period, and

1

thus trying to illustrate the Prophet's indebtedness to the prevailing ideas,

Watt

is

very careful

in

not tracing this concept of a "high

the so-called Judaeo-Christian influence.

Nor does he

God"

explain

in

any way

how

to

this par-

concept came into existence and continued to survive among the

ticular

polytheistic

He

Arabs.

of course suggests, like Margoliouth, that the

was

"archaic" religion or paganism

in the decline

because, according to him,

of a growing awareness of the powerlessness of the gods and goddesses. 2

Also, following others, he attempts to expalin the composition of the word
Allah. 3 Yet, neither this nor the supposed decline in paganism does in itself

explain the emergence of the concept of Allah as "high God".

As

regards the concept of monotheism the Qur'an, and for that matter the

Prophet, accused the contemporary Arabs, Jews and Christians of having

deviated from the original teachings of their prophets and of having degenerated into polytheism. There

is

thus no question of his having taken over the

concept of monotheism from the Jews and the Christians, because he so unequivocally controverted and rejected what they said to be the teachings of
their scriptures. In fact

even a cursory glance

brings out two undeniable facts. In the

any originality

in the

revive and fulfil the

sense of presenting a

same message which

God has given

inality

first

it

at the

place, the

new

Qur'an unmistakably

Qur'an does not claim

religion. It

maintains

claims merely to

and here

to all the Prophets throughout the ages

is its

and

orig-

to every

More specifically it claims its teachings to be the same as those of

Abraham, Moses and Jesus, about all of whom it speaks in glowing terms.

people.

Sceondly,
beliefs

it

very uncompromisingly rejects and denounces the polytheistic

and practices of the contemporary Arabs

as also of the

Jews and

Christians. This two-fold and predominant notes of the Qur'an are just the

reverse of what the orientalists suggest.

They

are emphatic in saying that

Muhammad

neither read

them himself, nor was any Arabic version of them available

1.

Roman

Ibid., 35.,

had no first-hand knowledge of

their scriptures.

He had
at

quoting Javier Teixidor, The Pagan God: Popular Religion in the Greco-

Period, Princeton, 1977, pp. 17, 161.

Muhammad's Mecca,

2.

Watt, M. at M., 23-24;

3.

Watt, M. at M., 26-27. Seealso

Hitti, op. cit.,

35.

See also Margoliouth, op.

100-101.

cit.,

24.

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHR1STIAN INFLUENCE

the time.

The Qur'an, and

263

for that matter the Prophet are, on the other hand,

equally emphatic in saying that their teachings are essentially the

same

as

those of the original scriptures of the Jews and the Christians. Secondly, the
orientalists insist that

Muhammad (0 ) derived
whom

contemporary Jews and Christians

his

Qur'an, and therefore the Prophet,

Christians were mistaken and

his

knowledge from those of

he happened to meet. The

insist that the

contemporary Jews and

misguided and had deviated from the teach-

ings of their original scriptures, particularly in respect of montheism.

The only conclusion which any reasonable and

draw from

this situation is that

Muhammad

(0

impartial observer can

did not

make up

his teach-

ings by picking up information from here and there; for in that case he

would have feigned

originality,

previous scriptures or would

would not have traced

at least

his teachings to the

have so chosen his audience as were not

likely to detect the sources of his information. Secondly,

he had not also

taken his information from his contemporaries because he openly found fault

with them and set about to reform them and to bring them back to the original teachings of the previous prophets. Thirdly, since, while saying that his

teachings were the same as those of the previous scriptures, he at the same

time stated that he had not read any of them, and since the orientalists also
agree that he had not read any of those scriptures, his source of knowledge

must have been something

or

scriptures

else than either a first-hand perusal of those

second-hand

knowledge

of them

obtained

from

his

contemporaries.

Some

of the orientalists, particularly Watt, of course suggest a third

possibility, that of there being a monotheist informant or informants for the

Prophet. This assumption, as already indicated, raises more questions than

solves.
will

The

so-called Qur'anic evidence

be examined presently.

from indicating

It

may

that the Prophet

on which

this

assumption

is

it

based

only be noted here that the Qur'an, far

had any human informant, does just the

opposite thing of denying such allegeation by the unbelievers.

It

has also been suggested, particularly by Margoliouth, that the Prophet,

having got the name of Ibrahim from the Jews and Christians, traced his
teachings to

him

in

Christianity. Further,

order to claim precedence over both Judaism and

it

has been said that the Prophet's denunciation of the

Jews and Christians began

after his break with the

former

at

Madina. These

two suggestions are manifestly untenable. The Abrahamic

Ka'ba and the

rites

tradition, the

connected with them existed there for ages before the

S1RAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

264

Prophet's brith. If he had invented the tradition and thus related his teachings
to Ibrahim,

he (the Prophet) would have been simply ridiculed not only by

his adversaries but also

lical

by

his followers. Secondly, the rejection of the Bib-

teachings about the sonship or fathership of

God and

the assertion that

both the Jews and the Christians had deviated from the teachings of their
ginal scriptures had been very distinctly

Qur'an long before the migration

to

ori-

made in the Makkan surahs of the

Madina and the subsequent deve-

lopment of enmity with the Jews of that place.

The

truth is that

it

was impossible

to get

an impression of monotheism by

any amount of observation of and acquaintance with the Judaism and

Christianity of the day.

Even a perusal of the extant scriptures would have

The God in the Old Testament is

hardly conveyed such an impression.

depicted essentially as a
Israel.

tion,

tribal

or racial god, openly partial to the children of

Such a God could scarcely

attract the imagination, far less the adora-

of a non-Israelite population. The text of the

other hand, obscured and blurred the concept of

tying

it

Testament, on the

the Father",

"God

God

not in easily understandable Unity but in

the son" and

"God

the

Holy Ghost", these three

being not disinct qualities of a single entity but three separate

over, the doctrine of incarnation on which the concept of
is

inextricably

with the manifestly difficult and admittedly mysterious doctrine of

the Trinity which conceives

"God

New

One God by

essentially

no

different

from

the

same

entities.

"God

More-

the son" rests

doctrine of the Hindus. Like the

modern Hindu, while acknowledging the existence of many

gods and goddesses and a sort of Trinity in the coexistence of Brahma,
Vishnu and Siva, would equally assiduously assert that his sacred texts do in
the ultimate analysis speak of One and Only True God, though a non-Hindu

Christian, a

finds

it

difficult to accept that

Hinduism inculcates monotheism. And so

far

as the practices of the Jews and Christians of the time were concerned, they

were acknowledgedly steeped

stitions

Muir

and were thus the

ian church.

The

turies after the

the most debasing corruptions

and super-

removed from being model monotheists.

when he squarely decries what he calls the

farthest

indirectly admits this fact

"misnamed Catholicism" of

1.

in

the

Empire and the "orthodox party" of the Syr-

situation indeed continued to deteriorate for several cen-

emergence of Islam. In

fact the various

reform movements

in

See for instance the modern Vedantists' views, particularly the views expressed by

Dvendranath Thakur and

Reaction

to Christian

his associates in the mid-nineteenth century,

Missionary

Activities,

M.M.

Ali,

1833-1857, Chittagong, 1965, chaps.

The Bengali
II

and

III.

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

Christianity, particularly the Cluniac

and the Reformation

Movement, the

265

Iconoclastic

Movement

by Martin Luther bear an eloquent testimony to

started

the depth of degradation into which the Chrisians and Christianity of the day

had descended. In a way,

all

emphasis on monothesism,

movements and the subsequent

these reform

in spite

of an adherence to the doctrines of the

Trinity and the divinity of Christ, are by and large an impact of the

uncom-

promising monotheism enunciated and propagated by Islam. In any case, so

far as the state of Christianity in the 7th-8th century Syria

bouring lands was concerned,

outside observer. Truly has

one

to

assume

it

it

was more

and the neigh-

likely to repel than to attract

any

been said that the "self-conceit" which deludes

that the spectacle of "national" profession of Christianity in

Syria impressed the "young reformer"

in historical fact.
III.

(Muhammad,

has no foundation

THE ALLEGED INSTANCES OF CONTACT WITH

JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN EXPERTS

The

orientalists

emphasize the well-known

facts of the Prophet's

two

when about twelve years

of age, and again as leader of Khadfjah's (r.a.) caravan when about twentyfive years of age. On both these occasions he is said to have come across a
Christian monk, Bahira on the first occasion and Nestorius on the second. As

journeys to Syria, once

in

company with

his uncle

already pointed out, doubts and improbabilities surround these traditions and
the orientalists themselves, particularly Muir, reject the stories as "puerile".

Nevertheless he assumes that

Muhammad

(^f)

"lost

no opportunity of

enquiring into the practices and tenets of the Syrian Christians or conversing

monks and clergy who fell in his way." The same assumption is
made in a more exaggerated way by Margoliouth; while Watt also subscribes to the view by saying: Muhammad had presumably some contact
with the

with Christians on his trading journeys to Syria." 2

It

must be emphasized

that the trade journeys

dominantly or wholly Christian land. There

What

is

were made

making any contact with

Christians.

no reference whatsoever

in the sources to the Prophet's

is

to

a pre-

thus no question of not

necessary to note

is

that there

is

having taken advan-

tage of those journeys to seek information about Christianity from any par-

1.
Huart, "Une nouvelle Source du Koran", Jurnal Asiatique, 1904, p. 129. See also
Goerges Sale. Observations Historiques el Critiques sur le Mahometisme, pp. 68-71.

2.

Watt,

Muhammad's Mecca,

36.

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

266

monk

ticular

or any individual Christian. Even the doubtful accounts of

meetings with Bahira and Nestorius speak only of the enquiries and opinions
of those two individuals, and not

at all

of the Prophet himself. Also, on the

occacsion of the reported meeting with Bahira the Prophet was a mere boy
of twelve and therefore unlikely to engage

Nor could

cussion.

diversion in such educational exercises.

contact,

leading

many

it

Qur'an

him any

If

he had made any such educational

of

Makka who had accompanied him on

whom

we

from the

find

Quraysh leaders accused the Prophet of having

that the unbelieving

Makka and

both the occasions and

subsequently opposed his mission. Yet,

allegedly received instructions only from a foreigner

the city,

dis-

leisure to seek

would not have remained unnoticed by the scores of others of the

men

of

any serious academic

in

the nature of the journeys afford

who happened

to

be

in

further alleged that a group of other people, also presumably in

composed

morning and evening. Had

Muhammad (0 ) contacted

neys to Syria any Christian

monk

even for casual discussion,

the

accompanied him

him and read

the text of the revelation for

during his trade jour-

or layman for obtaining information or

Quraysh opponents, many of

would not have

to Syria,

their attack against him.

unto him

it

failed to

make

whom

the most of

That no such allegation was made by them

is

had
it

in

a deci-

sive proof that he had not sought information about Christianity or Judaism

from anyone

in the

The second
to

course of his journeys to Syria.

so-called instance

which Muir

is

refers specifically

stated that the Prophet heard

Quss preach

unanimously classified as spurious and

its

narrators,

firmed

liar

Muhammad

Quss ibn Sa'ida

the tradition relating to

and Margoliouth alludes

is

at the

'Ukaz

fair.

indirectly.

It

is

This tradition

is

rejected as such. 2 Specially,

ibn al-Hallaj al-Lakhmi,

{kadhdhab)? And even according

is

condemned

one of

as a con-

to this spurious report, the

1.
The tradition is recorded in a number of works. See for instance 'Abu al-Qasim
Sulayman ibn Ahmad al-Tabarant, Al-Mu'jam al-Kablr (ed. 'Abd al-Majid al-Salaff), Vol.
XII, 88-89; Nur al-Din al-Hythami, Majma' al-Zawa'id wa Manba' al-Fawd'id, Vol. IX, Beirut, 1986 / 1406, pp. 421-422; Al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah, Vol. I., 453, 454-456 and

457-465.
2.

See for instance 'Abu al-Faraj ibn al-Jawzi, Al-Mawdu'dt, Vol.

Al-La'ali al-Masnuah, Vol.

Kanani

Mawdu'ah, Vol.
3.

Tanuh

(907-963),

See

I.,

I.,

183-192; 'Abu al-Hasan 'AH ibn

al-SharVah

'an

213-214; Al-SuyutT,

al-'Ahadith

ibn 'Iraq al-

al-Shani'ah

al-

3rd impression, Beirut, 1981, pp. 241-243.

for instance Al-Dhahabi,

al-Bejjawf), Vol.

al-Marfu'ah

I,

Muhammad

Ill,

No. 7351

p.

Mizdn

al-'I'tidal

FINaqd

509; Al-'Isabah, Vol.

III.,

pp.

al-Rijdl (ed. 'Ali

279-280

Muhammad

(no. 7349).

'

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

267

make any

enquiries as

Prophet was only one of the audience and did not

such with the speaker. The

tion of

its

use of this report without any indica-

weakness and untrustworthiness

weak

Similarly

is

indicative of

how

such materi-

accepted and cited to support a particular assumption.

als are uncritically

makes

orientalists'

the "instance" of

is

special mention.

to

It is

Zayd

ibn Harithah of which

Muir

be observed that Muir tactfully refrains from

saying directly that Zayd or his parents were Christians, but indirectly intro-

duces the subject by saying that Christianity had made progress among
Zayd's ancestors and then suggests that Zayd, though a boy
slave,

sold as

must have remembered something of Christianity and must have com-

municated that knowledge

to his foster father

could be a more far-fetched inference than

had

when

learnt

remember

Muhammad

this; for

(^f). Nothing-

whatever the boy Zayd

about Christianity and of that whatever he could have managed to

system for

after his disconnection with that

century, could be of very

Zayd acted

reformer. Moreover, had

at least

a quarter of a

use to any serious enquirer and would-be-

little

in

any way as teacher

in Christianity for

the Prophet and had the latter formulated his doctrines on the basis of the

knowledge imparted
uine faith

dedicatedly

As

to

him by Zayd,

the latter

the Prophet's mission and

in

till

would surely have no gen-

would not have followed him so

his death.

Waraqah

regards the instance of

indeed been placed on

it

by the

ibn Nawfal, great emphasis has

orientalists.

There

is

no doubt

took the Prophet, shortly after his receipt of the

that

Khadijah

first

revelation, to

Waraqah

for consultation. This fact, as already pointed out,

shows on the

one hand

that the Prophet did not entertain

(r.a.)

the role of a prophet.

also considered

On

him a

the other hand

it

any intention or ambition

shows

that

on

sincere and unpretentious person.

his part

Had

to

play

Waraqah

the Prophet

previously received instruction in Christianity from Waraqah he would have

formed a very different opinion about the former.

meeting, there

is

viously consulted
it is

no indication

in the

Waraqah on any

subject,

reasonable to assume that the two

The same reason which has been

In fact, except for this

sources of the Prophet's having pre-

though under the circumstances

knew each

other from close quarters.

indicated above in connection with the

Prophet's journey to Syria and his alleged acquisition of Christian

ledge in the course of that journey

present case.
Christianity

Had

may

know-

be adduced the more strongly in the

the Prophet been in the habit of receiving instruction in

from Waraqah,

that

would have formed a very strong point

in

SIRAT AL-NABI

268
the

Quraysh

leaders' attack

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

on and criticism of the Prophet.

THE SUPPOSED QURA'ANIC EVIDENCE ABOUT A

MONOTHEIST INFORMANT OR INFORMANTS

IV.

This brings us to the subject of the Qur'anic statement about the

leaders' allegation that the Prophet receieved instruction

mainly on

Makkan

from others.

It is

of the unbelievers that Watt and his predecessors

this allegation

have based the assumption of a monotheist informant or informants for the

Prophet. In doing so, however, Watt, or rather C.C. Torrey, from

has taken his cue, has grossly misinterpreted the Qur'anic texts.
this has

cited by

been done

Watt

in

it

is

whom

To

see

he

how

necessary to quote in original the couple of passages

support of this assumption. These passages, together with

Watt's translation, stand as follows:

"We know

they say,

they hint at

is

only a person teaches him. The tongue of the one

It is

foreign, but this (the Qur'an)

is (in)

a clear Arabic tongue."

(Muhammad's Mecca, 45)

"The unbelievers
with

it...

They

say:

said,

This

is

only a falsehood he invented; other people helped him

Old-World

him morning and evening."

fables,

he has had written down; they are dictated to

(25: 4-5)

Watt, following Torrey, 1 interprets these statements, particularly the

saying "that

Muhammad

insists that the

teaching

statement Watt writes in

Muhammad was

first,

does not deny having a 'human teacher but only

came down from heaven'." 2 Elaborating the same

his latest work that "the Qur'an does not deny that

receiving information in this way" but only "insists that any

material he received could not have been the Qur'an, since a foreigner could

not express himself in clear Arabic". Hence what he was given by the infor-

mant "would be

factual

of the facts would

come

knowledge, whereas the meaning and interpretation

to

him by

the usual process of revelation." 3

This interpretation of Watt (and Torrey)

1.

C.C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation

2.

Watt.M. atM., 159.

Watt, Muhammad's Mecca, 45.

3.

etc., op. cit.,

is

43

totally

ff.

wrong.

It

is

also an

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

attempt on Watt's part to

fit

269

in these texts, particularly the first passage, his

notion of revelation (wahy) which he describes as "prophetic intuition", a

form of the Prophet's own "consciousness", something

"meaning" and "interpretation"

Here

it

is

that there

was a foreign person

sumably had some knowledge of

That

etc.

to the subject of reve-

at

made

out of the

Makka who had

either Christianity or

first

pre-

who

Judaism and

be an acquaintance of the Prophet. Obviously

to

of

in the nature

and words,

should be noted that the most that can be

passage (16:103)

happened

facts

when we come

notion of Watt's would be discussed

lation.

from the

distinct

this fact

was

taken advantage of by the Prophet's opponents to allege that he was being

"taught" by that person to produce what

Qur'an

no

refers to this allegation

stretch of the imagination could

deny the
it

it

revelation.

and giving a

lie to

The

it.

By

be suggested that the Qur'an does not

it

fact of "receiving" information

merely

was being given as

by way of denying

from the person alluded

"insists" that the material thus received "could not

to

and

that

have been the

Qur'an, since a foreigner could not express himself in clear Arabic." This
latter phrase,

"could not express himself

interpretation or "tendential" shaping.

that the

tongue of the person insinuated

allowing this twist in meaning, does

eigner,

who

could not express himself

able to instruct the Prophet,

language,

in the details

In fact

it

it is

and

who by

is

Arabic",

'a'jamt,

at all

i.e.

own

Qur'an

is

But even

to say that a for-

would nonetheless be

accounts did not

know any

foreign

and Judaism?

somewhat inconsistent

Muhammad (0)

Watt's

"foreign".

sound logical

in clear Arabic,

all

is

clear statement of the

subtleties of Christianity

grossly misleading and

rey and Watt do, that

in clear

The

to say, as Tor-

does not deny having a "human

came down from heaven." If the

insistence was that "the teaching came down from heaven", does it not constitute a denial of a human teacher? But the insistence was not simply on that
the teaching came down from heaven. It was more strongly and consistently
stated that the "text" of the revelation also came from heaven. In fact the
main challenge of the Qur'an was and has been to any one to come forward
with a text similar to any of its surahs. The unbelievers' allegation also had
teacher but only insists that the teaching

reference to the preparation of the text of the revelation by the person they
insinuated.

The term yu'allimu (fM)

in

contemporary Arabic parlance meant

not simply imparting information but communicating a text which was usu-

1.

Infra,

Ch. XX.

SIRAT AL-NAB! AND THE ORIENTALISTS

270

committed

ally

almost wholly

memory, tranmission of knowledge being

to

oral.

And because

the revelation, the denial of

it is

time

at that

the allegation had reference to the text of

made

all

the stronger by simply pointing out

the utter unreasonableness of the insinuation, that

by pointing out

is,

that the

person insinuated was simply incapable of producing a clear Arabic

The

text.

denial contains also an element of ridiculing the insinuation. Indeed the

nature of the unbelievers' allegation

is

more

clearly specified in the second

we

passage (25:4-5) quoted by Watt and to which

shall presently turn

our

attention.

Watt's interpretation of the

In the first place,

it

first

passage (16:103)

totally ignores the context

unbelievers' allegation for the sake of giving a

not only from the passage itself but also from

'ayahs

its

it.

is
1

that

in three
it

ways.

refers to the

This context

is

clear

two immediately preceding

101 and 102). Thus 'ayah 101 refers to the unbelievers' allega-

(i.e.

tion that the Prophet

who

lie to

wrong

is

which

was a

"forger" and then rebuts

it

by saying

that those

indulged in such allegation did not really know. "They say, thou

most of them know

forger; but

denial

is

continued and stated

sizes that the revelation

angel

Jibril.

(Jibril)

"Say,

it

is

in

We

y>^\ Jj jm

ijJti^

jj dj, Ji)>. 'Ayah 103,

merely a continuation of the same

know

cj!

art

The same

down from "your Lord" by the

brought down by the Spirit of Holiness

gation and the same emphatic denial of

indeed

II

brought

truly

<^ >iAy

OjJUj

a positive form in 'ayah 102 which empha-

has been truly

from your Lord."

by Watt,

was

not".

they say" ^ o jJ^i

it.

oilj

pronoun 'annahum (^i) clearly indicate

this

which

is

quoted

topic of the unbelievers' alleIn fact the expression:

"And

^, particularly the particle

and

connection with the previous

'ayahs. In his interpretation, thus, Watt ignores the context altogether and in
effect simply adopts the allegation of the Prophet's adversaries.

Secondly, Watt

is

mistaken

in

saying that the Qur'an does not deny what

he calls the receipt of information from the foreigner. Leaving aside the context,

the

yulhiduna

1.

It

'ayah

103

(OjaL). It

may be

itself

contains an unmistakable denial in the term

bears a derogatory sense and a reproach, namely, that

noted that Watt and his preceptor Bell tend to

belittle the

preting a Qura'anic passage by assuming that the "unit" of revelation

context in inter-

was almost always a

short passage. But no sudden change of subject-matter, nor of style of language, nor of the

form of address from

third person to first person, etc.,

disconnection of a particular passage from

the present instance.

its

which according

to

them indicate the

preceding or following 'ayahs are applicable

in

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

271

of deviation from the truth and the just course, or perversion. All the competent authorities are agreed that 'dhad

(v^).

sifying", takdhib

(aU-j)

means

"falsely stating" or "fal-

places in the Qur'an, namely, 7:180 and 41:40; and at

clearly

Arberry

means a wrongful and unwarranted

signs." 3

uses the root-word "dhad OU-J)

^,wJi

,J

(A

o*

it

Significantly enough. A.J.

"and leave those who blaspheme His names" and

"Those who blaspheme Our

22:25

act.

both the places

of the Qur'an translates the expression at both the

in his translation

places as blaspheming

two other

In fact the very verb yulhiduna occurs at

*j

"And whosoever purposes

More

important

in apposition to

still,

iulm

the Qur'an itself

or injustice at

(fib)

o*j$ an d Arberry rightly translates it:

4 Hence, though the
it wrongfully" etc.

*ji

to violate

orientalists translate the expression at 16:103 as simply "they hint at",

its

correct rendering should be "they wrongfully suggest", "they unjustly hint

"they unfairly insinuate", or

at",

some such words.

It

may

further be pointed

is yushiruna "da (J\ i>jj~*>),

Thus the correct meaning of the 'dyah\6:\03

out that the Arabic equivalent of "they hint at"

not yulhiduna 'da (J\ ^jJ*<k).

"We

should be:

know

indeed

they allege that a

human being

language of the individual they unjustly insinuate

Qur'an)

is in

gation,

the

is

tutors him.

The

foreign, while this (the

clear Arabic." Thus, far from there being no denial of the alle-

of the

text

'ayah cleary

labels

it

an

as

'dhad,

an

unjust

insinuation.

Thirdly, Watt also ignores the decisive or rather silencing rebuttal

in the last part

of the 'ayah where

individual unfairly insinuated

of the allegation

know any

I,

two-fold denial

fact a

person

was impossible on

the Prophet's part,

foreign language, to follow that person's "instruction" or "exposi-

al-'

Athir,

328 and part X, 178 and

1

964

383,

The two statements run

^

is in

clear Arabic,

A.J. Arberry,

4.

Ibid.,

336.

270 and

al- 'Athar, part IV,

ibn 'All al-Shawkani, Fath al-Qadir etc., part

part III, 195.

respectively as:

Ui_jU j o jo>*L j> ill

3.

could not have been com-

Beirut print, n.d., 429; Al-QurtubT, (Tafsir),

II,

Muhammad
p.

it

Al-Nihayah Ft Charib al-Hadith wa

Al-Zamakhshari, Al-Kashshaf,

second impression,
2.

language of the

that the

is in

did not

See for instance Ibn

part VII,

emphasized

who

it

Secondly as the Qur'an

tU-ij.f'*)!

it is

"foreign". There

in this single statement. In the first place, since the

spoke a foreign tongue,

tion".

is

made

oj

^ and ^

'

'

j a

jt^

Ijj^

'

J"** ir

e(*-*'^

The Koran, O.U.P. (Oxford Paperbacks), 1986, pp. 165 and 495.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND

272

posed for the Prophet by

ing what
the text

THE ORIENTALISTS

that individual.

Thus neither

in the

sense of impart-

called "facts" and "information", nor in the sense of formulating

is

and wording of the revelation could the foreigner act as

'trainer" for

the Prophet.

The

denial of the unbelievers' insinuation

is

continued

in

the immediately

following two 'ayahs (16:104-105). 'Ayah 104 warns the unbelivers' of the

consequences of

evil

retorts

by saying:

falsehood:
<^dy.j-&\

It is
.

their rejection of the "signs"

who believe not

who lie" ^> ^4Jj'j <M <-

"It is

those

those

Thus 16:103 together with

lowing couple of 'ayahs constitute a

its

It

<^

of Allah that forge

j>&\ i~>&\ iSj^h

y*y.

immediately preceding and

distinct unit of

deny and rebut the unbelievers' allegation

unmistakable manner.

of Allah, and 'ayah 105

in the signs

in a

which the purport

folis

to

very positive, forceful and

should also be noted that there

nothing

is

in

these

'ayahs that warrants the assumption that the unbelievers were referring only
to the receipt of information or facts as distinguished

from

and "interpretation", as Watt would have us believe.

On

"meaning"

their

the contrary the

nature and wording of the denial, especially the emphasis on the language of
the person insinuated,

make

obvious that the allegation had reference to

it

the Prophet's inability to produce,

by himself, the

This nature of the unbelievers' allegation

is

text of the revelation.

more

specifically spelt out in

25:4-5 which Watt quotes and which should be considered along with
16:103.

The passage 25:4-5 says

that the unbelievers' allegation

was

that the

Prophet had the text of the revelation, which to them was only "old-world
fables", written for

worthy

him and

dictated to

that in translating this passage

him morning and evening.

Watt omits the

last part

It is

which reads: ^ ijjjj Ufc

"they have indeed come up with an
and falsehood." The omission has obviously been made to facilitate
,

entation of the assumption that there

is

note-

of 'ayah 4
injustice

the pres-

no denial of the allegation made by

the unbelievers.

This passage 25:4-5 or rather

lier

this

surah

than surah 16 in the order of revelation.

is
1

unanimously regarded as ear-

This

is all

the

more reason why

the allegation contained in 16:103 should be considered in conjunction with

1.

This surah (al-Furqan, No. 25)

revelation by classical

NSldeke count

it

Muslim

is

scholars.

placed between the 38th and 42nd in the order of

On

the other hand orientalists like

as the 66th in the order of revelation,

16 (al-Nahl), on the other hand,

is

and Muir places

it

Rodwell and

as the 74th.

placed between the 67th and 72nd by the

Muslim

Surah

scholars;

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

the allegation noted in 25:4-5. For

it

lievers' part first to suggest that the

lation written for

him by

273

would be obviously absurd on the unbeProphet had the passages of the reve-

them

others and recited by

to

him morning and eve-

ning, and then to state that he had only obtained the facts and information

from an individual.

thus obvious that the allegation of incapacity on the

It is

Prophet's part to produce the revelation by himself had reference not simply
to the "facts"

and "information" but to the

But whether one

as well.

likes to

assume

and language of the revelation

text

that the allegation

had reference to

and "information" alone, or whether one admits the obvious

"facts"

fact that

the allegation had reference to both the facts and the text, the concluding
part of 'ayah 25:4, which

Watt chooses

to withhold

from

his readers, char-

aterizes the unbelievers' allegation as a manifest injustice (zulm

palpable falsehood (zur

than

^ifc)

and a

Nothing could be a stronger and clearer denial

jjj).

this.

Watt

rightly

mentions that the Muslim commentators of the Qur'an are

not in agreement about the identity of the person of persons "hinted at" by
the unbelievers and give several names, "mostly of Christian slaves" in

Makka.

But he does not complete the

nor does he pursue the ques-

story;

These questions

are: (a)

had come forward with his claim

to Pro-

tions that naturally arise out of his assumption.

Why,

after

Muhammad (0)

phethood and

after

he had passed some time

believe in his mission

have come forward

why

Muhammad

York, 1983, Appendix

it

as the 73rd,

Muir puts

Khalifa, The Sublime Qur'an

II;

people to

help promote his claim by supplying him with

to

while Rodwell and Noldeke place

46th. (See

in publicly calling

any knoledgeable Jew or Christian should

and

Muhammad

'Izzat

it

as the 88th and A. Jeffery as the

and Orientalism, London and

Darwazah, Sirat al-Rasul,

I,

New

Beirut, n.d.

[1400 H.], pp. 145-149.

Muhammad's Mecca, 45. Several names were indeed suggested. The most frename is Jabr, a Christian slave of Al-Fakih ibn al-Mughirah, who had
embraced Islam. Ibn Ishaq says that this Jabr was a slave of Banu al-Hadrami. Another name
1.

Watt,

quently mentioned

suggested

Lu'ayy.

is

It is

Ya'ish, a slave of Banu al-Hadrami or

further said that

Banu al-Mughirah, or of Banu 'Amir ibn

slaves, one named Jabr and the other

Banu al-Hadrami had two

named Yasar or Nabt. They were sword-smiths and the Prophet is stated to have occasionally
visited them and talked to them. Ibn 'Abbas says that the person referred to was Bal'am, a
Christian who had some knowledge of the Bible. According to Al-Qurtubf, the person alluded
to was a Greek Christian at Makka named Mysara. Another report says he was 'Addas, a servant of 'Utbah ibn Rabi'ah.

still

another view

is that

he was Abs,

a servant

of Huwayrith

ibn 'Abd al'Uzza. See al-Qurtubi, (Tafsir), X, 177-178 and Al-Zamakhshari, Kashshaf,

429.

II,

SIRAT AL-NABf AND THE ORIENTALISTS

274

information about Judaism and Christianity? (b)

Why

Quraysh

the

leaders,

with their power and influence and their knowledge and control of affairs of

town of Makka, and

the then not very big

upon the

activities of the

make use of any such

If,

specially of their constant

Prophet and his acquaintances,

why

watch

did they not

"informant" to expose the Prophet's "pretensions"? (c)

on the other hand, such "informant" or "informants" were from among the

why

Christian and Jewish converts to Islam,

have

faith in the Prophet's

should they have continued to

mission and leadership

when

they found out that

he needed their knowledge and help in formulating what he gave out as revelation

from Allah? Significanly enough, Watt does neither

raise these very

pertinent questions nor does he seek an answer to them. If he did either, he

would have found

that the

Muslim commentators have made

Quraysh leaders made the allegation

the ranks of the

in

Muslims of a few Christian converts and

leaders did not stop by simply

ber of such converts

making

it

clear that the

question in view of the existence

the allegation.

They

that the

Makkan
num-

tortured a

order to extort an admission from them to the effect

in

that

Muhammad

that

one of such victims of oppression, Jabr, when persecuted and tortured

V.

rather

it

is

he

who

THE SO-CALLED GROWTH

Indeed,
(

had obtained help from them.

gave out the significant

the extreme,

Muhammad,

it

does not

intelligence

in

at all

and

reply:

"It

It is

not

is

teaches and guides me."

IN

ACCURACY

further

who

to

teaches

IN BIBLICAL

INFORMATION

stand to reason that a person of

common

mentioned

sense would obtain

Muhammad's

from hearsay and

secondary sources a perfunctory and superficial knowledge of the contents

of the Judaeo-Christian scriptures, which
the most, and

would then proceed, on

is

what the

orientalists suggest at

the basis of that

knowledge,

to utter

doctrines and stories claiming them to be divine revelation. Yet Watt, fol-

lowing his predecessors, not only advances such an absurd proposition but

even goes further

to suggest in effect that the

rash enough to give out as revelation whatever

Prophet was simpleton and

little

he learnt

particular Old-Testament story and subsequently modified or

it

to

as he learnt

more of

Abraham and

Lfit

it.

of a

improved upon

Thus, citing a number of Qur'anic passages relating

(peace be on them) which will be considered presently

and which he thinks show "the growth

at first

Al-Qurtubi, (Tafsir), X, 177.

in

accuracy of the acquaintance with

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

Old-Testament
these stories

Watt concludes

stories"

was growing and

"Muhammad's knowledge of

that

that therefore

a person or persons familiar with them."

275

he was getting information from

The passages cited by Watt are 37:135 C; 26:171 E(D); 27:58 E(D); 7:81
D-E; 15:60 DE; 11:83 E+ and 29:32 E+. It may be noted that Watt follows
Flugel's

numbering of the 'ayahs which

standard numbering; but there

looking

at the

meaning.

no

is

He does

differs slightly

from the current and

difficulty in identifying the passages

by

not quote the passages in original, nor does

he give their translation. Also, while citing only one 'ayah of each surah he
evidently has in view a

number of them

The

relating to the topic.

letters

placed beside each 'ayah are indicative of Bell's dating of the the passages,

standing for Makkan,

It

may be

Madinan and E+

for early

for

noted at the outset that the assumption of "growth

in

accuracy"

based essentially upon the above mentioned dating of the several pas-

is

sages.

But

this dating is

acknowledged

himself entertains doubts about

he

discards Bell's dating in

that of Noldeke. 5

its

to

be only "provisional" 3 and Watt

accuracy. 4 Moreover, in his latest

favour of R. Blachere's

Also the way

in

which two

should also be noted that

all

work

which closely follows

letters indicating

periods, sometimes one in brackets, are placed beside an 'ayah,

It

period. 2

Madinan

two
is

the passages cited are counted as

different

confusing.

Makkan by

Muslim scholars. In any case an assumption of gradual growth

in accuracy based upon a system of dating about the accuracy of which the
author himself is in doubt and which he discards in his latest work is

the classical

hazardous and misleading.

Apart from the question of dating, however, the passages themselves do

not really sustain the theory of "growth in accuracy" as such. Thus the
point which Watt attempts to

sages (37:135 and 26:171) the

woman",

in all the other

not correct and

tion.

pp.

is

make is that in the two first mentioned pasmember of Lut's "party" not saved is "an old

passages

it is

his wife. This statement of Watt's

clearly a misunderstanding of the

The statement

at

both the places

1.

Watt, M. at M., 159 (Excursus B).

2.

Ibid., IX.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Watt, "The dating of the Qur'an:

46-56 (specially pp. 54-56).

5. Watt, Muhammad's Mecca,

4.

first

starts

with

two passages
'ilia

(VI

is

in ques-

except) which

review of Richard Bell's theories", J.R.A.S., 1957,

SIRAT AL-NABl

276

shows

that

it

is

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

merely a continuation of what precedes

in the passage. It is

it

to be noted that in the 'ayah preceding at each place the material term
'ahl.

old

Hence

the meaning at both the places

woman" were

saved.

is

"inhabitants". This secondary

meaning

woman

"family", even

'ahl is

may mean

it

"people" or

clearly inapplicable here for

is

obviously not the intention of the passages

people were saved except an old

among

of Lut's 'ahl except "an

that all

The primary meaning of

"wife"; while in a secondary or extended sense

in

question to say that

nor could

etc;

is

it

is

of Lut's

all

be suggested that

it

who were punished and destroyed, there was

woman. The obvious meaning of the two consecutive 'ayahs at
each of the two places (37:134-135 and 26:170-171) is that all the members
of Lut's family were saved except "an old woman". Thus at both the places
Lut's relationship with her is expressed in an indirect way. The term "old
woman" is used here out of disapproval of her unbelief, not out of an ignothose of Lut's people

all

only one old

rance of her relationship with Lut. In

tionship

curacy

is

in

all

the other places, however, the rela-

expressed directly and explicitly. There

the

first

two passages, nor of "growth

in

is

thus no case of inac-

accuracy" in the other five

passages.
Similarly ill-conceived

is

Watt's second point.

four of the above mentioned passages there

is

nexion between Abraham and Lot"; whereas

"there

is

Now,

explicit

He

says that in the

:83

the

manner

passages

in

comes out

which God's wrath and punishment

tell that

God sent some angels who, on

also met Ibrahim, gave

and informed him

him

that

the

good

was not

they were going

are different. In fact the emphasis of the

is

1.

own

people.

Watt,

A/.

that "the

is

only an

as an incidental detail of

way

The

to Lut's people,

be born to him

people to punish them.

for Lut. Obviously this incidental

first

where the theme and context

four passages (37:135; 26:171

on God's favours upon the Prophets mentioned and how

they were helped to emerge successful through their

their

them

befell Lut's people.

their

to Lut's

called for in the other passages

27:58 and 7:81)

in

tidings of another son to

Thereupon Ibrahim made some pleadings

detail

and 29:32 shows

connexion between Abraham and Lot" which Watt finds

indication of their contemporaneity. This

passages

in the other three

mention of the connexion with Abraham."

a reference to the passages 15:60,

first

"no awareness of the con-

The emphasis of

atM., 159.

trials

and the enmity of

the other three passages (15:60; 11:83

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

and 29:32)
and the

on the other hand, on the conduct of the Prophets' opponents

is,

evil

consequences of their opposition

delivered to them.
the Prophet

277

and

The

first

and rejection of the message

to

group of four passages are addressed mainly to

his followers

by way of reassuring and consoling them; the

other three are addressed mainly to the unbelievers by

way of warning them

about the ultimate evil consequences of their disbelief and opposition. Hence

group of four passages no

in the first

details are given of the retribution that

befell the rejecters of the truth, nor

is

there a mention of the angels

acted as the agents of such retribution upon the people of Lut.

On

who

the other

hand, in the other three passages such details are given, including the coming of the angels through

whose conversation with Ibrahim

"connexion" between him and Lut appears. There

deficiency as such in the

first

the so-called

thus here, again, no

is

four passages, nor any growth of accuracy in

the other three passages.

It

should be mentioned here that the Qur'an refers to historical events and

the stories of the previous Prophets not for the sake of narrating history or
telling a story;

it

does so essentially for the sake of

illustrating a lesson or

drawing a moral. Hence different or the same aspects of the

particular Prophet are mentioned at different places; and

life-story

nowhere

ticular historical event or the story of a Prophet narrated in full

is

of a

a par-

and

stretch, as is usually the case with ordinary history or story books.

at

This

apparent repetition or incompleteness in the stories has been seized by the

advance the theory of "growth

orientalists to

at the passages, or rather the surahs,

of the theory.
detail,

which

mention of
it,

is

It

is

may

would

at

accuracy". But a careful look

once expose the speciousness

also be pointed out that the

mere non-mention of a

not called for by the theme and context at one place, and the

that detail at another place

where the theme and context demand

no ground for suggesting inaccuracy

accuracy

in

in the

in the first instance,

and growth of

second. Again, even the gradual unfolding of facts and

details does not in itself prove that a

supplying information

to the Prophet.

human informant or informants were

The whole of the teachings of Islam in

the Qur'an, the rules and duties, are indeed spelt out gradually and over a

some twenty-three

To

fact as a

proof of the

Prophet's supposedly gradual acquisition of knowledge from

some human

period of

tutor or tutors

years.

cite

this

would be a height of presumption.

Apart from these reasons, a closer look

indeed no deficiency

in

at the

information as such

passages shows that there

in the

four

first

is

mentioned pas-

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

278

sages or surahs. For not to speak of the Prophets to 'Ad and

and Salih) who are mentioned

in

them but who do not

Thamud (Hud

find any mention in

the Bible, even with regard to Ibrahim such details are given in these surahs

as are not to be found in the Old Testament. Thus

Ibrahim
is

it

is

in these

surahs that

depicted as a propagator of monotheism and a very clear account

is

given of his struggles for

its

sake, his argumentation with his father and

people over their mistaken beliefs, his denunciation and breaking of the
idols, his ordeal

by

his life-story is

mentioned anywhere

fire,

None of

his travel to al-Hijaz, etc.

in the

versation with Ibrahim,

in

On

Old Testament.

hand, in the other three passages where a "growth

on account of the mention

these aspects of

in

accuracy"

the other

assumed

is

them of the coming of the angels and

their con-

noteworthy that the Qur'anic account of

this

incident differs materially from that of the Old Testament. For instance,

it is

clearly

mentioned

it

is

in the three

passages under reference that Ibrahim grew

curious about his "guests" (the angles in

human forms) only when

they

declined to partake of the meal prepared for them, which led to their disclosing their identity and their further conversation with

him including

the

giving of the good tidings of a birth of another son to him and their commission about the punishment of

Lfit's

hand, simply states that as soon as

The Old Testament, on the other

Ibrahim saw "three men" he "ran to meet
people.

them from

the tent door", invited

tance of

preapared a meal for them, "and they did eat."

it

"did eat" the food prepared for

them

in respect

is

them by Lut. Thus neither

in respect

of the

first

is

Similarly they
a case of defi-

four passages in

a case of dependence upon the Old Testament details proved

of the other three passages. In both the instances the Qur'an goes

beyond the Old Testament and also

sources of
extant

be his guests, and on their accep2

ciency in information established

question, nor

to

Muhammad's (0)

differs materially

from

Hence

it.

the

information must have been other than the

Old Testament and any other human being conversant with

it;

and no

theory of "growth in accuracy" can logically be sustained here.

Indeed, far from not denying the receipt of information from an "infor-

mant" or "informants", the Qur'an throws out a challenge declaring

ther the Prophet nor his people previously

revealed to him. Thus

1.

Gen. 18:1-8.

2.

Gen. 19:3.

:49 says:

knew

the facts that

that nei-

were being

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

"That

is

of the tidings of the unseen, that

know them,

We

279

reveal to thee: thou didst not

neither thou nor thy people, before

this..."

( 1 1

:49)

This 'ayah together with some others to the same effect are some of the
strongest Qur'anic evidences showing that the Prophet had no previous

knowledge of what was being revealed

Qur'anic evidence

in

to him.

Hence, as

in the

support of the Prophet's "illiteracy", 2 so

case of the

in this

instance

too Watt has misinterpreted this 'ayah in order to sustain his assumption.

Thus proceeding on

the basis of his assumption that the

Qur'an shows the

Prophet's receipt of information from someone, Watt states that this 'ayah
1

of

"who want to uphold the sincerity

explain away this supposed embarrass-

:49 poses an "embarrassment" to those

Muhammad" and

then attempts to

ment by having recourse

He

to his peculiar notion about revelation (wahy).

says that the facts and information about the prophetic stories came from
human sources but the "teaching" and "ulterior significance of the stories
came to Muhammad by revelation". 3 But having said this Watt seems to
his general thesis that

recall

even

in

respect of ideas and concepts the

Prophet borrowed them from Judaeo-Christian sources. Hence Watt hastens

to

add

that since "Judaeo-Christian ideas

had become acclimatized

in the

Hijaz", the ideas that the Qur'an "presupposed did not require to be specially

communicated", but

that the "precise

form" in which they were to be "inte-

grated so as to be relevant to the contemporary situation, could have been

given them only by the prophetic intuition." 4

It

must

at

once be pointed out that the assumption of the Prophet's having

received information from any

human source

is

totally

groundless and

wrong. Also the Prophet and his people did not know the facts that were
being given through the revelation. Hence the 'ayah quoted above does

way pose an embarrassment; nor

is

there any need for explaining

in

away

no

that

supposed embarrassment by reducing the meaning and scope of revelation to

merely "the precise form"
grated" so as to

make them

in

which the

1.

The

Supra, pp. 241-250.

3.

Watt, M. at M., 160.

4.

Ibid.,

facts (as well as the text)

translation is that of A.J. Arberry (op.

160-161.

were

to

be

"inte-

relevant to the contemporary situation.

That the Prophet was receiving the

2.

stories or the ideas

cit,

through the

217) with slight modification.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

280
revelation

is

from the Qur'anic passages themselves. The key word

clear

the passage quoted

word

above

1:49)

(1

is

'anba'

Watt himself translates

(tUi).

as "stories". Nonetheless he suggests that their "teaching" and "sig-

nificance" only should be understood. This suggestion

sake of fitting
of 'anba"

is

in this

'ayah with his assumption.

and both mean

'akhabdr

The

when

"facts"

and "true accounts" without the

them. But even

if

is

made

plain Arabic equivalent

it

in the

comes nearer to conveying

means

slightest

Qur'an

and A.J.

emanates from God,

doubt or untruth about

Watt's translation of the word as "stories"

nothing here or elsewhere

just for the

"facts" or "accounts";

Arberry's rendering of the expression as "tidings"

the correct meaning. Indeed 'anba',

is

in

this

to sustain the

is

allowed, there

claim that

merely "teaching" and "significance" to the exclusion of the

facts.

it

It

means

may be

noted that besides the various derivatives from the root, the word naba \U)

form occurs

in its singular

form 'anba'

in

some 12

and circumstances.
suffice if

we

in the

places. 3

It is

Qur'an

at

some 17

places, 2 while the plural

At each of these 29 places

not necessary to look into

look at only the two other places, besides

been used with the same emphatic assertion

knowledge of what was coming

to

him

signifies facts

1 1

:49,

where

It
it

will

has

Prophet had no prior

that the

as revelation.

it

these places.

all

One of these

places

is

3:44 which runs as follows:

of the tidings of the Unseen, that

"That

is

them,

when

thou wast not with them

And

We

when

they were disputing." 4

the other 'ayah, 12:102, runs as follows:

of the tidings of the Unseen that

We

"That

is

when

they agreed upon their plan, devising." 5

reveal to thee; for thou wast not with

they were casting quills which of them should have charge of Mary;

Watt does not of course admit

reveal to thee: thou wast not with them

that the revelation received

by the Prophet was from

God.
2.

5:27; 6:34; 6:67; 7:175; 9:70; 10:71; 14:9; 18:3; 26:69; 27:22; 28:3; 28:21; 38:67;

38:88; 49:6; 64:5 and 78:2.

3.

3:44; 6:5; 7:101;

4.

A.J. Arberry, op.

cit.,

5.

Ibid.,

237.

1:49;

51.

1:100; 11:120, 12:102; 20:99; 26:6; 28:66; 33:20

and 44:4.

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

It is

noteworthy that the

Prophet and

it

of each of these two 'ayahs beginning

last part

from "thou wast not with them"

an explantion of the 'anba given to the

is

'

refers to specific facts

ing" and "significance" of

some

The same emphasis on

281

and circumstances, not

to

mere "mean-

facts.

and lack of prior know-

the Prophet's innocence

ledge of the facts that were being revealed to him

is

reiterated (though with-

out the specific expression 'anba') in another highly expressive Qur'anic

passage, 28:44-46, which runs as follows:

J jUkJ UjjS

liliji

G_J j *

"Thou wast not upon

jt c-i" U j

jiXj

the western side

J\

when

We decreed to
We raised up

ment, nor wast thou of those witnessing; but

their lives continued. Neither

L-jai il

*_JU!o

Moses

jS Uj
^

command-

the

generations, and long

wast thou a dweller among the Midianites, reciting

to

We were sending Messengers. Thou wast not upon the side of

We called; but for a mercy from thy Lord, that thou mayest warn a

them Our signs; but

the

Mount when

people to

whom

(28:44-46)

no warner came before

thee,

and that haply they

may remember."

All these Qur'anic passages (11:49, 3:44, 12:102 and 24:44-46)

are

unequivocal confirmations of the Prophet's innocence and lack of prior

knowledge of the

facts

revelation to him.

and circumstances he was giving out by means of the

They

also constitute irrefutable contradictions of the

assumption that he received

facts

and ideas from human sources and then

had had recourse

to "revelation" in order to obtain only "the precise

which they were

to

temporary

situation.

be integrated so as to make them relevant

Also these passages

are, as already

and

some human

who

beings.

similarly
It

should

that every part of the Qur'an was given out to the public the

be noted

moment

in

pointed out, in the

nature of challenges to the Prophet's contemporary adversaries

insinuated that he received information from

form"

to the con-

it

was

revealed. In fact the various allegations of the unbelievers

their rebuttal as they occur in the

Qur'an are themselves unmistakable

proofs of instant publication of the texts of the revelations.

And

keeping

in

view the dates of revelation of the above mentioned passages, which vary
from early Makkan

1.

Ibid.,

396-397.

to

mid-Madinan periods (and Watt himself classifies the

SlRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

282
first

mentioned passage,

period),

also at

it

:49, as

C-E+,

i.e.,

ealy

Makkan

to

mid-Madinan

Makka but
Jews who were

evident that the challenge was repeated not only at

is

Madina where

there

were a number of well-informed

against the Prophet. Yet, there

is

no indication

in the sources

of their having

taken up the challenge in any way, nor of their having pointed out any indi-

Muhammad {%)

other source from which

vidual or any

could

have

obtained the information. Nor, as already pointed out, could the unbelieving

Quraysh
the

leaders, in spite of their ceaseless efforts

few Christian converts

at

Makka,

and inhuman

tortures

upon

an admission from them that they

elicit

had taught the Prophet anything.

VI.

DIFFERENCES IN THE QUR' ANIC AND BIBLICAL ACCOUNTS

That the above mentioned passages

and also prove

relate to facts

that the

Prophet did not receive the facts from any person conversant with the Bible
is

further evident

from the

factual differences that are noticeable in the

Qur'anic and Biblical accounts of the same Prophets. The

passage,

1 1

Testament,

occurs

:49,

the

is

it

monothesim and
faced

and except

context of the account of Nuh. Unlike the Old

in the

called his people to the worship of only

all sorts

after

it

tells that the

believe. Thirdly,

believed in

deluge did not

One God. Again,

come except after

of opposition and troubles in the cause of his mission

he had become despaired of his people's ever receiving gui-

dance, and also except after

it

is

God were

Nuh's son for

mentioned

Qur'an which specifically mentions that he preached

unlike the Old Testament,

Nuh had

first

God had

the Qur'an

saved.

revealed to

him

which mentions

The Qur'an

also refers to what

his refusal to accept the truth

Fourthly, the Old Testament says that

that they

that only

and

how

would not
those

who

happened

to

he was drowned.

God became somewhat

for His having caused the devastation, resolved never again to

repentant (?)

do so and,

in

order to remind Himself of this resolution and "covenant" with Nuh, set a

bow

in the

on His

sky (rainbow), thus implying also the weakness of forgetfulness

On

part. 1

the contrary, the Qur'an

unworthy imputations
say that

Nuh

to

is

remarkably free from such

God. Also, unlike the Old Testament,

offered a sacrifice to pacify God's

wrath. 2

It is

it

does not

more with

refe-

rence to such facts as are not mentioned in the Old Testament but are stated
clearly in the

1.

Gen. 8:21

2.

Gen. 8:20.

Qur'an

that

& 9:1 1-16.

it

challengingly

tells

the Prophet that neither he

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

283

nor his people previously knew them.

Similarly the second passage, 3:44,

Mary and
in the

Jesus.

New

The

comes

in the context of the story of

differences between their story in the Qur'an and that

Testament are more remarkable. The passage

the

itself refers to

incident of her care and protection. Secondly, the Qur'an clears her of

all

imputations of being of an unworthy character and emphaticaly declares her

purity and chastity and states that

God

selected her as the noblest lady for

the extraordinary honour of being the mother of Jesus

chosen thee and purified thee

nations." ^^wJL-JilUUj^

chosen

"O Mary! God has

women

thee above the

ih^ \jiij^j>iJj.-flk ^ i^ioijCj*-^)'

of

all

the

At the same time

human being and that she

was as much in need of praying to God as anyone else
"O Mary! worship
thy Lord devoutly; prostrate thyself and bow down (in prayer) with those
2
who bow down."
|Cj*-^ As regards Jesus,
f i^jb it**^} ^.J
it

makes

it

very clear that she was no more than a

the Qur'an mentions even such of his miracles as are not related in the

New

Testament. For intance, his speaking to the people while he was in the cradle, 3 his giving life to clay birds

by God's permission, 4 and the table

descended unto him from the heaven are mentioned only

in the

that

Qur'an.

Besides these, so far as the conceptual aspects are concerned, the Qur'an
categorically says that Jesus

was no more than a Prophet,

that

he was not

god, 5 nor a son of God, 6 nor one of the Trinity, 7 nor was he crucified

The

third of the passages, 12:102,

comes

at the

end of the story of Yusuf

which the Qur'an designates as "the most beautiful of

qasas

,je-aii\

spirituality

the

t>~-5).

which

two may be

This story
is

is

told in the

best illustrated by placing

stories" {'ahsan al-

Qur'an throughout

lacking in the Old Testament.

some

The

in

a note of

distinctions

between

of the salient facts in both in

juxtaposition as follows:

1.

Q. 3:42.

2.

Q.3-.43.

3.

Q. 3:46.

4.

Q. 3:49.

5.

Q. 5:19; 4:171

6.

Q. 4:171; 6:101; 10:68; 17:111; 18:4-5; 19:35; 19:88-89; 19:91-92; 21:26; 23:91; 25:2;

37:152; 39:4; 43:81; 72:3 and 112:3.

7.

Q. 4:171; 5:76.

8.

Q. 4:157.

SIRAT AL-NAB! AND THE ORIENTALISTS

284

The story of Yusuf in:

The Qur'an

The Old testament

The Qur'an says that Ya'qub's

special love for Yusuf was due to his

(1)

dream and

his

(1)

the former's notion of a

great future for his son. (12:4-6)

(2)

The Qur'an says

that

Yusuf

brothers conspired against him before

taking

him out with them.

The Qur'an states that it was

Yusufs brothers who asked their
go out with them.

(12:11-14)

(4)

not

that

Ya'qub's love for Yusuf was due to

being the son of the former's old

age.

(Gen

(2)

No

37:3).

mention of

it

Old

the

in

Testament.

(12:9-10)

(3)

father to let Yflsuf

The Old Testament says

(3)

The Old Testament, on the other

hand, makes Ya'qub ask Yusuf to go

out with his brothers. (Gen. 37:1314)

The Qur'an shows that Yusuf did

divulge
his
dream to his

(4)

The Old Testament says

Yusuf

dreams

told about his

that

to his

brothers. (12:5)

brothers. (Gen. 37:5,9)

The Qur'an says that Yusufs

him into a pit whereform a passing caravan picked him
up and subsequently sold him as a

The Old Testament says that

first threw him into
a pit and then took him out and sold
him to a passing company of mer-

slave in Egypt. (12:15,19)

chants.

(5)

brothers threw

(6)

The Qur'an shows

that

Ya'qub

did not believe the story given out

by

his sons of

Yusufs having been

(5)

Yusufs brothers

(6)

(Gen 23-28)

The Old Testament says

Ya'qub

readily

false story,

believed

his

that

sons'

became despaired of

devoured by an animal. Nor did

ting

Ya'qub become despaired of

for a long time. (Gen. 37:33-34.)

getting

him back and mourned

get-

his loss

him back someday. (12:16-18)

(7)

The Qur'an

'Aziz's

wife

states

who

that

it

attempted

was
to

(7)

The Old Testament says

'Aziz's wife shouted

that

and called for

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

seduce Yusuf and shut the door of

room

her

Yusuf

snatched her

was

whereupon

for the purpose,

ran

away
shirt

torn as

from

285

help whereupon Yusuf

in

left his

clothes

her hands and fled (Gen. 39:12)

She

her.

from behind which

Yusuf rushed towards

the door. (12:23-25)

(8)

The Qur'an says

that

when

in the

course of Yusuf s running away he

and 'Aziz's wife were at the door,

her

husband

that

unexpectedly

She then hastened

there.

Yusuf had attempted

arrived

to

allege

to violate

(8)

The Old Testament says

that 'Aziz

came back home afterwards when his

wife informed him of Yusuf s alleged
offence, saying that as she cried out
for help

Yusuf

and

fled.

(Gen. 39:14-18)

(9)

No

left his

clothes to her

her honour and without waiting for

her husband's opinion

Yusuf be put

demanded

in prison or

that

be appro-

priately punished. (12:25)

(9)

The Qur'an says

that

Yusuf

defended himself then and there

the door telling the truth that

she

who had

it

at

in

the

Old

in

the

Old

The Old Testament says

that

mention

of

it

Testament.

was

attempted to seduce

him. (12:26)

(10)

The Qur'an

further says that a

witness of the household pointed out

that if

Yusuf s

front he

was

to

shirt

was

No

mention of

it

torn in the

blame; but

torn in the backside she

(10)

Testament.

if it

was

was

guilty.

(12:26-27)

(11)

As

the

shirt

was

torn

in

the

(11)

up as soon as he

backside 'Aziz realized the truth of

'Aziz's anger shot

Yusuf s

heard his wife's complaint and instantly

it

over

statement, asked
in silence

him

to pass

and also asked her

to seek Allah's forgiveness for her

sinful

conduct (12:28-29)

put Yusuf into prison. (Gen. 39: 1 9-20)

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

286

Information

(12)

about

the

affair

nonetheless leaked out and the ladies

of

town

the

had attempted

Coming

No

mention of the incident

in the

that 'Aziz's wife

seduce her slave.

to

know of

to

2)

whispering

started

among themselves

( 1

Old Testament.

whispering

this

'Aziz's wife invited the ladies to a

banquet where

at

the end of the din-

ner she gave each lady a knife and

asked them to cut the

fruits

before

them. At the same time she asked

Yusuf

They

to

come

were

out

before

bewitched

so

them.

by

the

beauty and countenance of Yusuf

that

each of them cut her hand with

the knife instead of cutting the fruit

each was holding. Exultantly 'Aziz's

wife confessed before them her deed

and insisted

that if

Yusuf did not

accede to her solicitation he would

surely be put in prison and humbled.

(12:29-32)

Yusuf himself preferred going

(13)

to prison in

view of the persistence

of 'Aziz's wife
also put

in

Yusuf

(13)

No

the

Old

The Old Testament does not

refer

mention of

it

in

Testament

her design. 'Aziz

in prison in order to

avoid an imminent scandal. (12:3335)

The Qur'an alone

(14)

when

the King

messenger

says

that

of Egypt sent his

to the prison

his decision to release

conveying

Yusuf from

imprisonment and to appoint him

to

a high post, Yusuf did not jump

at

the

offer

but

demanded

that

the

(14)
to

Yusuf s demand

for public vindica-

tion of his innocence and says that

instantly accepted the king's offer.

he

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

which had brought him

affair

prison be

first

287

into

enquired and his inno-

cence publicly vindicated. (12:50)

The public hearing was duly

held and Yusuf innocence vindicated
(15)

( 1

5)

No

mention of these

facts in the

Old Testament.

by the confession of 'Aziz's wife

herself of her guilt as well as by the

testimony of the ladies

their

who had

whom

hands and before

wife had also confessed her

(12:51-52

&

by

the story

how Yusuf was

narrating

guilt.

12:32).

The Qur'an ends

(16)

cut

'Aziz's

finally

united with his father and brothers

and

refers to the

whole outcome

No

(16)

reference

Testament

made

is

in the

Old

to the final realization

of

Yusuf s dream.

as a

realization of his dream. (12:100)

(17)

Finally,

The Qur'an

terms the Egyptian ruler

rightly

in this story

as "King" and not as "Pharaoh", for

the latter designation did not

in

7)

The Old Testament, on

the other

hand, throughout terms the Egyptian

ruler as "Pharaoh".

come

vogue before the 18th dynasty,

more

particularly before the reign of

Thetmos

III

(1490-1436 B.C.)

These are some of the

ment accounts of the

more such

factual differences in the Qur'anic

story of Yusuf.

detailed

comparison would reveal

differences.

Similarly the fourth passage under reference, 28:44-46,

of a narration of some the facts relating to

some of

indeed

the nabd'

tells the story

lites in far

of

(L

story

Musa and

comes

Musa (Moses)

dentally, this account of the fact starts with the statement:

thee

and Old Testa-

at the

end

(28:2-43). Inci-

"We

account) relating to Musa."

recite unto

The Qur'an

his brother Harun, as also that of the Israe-

greater detail than what occurs in the Old Testament. There are of

course some similarities between the two accounts; but the differences and

SIRAT AL-NABI

288

new elements

the

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Qur'an are fundamental.

in the

Old Testament, though

tinction is that the

it

The most important disMusa as the "Law-

represents

him and also Harun of several improprieties and

them as persons who had betrayed God and deserved His

giver", nonetheless accuses

ultimately depicts

wrath. 2

It

is

even alleged

worship of the golden

Harun was instrumental in introducing the

The Qur'an, on the other hand, clears them of

that

calf.

such accusations and emphatically asserts that they were God's chosen
Prophets, were recepients of His favours, revelation and scripture, were free

from the imputations ascribed

to

them and were men who sincerely and

devoutly discharged their duties as God's Prophets by calling their people to

One Only God. 3 It also specifically mentions that it was

Samiri, not Harun, who was responsible for introducing the wor-

the worship of the

the Israelite

ship of the calf. 4

also in the Qur'an alone that the story of Musa's travel

It is

to the "meeting place of

two seas"

is

given. 5 Again,

it is

only

that the significant incident of the Pharaoh's plan to kill

and

it is

in the

Musa

is

Qur'an

revealed

further stated that a "believer" at the Pharaoh's court dissuaded

him

from carrying out his plan. 6

Even with regard

to details there are a

number of

differences. Thus, as

the writer in the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam points out, in the Qur'an
is

the Pharaoh's wife, not his daughter,

river; instead

nine miracles. Also

tribe.

Musa

it is

Musa from

only two

it

the

in the

and instead of ten plagues the Qur'an speaks of

strikes

twelve springs out of the rock, one for each

features:

Musa

repents of having slain the Egyp-

sees the burning bush at night and desires to take a brand from

The Qur'an

fire..."

assists;

"Then there are new

Musa

tian.

rescues the infant

of the seven shepherdesses in the Bible,

whom Musa

Qur'an

who

its

also mentions that the Pharaoh's magicians died for their

See for a summary of

similarities the Shorter

Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1974

reprint, pp.

414-415.
2.
3.

Deuteronomy 32:48-52.
See for instance Q. 2:52-72; 7:144-145; 19:51-53, 57-73; 20:39-50; 21:48; 33:69;

37:1 14-122; 53:38 and 87:19.

4.

Q. 20:85-86; 20:95-97.

Q. 18:60-62. The writer in the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam (p. 415) rightly
"The story of Musa's accompanying a wise man on a journey seems without parallel."
5.

says:

6.

Q. 40:26-45. The writer in the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, thinking that some
Musa originated in Haggada, writes: "The Kur'anic story of a believer

aspects of the story of

at the court

of Pharaoh

who wants

to save

Musa

is

not clear." Yes; the comparison which the

writer suggests, of course with a question mark, with the story of Jethro in

not clear.

The Qur'anic account

is

Haggada

quite distinctive, without any parallel in Haggada.

is

really

THE THEME OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE

God.

belief in

289

Similarly with regard to the other Prophets the accounts of the Qur'an
differ fundamentally

from those

story of Ibrahim have

Some

the Bible.

been mentioned above. So

two other great Prophets

tyrants,

in

of the differences

in the

Da'ud and Solomon,

far as

are concerned, the Bible in fact depicts

committing the most heinous crimes, indulging

them as

in pleasures

and

licentiousness and even snatching others' wives for illegal enjoyment! 2

Prophet Lut

Qur'an, on the other hand,

is

is

And

represented as God's ideal servant on

dom,

Da'ud

so far as

whom He

is

concerned, he

bestowed kingdom, wis-

and power. 4 Similarly Solomon was favoured with the

scripture

knowledge of

The

from making any imputation of

singularly free

such frivolities to any of the Prophets.

daughters. 3

own

even made to commit incest with his

is

and animals,

the languages of birds

rare

power and

in addition to

kingdom. 5 Both are noble characters and God's Prophets.

Thus

a comparison between the Biblical and Qur'anic accounts of the

Prophets makes

it

clear that the latter are not a reproduction of the former.

There are of course points of similarity between the two

the Qur'an definitely presents a
the orientalists

do recognize

good deal

that there are

different

sets

and

new elements

first

place, they

seem

to

in the

Some

of

Qur'an. In

from three

general, however, their treatment of the subject suffers

drawbacks. In the

of accounts; but

original.

common

emphasize only the points of

similarity almost to the exclusion of the points of dissimilarity or

make

only

casual and secondary reference to them. Secondly, they spare no pains to

identify similar facts or ideas in other ancient Greek,

works or legends and then immediately advance

Qur'anic

Latin

the suggestion that the

accounts are drawn from or based on them.

mere existence of similar

the

Hebrew and
is

It

facts or ideas in a previous

overlooked that

work, sometimes

thousands of years old, does not ipso fact prove that a subsequent work

based on that work.

Some

further evidence

needed to show the contact or

is

possibility of contact with, or understanding of thate source. This point

especially relevant in the case of Muhammad

g&

);

for

it

Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, op.

For Da'ud, Samuel

II,

cit.,

41 4-41

numerous

5.

3:12-16; 4:4-5; 16:23; 18:33; and for

2:13-25, 28-35; 11:1-13.

3.

Gen. 19:31-36.

4.

Q. 6:88; 21:78-80; 34:10-1

5.

Q. 2:102; 4:163; 6:84; 21:78-82; 27:15-44; 34:12-14; 38:30-40.

1;

is

does not carry con-

viction just to suggest that he mastered the materials treasured in

2.

is

38:17-26.

Solomon

see Kings

I,

SIRA T AL-NAB1 AND

290

THE ORIENTALISTS

ancient works and sources, and that also in a multiplicity of foreign and even

defunct languages, by means only of casual conversations with a trader

transit or

a foreign slave in domestic service. For, that

hitherto been alleged about him.

its

Nor

vicinity at that time possessed a

is

is

the most that has

there any indication that

good

library or

in

museum

Makka and

containing the

ancient works and manuscripts to which the orientalists call their readers'

were scholars and philologists

in that

place to unravel

the secrets of such works to the Prophet-to-be. Thirdly,

while casually

attention; or that there

recognizing that there are

seem never
If they

to

new elements

have paid attention

had done

so, they

in the

Qur'an, the orientalists do

to find out the sources of these elements.

would surely have found reason

to see that the

assumptions under which they have hitherto been labouring so diligently and
impressively need revision.

Chapter XII

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

IN THE QUR'AN
The discrepancies and
on the one hand and those
in respect

differences between the statements in the Qur'an

in the prevailing versions

of the Bible on the other

of the prophetic stories and other matters clearly militate against

Muhammad's (0) having allegedly drawn on and reproduced

materials. To sustain the theory, therefore, the orientalists have

the theory of
the Biblical

recourse to a two-fold plea, namely, that

Muhammad (0)

did not himself

read the Bible but derived his information about Judaism and Christianity

from what he heard from others and

that since his

knowledge was thus only

secondary, certain mistaken notions about these two systems prevailing

the time in certain quarters have crept into the Qur'an.

of this latter plea

it

And

at

as an extension

has lately been suggested, mainly by Watt, that not only

some mistaken notions about

these

two systems but

also the prevailing mis-

taken notions about the world and the universe have been reproduced

in the

Qur'an.

The

utter untenability of the original

and for

that matter

assumption that

Muhammad

any reasonable person, would have proceeded to chal-

lenge the correctness of the two established religious systems on the basis of

mere hear-say knowledge or

that

he would have ventured to formulate and

promulgate a new religion on the authority of what his alleged private

"informants" or "tutors" prompted to him, has been
chapter.
ists'

The present chapter deals with

plea, namely, the

shown

in the

previous

the remaining aspect of the oriental-

supposed mistakes about Judaism and Christianity and

the so-called scientific errors in the Qur'an.

I.

THE SUPPOSED MISTAKES ABOUT JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY

In dealing with this topic

two things need

place, the Qur'an does not really treat

to

be borne

in

mind. In the

first

Judaism and Christianity as inde-

pendent religions but as deviations from and corruption of the message

vered by God's Prophets. Hence there was no question of

its

stating

deli-

what the

modern Jews and Christians think to be the correct articles of their faiths.
The Qur'an is set to pointing out that what the Jews and Christians believed
and practised
altered

at the

time were errors and that their scriptures had been

and manipulated

to

accommodate those

errors and incorrect beliefs.

SIRA TAL-NABl

292
It

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

also vigorously attempts to correct and rectify those errors. Secondly,

it

should also be borne in mind that what the modern Jews and Christians
believe to be the correct doctrines of their faiths are not the

same

as those

believed and practised by their predecessor Jews and Christians of the sixth

and

the seventh Christian century.

Hence

it is

basically a

wrong approach

to

say that the Qur'an's descriptions of certain of the beliefs and practices of

Judaism and Christianity are "palpably"

For

false.

it

is

well-known

number of "reforms" and modifications have been made

particularly in Christianity, since the advent of Islam.

clearer if

it is

that a

in these faiths,

The point would be

noted that some serious Christian thinkers have lately advo-

cated the abandonment of such doctrines as incarnation and divinty of

Jesus,

the concept of the

Holy Ghost as part of the

Trinity, 2 etc. If

any of

these suggested reformulations of the doctrines of Christianity takes place, a

future Christian scholar

"Christ

is

God

would as

incarnate"

That exactly

is

is

easily

be able to say that the statement that

a "palpably" false notion about Christianity!

what Muir and others have done. Thus, while unjustly

accusing the Qur'an of having reproduced what they think mistakes and
errors about

Judaism and Christianity, they have not been able

to

avoid

recognizing the fact that the alleged notions were those held by the con-

temporary followers of those

faiths.

Muir, for instance, places the blame

squarely upon the "Catholics" and the Syrian Christians of the time; while

Watt follows a cautious course and

his earlier

work "nominally

transfers the

Christian Arabs".

modifies the innuendo saying: "some people

certain beliefs to be held
beliefs held

blame upon what he

calls in

work he

further

In his latest
in

by the Meccans". 4

It

must

at

once be noted that the beliefs and

practices alluded to were not the suppositions of

nor were they

Mecca wrongly supposed

by Jews and Christians" and that "these were

beliefs held

Arab and Syrian Christians

by "the
in

"some people

in

Mecca",

Meccans" as such, but by the Meccan,

general and that in pointing out those aspects

of their beliefs the Qur'an was not describing the tenets of Judaism and
Christianity but

was pointing out how

the followers of those faiths had devi-

ated from the original teachings of the Prophets.

Hicks, (ed.) The

1.

J.

2.

The

3.

Watt, M. at

4.

Watt,

Myth of God Incarnate, London,

protagonists of the Salvation

M,

Army

28.

Muhammad's Mecca,

2,

44, 55.

advocate

1977.

this.

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

As

regards the specific instances of the alleged mistakes

Qur'an suggests
that

THE QUR'AN

IN

that the Trinity "consists of Father,

asserts that the

it

it

Son and

293

said that the

is

virgin

Mary"

Jews regarded Ezra ('Uzayr) as son of God and

that

it

denies that Jesus died on the cross.

(A)
It is

REGARDING THE TRINITY

be noted that the Qur'an does nowhere

to

state that the Trinity

of "Father", "Son" and "Virgin Mary". Indeed

sists

it

con-

was none of the

Qur'an's business to identify the entities or "Persons" that constituted the

Trinity.

simply denounces the concept as antithetical to and subversive of

It

monotheism.

true

It is

Mary and

Jesus, besides

Watt modifies

more

the orientalists',

tion that the Qur'anic passage

which

God, "suggests

particularly Watt's

own

supposi-

worship of

refers to the Christians'

that the Trinity consists", etc. In fact

his earlier statement in his latest

work where he

Qur'anic statement somewhat more accurately, saying that

it

refers to the

gives the idea

and Mary to be 'two gods apart from God'". 2 The

that "Christians took Jesus

passage in question runs as follows:

"And when Allah

will say:

my mother for two

me to say what I

and

not for

Jesus, son of Mary, didst thou say to

gods besides Allah? He

had no

right to (say)...

will say:

men, Take

Glory be to Thee!

"(Muhammad

it

me
was

Ali's translation)5: 116.

Here the Qur'an simply disapproves of the worship of Jesus and Mary,
besides Allah and also exonerates Jesus from having so advised his follow-

There

ers.

is

no allusion

to the doctrine of the Trinity here. Significantly

enough, where the Qur'an alludes

and 5:73,

it

does not identify the

Trinity. In fact the

ship of
clear

human

concept of the Trinity, as in 4:171

treats the

two

"They take

supposed

to constitute the

subjects, the Trinity

and the wor-

beings as gods or lords, as two distinct themes. This

from 9:31 which disapproves of the

monks and

siah,

Qur'an

to the

entities that are

ascetics as "lords" apart

their priests

Christains'

is

very

and Jews' taking their

from Allah. The passage runs

and anchorites as lords apart from Allah, and

as follows:

(also) the

Mes-

son of Mary. Yet they were not commanded but to worship One God. There

1.

Watt,M. atM.,

2.

Watt,

28.

Muhammad's Mecca,

2, 45.

is

S1RAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

294

no god but He. Exalted

This passage

is

He from what

is

they associate (with Him)." (9:3

analogous to 5:119. Here again the worship of any other

being besides Allah

condemned. There

is

a tradition which explains

is

monks

the Christians and Jews treated their priests and

from

that question,

no one would say on the basis of

the Qur'an conceives of the Trinity to have been

monks

the

as

is

and

particularly the Catholics, did

it

is

still

who,

'All

do worship or adore her

"From

dogma. The point

is

fact.

As

the East and the West,

in

divine dignity. Watt ignores this fact presumably because

part of the Protestant

and

a proven fact that not only the

many of them

Christians of Arabia, but also

priests

the third!

an admitted

is

how

But apart

passage (9:31) that

composed of the

taken for god by the Christians

regards the question of worship of Mary,

as lords.

this

one element, Jesus as another and God as

That Jesus

1)

as possessing

does not form

it

ably explained by

Muhammad

in his note to the 'ayah in question writes as follows:

the description of

Mary being taken

for a

god by the Christians, some

Christian critics of the Qur'an conclude that the doctrine of the Trinity according to

God, Jesus and Mary. But

the Qur'an consists of three persons

unwarranted conclusion. Mary

lutely

The

Mary

is

it

is

too well known. In the catechism of the

trines are to be found: 'That she

whose means we have received

is

truly the

1th ed., vol. 17, p. 813).

And

to in the Litany.

Arabia

who were

It is

child

became

in 431)',

the

Roman Church

life; that

she

the following doc-

is

the mother of Pity and

impossible to trace the

for the Empire,

says the

and

utility'

(Ency. Br.,

were certain

women

in

Thrace, Scythia, and

of worshipping the vrigin as a goddess, the offer of a

their worship.

same

'From the time of the council of

writer, 'to exhibit figures of the virgin

in the

west, after the decision at Ephesus

history.... Justinian in

and he inscribes the high

and

Of the growth of the Marian

approved expression of orthodoxy

cults, alike in the east

of.

also stated that her intercessions are directly appealed

cake being one of the features of

Ephesus (held

spoken

is

mother of God, and the second Eve, by

blessing and

further, that there

in the habit

not mentioned

called by Protestant controversial-

very specially our advocate; that her images are of the utmost
1

is

not mentioned where the Trinity

doctrine and parctice of Mariolatry, as

ists, is

an abso-

no doubt spoken of as being taken for an

is

object of worship by the Christians; but the doctrine of the Trinity

here, while the divinity of

this is

it

would be

one of his laws bespeaks her advocacy

altar in the

new church

of St. Sophia with

her name. Narses looks to her directions on the field of battle. The Emperor Hera1.

This tradition of 'Adiyy ibn Hatim

is

repotted,

among

others,

by

Imam Ahmad

and

TirmidhT. See Al-Tabari, Tafsir, X, 112 and Ibn Kathtr Tafsir, IV, 77. See also Tirmidht (ed.

Ahmad Muhammad

Shakir), Vol. V, p.

278 (hadith

no. 3095).

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

cleus bears her image on his banner. John of
reign lady to

whom

The

the

most exalted of

all

power

in

Christian world had in fact

Mary was

very mediator', and thus

The recent proclamation of

and

ports this conclusion,

Trinity really consists of

(B)

THE QUR' AN

Damascus speaks of her

295

as the Sove-

whole creation has been made subject by her son. Peter

the

Damain recognizes her as

deified and endowed with
race.'

IN

the

creatures and apostrophizes her as

all

heaven and

in earth, yet not forgetful

of our

need for a mediator to deal with the

felt 'the

raised to the throne of Divinity along with Jesus.

Pope

relating to the bodily

a new

will raise

assumption of Mary sup-

question for the Christian world whether

God, Jesus and Mary."

REGARDING THE STATEMENT ABOUT 'UZAYR

As regards the Qur'anic statement about the Jews' taking 'Uzayr as son of
God (9:30), Watt castigates it as the "chief error in the Qur'an in respect of
Judaism" and asserts

term 'son of God'

that

that "while

Of

course there

is

was not

'Uzayr but

to the belief

referring to

in the extant

"And

whom

Watt

what

the Jews say" 0j*Ji

refers a

no evidence

Old Testament about

written in the

is

in question starts

who

specially at

number of times

Baydawi

Madina

in his

book,

makes

it

be noted that

silence of the

with the expres-

this 'ayah is

clear with refe-

1.

its

present
that

that belief. Al-

was read out and

It

unanimously regarded as Madinan. Hence the

Jews of the place on the matter

avowed

Not only Al-Baydawi" but

gives a

to

no Madinan Jew came forward with a contradiction. 4

particularly as they were

refers to the

regarded

Jews considered him a "son of God" and

was a group of Jews who held

further points out that the 'ayah in question

recited as usual but

is to

the

there

but

^j). The commentator Al-Baydawi,

rence to this 'ayah that because the Old Testament was given

form by 'Uzayr, many of

it;

Old Testament about

and assertion of some Jews of the time

'Uzayr as the son of God. In fact the 'ayah

sion:

is

to Ezra." 2

no evidence

the Qur'an

Old Testament uses the

true that the

is

Messiah who was expected, there

for the

was ever applied

it

it

critics

also other

is

suggestive enough,

of the Prophet.

commentators mention

that the 'ayah

views of a particular group of the Jews. For instance Al-Tabari

number of

Muhammad

reports together with their narrators specifically

'All,

The Holy Qur'an Arabic

mentary, revised edition, Lahore, 1985, pp. 275-276

2. Watt, Muhammad's Mecca, 45.
3.

Ibid., p. 108, note

4.

Al-Baydawi,

2 to Ch.

(Tafsir),

I.,

and notes 2

&

(n.

English Translation and

Text,

751).

10 to Ch.

III.

second Egytian impression, 1963,

p.

412.

menCom-

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

296

Madina who considered 'Uzayr a son of God.

The most prominent of those Jews were Finhas, Sullam ibn Miskham,
Nu'man ibn 'Awfa, Sha's ibn Qays and Malik ibn al-Sayf. Similarly AlQurtubi mentions the same fact and the same names adding that the expression "the Jews" occurring at the beginning of the 'ayah means "some particular Jews", just as the expression "people told them" (^Ui
Jii) means
not all the people of the world but some particular people. He further says
that the Jewish sect who held that 'Uzayr was God's son had become extinct

tioning the leading Jews of

by

his (Al-Qurtubi's) time. 2

Thus

in respect of neither

error or mistake.

Nor could

Mary nor 'Uzayr

it

is

the Qur'anic statement an

be said that the Qur'an was reproducing the

popular and prevailaing errors and thus inveighing unjustly against Judaism

and Christianity; for

mistake

in

it

refers to those beliefs as "errors"

adhering to those errors. Hence

if

and points out the

they did not really form part of

the pristine religion of the Jews and the Christians, the Qur'an

emphasizing the

Nor does

was only

truth.

the Qur'an stop at pointing out those errors alone.

It

points out

other errors too. Thus, (a) as against the Jews' insinuations and innuendo
against

As

Mary

unequivocally asserts her chastity and purity of character, (b)

it

against the doctrine of the Trinity

lute

and immutable unity of God.

notion of sonship of
"son" nor
Christ

it

is

He

insists

God. Further,

it

God

it

it

(c)

uncompromisingly

As

against the Jews' and Christians'

emphatically states that

"Father" to anyone as such, (d)

on

his

humanity and

asserts that

who worship him

says that those

Interestingly enough,

none of the

asserts the abso-

God does

As

not have any

against the divinity of

he was only a Prophet of

as

god

are "unbelievers".

orientalists has hitherto ventured to sug-

gest that these Qur'anic references to the prevailing beliefs of the

Christians are also "palpable" mistakes due to

its

Jews and

(the Qur'an's) having

adopted those "erroneous" notions from "nominally Christian Arabs", or

"some people

in

Mecca", or "the Meccans"! The

fact is that the

Jews and Christans

refers to these latter beliefs of the

Qur'an

that prevailed at the

time as well as to the other prevailing beliefs and practices regarding

Mary

and 'Uzayr and disapproves of each and every item of them.

The modem followers of

the

1.

Al-Tabari, To/iiV, XIV, 201-204.

2.

Al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, Part VIII,

1 1

two

6- 1

7.

religions

have abandoned some of the

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

IN

THE QUR'AN

old beliefs and practices and, on the basis of that reorientation,

now come

297

some of them
some

forward with the suggestion that the Qur'anic references to

of the beliefs and practices of Judaism and Christianity are palpable mistakes and that therefore

Muhammad

did not himself read the Bible but

gathered his information from hearsay. The point at issue, however,

whether he himself read the Bible or did not read

Muhammad (#),

Qur'an, and therefore

beliefs

it.

The

issue

is

denounce as errors the prevailing

and practices of the Jews and Christians, including even those

Not only

are said to have been sanctioned by their holy scriptures.

Qur'an asserts

that the extant Judaeo-Christian scripture

modification of the original

text. 1

not

that the

is

Clearly the source of

is

that.

that

The

a corruption and

Muhammad's

knowledge and conviction must have been something other than

(0)

either a

direct or an indirect acquaintance with the contents of the Bible.

(C)

Similarly in

its

REGARDING CRUCIFIXION

reference to the end of Jesus's career the Qur'an does in

no way reproduce a popular "mistake".

popular saying (qawluhum

^y)

about

On
it

is

the contrary

a mistake.

it

asserts that the

The 'ayah which

refers to the matter runs as follows:

"And

We

as for their saying:

have killed the Messiah, Jesus, son of Mary, the Mes-

senger of Allah; but they killed him not, nor did they crucify him but

appear to them as such.

And

certainly those

They have no knowledge about

it,

who

differ therein are in

was made

to

doubt about

it.

it

but only follow a conjecture, and they killed

him

not for certain." (4:157).

Clearly the passage sets out to contradict their saying,

the Jews; for the whole narration here

made

in

a very positive manner.

they really crucify him.

It is

It is

is

stated that they did not kill him,

it.

The

their doubts about the identity of the individual they put

it

the saying of
is

nor did

further stated that they, while claiming to have

killed Jesus, themselves entertained doubts about

passage then says that

i.e.

about the Jews. The contradiction

was made

to

allusion

on the

appear like that to them

is

here to

cross. 2
<<-i)

The
i.e.,

1.
See for a modern western scholar's recognition of this fact, Bart D. Ehrman, The
Orthodox Corruption of Scripture: The Effect of Early Christological Controversies on the
Text of the New Testament, Oxford University Press, New York & Oxford, 1993.
2. See for instance Al-Taban, Tafsir, Pt. VI, 16-17.

SIRATAL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

298

been crucified and killed

Jesus's having

in that

manner was an

incorrect

impression or illusion to them and that they had no real knewledge of what
actually

happened but followed only a

certain conjecture.

with an emphatic reiteration that "they did not

may be

It

kill

him

The passage ends

for certain."

noted that even some early Christian sects did not believe that

Jesus died on the cross. Thus the Basilidans thought that some one else was

him on

substituted for

the cross.

The Gospel of St. Barnabas supports

the

theory of substitution on the cross. Another view, that of the Diocetae, says
that Jesus

or

had never had a

phantom one, and

real physical or natural

that his crucifixion

body, but only an apparent

was only apparent, not

real.

yet

another view, that of the Marcionite Gospel, says that Jesus was not even

born but merely appeared

It

cannot be said that

human form.

in

in

denying Jesus's cricifixion and death on the cross

the Qur'an adopts the view of any of the above mentioned Christian sects;
for

it

categorically rejects the very basis of those views, namely, the divinity

of Jesus and the theory of his phantom body. Rather, in view of the doubts

and differences prevailing over the matter,

it

categorically asserts the truth

and positively contradicts the Jews' assertion (^jij)

Jesus.

The

position

is

quite different

from

that of

had

killed Jesus

what

is

Christians.

and

It

is

directed against the

contradicts the former's assertion that they

that therefore

he was not a Prophet because he suffered

called an "accursed death". Similalry

it

rejects the Christian doctrine

of the divinity of Jesus and that of "vicarious atonement" and

concept of "blood

The Qur'anic statement

itself.

Jesus had prayed to

the accursed death

that his prayer

its

basis, the

sacrifice".

port even in the Bible

(

had killed

mere reproduction of a pre-

vailing erroneous view. In fact, the Qur'anic statement

Jews as well as the

that they

was

that "they killed

him not

for certain" finds sup-

Thus:

God

the night before his arrest to

be saved from

on the cross (Mark 14:36; Matt. 26:39; Luke 22-44) and

heard,

i.e.,

not intend to die and that

responded to (He.

God

5:7).

This means that he did

did not allow his being subjected to the

accursed death.
(2)

There

is

nothing

in the

Gospels which

may be taken to be an eyewhen he was taken down

sepulchre specially made for

witness account that the person crucified was dead

from the cross or when he was placed

him.

in the

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS IN THE QUR'AN

(3) Pilate,

who was

in

charge of the

trial,

299

appears to have grown skeptical

about the justice of the whole proceedings and to have taken care to enable
Jesus to escape death on the cross.

posely prolonged

it

The

trial

took place on Friday. Pilate pur-

and delivered judgement only three hours before sun-set,

thus ensuring that Jesus could not be kept on the cross for

couple of hours

at the most. For, with sun-set the

and the condemned persons would have

more than a

Sabbath day would ensue

be brought down from the

to

crosses. Pilate also took additional care to see that Jesus

was given wine or

vinegar mingled with myrrh to render him less sensitive to pain. Thus Jesus

remained on the cross for not more than three hours (Mark 15:25; John
19:14). This

was evidently too

stitution to die

on a

short a time for any person of normal con-

cross. Significantly

enough, the two other persons

were crucified simultaneously with Jesus are

they were brought

down from

being taken

have been

who

when

alive

their crosses. Pilate himself did not believe

that Jesus died in so short a time

(4) After

stated to

(Mark 15:44)

down from

the cross the

two other men's

legs

were

crushed, but this measure was dispensed with, according to the Bible, in the

case of Jesus (John 19:32,33).

(5) Jesus, after being brought

down from

side of his

body and blood rushed out of

he was

alive.

still

(6) Pilate readily granted

He

Jesus's "body" to him.

it

On

16:4),

viously, probably on the

(8)

in the

Joseph of Arimaethia's request and handed over

15:46);

first

which proves

that

it

him

in a special

which was evidently a

the third day the stone on the tomb's opening

been removed (Mark

was pierced

lavished care on Jesus and put

tomb hewn in the side of a rock (Mark

manoeuvre to deceive Jesus's enemies.
(7)

the cross,

(John 19:34), which shows that

was found

to

have

had been removed pre-

or second day of the internment.

Mary Magdalene, when

she looked into the sepulchre, did not find

Jesus there. She saw him standing and at

first

supposed "him

to

be the gar-

dener". Then,
"17. Jesus saith unto her,

Your

Father; and to

disciples that she

1

9.

Then

the

my

Touch me

not; for

God, and your God.

am
18.

not yet ascended to

my

Father, and

Mary Magdalene came and

told the

had seen the Lord, and that he had spoken these things unto

same day

at

evening, being the

first

her.

day of the week, when the doors

were shut where the disciples were assembled for fear of the Jews, came Jesus and

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NABI

300

stood in the midst, and saith unto them, Peace be unto you. 20.
said,

he shewed unto them his hands and his

when

they

(9)

It

wounds

saw

was

still

And when

Then were

he had so

the disciples glad,

the Lord." (John 20:14-15, 17-20)

same body of

in the

deep enough

He was

(10)

side.

for a

man

flesh that the disciples

to thrust his

hand

seen in the same flesh and bone.

He

in

saw

Jesus, his

(John 20:25-28)

still felt

hunger and ate

food as his disciples did.

And

"36.

as they thus spake, Jesus himself stood in the midst of

them, peace be unto you. 37. But they were

that they

why do

had seen a

38.

spirit.

And

And when

spirit

my

them and

saith

unto

and affrighted, and supposed

he said unto them,

thoughts arise in your hearts? 39. Behold

myself: handle me, and see; for a

40.

terrified

Why

are ye troubled? and

hands and

my

feet, that

me

hath not flesh and bones, as ye see

he had thus spoken, he showed them his hands and his

feet.

41

it is I

have.
.

And

while they yet believed not for joy, and wondered, he said unto them. Have ye here

any meat? 42.

43.

And

And

he took

it,

they gave

him a piece of a

broiled fish, and of an

honeycomb.

and did eat before them." (Luke 24:36-43)

(11) Jesus undertook a journey to Galilee where his disciples

saw him

(Matt. 28:10-17).

All

these

statements

in

the

different

Gospels strongly support the

Qur'anic verdict: "they killed him not for certain." Indeed the above mentioned Gospel statements clearly suggest that Jesus escaped death on the
cross and therefore avoided being discovered by his enemies.
It

is

worth noting

in this

connection that recent research confirms that

Jesus did not suffer death on the cross. Thus Barbara Thiering, an Australian
scholar, has demonstrated convincingly,

on a meticulous analysis of the

Dead Sea

on the

Scrolls, that Jesus did not die

cross.'

Almost simultane-

ously two European scholars, Holger Kersten and Elmar E. Gruber, have
assiduously pursued the story of the radiocarbon

famous "Turin Shroud" 2 and have shown

The end of Jesus

cross. 3

(first

published 1993), Corgi edition, 1993. See espe-

back-cover page.

The shroud discoverd

covered when placed

3.

out on the

on the

indeed a difficult historical and theological question; and

Barbara Thiering. Jesus the man,

cially the
2.

is

test carried

that Jesus did not die

in

Holger Kersten

at

Turin and believed to be the garment with which Jesus was

the sepulchre.

&

Elmar

R. Gruber.

The Jesus Conspiracy The Turin Shroud and

Truth about the Resurrection, Element Books Ltd, Shaftesbury, 1994.

the

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

it

would

just not

be appropriate to cut

Qur'anic statement on
of

Makka

it

short, as

it

IN

THE QUR'AN

Watt does, by
1

301

calling the

a popular error picked up from the bazaar gossips

or Bosra.
II.

THE ALLEGED SCIENTIFIC ERRORS

As an extension of
Watt has

Christianity

the plea about errors in respect of Judaism and

lately

suggested that the Qur'an also reproduces the

contemporary errors about the nature of the earth and the sky. The Qur'an,
he says, addresses

its first

audience, the Arabs, in terms of their

picture and thus reproduces even points in which that picture

In

own

world-

was mistaken.

support of this statement he reproduces, in translation, some eight

Qur'anic passages and says that they show that the prevailing notions of the
earth being a flat space and the sky being a solid structure, "presumably of
stone", are reproduced in the Qur'an. 2

Watt recognizes

that different

are used in these passages to describe the earth and says that "all
interpreted

by the hearers

adds that "there

that the earth

is

no

in

terms of their belief that the earth

sepcial emphasis on flatness, since

would be otherwise." 3 He

He

no one supposed

for,

according to him,

essential for god's purpose that false ideas of this sort should

without

would be

is flat."

also suggests that such reproduction

of contemporary errors was only natural,

"since the Qur'anic message could be

words

communicated

to

"it

was not

be corrected",

them

[the

Arabs]

correcting these beliefs." 4

Before proceeding to take into account the passages cited by Watt

port of his assumption

it

is

in

necessary to note the implications of his

suplast

mentioned statement about the supposed compatibility of God's purpose

with the continuance of the prevailing scientific errors in the Qur'an. In

Making
to his

this

own

statement Watt appears to reflect the modern Christian's attitude

sacred scripture. This attitude

is

an outcome of a growing aware-

ness since the nineteenth century of the existence of a number of scientific

inaccuracies in the Biblical texts. In view of these inaccuracies the opinion

gained ground that there was an antagonism between science and

first

gion. Gradually, however, the notion of a text of revelation

by God gave way to the notion of a

Watt,

Muhammad's Mecca, 45-46.

2.

Ibid., 5-6.

3.

Ibid., 5.

4.

Ibid., 2, 44.

text "inspired"

reli-

communicated

by God but written down

SIRAT AL-NABI AND

302

THE ORIENTALISTS

by human beings. The Biblical authors,

came

it

to

be assumed, might have

introduced inaccuracies to the text arising from the language of the day or

from ideas and

traditions

still

honoured and prevalent

did not detract from their being divinely inspired.

the Bible", states an eminent

modern Christian

mankind, for long ago man was

at the time;

"The

is

but that

scientific errors in

thinker, "are the errors of

like a child, as yet ignorant

The modern Muslim, however,

of science." 2

neither in need of nor prepared for find-

ing solace in such assumptions; for there

entific data

no discrepancy between

is

and any of the Qur'anic statements. As

sci-

be shown presently,

will

the interpretations put by Watt on the passages he cites are totally wrong.

And

is

it

surprising that in advancing his assumption he has not taken into

number of Arabic works on the subject, 3 even

Europe as M. Bucaille's La Bible, Le Coran et la Sci-

account, not to speak of a

such a best-seller in

ence which, appearing for the

within ten years 4

first

time

1976, had run into 12 editions

in

and had been translated

into at least three other

European

languages including English and seven Asian languages before Watt penned

above mentioned statement.

his

(A)

As

indicated above, in citing the passages in support of his asumption

Watt recognizes
and

REGARDING THE EARTH'S SHAPE

that "there

that different

is

words are used

no special emphasis on

in

them

to describe the earth

flatness"; but

he says

that all the

expressions "would be interpreted by the hearers in terms of their belief that

the earth

This

is

is flat",

for "no one supposed that the earth

would be otherwise."

really an indirect admission that the material expressions in the pas-

sages cited could be given the alleged meaning only

fixed notion or preconception that the earth

such preconception and

judiced mind,

it

would be

if

is flat.

if

approached with a

Conversely,

if

there

is

no

the expressions are approached with an unpre-

seen, in Watt's

own

words, that "there

is

no special

emphasis on flatness" of the earth as a whole. Also, a logical corollary of

The second Vatican Council (1962-1965) adopted a document which recognizes that
Books of the Old Testament contain material that is imperfect and obsolete. See M.
Bucaille, What is the Origin of Man? The Answers of Science and the Holy Scriptures, 4th ed.
1.

the

Seghers, Paris, 1988,

2.
3.

p. 15.

Jean Guitton (1978), quoted

For instance

in ibid., 10.

Muhammad Wafa

al-'Amin, Al-'lshdrat al-'Ilmiyyah Fi al-Qur'an,

second impression, Cairo, 1401 (1981) and Hanafi Ahmad, Al-Tafsir al-'llmi

Kawniyyah Fi al-Qur'an, Cairo, n.d.

4. The 13th edition was published

in Paris in 1987.

li

al-'Ayat al-

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

Watt's premise

is

that a

modern man would be no

IN

THE QUR'AN

less justified in

303

approach-

ing and understanding the passages in terms of his scientific knowledge. If

done, and

this is

Watt are

full

it

should be done,

it

will

be found

that the

passages cited by

of unprecedented scientific significance not only with regard to

the earth but also regading other matters.

The word

some 461

times.

Most of these uses

are in connection with a description of God's absolute

dominion over the

'ard occurs in the Qur'an

and His power of creation. At a number of places the word

entire universe

clearly

comes

in the

sense of country or dominion; 1 while at other places

it

The passages wherein it

occurs with any description of its shape and nature may be divided into two
categories. In one category it is mentioned in combination with or in comis

used metaphorically

to

denote worldly

life.

parison to the mountains and rivers. Here the emphasis

has been

made

suitable

is

on how the earth

and useful for man and other creatures. Here the

teners' or readers' attention

is

drawn mainly

to the objects

lis-

of nature and the

land surface falling within his immediate view. In other words the earth in

means the land or land-surface

these passages

immediate view,

falling within an observer's

mountains and

in contradistinction to the

rivers, rather

than the entire earth as a unit. In the second category of passages the word

occurs

in relation to the sun, the

Here the earth

insight into

In

its

view of

is

moon,

the skies and the universe in general.

spoken of as a unit and the description

shape, position and even

this general nature

Watt's treatment of the subject

is

movement

an

in sapce.

of the Qur'anic use of the expression 'ard

partial

and faulty

in three

the first place, he concentrates on the passages of the

first

them

which

to refer to the shape of the earth as a unit,

Secondly, despite the diveresity and diffrences

in the

really gives

passages he cites he imposes on them

main

is

not the case.

in the descriptive

all identical

respects. In

category and takes

expressions

meanings because,

as he says, the "first audience" of the Qur'an could not have supposed that
the earth's shape could have been otherwise than

approach would have suggested greater care

in

flat.

implications of the different expressions employed

even neglects

to note the significance

of a passage

material part from his translation. Thirdly and

1.

For instance

2.

As

in

in

Q. 9:38.

really objective

understanding the precise

in

the passages. Watt

in its entirety,

omitting

its

more importantly, he does not

Q. 7:110; 14:13; 20:57; 20:63; 26:35; 28:57.

SIRAT AL-NABI

304
at all

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

take into consideration the second category of passages wherein the

shape and position of the earth as a

and

stars in the

data not

known

unit, as also those

of the other planets

space are indicated and which contain astounding scientific

man

to

at that time.

That the term 'ard used

in

most of the passages

cited

means the land

sur-

face falling within the observer's immediate view, rather than the earth as a
planet, is very clear

from 88:19-20 and 78:6-7 which Watt

cites.

The two

passages run as follows:

(H-T.:AA)^C*k-Ji'ji>jill J\j * c-^i

"And

[to] the

mountains

how

they are set up? and

to

the earth

>Jt jLfl

how

it is

J\j ^

spread

out?" (Watt's tanslation) 88:19-20.

(

-v v a >
:

<^

buy JUH j * u_^. j>yi\ J**/^

"Did we not make the earth an expanse and the mountains pegs?" (Watt's
translation) 78:6-7.

Clearly, at both the places 'ard

in contradistinction to the "the

means

the immediately visible plain land

mountains". For,

if

the earth as a whole

implied, the reference to the mountains, distinct from

it

is

would be both

incongruous and superflous here.

Let us consider the material words used

in relation to 'ard in all the pas-

sages cited. They are mentioned below together with Watt's rendering of

them.

79:30

88:20

78:6

51:48

dU'i

ju,

{dahdhd) "spread out"

c~^L* JlS jeyi\ Jjj

jyi\ J*

<Ji

(sutihat) "spread out"

(mihdda) "make an expanse".

Lt-LAjj*Ji\j(farashn&ha) "laid

flat".

71:19-

Lfe-L-u

20:53

\j^jfiji\{&J**j;ti\{mahda) "made abed".

13:3

j>yi\ -uci-Ul y>j

2:22

Li

j>jH\

> j>yi\

p& J**-

(bisatd)

"made an expanse"

(madda) "spread

^ >*-

(firdshd)

out".

"made a

Needless to say, each one of the expressions

admits of a variety

way

carpet".

dahdhd, sutihat,

like

of meanings. Watt himself admits

etc.,

this fact in a general

not only with reference to these passages but also with regard to the oth-

ers he has quoted

the translation

by saying

as

"best

at the

outset of his

work

brings out the points

that he has so selected

being illustrated by the

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

quotations."

Now,
tinctive

THE QUR'AN

IN

305

the very first expression in the series dahdhd,

and different

in

genre from the

vious translators, renders

it

rest.

as "spread out". But the exact

ing of the term, keeping in view

its

noticeably dis-

is

Watt, following

many

other pre-

and correct mean-

provides a very positive

root, rather

Qur'anic evidence in support of the spherical shape of the earth. For dahd

means
use to

to "shape like

The second
sath

(jSa--)

an egg",

noun being dahiyah, which the Arabs

its

expression, sutihat,

which means

is

equally significant.

Hence sath al-bahr (y*J\ ^aJ) means

means inclined plane, sathy (j^Ja-.) means
Keeping these

original

sea-level, sath

ing the Qur'anic statement at 88:20 with our

is

is

(jsu ^aJ)

ma' il

view and approach-

in

modern knowledge

that the

gaseous and liquid materials (lava) and that the

only an outer cover resembling the skin of an egg, and that

also a plane,

nificant

derived from

external, outward, supercficial,

meaning of the root-word

interior of the earth is full of

land surface

It is

surface, outer layer, outer cover, roof, deck, plane,

etc.

etc.

still

egg. 2

mean an

it

would be seen how very appropriate,

scientific

and

it

sig-

the term sutihat used here in describing the land-surface of the

is

earth, particularly after the description in the previous 'ayah (88:19) of

how

may

thus

the mountains have been set up.

The Qur'anic statement

be more appropriately and more accurately rendered

to the earth

The

how

third

it

word

belong to the same

mihad Ojl^) and

in the series is

the series,

in

root.

mahd

in

The former means

may be

it

resting place, abode,

And

very correctly translated the expression at 78:6 as "Have

earth as a cradle?" 3 In fact this very

word mihad occurs

the Qur'an, 4 and at each of these places

abode, a habitat, a resting place,

what we know of the

.

Watt,

M.

interior

Muhammad's Mecca,

in the

We

not

made

the

at six

other places in

clearly bears the

meaning of an

any case, even without regard

ft

to

al-Qur'an al-Karim", Proceedings of the First Islamic

/

1984, Vol. IV, 127 (11 7-271);

Qur'an, London (Ta-ha Publications), 1985,

3.

A.J. Arberry, op.

4.

Q. 2:206; 3:12; 3:197; 7:41; 13:18 and 38:56.

cit.,

cra-

2.

FathT 'Uthman, "Al-'ard

Trends

it

bosom,

A.J.Arberry has

of the earth, to translate the expression as

Geographical Conference, Riyadh,' 1404

entific

etc. In

considered

20:53) because they both

dle and, figuratively, fold (in which something rests).

88:20

hase been surfaced and planed?"

along with the sixth

2.

at

"(Do they not look)

as:

626.

p. 16.

A.M. Soliman,

Sci-

S1RAT AL-NABl

306

"made an expanse" would be

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

quite remote

from

the original sense

and would

be inappropriate here.
Similarly

mahd means bed

Qur'an, once

in

or cradle.

It

occurs

connection with 'ard (43:10) and thrice

Jesus's speaking to

men even

while

very consistently renders the term

he translates the statements

at

He

at

And

in the cradle. 1

in

connection with

again, A.J.Arberry

both 43:10 and 20:53 as cradle. In fact

who

both the places uniformly as "He

at

appointed the earth to be a cradle for you."

so consistent.

four other places in the

at

Watt, on the other hand,

not

is

"make an expanse" and

translates the expression at 78:6 as

20:53 as "made a bed".

Similarly inconsistent

is

his translations of the fourth

J) and firdsha

the series, farashnaha

farasha

(j>j>) is to

and eighth terms

in

The primary meaning of

(til /).

spread out as a bed, to pave, to cover,

etc.;

while firdsh

means bed, mattress, bedspread, cushion, carpet, etc. Nevertheless, while

Watt has translated this last expression at 2:22 as "made a bed", he has rendered the word at 51:48 as "laid

flat",

could legitimately be done here

is

though the farthest manoeuvring that

to render

it

as "spread out as a bed" or

"laid out as a bed", but not quite as "laid flat".

There remain two other words

the fifth and seventh respectively in the series.

or spreading as a bed
lated the

is

expanse".

As

at

it.

rendered

It

in

when

when

you as

"made an

primary meaning

is

"he

"spread out", as Watt

the Qur'an in several other senses.

the earth

and gets emptied" <^cJ~j

description of what will happen

its

as

form muddat clearly bears the mean-

in its passive

"And

laid the earth for

expression

the

may even mean he

The word has been used

ing of "is flattened"

is in it

has

regards the expression madda,

At 84:3-4 the expression

what

(x>),

The same meaning of laying

"And God has

71 19 as

however,

extended" or "he expanded".

translates

and madda

appropriate for bisdt; and Arberry has indeed trans-

whole statement

a carpet." 3 Watt,

to consider, bisdt

Vgj

is

flattened

the earth (world)

and the resurrection takes place. Hence the sense

here cannot be applied to the same term or

its

and

* oo* j>yi\

in

is

it

throws off

tiij^>.

This

is

brought to an end

which muddat

is

used

derivatives which speak about

the normal situations of the earth and which therefore must bear a meaning

2.

Q. 3:40; 3:1 10 and 19:29.

A.J. Arberry, op. cit., 505 and 314.

3.

Ibid., 609.

1.

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

other than

"made

Conversely,

flat".

fact that prior to the event of the

not

passage

this

end of

its

THE QUR'AN

307

an indirect pointer to the

existence the earth as a whole

is

flat.

Leaving aside the

meanings and accepting the renderings

differentials in

"made an expanse",

as "spread out",

none of the eight statements cited

etc.,

does really say that the earth as a whole

speake of the earth or land as
observer. Moreover, though the

common

to be

definition of "plane"

touching on

is

it

spherical,

The

space, for the passages

the

immediate view of an

level or plane

does not

in fact

may

Hence,

inspite

of the earth as a whole being

nonetheless level, plane, spread out or even

is

inherent relativity of the expression

madda

or "spread out" applied to

was indeed pointed out some

al-DTn al-Razi (544-606 H.

flat.

eight centuries ago by

1150-1210 A. C.)

who was

conscious of the spherical nature of the earth. Referring to the term

used

and 15:19 he makes two points.

at 13:3

passages

is

home

to bring

be said

run counter to the

The accepted geometrical and mathematical

points."

earth in such passages

Imam Fakhr

flat

"surface such that the straight line joining any points

is

all

surface

its

is

comes within
sense of making

it

to all the terms, this sense

spherical nature of the earth.

on

is

IN

the

He

quite

madda

says that the object of these

theme of the existence of the Creator. The

reference therefore has to be to such objects as are visible and obvious to the
listener.

Hence

the term 'ard in these passages has to be understood in the

sense of the part of

it

which comes

to the

Secondly, he points out that the earth

of a gigantic

ball,

when looked

at

it,

immediate view of the observer. 2

an extremely large

"is

you

will see

it

being the case, the difficuly of which they speak ceases to

of this [explanation]

pegs ^blsjt JLHj)>'.

may be

is

He

but a part

ball;

as a plain surface. This

The proof

exist.

the saying of Allah: '(We have set) the mountains as

calls

them pegs notwithstanding the

extensive plain surfaces on top of them.

So

is

fact that there

the case here." 3

Far from reproducing or reflecting the erroneous world-view prevailing

in

seventh century Arabia the Qur'an indeed goes beyond the scientific

knowledge of the time and speaks of

scientific facts

and

Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English,

1.

impression. 1984,

p.

Al-Tafsir al-Kabir, XIX,

3.

Ibid., p. 170.

J'j tU jS" <JS bjj

u iUij

it

ft

ed. A.S.

have

Hornby, 19th

636.

2.

truths that

The
i

p. 3.

text runs as follows:

Jj=-it

3 ..fit-

gkJff ij

rj}*-*

Ktff IjJj Jii

J-a~

**

**'

t*

til

Jti

J'

\#*

Uoi Jf

lj>lw

,iU -*'

iJoll 5 jSOlj tiwluJI **U-

j i/ ^fi)

J^

'

J^)" J"

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

308

only recently been discovered by man. In fact

enough he would have seen

to

if

Watt had looked carefully

that at least in three of the passages he has cited

support his assumption there are such extraordinary facts as well as sig-

nificant pointers to the spherical nature of the earth. Unfortunately, while

quoting these passages in translation he has omitted

passages those very portions that contain such

13:3 which in

"And He
of

it is

all fruits

its

facts.

in

two of these three

One of these passages

is

entirety runs as follows:

Who

spread the earth, and

He has made

made

in

two (of every

pairs of

And
He makes the night cover the
who reflect." (Muhammad Ali's

it

firm mountains and rivers.

kind).

day. Surely there are signs in this for a people

translation with slight alteration)

In this passage there are

all fruits

He

has

made

two

pairs,

two

statement has become clear only

sexes

and

in plants

ment has long been

fruits,

The first is: "And of

The implication of this

significant statements.

(of every kind)."

in

modern times with the discovery of

indeed of pairs in every thing.

In fact the state-

translated in that sense. 2 Needless to say that no

one

in

the seventh Christian century did have any inkling of the concept of pairs or

sexes in plants, fruits and other things; nor was

possible to

it

comprehend

the

import of this Qur'anic statement before the scientific discoveries of

full

modern times

in this respect.

The second

significant statement in the passage (13:3)

night cover the day." Unmistakably, the sense here

ually taking the place of the day

is

was

in the

is

rotation. 3 For,

would have been

sense of the day and night alternating each other, not "covering the

The second passage

1.

understandable

its

uttered in the context of a flat earth, the statement

day with the night", as indeed Arberry translates

2.

the

of the night grad-

that

a phenomenon which

only with reference to the spherical shape of the earth and

if it

"He makes

is:

is

it.

20:53 which runs as follows:

See also Q. 36:36 and 51:49 on this point.

See for instance. M. Pickthall's and A. Yusuf

Ali's translations

'ayah.
3.

See below for other Qur'anic references on

4.

Arberry, op.

cit.,

239.

this point.

and comments on

this

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS IN THE QUR'AN

"He Who made
down from the
different

The

the earth a cradle for

you and threaded for you

sky water. Thus have

We

in

it

309
and sent

routes;

produced thereby pairs of plants, each

from the other."

about sexes

scientific truth

here

in plants is stated

more pointedly

and explicitly, thus supplementing the information contained

in 13:3 noted

above.

The

"And

of the passages

is

We

with Hands; and verily

third

the sky

the process of

have made

expanding

it

51:47-48.

And

it).

It

runs as follows:

We have

the earth,

We

laid

are the expanders (are in

out,

it

and

how

Excellent

are the authors of laying out!"

Here the expression "and

significant.

make

it

verily

Watt has rendered

of vast extent."

nominative form

But

in contrast

ceding expression, which

We

this part
it is

to

(J) is

used

It is

are expanders" or

ing

it".

"We do

Now,

We extend

(*,*-!)

is

"We

expand" or

together

with

the

"And

verily

just correct in rendering this part of the state-

wide." 2

it

statement assumes a great significance in the light of modern

this

expanding

says that everything in space (the skies)

able speed.

the

are in the process of expand-

scientific information that the universe is

their planets

is in

to indicate a habitual or continual act or process of

Indeed A.J. Arberry

ment as "and

very

a well-known rule of

doing. Thus the correct translation of the expression would be:

We

is

we who

is

be noted that the construction

Arabic construction that the nominative form

emphatic lam

it

with the verbal form of the immediately pre-

also in the past tense.

is

uij^

are expanders"

of the statement as: "and

and

The sun

itself,

to

together with

be moving

at the

its

the light of this

the space,

i.e.

We

Muhammad's Mecca,

1.

Watt,

A.J. Arberry, op.

cit.,

545.

6.

is

itself is

at

an unimagin-

it"

moving away

at a

continually expanding. In

the Qur'anic statement

do expand

nificance, besides being surprisingly precise.

2.

ahead

planets and their satellites as a

the sky (U-Ji)

modern knowledge

the heaven, and indeed

It

staggering speed of almost a million

miles a day towards the constellation Lyra which

Thus

a staggering speed.

the constellations together with

satellites, etc., are all flying straight

whole are reckoned

similar speed!

at

"We have

created

assumes a bewildering

sig-

S1RAT AL-NAB1

310

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Thus three of the eight passages

to

be scientific errors

in the

directly counter to his assumption.

(b) that plants

and

many

These

at least three

such facts as run

facts are: (a) that

God

has shaped

a further indication of the spherical nature of the earth;

is

besides other objects, are created in pairs (of sexes)

fruits,

(13:3) and (c) that the sky (space)

are indeed

by Watt to prove what he supposes

79:30) and that "He makes the night cover the

the earth like an egg

day" (13:3), which

cited

Qur'an contain

is

continually expanding (51:47). There

other passages of scientific import in the Qur'an, specially

and creation of man, nature and the universe.

relating to the origin

feasible here to refer even briefly to

all

of them.

not

It is

few of them bearing on

the question of the earth's shape may, however, be mentioned here.

The most

significant in this respect

been thrown

that the earth has

it

(like a ball)."

word tahdhd
"expanded",

It

the statement at 91:6

which says

space?) like a ball.

may be

noted that like the word dahdhd (79:30) this

also has been rendered

etc. Significantly,

The

He Who

Uj j>yi\j^> "By the earth, and

statement runs as follows:

threw

is

(in its orbit? in the

by many early scholars as "spread out"

however, both Al-Qurtubi and Al-Shawkani,

while noticing the interpretations put on the word by the previous commentators, point out that the Arabs understood the word in the sense of

going or moving away. 2 The meaning

Taj al-

'Arils,

is

further clarified

by the author of the

who, while noticing the meanings put on the word by the early

commentators, points out

instance a ball (i#

meaning of dahdhd
of the earth and

its

that the

word means "throwing" something,

for

j&V utj). 3 This expression thus agrees well with the

as explained

above and both indicate the spherical shape

rotation in the space.

It

may

further be noted that the

statements immediately preceding 91:6, particularly 91:3-4, have a significant bearing

on the point as they describe the relationship of day and

The statements run as:

reveals it (the sun). By the

night with the sun.

"By the day

as

it

two statements make

it

quite clear that

it

is

'*!

night as

1.

See

2.

Al-QurtuM,

3.

for instance

M.

Tafsir,

The

Bucaille, op.

XX.

it

conceals

These

it,

not that any

precision in the statements

movement of
would be

all

cit.

74-75; Al-Shawkant, Tafsir, V, 449.

Taj al-'Arus, X, 223. See also E.W. Lane, Arabic-English lexicon, under

where, besides the other meanings,

his face"

j^b^

it."

the action of the day and the

night which brings to view the sun and conceals

the sun causes day and night.

(i !

J^J *

it

is

noted:

(Cambridge Islamic Texts Society

print,

is

said

when one throws down

1984, Vol.

II, p.

1832).

y
a

and jxb

man upon

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

the

more

clear

if

attention

"By

the sun

simply

states:

verb

ascribed to

is

make

it

the

paid to 91:1 wherein the sun

is

and

here.

THE QUR' AN

brightness"

its

little

is

^\^-^>j <r

+zl\ J

31

referred to.

fy.

No

action or

regard to such precise use of words would

its

rotation.

significance of the earth having been "thrown" (tahdhd)

more

clear

if it is

initially the

becomes

itself

and of

sky and the earth were joined together

life

in

on

it.

It

one mass,

says that
that sub-

sequently they were separated and that every living being on the earth

ginated in water.
0

The passage runs

ij* JS

^ii

all

considered along with another very important Qur'anic

statement relating to the orign of the earth

<^

It

clear that they imply important scientific facts regarding the shape of

the earth and

The

it

IN

M ja U*rj Uq

as

ori-

'-hi* tf!; bits'

J?yi\j O'j-U-JI oi

jjjJl j>

ply

"Or, do the unblievers not see that the heavens and the earth were joined in one

mass, and then

We

clove them asunder, and

made

out of water every living being?

Will they not then believe?" (21:30).

The

significance of this passage has

of scientific knowledge

of

on

life

it.

modern times about

clear only with the progress

the origin of our planet

Another Qur'anic statement directly

13:41 which says that

modern

in

become

research.

it is

gradually contracting, as

The statement runs

"Have they not realized

We

that

and

relating to the earth

is

is

indeed established by

as follows:

bring the earth to contraction in

its

extremities?"

(13:41)

As

regards the night gradually merging into the day and vice-versa

we

have a number of other Qur'anic statements of which the following are very
specific.
(a)

(YVir^JJi^j^jSjji^jJijjij^

"Thou causest the night

to enter into the

day and Thou causest the day to enter into

the night." (3:27)

(b)

(H

"That

is

T Y

) <^

JJl ^9 jl^Jl gJjj j jl^JI

^ JJI gJjj

*Ul

oL

All

'A

because Allah makes the night enter into the day and makes the day enter

into the night." (22:61)

(c)

(r^:r>)^JJl >jl^l Jjij J l*Jl >J9 5lji*lllc>i J5

"Do you not

Il

see that Allah

makes

Ji).
(

the night enter into the

day and makes the day

S1RAT AL-NABl

312

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

enter into the night?" (3 1:29)

and(e)^JJi^ji*Ji^jOj^i^JJilj^

(d)

"He makes

the night enter into the day and

makes

the day enter into the night."

& 57:6)

(35:13

(0 (TV :ri)^jl$J1*i. jLi JJl^iiltj^

"And

a sign for them

is

We gradually

the night.

withdraw from

it

the day." (36:37)

These repeated statements of the Qur'an about the gradual merging of the
day and the night

into

each other, and not each appearing suddenly on the

surface of the earth as would have been the case

pointers to the spherical shape of the earth.

"He makes

the night roll round the

if

were

it

day and He makes the day

roll

are clear

flat,

however,

Still clearer,

is

round the night."

(39:5)
It

is

means

be emphasized that the word kawwara (whence yukawwiru)

to

to roll into a ball or to

that the night

The Qur'an
bring

it

also

home

doing

it

round. In other words, the 'ayah says

and the day are a continuous process round the

(B)

leave,

make

earth.

CONCERNING THE SKY

refers not only to the earth

draws man's attention

and

to

to the skies

what

it

produces by Allah's

and the universe

in

order to

him the theme of His Existence and Omnipotence. And in so

makes statements of which the full significance and meaning are
to

unfolding themsleves only with the progress of our scientific knowledge.

But as

in the case

of the earth, so

in respect

of the sky Watt states that the

Qur'an only picks up the prevailing erroneous notion and conceives the sky
to

be something

his assertion

tion with

built of solid materials,

"presumably of stone."

He

bases

on four out of the eight Qur'anic passages he cites in connec-

what he imagines

scientific errors in the

Qur'an. These passages,

together with his translation of them, are as follows:

(a)

79:27-28 = ^

"Are you harder

t-j_^ j-i

tw

&*

to create or the

tU-Ji

\m-

heaven he built? He raised up

its

roof and ordered

it."

88:17-18 =

(b)

4c^J u/tU^ij!j*c^c^J<>iJ!0j>

!!

"Will they not regard the camels,

raised?"
1

Watt,

Muhammad's Mecca,

5.

how

^i)>

they are formed? and the heaven

how

it

is

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

IN

THE QUR'AN

313

51:47 =^dy^J.\j\jxJj\^ 'y;tU-Jlj^

(C)

"The heaven we have

(d) 2:22

made

and

it

is

we who make

of vast extent..."

it

iU-JljU.^ytfl,^ J**-^^,

4...

"(your lord)

built with hands,

you the earth a carpet and

for

the

heaven an

edifice..."

In the above quoted passages there occur the expressions

bandhd (^m),

banayndhd 0 $ ' >) and bind' (*L>) respectively in (a), (c) and
standably Watt has so translated them as would best illustrate

(d).

wants

to

make. But even accepting

Under-

the point he

his rendering of the terms,

it

may be

pointed out that the words "build" and "edifice" are not exclusively used in
respect of solid objects.

wa'innd la-musi'un
misleading.

We

"And

They may very well be applied

and objects. At any

as to abstract ideas

(Oj*.jiuij) as

"and

The exact meaning of

do expand

Now, knowing

it /

of the expression

we make

it

of vast extent"

component

its

at the present

parts, the

clearly

time that just as an atom

innumerable systems

is:

it."

"structure" or "ecifice" "built" of certain elements, similarly the

verse and

is

the expression, as pointed out earlier,

or are in the process of expanding

we do

as

to non-solids as well

rate, his translation

is

whole uni-

(like the solar sys-

tem) as a whole and each individually are very much a structure, a set-up, an
integrated construction, an organism or, figuratively, even an "edifice."

Hence

may

the terms "built", "created", "formed" etc.,

appropriately be

applied to them, especially to the solar system, to which the earth and the

neighbouring planets belong. The question

is

really

how one

sees

it,

as

Watt

himself seems to recognize. The trems by themselves do not mean that the

Qur'an conceives the sky

Similarly the term

to be

something of a solid object.

samk (iU-)

in (c),

which Watt

translates as "roof, has

other meanings as well as height, expansiveness, extensivenss and burj or

zone of constellation. Of course the Qur'an does

1

sky as "the raised roof" (52:5

Ui-.).

lb

anything.

= i?}S

The word saqf in Arabic

The term

is

much

in

other places refer to the

and a "protected roof (21:32 =

originally

means

a cover or a roof over

therefore appropriately applicable to the immediate

sphere around our atmospheric

very

Ui~iij)

belt,

or the

latter itself, for

both of them are

"protected" and protecting covers over us, the earth.

Apart from these four passages, however, there, are many other

ments

in the

state-

Qur'an which Watt does not take into account but which show

See Lisan

al-

'Arab under samk and Taj al- 'Arus, VII, 145.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

314
that

view of the sky

its

passages

may be

is

not so primitive as he thinks

classified into three broad categories

about the state of the sky

at the

it

to be.

These other

(a) those that

speak

beginning of the creation, (b) those that give

an idea of the nature and contents of the sky or skies as they are

now and

(c)

those that speak about their state in the end.

As regards

the state of the sky at the beginning of the creation,

sages are of special significance. The one, 41:11, says that

the sky

was only "smoke"

that the skies

(or vaporous or gaseous). 1

and the earth were

sequently cloven asunder. 2

on the subject, nor

Speaking

made

is

scientists

is

have different theories about

the present writer competent to speak

work

the present

other, 21:30, states

a suitable place for a discussion on

general as a lay man, however, two statements

in

in this

connection.

First, the

two pas-

beginning

one mass but they were sub-

initially

Modern

the origin of the universe. Neither

The

at the

various

modern

may

it.

safely be

theories about the origin

of the universe seem only to approximate the position stated so clearly

in the

Qur'an. Second, these Qur'anic statements go inconceivably beyond the

notion about the sky prevalent in the sixth-seventh century world.

The passages speaking about the nature and contents of the sky are more
numerous. The most striking point in these passages is the plural from alsamawat (oyu-Ji) which occurs some 190 times in the Qur'an, while in its
singular form (*U-Jt) it comes some 120 times. More interestingly, at least at
nine places the Qur'an specifically mentions that there are "seven skies", 3

one adjoining and corresponding

is

now

sists

to the other (tibdqd UU), or "in layers". 4

It

a generally accepted view with the scientists that the universe con-

of several staggeringly expansive spaces, some enumerating exactly

seven, each corresponding to and adjoining the other and each with
constellations and meteors!

The

"skies" or the 'Seven skies"

Qur'an for about 200 times thus appear

meaning

in the light

spoken of

1.

2.
3.

4.

other",

The
The

text

is:

text

is:

of this modern knowledge. For one thing, no person

solid structure

would venture

^...obo^jtU-Ji J\isf^\^... f

ij uiif jfjVi o'j

\(
^

Lexicon.

correctly

_>

oi

means

"in layers" or

it

to

to say so categorically

^
Q. 2:29; 17:44; 23:17; 23:86; 41:12; 65:12; 67:3; 71:15; 78:12.
Q. 67:3 and 71:15. The term tibaqa (UU), though often translated

more

in the

assume a new significance and

to

the seventh century looking at the sky with bare eyes and imagining

something of a

own

its

in

be

and

as "one

above the

"corresponding to one another". See Lane's

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

IN

THE QUR'AN

315

repeatedly that there are seven such structures, one above or beside the

Nor was one

other.

in

need of indulging

in

such unusual and,

case, a definitely hazardous statement. In this respect too the

beyond the seventh century notion about

the sky.

Equally significant are the statements about

therein are held in their respective positions.

the skies and the objects

very clearly mentioned that

while "raising" the sky Allah also set the "balance". 2

the sky

of

all,

it

is

not such a structure as

is

The statement runs

will.

is

rested

stated that the skies (oi j_Ji)

is

The expression "holding"

means

It

mentioned

also

visible pillars.

that

Most important

as follows:

they ceased to be there, there

very significant.

It is

and the earth are sustained by Allah's

"Verily Allah holds the heavens and the earth,

if

on

far

how

It is

in the Prophet's

Qur'an goes

lest

none except He

they should cease to be there; and

Who

could hold them." (35:41)

in respect of the "skies" as well as the earth is

that neither is the earth rested

on something

"solid" nor are the skies so. In other words, the passage says that they are

held in their respective positions without solid supports, that

is in

space, by

Allah's will and design.

third

and bewildering

4 is that
lier,

knowledge

is in

it

is

mentioned about the sky, as mentioned ear-

fact

the process of continuous expansion.

Modem

scientific

surprisingly in line with this statement of the Qur'an.

It

may

further be noted in this connection that the Qur'an also describes the seven

ways" or

skies as "seven

"And

tracks.

We created above you seven

The

full

Thus

23: 17 states:

ways, and

We are

not unmindful of creation."

may be understood
knowledge about the movement of the

significance of such statements in the Qur'an

only in the light of modern scientific

heavenly bodies.

Another significant

fact

about the skies mentioned

in the

Qur'an

is

that

there are living beings in them, and not simply on this our planet, the earth.

Thus 42:29 very

1

distinctly states:

Watt quickly passes over

this fact

2.

(Muhammad's Mecca, 5.)

Q. 55:7 = ^oijJij^jj i^ij tU-Jij^

3.

Q. 13:2 and 31:10.

4.

Supra,

vens."

p.

3.

See also Q. 5

:47.

by saying: "There

is

also mention of seven hea-

SIRAT AL-NABI

316

"And of His

signs

is

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

the creation of the skies and the earth and

what He has spread

them of living beings."

forth in both of

There are other passages too

same impression.

that give the

Finally, of these seven skies, the nearest in relation to us

the Qur'an as al-samd' al-dunya or the "nether sky".

More

very specifically stated that this the "nether sky"

is

(kawdkib) and incandescent

lights (masdbih).

is

described in

significantly,

it

is

decorated with stars

Thus 41:12,

Allah's having created the seven skies and set in each sky

after referring to

order

its

^u_^i *U- js"adds:

"and

We decorated

The same

the nether sky with incandescent lights."

thing

is

stated in 67:5; while 37:6 states:

^
"Verily

We

is

is

exist.

Modern

be grappling with the nature and scope of

knowledge,

"milky way" which contains

With regard
set "in"

at least

(J)

it

the sun, the

and

of space

made

Thus 13:2

is

is

The

refe-

According

"roofed" by the

billion stars!

conveyed by the

stars

to

sky"

fact that the

are described as having

move

in certain

well regulated

states:

JrV <SfH
"And He

knowledge seems

this the "nether sky".

this the "nether

moon, the

that they are

for specified terms. 2

scientific

one thousand

to the sky the notion

heavenly bodies

ways and

s-f'j&l hj y. UjJI U-JI by UJ

obviously to the vast region of space in which the solar system

to the present state of that

been

thus especial to the "nether" or the immediate sky.

and the neighbouring constellation

to

have decorated the nether sky with the decoration of stars..."

This feature
rence here

JS" jAillj

has subjected to order the sun and the moon; each runs

(its

j*~>}

^>

course) for a

term appointed...."

Similarly 36:38-40 states:

*Sl

* Jill Jyr yJlS"

1.

Abv

Jjb* 4_jjOJ

jJU)1 jjjJI jtJJi <lM 'i l$J

Je~\

^>

See for instance Q.16:49; 17:44; 17:55; 19:93; 21:19; 23:71; 24:41; 27:65; 28:18;

30:26.
2.

^^^-iJl

See also Q. 14:33; 16:12; 29:61; 31:20; 31:29; 35:13; 39:5; 45:13;

7:4; 16:12.

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

"The sun runs

course to a destnation for

its

And

the All-knowing.

moon

the

We

it

317

of the Almighty,

stations,

till it

reverts to

behoves not the sun to overtake the moon, nei-

It

ther does the night outstrip the day.

And

interpretation

THE QUR'AN

that is the ordaining

have determined for

the like of a withered palm-bough.

Whatever

it;

IN

one may

each swims in an orbit (space)."

like to put

on the terms mustaqarr and

falak in the above passage, the sense of motion and movement on the one
hand, and that of space on the other, are

all

too clear from the expresions

and yasbahun.

yazri, tajri

That the term sama (sky) embraces the open space above (or around) us
'

is

clearly indicated

by such passages as 16:79 and 30:48. The

first

passage

states:

"Do
"

they not look at the birds subjected to order in the midst of the sky?....

The second passage, 30:48,

Allah

"It is

He

sky as

Who

sends the winds that raise the clouds. Thus

wills..."

Coming

states:

to the

is

that the skies, along with the stars, planets

the other creation, will be brought to an end. "That day

sky like the rolling up of the scroll of writings. As

We

it
it

will

shall repeat

come up

it..."

will

That day the sky

with "visible smoke"; 4

"will be rent asunder

brass"; 7

spreads them in the

group of passages that speak about the end, the most

important thing to note

tion,

He

and turn red

it

We

We

began the

will "disintegrate

"will

be

in

like paint"; 6

the stars will be displaced and scattered

and

all

up the

shall roll

first

crea-

with clouds"; 3

a state of commotion"; 5
it

"will be like

molten

and the sun and the

moon

be joined together. 9 Finally, a new world and new skies will be ushered

1.

The Qur'an sometimes

also figuratively

employs the term sama' for

sages are not, however, relevant to the present discussion.

2.

3.

Q. 21:104 = ^...a-i ljU-JjiUia( Uf v;&J J>*-JI >f tU_rf>ifjd ^

r-UAtti *u_J jiu fM }
Q. 25:25 = ^
. .

4.

Q. 44:10 =

5.

Q. 52:9 =

6.
7.
8.

^^i^.U-Ji j>\i fJi ...^

i,r U_Ji
fM )
Q. 55:37 = ^ i>uaf i>i} ojSj *u~Ji cjuji \>fy
Q. 70; 8 = ^ J^ltf tU-Ji OjSi fj, ^

Q. 82:1= ^OjMi^ijfluijj^^iiWU-Jnjj^

j^
Q. 75:9 = ^
M
See alsoQ. 39:67; 69:16; 73:18; 77:9; 78:19; 81:11 and 84:1

9.

rain.

Such pas-

SiRA TAL-NABI

318
in, as

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

the Qur'an states:

"That day the earth will be exchanged for another earth, and the skies too." (14:48)

Thus

will

be the end of the present

and the begining of a new

state of the

and a new world

life

world and the universe

the

hereafter.

The process thus described belongs to the future, and Allah Alone knows
when and how these will be effected. So far as modern science is concerned,
it only speculates that the world may come to an end as a result of some serious disturbance and dislocation

in the solar

and planetary systems.

It is

thus

not in disharmony with the Qur'anic statements noted above.

The expressions

"folding up", "rent asunder", etc. used in connection

with the end of the skies

may

give an impression that these are objects sus-

ceptible of being "broken up". Like the terms "edifice" (tb) and
(Ui->), these

may be

expressions also

interpreted without

"roof

assuming the skies

to be "solid" objects, particularly as the process described includes also the

stars, the planets

and other heavenly bodies. Similarly, the existence of

ing beings in the skies does not

mean

that these latter

liv-

should be solid objects

like the earth; for, just as the earth is set in the sky (space), so there are other

earths in the skies.

"Allah

He who

is

The Qur'an very

clearly states in 65:12:

created the seven skies, and of the earth the like of them."

may have other types

of physique and constitution; so their places of habitation may be different in
nature than that of ours. Again, since even human beings become "weightless" at a certain distance in the space and may move about therein without
Also,

it

should be noted that the other living beings

the "support" of "solid" objects,

it

would be wrong

to

assume on

the basis of

the existence of living beings in the skies that these latter are therefore
"solid" things.
It

should be clear from the above discussion that there are certain expres-

sions in the Qur'an which,

sky,

would

fit

in

if

approached with the primitive notion about the

with that notion, but they are very

much

appropriate to the

Above

all, it

should not be

modern concept of

the sky and the universe.

sight of that the present state of our

knowledge

is

lost

confined only to a part of

what constitutes the "nether sky", al-sama' al-dunya. The region lying

beyond

this nearest sky,

knowledge. Even the

with

all its stars

scientists

and planets,

is

simply beyond our

admit that what they have hitherto learnt

about the extent and nature of the sky

is

only a microscopic particle in rela-

THE ALLEGED CONTEMPORARY ERRORS

tion to

sedly

what remains unknown of

known

region

is

it.

What

lies

IN

beyond

THE QUR' AN
this

completely dark to us. In view of

all

319

known

or suppo-

these

would be

it

simply presumptuous to assume that the Qur'anic statements about the sky
are not in accord with

assumption

that the

modern

scientific

Qur'anic view of the sky

of knowledge in the sventh century

up only a few statements

itive" notion

ignores a

knowledge. At any

in the

is

wrong

is

rate,

Watt's

primitive, reflecting the state

in three

main

He

respects.

picks

Qur'an, approaches them with the "prim-

and puts a very narrow construction on them. Secondly, he

number of

other statements in the Qur'an that are surprisingly in

accord with modern scientific information about the sky and the significance
of which

may be

ledge. Thirdly, he

fully appreciated with the further progress of our

seems

to

assume

that

modern

about the sky and that nothing remains to be

all

scientists

known about

have the
it,

know-

last

which

is

word
not at

the case; for the scientists themselves admit that they have not fathomed

even a

particle of the vast

and bewildering creation, the sky.

SECTION

III

ON THE EVE OF THE CALL TO PROPHETHOOD

CHAPTER

XIII

ON THE EVE OF THE CALL: THE HANIFS

AND THE AFFAIR OF 'UTHMAN IBN AL-HUWAYRITH

It

has been shown before

that

Muhammad (0)

did not entertain any

ambition nor did he make any preparation for becoming a Prophet and
receiving divine communication (wahy).

Nor

is

the Qur'an a collection of

information derived from Judaeo-Christian and other sources. 2 In saying this

it

not intended to suggest that the Prophet was isolated from his society

is

and environment and did not concern himself with the

ple.

The

affairs of his

own

peo-

intention has been only to emphasize that notwithstanding his con-

cern for his society and people, and despite his contemplation and deliberation, his call to

prophethood and the revelations he received were only from

God and were no

all

when we

the clearer

preceded his

product of his mind and contemplation. This fact becomes

call to

take into account the developments that immediately

prophethood.

Broadly, three developments attract our attention. These were:

made by

number of

individuals

true religion bequeathed

who go by

the

by Prophet Ibrahim;

name of

(ii)

(i)

a search

hariifs to find the

an attempt

made by one

such individual to bring about a change of government and society at

with the help of the Christian Byzantine power; and
stay

and contemplation {al-tahannuth) by

(iii)

Makka

the resort to solitary

Muhammad {% )

of the mount Hira', some three miles away from the busy

at

life

a cave on top

of the

Makkan

city centre.

ter.

The first two of these three developments are treated in the present chapThe third, being immediately connected with the receipt of revelation by

the Prophet,

is

dealt with in that connection in the following chapter.

I.

The

historians

Muhammad's

(0

THE HANIFS

mention a number of persons who,

call to

shortly

before

prophethood, gave up idolatry and polytheism and

sought the true Abrahamic religion called al-hanifiyyah. The most frequently

mentioned names
(1)

are:

Waraqah ibn Nawfal

1.

Supra, Ch. VIII.

2.

Supra, Chaps. IX and X.

(ibn

Asad ibn 'Abd

al-'Uzza).

SIRA TAL-NABi AND

324
(2)

'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith

(3)

'Ubayd Allah ibn Jahsh

(4)

Zayd

ibn

'Amr

(ibn

THE ORIENTALISTS
Asad

ibn

'Abd al-'Uzza)

ibn Nufayl

(5)

'Umayyah

(6)

'Amr

(7)

Sirmah ibn 'Abi 'Anas

(8)

Al-Nabighah

ibn 'Abi al-Salt

ibn 'Abasah
(or ibn

'AM Qays)

al-Ja'di

(9) Ri'ab ibn al-Bara'

(10)

'Abu 'Amir al-'Awsi

(11) Khalid ibn Sinan ibn Ghayth

'Abu Qays

(12)

The
for

first

ibn al-Aslat

four persons in the

two reasons. In

list

may be

the first place, they

were not only contemporaries of

said to

were

all

form a class by themselves

Makka and
from among his

inhabitants of

Muhammad (0 )

but also

close relatives and acquaintances. Secondly, they appear to have renounced

and embarked upon a search for the true religion of Ibrahim almost

idolatry

simultaneously.

It is

related

by Ibn Ishaq

that these four persons

present at an annual religious gathering of the Quraysh

there for rendering

homage

men
among themselves

who had assembled

it. On that

to an idol and offering sacrifices to

withdrew from the assemblage and whis-

occasion these four

silently

pered

that all those people of theirs

had

far strayed

the religion of their forefathers, the religion of Ibrahim, and that

ingless to worship a stone (idol)

good or harm

to anyone.

were once

it

which could neither hear nor

from

was mean-

see, nor

do

They then dispersed and subsequently each sepa-

rately travelled in different lands in search of al-hanifiyyah, the religion of

Ibrahim.
It is

obvious that though these persons thus dissociated themselves from

their peoples' religious

ceremony

all at

a time, their dislike of polytheism and

idol-worship must have been developing within themselves for sometime

past.

It

is

also noteworthy that what they did

trusive act and not at

all

all

was a spontaneous and unob-

a concerted public movement on their part. This

is

the clearer from the further fact noted by Ibn Ishaq that they agreed

1.

Ibn Hisham,

I,

222-223.

THE HANIFS AND THE AFFAIR OF 'UTHMAN IBN AL- HUW A YRITH

among themselves

not to divulge their feelings to others.

nature of their action,

had been

ple

significant that they

it is

removed from

far

the

But whatever the

were convinced

original

325

that their

peo-

of Ibrahim,

religion

al-

hanifiyyah, which they and their people were supposed to follow.

The

first

named

person,

Waraqah ibn Nawfal, 2 belonged

Band Asad of

to

Quraysh and was a paternal uncle of 'Umm al-Mu'mintn Khadijah

(r.a.),

both her father Khuwaylid and Nawfal being two of the sons of Asad ibn

'Abd al-'Uzza. Waraqah was evidently

the oldest of the group of four.

details of his search for the true religion are not

that

he ultimately

Bible and also

knew Hebrew

revelation.

first

Khadijah

(r.a.)

Muhammad

Moses and

to that of

adding that

if

it

this

It

Christianity,

from

clear

is

he

stated to

still

after

vinced that

the

the Prophet received

momentous event

that

how

he,

Waraqah,

had received God's commission similar

till

in troubles

that time

entertained

two

with his

own

he would extend

this report that

all

peopos-

though Waraqah had

specific notions,

God's revelation comes to a Prophet through the angel

that another of

The

on record

have copied parts of the

when

cousin of hers and

would involve him

he (Waraqah) lived

sible help to him.

embraced

that

is

known how

well

is

It

which he

in

very advanced in age

took the Prophet to

assured them that

ple,

He was

it is

good knowledge of

settled with Christianity, acquired a

Christian scripture.
the

known; but

Jibril

namely, that

(Namus) and

His Prophets was shortly to appear. Indeed Waraqah was con-

Muhammad

was

that expected Prophet. In

view of Wara-

qah's antecedent, advanced age and acquaintance with the Judaeo-Christian

scriptures

it is

reasonable to assume that his above mentioned notions were

the result of his study of those scriptures as they existed at that time.

The second person in the list, 'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith also belonged to
Banu Asad and was a cousin of both Waraqa and Khadijah (r.a.); for
'Uthman's father, Al-Huwayrith, was another son of Asad ibn 'Abd al'Uzza.'Uthman's quest for the true religion ended with his effort to change
the religion and

government

at

Makka

with foreign assistance, which will be

related in the next section.

'Ubayd Allah ibn Jahsh, the

third in the

list,

belonged to Banu Asad ibn

Khuzaymah. He was a cousin of the Prophet in that 'Ubayd

mother,' Umaymah, was 'Abd al-Muttalib's daughter and therefore a
1.

Ibid.,

2.

See

Allah's

paternal

222.

for

Waraqah,

ibid.,

223; Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Ma'drif, 59, Al-Mas'udt, Muruj.,

1,

73.

SiRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

326

aunt of the Prophet. Like the others 'Ubayd Allah travelled

neigh-

in the

bouring lands in search of al-hanifiyyah and, after the Prophet had received
his call,

became one of the

early converts to Islam. His wife,

'Umm Habibah,

daughter of 'Abu Sufyan ibn Harb (of Banu 'Abd Shams) also embraced
Islam. Both

lims

who

'Ubayd Allah and

were among the

his wife

Christianity and died

remained steadfast

in

group of Mus-

that state.

in

His wife,'Umm Habibah,

however,

Islam and was subsequently married to the Prophet.

The most interesting

belonged to Banu 'Adyy

is

the story of

(ibn

Zayd

'Amr

ibn

ibn Nufayl.

He

Ka'b ibn Lu'ayy). He was a cousin of 'Umar

'Amr being sons of Nufayl. Zayd's

ibn al-Khattab's, both Al-Khattab and

son, Sa'id, married 'Umar's sister, Fatimah, and both

became

first

migrated to Abyssinia. There 'Ubayd Allah ultimately went over to

early converts to Islam.

husband and wife

Zayd had a strong abhorrence of idolatry and

did not partake of the meat of any animal sacrificed for an idol. Likewise he
refrained from taking the meat of an animal which died of itself and from

He

alcoholic drinks.

did not ultimately keep his views a secret and openly

opposed the bad jahiliyyah custom of

their lives

by himself undertaking

by the Ka'ba and

killing

female babes and often saved

to maintain them.

there declare that

Sometimes he used

none except he of

his people

was

to

sit

truly

on

the religion of Ibrahim and then prostrate himself only for the sake of Allah.

His renunciation of idol-worship and his denunciation of the jahiliyyah cus-

toms were pronounced enough

Al-Khattab. The

latter is

to

evoke the

hostility

of even his

own

said to have instigated Zayd's wife and others

against him. Because of the enmity and opposition of these people

difficult for

Zayd

to stay in

cousin,

Makka.

In

it

became

any case he undertook journeys to the

neighbouring lands, particularly Syria,

in search

of al-hanifiyyah,"the

reli-

gion of Ibrahim." There he met Christian monks and Jewish rabbis but neither Christianity nor Judaism appealed to him.

It is

stated that he

even con-

sidered both these religions equally corrupted by polytheistic practices.

monks

the

told

him

gion of Ibrahim"

in

just approached.

On

was

killed

that a Prophet

Zayd's

own

1.

Ibn Hisham,

See for him

1,

to appear with hanifiyyah,"the reli-

land and that the time for his appearance had

hearing this Zayd hastened to get back to

by some persons while

2.

was

It is

one of

further related that in reply to his queries about the religion of Ibrahim

still

Makka

within the bounds of Syria.

but

report

223-224.

ibid.,

982); Kitab al-Aghani,

II,

224-232; Al-'Isabah,
133.

I,

569-570

(no. 2923); Al-hti'ab,

II,

614

(no.

THE HANIFS AND THE AFFAIR OF 'UTHMAN IBN AL-HUWAYRITH

327

says that he had once met the Porphet before his call in the vicinity of

Makka.

This incdent must have taken place before Zayd made his fateful

journey to Syria.

It

further reported that once his son Sa'Td asked the

is

Prophet whether they could pray for Zayd's soul. The Prophet expressed his

view

that they could.

Besides these four, most of the others

in the list

were also contemporaries

'Umayyah ibn 'Abi al-Salt, the fifth in the list, belonged to

Banu Thaqif. 2 Like his father 'Abu al-Salt ibn 'Abi al-Rabi'ah,' Umayyah
was a poet. He is equally known, however, as a hariif and as a seeker after
of the Prophet.

the true religion.

There

is

no doubt

he had no faith

that

sidered wine unlawful and abstained from taking

scriptures of the Christians and the
religions.

It is

related by

the Ka'ba

He

con-

had studied the

either of these

topics, savouring

remarkably of

(r.a.) that

one day he and

when 'Umayyah

ibn' Abi al-Salt

'Abu Bakr al-Siddiq

Zayd ibn 'Amr were seated by

He

it.

Jews but did not embrace

His verses are chiefly on religious

monotheism.

in idolatry.

passed by them. At that time Zayd asked him whether he had found the true
religion he had been seeking. 'Umayyah replied that he had not yet,

and then

recited a composition of his saying that every religion except al-hanifiyyah

was vain before

Allah. 3 Like the others he also believed that a Prophet

hoped

shortly to appear with the true religion. Indeed he himself

Prophet.

Hence when Muhammad

(0)

was

to be that

received his call 'Umayyah, out of

envy, did not recognize his prophethood and bitterly opposed him. 4

The

seventh and eighth

sixth,

in the list,

Sirmah ibn 'Anas and Al-Nabighah

because

'Amr

all

may be grouped

al-Ja'di,

of them ultimately embraced Islam

ibn 'Abasah belonged to

namely, 'Amr ibn 'Abasah,

at the

together

hands of the Prophet.

Banu Sulaym. According

to his

own

state-

ments he had renounced the idols during the period of jahiliyyah, considered

them

utterly worthless

those idols.

and used

to point out the people's folly in

further tells us that one day

1.

Supra, pp. 199-201.

2.

See for him generally Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Shi 'r

'Aghani, Vol.
3.
is

He

Ill,

17

'Usd al-Ghabah, Vol.

al-Shu 'am

Ill,

in

( uifc

',

Vol.

I.,

459 and Kitdb

al-

207 (no. 3064). See also Ibn Hisham, I, 60, where the verse
wording in connection with Abrahah's attack on the Ka'ba.

of his verses are quoted also in Al-Mas'udt's Muruj,

runs as follows:
4.

wa

worshipping

thus speaking about

ff.

quoted with slight difference

Some

when he was

*u!(*l y.djji rs.'!f.dJ

1

Kitabal-'Aghani, Vol. HI, 187.

>

I.,

70-71.

One

of the verses there

SIRA T AL-NABl AND

328

THE ORIENTALISTS

the idols, one of his listeners pointed out to

Makka

a person

upon 'Amr came

tion of Islam

the Prophet)

(i.e.

who

Makka, met the Prophet and

to

embraced

it

at his

in

that there

had appeared
idols.

at

There-

after listening to his exposi-

hands. 1

Banu 'Adyy

Similarly Sirmah ibn 'Anas of

worship of idols

him

spoke similarly about the

ibn al-Najjar

abandoned the

the period of jdhiliyyah, adopted a monastic

and

life

a place of worship for himself where anyone not in a state of purity

built

was not

He used to take bath after sexual intercourse, abstained

from approaching a woman in a state of menstruation and avoided alcoholic
and intoxicating drinks. He used to declare that he worshipped only the God
allowed

to enter.

of Ibrahim and followed his religion.

When

the Prophet migrated to

Madina

Sirmah was a very old man. He attended the Prophet, however, and

embraced Islam

at his

Al-Nabighah

hands. 2

al-Ja'di of

monotheism and the

Banu 'Amir ibn Sa'sa'ah

also used to talk about

religion of Ibrahim during the period of jdhiliyyah. In

addition, he believed in life after death, punishment, paradise

and

Sub-

hell.

sequently he embraced Islam. 3 Similarly Ri'ab ibn al-Bara', 'Abu 'Amir

'AwsT and KMlid

believed in

ibn

One God and

al-

Sinan ibn Ghayth had also renounced idolatry,

expected that a Prophet would soon appear with the

true religion of Ibrahim. 4

The

last, in

the

list,

'

Abu Qays

ibn al-Aslat

is

three above mentioned persons in that though

known

as a hariif and though he

Aws

be distinguished from the

at

Madina was

met the Prophet when he migrated

could not ultimately embrace Islam.

among

to

none

He was

better

there,

he

a poet and a leading figure

he even led his clan in war. He used to

poems and even of the forecasts of the Jewish and Christian scriptures about the coming of a Prophet. The Jews of
Madina urged him to embrace Judaism but he declined. Like many others of
his group he travelled to Syria in search of the true religion. There the monks
the

'

tribe. It is said that

speak about al-hanifiyyah

in his

and rabbis likewise invited him

1.

832);

to accept their religions but he refused to

Musnad, IV, 111, 14; Muslim, Kitab al salat al-musdfirin, Bab 53, hadith no. 394
Nawawt, IV, 114-115; Usd al-Ghabah, III, 210; At-lsti'ab, III, 1 192-U94, no. 1936.
1

Al-'habah,

3.

Al-lstfab, IV, 1514 (no. 2648).

4.

(p.

'

2.

Muruj,

do

II,

182-183, (no. 4061).

Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Ma'drif (ed. Tharwat 'Ukashah), Cairo,

I.,

(ed.

M.M. 'Abd al-Hamid),

Beirut, n.d., 67-69.

n.d.,

58-68; Al-Mas'udi,

THE HANiFS AND THE AFFAIR OF 'UTHMAN IBN AL-HUWAYRITH

Thereupon one of the monks

so.

told

him

that al-hanifiyyah

been seeking was the religion of Ibrahim and

own

was

it

which he had

to be

found

in his

Madina and went to Makka to perform

'Amr ibn Nufayl and had a conversation

land. Therefore he returned to

'umrah. There he met Zayd ibn

He told him that he (Zayd)

monks and the rabbis untrue and that

with him.

hanifiyyah, the religion of Ibrahim.

'Abu Qays met him,

its

that

329

the only true

When

On

his

across 'Abd Allah ibn 'Ubayy

Thereupon he decided

monotheism was

the Prophet migrated to

listened to his exposition of Islam

and of him as Prophet.

truth

came

also had found the religions of the

al-

Madina

and was convinced of

way back home, however, 'Abu Qays

instigated him against the Khazraj.

who

to defer his acceptance of Islam for a year.

Before the

expiry of that time, however, he died about ten months after the Prophet's

migration to Madina. 1

Besides these persons Quss ibn SS'ida, 'Addas (mawld of 'Utbah ibn

among

Rabi'ah) and even Bahira, the Bosra monk, are reckoned by some as
the hantfs.

Salman

One might even add

al-Farisi.

to their rank

The former had abandoned

'Abu Dharr

al-Ghifari and

worship and started per-

idol

forming salat for Allah for three years prior to his conversion to Islam; 3
while the

latter

(Salman) had undertaken a long search for al-hanifiyyah the

true religion of Ibrahim, before he ultimately found the truth in Islam. 4

It is

clear from the above that

all

those persons were actuated by a revul-

sion against polytheism and gross idolatry of the time and, conversely, by an

towards

urge

monotheism.

This

hanifiyyah, the religion of Ibrahim.

fact

monotheism they

with

equated

The sources unequivocally speak of

al-

this

and also reproduce the statements of a number of those persons making

specific

mention of al-hanifiyyah and identifying

it

with the religion of

poems of 'Umayyah ibn 'Abi al-Salt use this specific

Also, many of them were specifically known as hanifs among their

Ibrahim. Even the

term.

peoples.

This urge to get back to the religion of Ibrahim

is

significant.

For

it is

an

established fact that in spite of their degeneration into idolatry the Arabs
traced their origin, the sacredness of the Ka'ba and a

1.

Ibn Sa'd, IV, 383-385.

2.

Ibn Qutaybah, op.cit., 61

3.

Musnad, V, 174;

4.

Ibn Hisham,

I.,

Al-Mas'udi, Muruj,

'Al-Isti'db,

I.,

I.,

69, 74, 75.

252-256.

214-222; Al-Dhahabi, Siyar,

1,

505-557.

number of

their reli-

SlRATAL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

330
gious

and customs to Ibrahim. Also the concept of Allah as Supreme

rites

God had not been totally forgotten. It was thus natural that those pious souls
who yearned after monotheism sought a revival of the original faith of their
The search

progenitor.

for al-hariifiyyah

was thus

yet another evidence as

well as a consequence of the continuity of the Abrahamic tradition in Arabia.

It

also illustrates the fact that Judaism and Christianity as they then prevailed

in

Arabia and Syria did not have an unquestioned monotheistic appeal

to

those enquirers; for most of them did not embrace either, although they had

met the savants of both the

faiths. In fact

many

of the hantfs considered the

Judaism and Christianity of the time as equally corrupt

And

religions.

although a couple of enquirers like Waraqah ibn Nawfal and 'Uthman ibn

Huwayrith embraced
final truth; for,

by

Christianity, the former evidently did not consider

all

accounts, he

still

entertained the notion of the

of another Prophet and another revelation from Allah.

'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith, was obviously actuated by

And

al-

the

it

coming

the

latter,

his self-interest

and

ambition.

There

is

no doubt, however,

prophethood a

spirit

that

on the eve of Muhammad's

( gjj^ )

call to

of enquiry and an urge for finding the truth had gained

momentum with a number of thoughtful men of the land, including the

Prophet's own town and from among his own relatives and acquaintances.
Being himself a thoughtful man he obviously could not have remained
totally impervious to this spirit of the time. Before discussing how he
responded to

it,

however,

it

would be worthwhile

to notice the affair

of

'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith.

II.

THE AFFAIR OF 'UTHMAN IBN AL-HUWAYRITH

'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith, a cousin of both Khadijah

Nawfal, was one of the most

ibn

Quraysh.

went

was
of

to Syria
not,

intelligent

Like the others he also travelled

where he embraced

in

Makka and

and resourceful

men

of

search of the true religion and

Christianity. His conversion to that faith

turning

According

its

people Christians with the support of the Byzantine

to Ibn Ishaq

he visited the Byzantine ruler and pro-

posed to hold Makka for him and to arrange for

1.

and Waraqah

however, disinterested. He formed a scheme of becoming the ruler

authority. 2

Al-FasT. 'Al-'lqd al-Thamin etc.,

Muhammad ibn
Khurshid Ahmad Fariq),
2.

(r.a.)

I.,

tributes to

be sent to him,

153.

Habib al-BaghdadT, Kitab al-Munammiq Fi Akhbar Quraysh, (ed

Beirut, 1985, p. 154.

THE HANIFS AND THE AFFAIR OF 'UTHMAN [BN AL-HUWAYRITH

suggesting that

if

the

Makkans

did not yield to the scheme they could be

brought to their heels by the Byzantine

Syria.

The Byzantine

33

ruler naturally

saw

stopping their trade with

ruler's
in the

plan an opportunity to turn

the heart of Arabia together with the commercially prosperous and reli-

giously central city of

Makka

into a satellite state like the

dom. The scheme must have appealed

to

him

way

as an easy

some

object which Abrahah's military campaign

Ghassanid king-

failed to do. Accordingly the Byzantine authorities appointed

ernor of

Makka 2 and wrote to

'Uthman returned with

him

to accept

its

this

to achieve the

thirty years previously

had

'Uthman gov-

people asking them to submit to him. 3

commission

as their ruler, telling

them

Makka and asked

to

that if they did not

the Quraysh

do so

their trade

with Syria would be embargoed by the Byzantine ruler. 4 His claim was

opposed by the Makkans

taken by a

man

of his

in general, the leading part in the

own

clan,

Aswad

ibn

opposition being

Asad ibn 'Abd al-'Uzza, 5 who

organized the Quraysh clans as a whole against the move. Thus having failed
to gain

any support for himself, 'Uthman was obliged

escape to Syria.

to

He

did not totally abandon his scheme and induced the Byzantine autho-

still

rities to

merchants of Makka, Sa'id ibn al-'Asi ibn

Hisham

when two of the leading

'Umayyah and 'Abu Dhi'b (i.e.

stop the Makkans' trade with Syria. Hence,

ibn Shu'bah ibn 'Abd Allah) went to Syria, they were arrested and

put into prison. 'Abu Dhi'b died in the prison. Faced with this situation the

Quraysh leader Al-Walid ibn al-Mughirah went

release

after

prolonged

negotiations.

to Syria

Al-Walid's

and obtained Sa'id's

diplomacy

and

the

Byzantine need for preserving trade relations with Arabia ultimately turned
the table

upon 'Uthman who was

shortly afterwards poisoned to death.

According to one report he was poisoned by 'Amr ibn Jafnah al-Ghassani,

the very officer

who had

to enforce the trade

Thus ended the

earlier

embargo and imprison

affair

nitely after the Fijdr wars,

Suhaylt,

2.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Ibid.

5.

He

been entrusted by the Byzantine authorities

most probably close on

I.,

merchants. 6
It

took place defi-

to the time of the rebuild-

255.

op.cit.

thus appears to be an uncle of 'Uthman's. Al-Fasi, however, describes the person as

'Uthman's cousin, calling him 'Abu Jam'ah.

6.

Makkan

of 'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith.

Al-Rawd al- 'Unuf,

Also Al-Fast,

the

Suhaylt, op.cit.

SIRAT AL-NAB1

332

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

ing of the Ka'ba which, as noted earlier, took place

when

the Prophet

was

about thirty-five years of age. The absence of a central and decisive authority
at

Makka which

that incident illustrates

to

embark upon

his bold design. His failure shows, however, that whatever

might have been the

state of

seems

government

at

have encouraged 'Uthman

to

Makka

at the

time and whatever

the nature and extent of inter-clan rivalry, the Quraysh clans were at one with

regard to the basic issue of their independence and freedom from foreign
interference.

With reference

to this incident,

however, a number of assumptions have

been made. Thus Watt, who seeks

to explain the rise of Islam in the context

of

Makkan

politics

ceives to be the

and "high finance", links

Makkan

Byzantine and the Persian empires.

Makkans

rejected

to depart

from the policy of

neutrality as a

episode with what he con-

this

policy of neutrality between the

He

says that

among

two

"giants", the

other reasons, the

'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith because they thought

neutrality".

The

"unwise

untenability of Watt's theory of

may only be added here

make any move to bring Makka under

whole has been pointed out

that the other "giant", Persia, did not

it

earlier. It

control so that the question of a policy of neutrality between these

ers in the present instance does not arise at

all.

two pow-

The simple reason

for the

Makkan

opposition to 'Uthman's design, as stated by his kinsman Aswad,

was

Makka

that

did not, nor would sbmit to the rule of such a "king". 2

theory of neutrality between two big powers

is

rejection of 'Uthman's pretensions, especially

established religion and had

come forward

even

if

he had not changed

Watt also attempts

his faith

when he had forsaken the

power

as a stooge of a foreign

and with the design of not only becoming a

established religion for Christianity.

ruler but also substituting that

Makka would have

reacted similarly

and acted as a foreign agent.

to link the incident with his theory about the Hilf al-

Fudul. Thus he says that had Banu 'Umayyah and Banfl

were outside the

'Uthman,"

it

Hilf,

come forward

would have given fresh

in

life to

taking

This

is

1.

Watt.M. atM.,
Suhayli, op.cit.

3.

Watt, M. atM.. 16.

16.

lead

in

member of Asad

a pure conjecture without any support

2.

the

Makhzum, who
opposing

the confederacy of the Fudul",

but such an eventuality was averted "by getting a

lead." 3

No

needed to explain the Makkan

to take the

in the sources.

Under-

THE HANIFS AND THE AFFAIR OF 'UTHMAN IBN AL-HUWAYRITH

lying the hypothesis

is

the equally faulty assumption that the Hilf al-Fudul

had been weak and ineffective since

assumption too has been shown

its

acted,

even remotely,

Nor

is

upon

no

his

move

in

The baselessness of

'Uthman's

own

clan,

that

Asad, of

indication in the sources that he

in the interest of the group.

Nor

did the other clans of

any way calculated to improve their position.

'Umayyah and

considered the affair in the light of their rivalry with the Hilf and

made any manoeuvre

to get

'Uthman.

had

mer

is

there any hint in the sources that the clans like

Makhzum

If the affair

group, there

rival

inception.

earlier.

course belonged to the Hilf, but there

the Hilf look

333

is

in

someone of Asad to take the lead in opposing

any way been one between the Hilf and their

no reason to believe

that a leading individual of the for-

Al-Aswad ibn Asad would have failed to see his group interest in
the matter and would instead have played a pawn in the hands of the opponents of his group. Nor would the other leaders of the group have allowed
him to play that role. Watt disregards all these aspects of the matter and
like

builds one conjecture

upon another,

the leaders of the Hilf were

all

fools

all

based on the implied assumption that

enough not to see the game of

In any case, Watt's basic assumption, that the

rivals.

Makhzum and Banu 'Umayyah

regarding the affair
leader of

is

purposely remained in the background

also wrong. For

Banu Makhzum, who

their

members of Banu

in fact

it

was Al-WalTd ibn al-Mughirah,

played the leading role in the final

scene of the act and brought about 'Uthman's destruction.

The

assumption

third

in

this

connection

was

Margoliouth and subsequently taken over by Watt.

of 'Uthman ibn al-Huwayrith's incident

It

originally

made by

suggests that because

Muhammad (0) became aware

the political implications of embracing either Christianity or Judaism

therefore

came forward with

monotheism

tions. Clearly, this suggestion has for

Muhammad (0) made

Prophet.

from

The

its

free

from such

basis the other assumption that

shown

suggestion suffers from another fallacy.

It

earlier. 2

assumes

theism. That they did not do so

1.

Supra, pp. 227-228.

2.

Supra, chapter X.

The

is

amply

fact that

illustrated

Apart

that the

Christianity and Judaism of the time offered clear and unmistakable

enquirers after the truth.

and

political implica-

conscious and calculated moves to become a

incorrectness of that assumption has been

that, the

of

mono-

by the attitude of the

most of them did not find these

reli-

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

334

gions quite satisfactory to their quest and refrained from embracing either of

them
to

is

enough

to

have recourse to

show

that there

was no

special need for

political considerations for finding

Muhammad

an "alternative" mono-

theism. Islam was not simply an alternative monotheism to the Arabs shorn

of the political implications of Judaism and Christianity, as Watt

Watt,

Muhammad's Mecca,

38.

states.

CHAPTER XIV

THE ORIENTALISTS AND THE HANIFS:

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY
I.

I.

One

SUMMARY OF THE THEORY

constant endeavour of the orientalists has been to relate the rise of

Islam to the contemporary situation and to show that

received information and ideas from various sources.

Muhammad (^f)
The

subject of the

hanifs has therefore naturally attracted a good deal of the orientalists' atten-

Writing in the middle of the nineteenth century Aloy Sprenger sug-

tion.

gested that there was in pre-Islamic Arabia a wide-spread religious

ment

initiated

himself

at the

for his

own

by a "sect" of

hariifs

and that

Muhammad (0 )

head of the movement, organized and directed

ends.

it

move-

simply placed

and

utilized

Such extreme views were, however, quickly called

question, mainly by Ignaz Goldziher,

stated that the hariifs did not

who

it

in

pointed out Sprenger's errors and

form any organized group but were a few

iso-

lated individuals. 2

By

end of the nineteenth century and during the early years of the

the

number of

twentieth a

scholars addressed themselves to the subject, con-

centrating on the etymology of hariif}

was

that the

word

"profane". There

hariif might

The view

that prevailed for

was no noticeable departure from

the general thesis,

was influenced by

reflected

whom

ence, and

may have

1.

Sprenger,

2.

I.

Goldziher,

See

J.

said:

were contemporary, came under

received his

stimulus from this quarter."

first

Das Leben und die Lehre

Muhammadanische

des

Studien,

Mohammed,
I,

I.,

Berlin, 1861, pp. 45-134.

Halle, 1888, pp. 1-39.

Wellhausen, Reste Arabiscen Heidentums, second edn., Berlin, 1897,

Caetani, Annalli dell' Islam,

4.

108.

their influ-

aspect of the question received further attention in

D.S. Margoliouth, J.R.A.S., 1903, pp. 467-493; Sir Charles Layall,

R.A. Nicholson,

See also P.K.

Hitti,

was

"No doubt Muhammad, with

[the hanifs]

The etymological

3.

the hanifs. Writing in 1907 the prevailing view

by R.A. Nicholson when he

most of them

how-

Muhammad

ever, that whatever might have been the origin of the word,

(0

some time

be connected with the Hebrew hanef meaning

1,

ibid., pp.

p.

238;

771-784 and

L.

Milan, 1905, pp. 181-192.

Literary History of the Arabs (1st edn. 1907), 1988 reprint,

History of the Arabs

(1st.

p. 150.

edn. 1937), 10th edn., reprinted 1986, pp. 107-

S1RAT AL-NABI AND

336

THE ORIENTALISTS

Arthur Jeffery's thesis on The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur'an.*

He

gested that the word hanif was derived from the Syriac hanpd

meaning

He

"heathen".

mainly

further stated that the term hanif

who came

Ibrahim

to

Muhammad's
went back

is

sug-

applied in the Qur'an

to play an important part at a certain stage in

career, namely,

when he was claiming

to a revelation earlier than either

that his teachings

Judaism or Christianity, millat

Ibrahim, which he was restoring and republishing. 2

On

perusing this thesis before

with a theory in the pages of The

about

hint

fery's

Muhammad's

(0

"we have

whole

He

the

what he

) life.

somewhat modified

first

publication Richard Bell

Moslem World,

in

The

a nutshell,
"secret"

it

seems

at

to

from Syriac hanpd

certain

stage

in

me", remarked Bell,

which he unfolded was as follows.

view about the origin of the word say-

Jeffery's

ing that "the long vowel of the second syllable of hantf

tion

came forward

building mainly upon Jef-

3,

Ibrahim's part

calls

"There

secret." 4

its

in its singular

fatal to its deriva-

is

form", but that the Arabic plural form,

a close reproduction of the Syriac plural hanephe. Therefore, Bell

hunafd ',

is

said, the

word was borrowed

in its plural

form and from

it

the singular

form

hanif was made according to the rules of Arabic grammar, but in a reverse

He

order.

hanephe

further said that the Syriac-speaking Christians used the

mean

to

who were

the unconverted Arabs.

Hence hunafd' "were

neither Jews nor Christians, but

who

the

word
Arabs

continued to follow the

ancient native religion." 5

Thus explaining the

Muhammad (0)
indeed, to

used

origin and
it

make Makka,

to

meaning of the term Bell

convey "the very

"the

stated that

antithesis of polytheist" and,

town which had

which he "was planning revenge", the centre of

rejected him"
his religion

and against

because of his

differences with the Jews. Bell argued that though the Prophet had earlier

amount of positive teaching" from Judaism and Christiawhen he came to Madina differences developed between him and the

borrowed "a
nity,

certain

Published

2.

3.

R. Bell,

at

Baroda for the

first

time in 1938.

Jeffery, op.cit., 112-115.

edges his debt

"Who were

the Hanifs", The

to Jeffery thus:

Moslem World,

"The suggestion came

to

1930, pp. 120-124. Bell acknowl-

me from

reading a discussion of the

word hanif in a thesis by Dr. Arthur Jeffery, of Cairo, on The Foreign Vocabulary of
Ibid., p. 120.
Koran
a valuable work which it is hoped may soon find a publisher".

4.

Ibid., p. 121.

5.

Ibid.

the

THE HANIFS:
Jews

for certain reasons.

I.

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

337

Therefore he started breaking away from both

these religions, beginning with the change of qibla from Jerusalem to

and then giving out

in

Makka

God's revelation had originally been the same, "but

that

course of time the Jews and Christians had both departed from the purity

of the faith and had gone their

Muhammad (0)

own

ways." 2 Having said this Bell added that

had to do with another religion

Arabs, or in the language of those from

whom

"the religion of the

he had hitherto taken his

information on religious matters, the hunafd'." That must also be a degenera-

And

Abraham (Ibrahim) through Ishmael

Muhammad (0 ) took him to be
hunafd', but was careful to add that "he was

tion of the pristine pure religion.

(Isma'tl)

was

as

the progenitor of the Arabs,

the founder of the religion of the

not one of the polytheists" and that the "hanif religion" which he founded

was, like

all

other revealed religions, a pure monotheism. Thus arguing, Bell

says that "as

Abraham was

was purer than

nity, his religion

which

religion, then,

earlier in time than both

to restore. His face

is

either of

Muhammad now
henceforth

set,

Judaism and Christia-

them had ever

been... This

was the

conceived himself as commissioned

not towards Judaism or Christianity, but

towards the assumed pure original of the Arab religion." The hanifs were

Arab

thus, concludes Bell, "the followers of the ideal original of

They were no

sect

or

party

of historical

people,

religion.

product of

but the

Muhammad's unresting mind." 3

Thus, starting from the climax that the hanifs were an organized "sect"

who

initiated a

after

"movement" towards monotheism, an anticlimax was reached

about a century of conjectures and assumptions and

the hanifs

were "no

it

sect or party of historical people" but

was

stated that

merely the ima-

ginary "followers of the ideal original of Arab religion", "the product of

Muhammad's

unresting mind". Apart from this assumption, Bell's main sug-

word hanif was taken over from the Syriac plural

that the Syriac-speaking Christians meant by that term

gestions are: (a) that the

form of hanephe,
the Arabs
(

),

who

(b)

followed "the ancient native religion"; (c) that

when he broke away from

the

Jews

the sense of "antithesis of polytheist" on

this

assumed

original of

Arab

reilgion,

it

at

Madina, adopted

and

Muhammad

this term, put

identified his teachings with

which he also identified with the

reli-

gion of Abraham, "the progenitor" of the Arabs through Isma'tl, stressing

1.

Ibid.,

122-123.

2.

Ibid.,

123-124.

3.

Ibid., 124.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

338

further that God's revelation had originally been the

prophets.

It is

mainly on

remarks about the

Before passing on to that

begin with,

it

may be

word hanif are based

and only

solely

to

closely.

noted that the statements about the origin of the

on sonic

and are thus obviously con-

similarities

tentative. In fact, not very long after Bell

port to Jeffery's suggestion,

two scholars put

had given

his sup-

forth a joint-article discussing

word and suggesting Aramic-Nabataean

the pre-Islamic use of the

it.

more

his

would be worthwhile

UNTEN ABILITY OF THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

II.

jectural

little

it

to all the previous

Watt has based

this Jeffery-Bell formulation that

hariifs.

examine the Jeffery-Bell position a

To

same

origin for

Since then scholarly opinions have alternated between the Syriac and

Nabataean hypotheses. 2

The

origin of the word, however,

on the point

at issue; for

it

seems

well-known

is

changes with the change of time and place.

own

time time

is

the

it

is

have very

little

is

often used in the

socialist totalitarian system, but in the

the very antithesis of totalitarianism. Hence, even

that the Syriac-speaking Christians

or the Arabs

who

"Com-

"Western

if it is

shown

used the word hanpa to mean "heathen"

followed their ancient native religion,

ssarily follow that the

direct bearing

meaning of a word often

very instructive instance in our

word "democratic" which

munist Bloc" to denote a

Bloc"

to

that the

Arabic word hanif, which

descendant of hanpa, was also used by the Arabs

is

it

does not nece-

only supposed to be a

in the

same

sense.

Secondly, the theory of derivation from a foreign language raises the

question:

when

generally that

it

did this borrowing take place?

The suggestion seems

took place long before Muhammad's

scene. In that case the

word had been

in

a particular class of people. This being the case,

that

Muhammad (0 ) would

use in Arabia and

is it

to

be

appearance on the
it

had reference

to

reasonable to assume

use the expression in a totally different, rather

opposite sense of a monotheist just for the sake of breaking with the Jews

and Christians.? Further, would not such a novel use of the term evoke the
opposition and criticism of his
Christians against

whom

own

people, not to speak of the very Jews and

he was supposedly taking the step? But Bell seems

1.
N.A. Fans and H.W. Glidden, "The development of the meaning of the Koranic
Hanif, Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society", XIX, 1939, pp. 1-1 3.

2.

below,

See for instance

text.

Hitti, op.cit, 108;

Watt, M. at M, 162-163 and

./., Ill,

166. See also

THE HANIFS:

I.

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

word was used

to suggest that the

Muhammad (0)

those from

whom

on

still

it

that

by the Syriac-speaking Christians;

adopted the term from "the language of

he had hitherto taken

sonable that he should

tians

Qur'an and

for the first time in the

also in a sense oppposite to that put

for he states that

339

Now,

his information."

is it at all

rea-

be adopting the expression of the Jews and Chris-

when he was breaking

with them,

if it

had not been

in

use and under-

stood by the Arabs?

The

fact is that the

for, if the

Arabs who followed

ham was

in

use in Arabia

at

the time

of a monotheist. This seems to be a corollary even of Bell's

in the sense

argument;

word hanif was obviously

own

Syriac-speaking Christians used the term to denote the

their ancient native religion

and

if,

Abra-

as Bell admits,

the "progenitor" of the Arabs, their ancient and native religion

could not have been anything else than monotheism. For Ibrahim, the "progenitor", preached a religion pursuant to divine revelation

and

that religion,

according to both Jews and Christians, was monotheism. That naturally was

meaning of the term hanif

the ancient and native religion of the Arabs. This

way admitted lately by Bell's close disciple, Watt,

some Aramaean circles the "primary" meaning of the

appears to have been in a

who

recognizes that in

term as "heathen" or "pagans" was "overshadowed by secondary connotations",

such as "philosophically-minded persons

He

otheistic".

meaning and developed some of

cess not

who were

essentially

mon-

further says that the Qur'anic usage "neglected the primary

unknown

not neglect what

is

the secondary connotations, a semantic pro-

elsewhere..." 1

It

may

be pointed out that the Qur'an did

called the "primary meaning", nor did

the secondary connotations" of the word.

It

it

develop "some of

simply used the expression in the

sense in which the Arabs had been using and understanding

it

since time

immemorial.
Apart from the question of the origin and connotations of the word, however, the

main theme of the Jefefery-Bell

related his teachings to the

Abrahamic

thesis,

tradition

namely, that the Prophet

and

to hariifiyyah after his

migration to Madina, particularly after differences had developed between

him and

the

the theory,

duction, a

it

Jews of

may be

that place, is totally

pointed out,

view which

is

not at

is

wrong. The underlying premise of

that the

Qur'an

all correct. It is

is

the Prophet's

also not correct, as

before, that the Prophet developed his doctrines at

1.

./.,IH, 166.

own

pro-

shown

Makka by drawing

SIRAT AL-NABI

340

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

information from the Jews and Christians. Neither did he borrow information

from them

at

Makka, nor did he

fall

back to the Abrahamic tradition and

hanifiyyah at Madina in order to break away from them.

Three broad

Qur'an contradict

facts in the

Ibrahim, and indeed with the messages of

made

for the first time not at

Makkan

of the
fact. It

was

including those

very

message of

the previous Prophets, were

all

Madina but much

Makka.

earlier at

number

passages of the Qur'an bear an eloquent testimony to this

Makka

also at

and the essential

messages delivered by

identity of the

who came

significant;

before Ibrahim, such as

there

for

is

revelation had originally been the

he traced the origin of

his

Muhammad

same

to

the migration to

This

and then

to allege

Ibrahim with a view to claiming

Madina,

that departures

it

was

also at

from the funda-

mental doctrines of both Judaism and Christianity had been made. Thirdly,

was

in the

first.

makes

Makkan

look
it

is

in

claimed that God's

precedence and greater purity for his monotheism. Secondly,

Makka, long before

the Prophets,

all

Nuh and 'Adam.

to all the Prophets

message

origin

element of inconsistency

an

clearly

common

emphasized the

that the Prophet

recognizing, as Bell seems to do, that

that

assumption. In the

this latter

place, the reference to and declaration of identity with the

first

it

passages of the Qur'an that reference to the hariifs occurs

at the references to

clear that there

regard the messages of

Ibrahim as a hanif

Madinan surahs

in the

no indication whatsoever of an intention to

is

Moses and

Jesus, nor

from the emphasis on the unity and

dis-

there the slightest departure

is

identity of the

messages of

the

all

Prophets.

Before

above mentioned

illustrating the

statements of the Qur'an,

it

is

facts

by some of the relevant

necessary to refer briefly to the question of the

change of qibla (direction for prayer) from Jerusalem

to

Makka which

Bell

mentions as an instance of the Prophet's changed attitude towards the Jews.

The

refixing of the qibla of course took place after his arrival at Madina, but

this

happened some sixteen or seventeen months

mid-Rajab of the second year of

more than two

Ramadan of
1.

II,

19.

clear

that year.

It is

well-known

Bukhari, no. 399 (Fath al-Bari,

There

is

I,

means

battle

that

it

I,

occurred in

that differences with the

598, Kitab al-Saldt,

Bab

322, Kitab 5,

Bab

in

had taken place

of Badr which

31); Azraqi,

also a report to the effect that the event took place only

hijrah (see lbn Mdjah, no. 1010, Vol.

correct.

hijrah. This

months before the

after his arrival there,

Jews began

Akhbdr Makka,

two months

56), but this does not

after the

seem

to

be

THE HANIFS:
to

develop sometime

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

I.

after that battle.

reason for the change of qibla

it

Hence, whatever might have been the

cannot be historically sustained that the

measure was an upshot of the differences with the Jews.

way a

own

same

the

time, he

any

likely to alienate

decision he would have timed

is

and adhesion to the

to secure their support

also

It is

Bell does, that the Prophet intended to

at

in

from doing anything which was

newly established body-politic.

when,

had been

it

it more
Madina was not

all

was attempting

the Jews, he

If

accounts, his position at

result of the Prophet's

opportunely, and not when, by

yet stabilized and when, far

341

somewhat

antithetical to suggest, as

make Makka

the centre of his religion

said to have been "planning revenge" against

that town.
(A)

The

IDENTITY WITH IBRAHIM IN THE

MAKKAN PASSAGES

reference to the message of Ibrahim, indeed to

vious Prophets, was

made

repeatedly at

Makka.

It

was

that

of

all

the pre-

also there that the fun-

damental unity and continuity of the messages delivered by

all

the Prophets

was unmistakably emphasized. Throughout the Makkan period one constant

item of persuasion directed to the Quraysh unbelievers was that there had
gone by generations before them on

whom

God's wrath had fallen on

account of their rejection of the message delivered

sent to them.

the

It

was

also clearly pointed out that

all

to

them by

the Prophets

those Prophets

came with

same message of monotheism. One of the earliest passages of the Qur'an

this fact and makes specific mention of both Ibrahim and Musa

emphasizes

(Moses) as bearers of the same message.

It

runs as:

A :AV)<^ Jj-iyj

"Verily this (the Qur'anic message)

is

in

O^fi *

jljVl tAx-flJI

\JJ>

d\fy

the early scriptures, the scriptures of

Ibrahim and Musa." (87:18-19).

Another Makkan passage

"Not a Messenger did

is

no God but

I.

asserts:

We send before you except that We revealed to him that there

So worship Me."

(21:25).

Indeed, the instances of the previous Prophets, the monotheism of every-

one of them and the unity and continuity of the same message through generations are detailed in a

emphasis
1.

is

sometimes

Makkan passages.
on Ibrahim, Musa and Tsa

number of
laid

the

Also especial
(Jesus)

if

only

See for instance Q. 6:74-90; 7:59-93; 7:103-129; 10:13; 10:47; 10:71-92; 16:36; 16:43-

44; 16:120-123; 19:1-58; 20:9-99; 21:25; 21:51-93; 23:23-50; 26:10-191.

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

342

whom

because the immediate audience to

cially cherished the

examples and

was addressed espe-

the Qur'an

memories of those Prophets and claimed

traditions.

But there never was a suggestion

to follow their

message

that the

and teachings of any one of them were "purer" than those of any other
Prophet.

One

of the passages which illustrates this point very forcefully

home

which, after describing Ibrahim's struggle to bring

theism to his people, mentions

all

6:83-90

is

theme of mono-

the

the well-known Prophets and concludes

categorically asking the listeners to adopt and follow the guidance

The passage runs

those Prophets represented.

J-^fc-il

<J

Ujjj * pJe- p&r-

(iJUj

0| tlii

ui-ijjj Ojjij

dU'OSj

UUi **S}

Ik^Jj

j^jtj ~S\j

jo-l...^

"That was Our evidence (proof

whom We

elevate in ranks

We
We

/ writ)

will.

Jt- p-'j>\

We

JS"

b.U

Jj
^Ulj lf~-)

'mII*

l{

b-jij

lw dUjj

b0 ST

is

l/jj * <&~\ (Jj*

his progeny,

All- Wise,

We

^>

v_ijijj

gave Ibrahim as against his people.

Surely your Lord

gave him Ishaq (Isaac) and Ya'qub (Jacob); each

had guided before; and of

jt

jj

* ,^L^ai\ jt

which

as follows:

J-U-L'J Jjb

by

All-Knowing.

guided.

We
And

And Nuh (Noah)

DS'ud (David), Sulayman (Solomon),

Musa (Moses) and Harun (Aaron): and thus do We

who do good deeds. And Zakariyya and Yahya (John), and 'Isa (Jesus)

'Ayyflb (Job), Yusuf (Joseph),

reward those

and Ilyas (Elias)

all

were righteous; and Isma'il and Elisha and Yunus (Jona) and

We selected among the creations; and of their fathers, their

progeny and their brothers: and We selected them and guided them to a straight path.

Lut

(Lot),

This

is

and

all

of them

God's guidance. He guides therewith

whom

he pleases of His servants.

they (those Prophets) associated other gods with Him,

have gone

in vain.

phethood. Then

if

Those are they

to

all

whom We gave the

etc.,) to

a people

who do

the

same

We

shall entrust

(the

had..." (6:83-90).

effect is the rather long passage, 21:71-92.

It

after a description of Ibrahim's efforts to convert his people to

(

them

not reject them. Those were they

whom God gave guidance. So follow the guidance they

To

Had

do would

Book, the authority and pro-

these (their descendants) reject them,

Book, propphethood,

that they used to

also

comes

monotheism

'ayahs 53-70) and refers briefly to the same mission of the different Proph-

ets like Ishaq,

Idris,

Dhu

Ya'qub

al-Kifl,

(Jacob), Lut,

Dhu

Nuh, Da'ud, Sulayman, 'Ayyub,

al-Ntin (Yunus), Zakariyya

Isma'il,

and concludes by making

THE HANIFS:
this

I.

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

very significant and unequivocal statement

"Verily this

community

(of faith, religion) of yours

is

'ayah 92 that

in

Prophets constitute a single community of the same

faith.

the

343
all

these

The 'ayah runs

same community; and

as:

am

your Lord. Therefore worship Me." (21 :92)

Thus

the reference to Ibrahim, along with the other Prophets,

repeatedly at
It

was

Makka. No

also at

Makka

was made

distinction

that all the

in

was made

favour of any one of them.

fundamental differences that exist between

Islam on the one hand and Judaism and Christianity on the other were enunciated.

Thus the Jews' view

that Jesus

the Christians' belief that he

was not a Prophet but an impostor and

was not a man but an incarnation of God were

simultaneously and equally strongly denied. Again, the concept of a son or

sons for God, held by both the Jews and Christians, was rejected in no

unmistakable terms. Further, the Jews' outrageous insinuation against

was categorically dismissed.

It

was

Mary

also pointed out, contrary to the views of

both the Jews and the Christians, that on the Day of Judgement every person

would be
ral

own acts, that he would be singly and indiGod and that neither race, nor ancestry nor any gene-

responsible for his

vidually accountable to

atonement by any being would be of any

followed

at

Madina was only an

(B)

As

Bell notes,

what

elaboration of these points.

HANIF IN THE MAKKAN PASSAGES

Similarly the term hanif occurs

Qur'an.

avail. 1 In all these respects

used 12 times

it is

in

first

Makkan passages of

the

in the

Qur'an, 10 times

the

in the sin-

gular form and 2 times in the plural; but he seems to convey an impression
that all these 12

not at

we

all

find

it

mentions of the word are

in the

Madinan passages. This

the case. In fact, out of the 12 times, exactly

mentioned

in the

Makkan

its half, i.e.,

is

six times,

surahs. These are:

10:105 (surat Yunus)

16:120 (surat al-Nahl)

16:123 (surat al-Nahl)

30:30 (surat al-Rum)

6:79

(surat al- 'An 'dm)

6:161

(surat al-'An 'dm)

Chronologically, the earliest mention of the term seems to be in 30: 30

1.

See surah

12 and 19:16-35, 80, 88-93; 99:6-8; 101:6-1

1.

S1RAT AL-NABI

344

(surat al-Rum) where

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

clearly set against shirk or polytheism. For, in the

it is

previous 'ayahs 20-29 the instances of the creation of man, of sexes and of

phenomena by God

various natural

are cited to bring

home

existence and absolute unity and the need for worshipping

direct exhortation

"So

set

is

made

to

do so

in 30:

your countenance for the din

30

theme of His

the

Him

Then a

alone.

as follows:

(faith) as a

hanif

the original nature

on

which Allah created man." (30:30)

The

what

original state (fitrah) spoken of here clearly refers not to

mind and heart

often called "natural religion", but to the purity of

unaffected by external influences or acquired habits and thoughts

terated devotion and resignation to Allah alone.

unadul-

The meaning is made

man is asked to

clear in the 'ayahs that immediately follow where

God

alone, to seek His protection, pray to

Him and

is

at birth,

further
turn to

not to associate any part-

ner with him.

Similarly the statement in 10:105

is

very early. Here again the term

used as an antonym of polytheism. The early date of the passage

is

is

indicated

by the context as well as by the immediately preceding and succeeding

'ayahs.

Thus

in

10:104 Prophet

nature of his faith. This

Muhammad

is

asked to clarify the

done obviously in response to the doubts and

is

Makkan polytheists. And in 'ayah 106 the meaning of hanif

The passage, 10:104-106, runs as follows:

enquiries of the
is

II

elucidated.

411

0 j ja

M V j * o/j-^l

J*

^J

ji^
c^JmI

"Say

men,

ship those
to die;

and

if

you

whom
I

are in doubt about

my
I

'hit

\\

* ju.jU j

dlilS

cJUi 019

faith (din), then (note that)

you worship instead of Allah; but

have been commanded that

0!j

worship Allah

O^ij

OjSl 01
iijjeti *i j

dUb

do not wor-

Who causes you

should be of the believers; and that you

your countenance for the din as a hanif and

in

no wise be of the

polytheists.

set

And do

not call, apart from Allah, on that which neither benefits nor harms you. If you do,

you

will certainly

The
to

be of the wrongdoers." (10:104-106).

reference to those objects of worship,

do good or

evil is

i.e.

the idols, that had

another internal evidence of the

Makkan

no power

situation in

which the passage was revealed.

In the

Indeed

same sense and

this section

in a similar context the

of the surah

starts

with

its

term

is

used in 6: 79.

'ayah 71 which

is

an

inter-

THE

HANIFS:

I.

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

we

rogation signifying denial: "Shall

345

besides Allah, on others that can

call,

do us neither good nor harm?" The succeeding 'ayahs then narrate Ibrahim's
rejection of the unreal gods leading to his declaration, in 'ayah 79 as follows:

(VS :%)^i SfJ Jil

"I

(y

iUiU j\isirJ>Ji\j&\j-U-S\ Jai^jli^fr/^rjJlfy

my face to Him Who brought into

am not a polytheist." (6: 79).

have turned

a hanif, and

The term occurs again

at a later stage

being the heavens and the earth, as

of the surah

in its 'ayah 161.

was revealed

also the context signifies that the passage

at

Here

Makka. The

pre-

ceding 'ayahs 156-158 specially address the Arabs, or rather the Makkans,
telling

them

guidance because they could no

that they should accept the

longer plead that whereas the Jews and Christians had each been given a

book, none had been given to them (the Arabs), adding that

had been given a Book (Qur'an), should they

"signs" or angels or

God Himself

still

that they

be waiting for further

descend to them? This

to

now
is

followed,

in

'ayahs 159-160, by the statement that the Prophet had nothing to do with
"those

who

created divisions in their religion and

became

sects"

and that eve-

ryone would get just reward for what he did. 'Ayah 161 then asks the
Prophet to declare:

"Say:

As

for

me,

my

Lord has guided

me

to a straight path

way

correct din, the

of Ibrahim as a hanif, and he was not a polytheist." (6:161).

The

allusion to "those

who

mean, as the commentators point

received a Book, or
religion

it

may mean

create divisions in their religion" etc.

out,

the

by making innovations or

context; for the

Makkan

Jews and Christians who had each

generally those
in other

taken to be to the Jews and Christians,

it

It

who

cause divisions in their

ways. But even

if

the allusion

would not be a departure from

opposition had been alleging that the Prophet

giving out what he was being prompted by

confidants.

may

some of his

would therefore be very appropriate

is

the

was

Christian and Jewish

to point out that

he had

nothing to do with them.

The other two Makkan mentions of

16:123. In fact

all

the term hanif occur in 16: 120

the four 'ayahs of this passage

which, again, the emphasis

is

See

for instance

Al-QurtuM,

Tafsir, VII, 149-150.

and

distinct unit in

on monotheism and rejection of

polytheism. The passage runs as follows:

1.

form a

all

shades of

SiRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

346

(HT-H.^)
"Ibrahim was indeed a model, devoutly obedient to Allah as a
polytheist

thankful

for His favours.

he will be

low the

(in the ranks)

We

And

guided him to a straight way.

after

He

(Allah) chose

gave him good

of the righteous. Then

religion of Ibrahim, as a hanif,

him

in this

We

faznf/",

world; and in the here-

revealed to you that you fol-

and he was not a polytheist." (16:120-123.)

recapitulated. First

and foremost,

to

Madina. Second,

by the

illustrted
it

reference to hanif as well as to the message of Ibrahim was

long before the migration

and was not a

His Prophet) and

(as

Before passing on to the Madinan passages the points

Makkan passages may be

4^^'

is

clear that the

made

at

Makka,

in all the six instances

of

its

Makkan surahs the term hanif has been used in the sense of an
monotheist who rejected all shades of polytheism. Third, in at least

use in the
absolute

two of these

six places,

i.e.,

in

30:30 and 10:105, the word has been used

without any reference to Ibrahim. This means that the word has been used in
a generic sense of a monotheist and, obviously, in the sense in which

generally understood by the audience. There

Qur'an's, and therefore of

Muhammad's (0)

is

it

was

thus no question of the

putting a

new and unusual

sense on the word. Fourth, though in the four other places Ibrahim has been
cited as a

model monotheist, there has been no attempt whatsoever

relegate any other Prophet to a secondary position, nor

is

to

there any sugges-

tion that their teachings differed in any essential respect

from those of

Ibrahim. While emphasis has been laid on Ibrahim understandahly because

his

memories were

the

Jews and the Chistians, the

specially cherished by the immediate listeners, the Arabs,

identity

and continuity of the messages of

the Prophets have been unmistakably pointed out at the same time, as

denced by 6:83-90 which comes immediately

is

all

evi-

after a reference to Ibrahim as

a hanif and which has been mentioned above.

(C)

HANIF IN THE MADINAN PASSAGES

What followed

at Madina was only an elaboration of these points and

The Madinan statements are of course made more often in the
context of the position of the Jews and the Christians; but the same emphasis
on absolute monotheism, the same reiteration of the identity and continuity

principles.

of the messages of

all

the Prophets and the

hanif are as clear here as

passages so also

in

in

the

Makkan

same generic use of the term

surahs.

As

in the case

of the

Makkan

those of the Madinan, in two out of the six places the

THE HAN1FS:
term hantf has been used

I.

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

347

generic sense and in the plural without any

in a

reference to Ibrahim.

One such

use

is in

r \ -r

T T )

(
"...

Hence

22:30-31 which runs as follows:

<u

jSjiA y>

* jjjll J y

J]

jjb-I j

j^Syi\ j*

)\ j-^li
I

steer clear of the filth of idols (polytheism) and shun telling falsehood

(about Allah)

being hunafa'

for Allah, without associating others with

Him."

(22:30-31)

The generic use of

unmistakable here.

the term as well as the emphasis

It is

Him"

associating others with

expression hunafa'

The

on monotheism are

also noteworthy that the concluding phrase "without

lilldh

is

an elucidation of and

in

apposition to the

(4KUi>-).

other generic use of the term without any reference to Ibrahim

is

in

98:5 which runs as follows:

"And

they had not been

exclusively devoted to

commanded

Him

except to worship Allah, being sincerely and

as hunafa'..."

Here again the term hunafa'

is

in apposition to the expression:"being sin-

cerely and exclusively devoted to Him."

In the remaining four

Madinan passages

is

of course used

in

con-

same sense of an absolute monotheist and

the

rejection of polytheism are explicit throughout.

At

nection with Ibrahim; but the

same uncompromising

the term

these four places the statements are

made

in the

context of dialogues with the

"People of the Book", more particularly the Jews. The most noteworthy point
in these

passages

is

that Ibrahim is cited not for the purpose of claiming the

Arabs' exclusive affinity with him nor for asserting any precedence or super-

over the teachings of Moses and Jesus, but for

iority

illustrating, first, the

inconsistency of the claims of the Jews and Christians themselves that they

were bearers of the true Abrahamic

assertions that Ibrahim himself

would

attain salvation

Christians.

As

upon the others

or "Christian" and that

and enter paradise except those

against such claims

to

tradition and, secondly, to contradict their

was a "Jew"

become

irreconcilably divided, the

either

it

was pointed out

none

who became Jews

or

that while they called

Jews or Christians, they themselves were

Jews alleging

that the Christians

had nothing

to

stand upon, and the Christians claiming that the Jews had nothing to stand

See for instance Q.

2:

1 1 1

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

348

upon, though they both studied the Book.

underlying issue
sages of

is

monotheism and the

the Prophets of God.

all

made very

also

It is

identity

plain that the

and continuity of the mes-

look at the passages makes these very

clear.

The statement

"And they

135 runs as follows:

at 2:

Be Jews or

say:

Christians,

you

will get guidance.

Say

(to

them, follow):

Rather the religion of Ibrahim, the hanif, and he was none of a polytheist."(2:135)

This statement comes as a sequel to a rather detailed account of Moses

and

home

his efforts to bring

the

theme of monotheism

Israel ('ayahs 47-134). In the course

cially stressed. First,

it

of

made very

is

to the Children of

long account four points are spe-

this

clear that the

argument

is

directed not

against the Jews and Christians in general nor as their being followers of

Moses and
adopted

Jesus, but against the particular notions

in the

names of those Prophets. Hence

it

and practices

Day of Judgement, and do good

from

their

('ayah 2:62).' Second,

who

it

is

to fear nor

pointed out that

it

in

would have

deeds, they

Lord and would have nothing

were

stated unequivocally:

is

"Those among the Jews and Christians who sincerely believe

the

that

God and

in

their rewards

any cause

to grieve"

was only a section of the Jews

consciously and knowingly tampered with the Scripture, while the unin-

formed section of them merely followed

their desires

and whims without

being really aware of what the Scripture teaches ('ayahs 2:75,78). Third,
stated in the

same

strain that the

did not stop with him, for

God

message contained
followed

including Jesus; but nonetheless the Jews,

message was not

in

error in the claim that

God and
1

The

2.

The
uj

Book of Moses

in the

up by sending other Prophets

when they found

it is

some

that the divine

others ('ayah 2:87). 2 In this connection the

none but a Jew or a Christian would enter paradise

reiterated that only he

who

is

submits wholeheartedly to

does good deeds will receive His rewards ('ayahs 2:1

1-1 12).

Also

text runs as follows:

jy-lj^j-Le^^i^ UL_ Jrfj /H\ fj-Jlj *UW j*h ja a

ts^; m

is

accord with their likes and dislikes, they belied some of

the Prophets and killed

pointed out and

it

it

''ni l j is j-^aJlj
<J-*

U Ji^b'

J!

MJ

text runs as follows:

fS<-\r

mi

)jt

''

''..ii

f.j*jfl if-i1

J- J^.
1

4jf o* ^=**j '

<yy

^} ^

THE HANIFS:

rebutted

('ayahs

it

was pointed out

to

the

referring

Finally,

specifically

Jews and Christians decalred

that they both had enjoined

successors to worship the

349

both the Jews and the Christians,

2:116-117).

whom

Ibrahim and Ya'qub, with

ity,

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

common

the notion of God's son,

strongly

I.

upon

is

to

their affin-

progeny and

their

One Only God and to submit to Him wholeAnd in continuation of this argument 'ayah

heartedly ('ayahs 2:132-133).

135

states:

"They

say, be

Jews or Christians, you

will get guidance. Say:

Rather the religion of Ibrahim, the hanif, and he was none of a polytheist."

The whole

discussion here, as elsewhere, revolves round the question of

monotheism. There
sively for the

is

no claim

Muhammad (0

Arabs or for the followers of the Prophet

the contrary, the burden of the whole discussion

is that,

since the

the Christians themselves claimed affinity with Ibrahim,

them

to adhere strictly to the

whenever he
ist.

There

is

is

monotheism he taught and

described as a hanif it

no pretension

and exclu-

to affinity with Ibrahim solely

is

).

On

Jews and

only behoved

it

typified.

That

is

why

emphasized that he was no polythe-

to priority or superiority, nor any lowering of the

Prophets of the Jews and the Christians, nor any suggestion that the teachings of one Prophet differed from those of another.
ity

of the messages of

all

the Prophets are thus

The

identity

emphasized

and continu-

in the

immedi-

ately succeeding 'ayah 2:136 as follows:

if y

J J ^ 3 K-'Vl j >->ji*i) Jlv-Jj

1

"Say ye:

We

down
MOsa and
sent

tinction

J..

*'[}

,- 'j>\

J\ J jii U

believe in Allah and in what has been sent

to Ibrahim, IsmS'il, Ishaq

'IsS

and

_j

UJl

dawn

J jit Uj *DU

us and

to

and Ya'qub and the Tribes, and

that given to (all) the Prophets

between one and another of them; and

to

from

their Lord.

Him we

in

Ll* jJji
I

what was

in that

given to

We make

no dis-

surrender (completely)."

(2:136)

That the reference

to

Ibrahim as a hanif was made in order to

illustrate the

inconsistency of the Jews' and Christians' claim of affinity with him, because

of their obvious non-compliance with true monotheism,

from the two other uses of the term

ment

is

at

is first

made of 'Adam,

Ibrahim and the family of 'Imran as the recepients of Allah's special

favours. This

is

followed by an account, in 'ayahs 35 through 62, of the birth

and mission of Tsa,

declared:

further evident

3:67 and 3:95. In this surah the argu-

developed from 'ayah 33 wherein mention

Nuh and

is

"It is

in the

Allah

Who

course of which
is

my

it is

specially stressed that he

had

Lord and your Lord; so worship Him. This

SIRAT AL-NABI

350
is

way

that

is

straight."

like the creation of

It is

'Adam

emphasized

further

that the creation

of Isa was

as an evidence of Allah's will and omnipotence. 2

Therefore the unusual birth of

This

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

'Isa

should be no reason for deifying him.

followed by a fervent appeal to both the Christians and the Jews in

is

'ayah 3:64 as follows:

U*i Li*,

iicy

V j Ll_i

<o i!j-5J "i

3

<0Jn! Xju iS

liy lj~p JJS"

J!

"Say:

People of the Book,

come

to

common

from among ourselves Lords and Patrons leaving aside

tian is pointed out

beliefs

by drawing attention

were not revealed

till

JLj

4l5

Ji^>

JjJ^Uyi

that

Him and

that

we

we

take not

Allah..." (3:64)

Ibrahim was a Jew or Chris-

to the simple fact that the

which the Jews and the Christians claim

the Injil

jJUi

ni r
:

terms as between us and you; that

worship none but Allah; that we associate no partners with

Next the unreasonableness of the claim

to

Torah and

be the sources of their

long after Ibrahim ('ayahs 3:65,66). Hence

if

they really meant to identify themselves with him, they could consistently do
so only by conforming to absolute monotheism; for, decalres 'ayah 3:67:

"Ibrahim was not a Jew, nor a Christian, but a hanif (a person of true and upright
faith in Allah), a

Muslim (one who

and he was none of a

The argument

is

continued

"The most deserving of men

low him

(truly)

"

surrenders himself completely to Allah alone);

polytheist." (3:67)

in the

succeeding 'ayah as follows:

to claim identity with Ibrahim are indeed those

who

fol-

(3:68)

The same theme of monotheism and the same emphasis on the need to
way of Ibrahim, if one really meant to identify oneself with him,

follow the

are the subject matter of the 'ayahs that follow the

one quoted above

till

'ayah 3:95 which states:

"Say: Allah speaks the truth. Hence follow the religion of Ibralnm, the hanif, and he

was none of a
In

all

polytheist." (3:95).

the three above-noted passages

rence to Ibrahim as a hanif has been

1.

Q. 3:51.

2.

Q.3:59.

(i.e.,

made

2:135; 3:67 and 3:95) the refe-

in

response to the claims of the

THE HANIFS:
"People of the Book

"

I.

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

themselves that

was they who belonged

it

munity of Ibrahim. They are therefore called upon

meant

(millat) of Ibrahim if they really

351

to follow strictly

in

any place, nor

is

No

be true to their claim.

to

pre-

Musa and Tsa

tension to priority over or superiority to the messages of

made

comthe way

to the

is

there any suggestion that the right to claim identity

with Ibrahim belonged exclusively to the Arabs. Further, the equality of

the Prophets and the identity of their teachings have been

all

emphasized

all

along.

The other mention of the word hanif occurs in 4:125 (surat al-Nisd').
is monotheism and the emphasis is on total rejection of

Here also the theme

all

shades of polytheism. This theme

surah which

may

whom He

forgive the other sins of anyone

others with Allah strays far

is

starts specifically

away

who dupes many

the devil

with 'ayah

6 of the

"Allah forgives not the sin of joining others with Him.

states:

indeed."

pleases.

Then 'ayahs

Whoever
1

17-120

and causes them

into polytheism

He

associates

state that

The hopes and expectations alluded

vain hopes and baseless expectations.

it

to entertain
to

here were clearly understood by the audience and are indeed spelt out else-

where

Qur'an. These were the pagan Arabs' claim that they would not

in the

be resurrected after death for final judgement 2 and that their deities would in

any case intercede with Allah on

their behalf, 3

and the claims of the "People

of the Book" that they were the "sons and loved ones of Allah" 4

would not
and

that

any case suffer

in

that they

except for a limited number of days, 5

hell-fire

none would enter paradise except a Jew or a Christian. 6

It is

with

reference to such notions that 'ayahs 121-124 of the surah state, addressing
the pagan Arabs as well as the People of the Book, that "neither your desires

nor those of the Poeple of the Book would be of any

The

Q. 4:1

2.

Q. 16:38, which

God

strongest oaths by
3.

4.

At the same time

text runs as follows:

1.

16.

avail." 7

states:

that

God

<^jj j- Ui

'

+i

-4*- *HW

who

shall not resurrect those

'

ji'j

die".

"They swear by

their

See also Q. 72:7.

See for instance 6:94; 10:18 and 39:43.

Q. 5:80= ^

. .

.'t'yLj-lj

We are sons of God and

5. Q. 2:80 & 3:24
^ ob j.u. uiji

"i\

jUi

j~

cJisj^ "The

Jews and the Christians

said:

His loved ones".

which run respectively

ijjii

f "And

they said:

as:

They

<{

i>

} Ju

fire shall

l.U

mj

jUi u^i-J jJ i^JJ,^ and

nor touch us but for a number of

days".
6.

Q.

2:

1 1

^ isj-^u ji bj dtf ~i\

Jew or a Christian".

y-i

ijJtij

^ "And they

dise unless he be a
7.

Q. 4:123- 4...**

^v^'^O^J^ ^
1

said:

None

shall enter para-

SIRAT AL-NABI AND

352

THE ORIENTALISTS

the principle of individual responsibility and accountability

is

stressed by

saying that whoever does a good deed and has faith will get his reward and

whoever does anything wrong

way

'ayah 4:125, the best

good deeds and

to

will

be duly requited by Allah.

to surrender one's

is

way

follow the

whole

Hence,

states

do

self to Allah, to

of Ibrahim, as a hanif. The 'ayah runs as

follows:

"Who

can be better

whole

self) to Allah,

in religion than the

one

who

submits his countenance (one's

performs good deeds and follows the religion of Ibrahim, as a

hanif?..." (4:125).

Thus an

Makkan and

anlysis of the twelve Qur'anic passages (six

six

Madinan) wherein the term hanif occurs decisively demonstrates the untenability

of the Jeffery-Bell theory which says that the Prophet had recourse to

the expression hanif, put a

the

Abrahamic

the

Jews

new

sense of monotheist upon

it

and related

after his

from both Judaism and Christianity and

to

winning over

pagan Arabs who cherished Ibrahim's memories.

It

to his

to

cause the

has been seen that the use

of the term hanif and the reference to Ibrahim's message were

Makka,

it

when differences developed between him and

migration to Madina and with a view to breaking away

religion only

made

at

at a very early stage of the Prophet's mission and long before the

migration to Madina.

It

was

also at

Makka

that departures

from the funda-

mental and central doctrines of Judaism and Christianity were made. The

main point

at issue

was monotheism.

the Trinity, of son-ship of

God and

It

was on

this issue that the doctrines

of

of incarnation and divinity of 'Isa were

discarded right from the beginning and the rejection was reiterated throughout the
strict

Makkan and

Madinan

periods. Indeed

and uncompromising monotheist

through the

Prophet put
is

the

that the

it

was

in the sense

term hanif has been used

Makkan and the Madinan periods. Bell's suggestion

a new sense of the very "antithesis of polytheist" upon

an indirect admission that

it

of a
all

that the

the term

has been used everywhere in the Qur'an in the

uncommon and strange sense was

shown by its generic use, without any reference to Ibrahim, in
both the Makkan and Madinan passages. It is also quite unreasonable to
assume that the Prophet put a new meaning on the term just for the sake of
breaking away from the Jews and the Christians and for winning over the
sense of an absolute monotheist. That no
put upon

1.

it

is

Q. 4:122-124.

THE HANIFS:
pagan Arabs

more

I.

THE JEFFERY-BELL THEORY

such an unusual application of the word was

to his cause; for

likely to create confusion

and evoke criticism and misunderstanding by

the Prophet's opponents. Yet, neither the

the People of the

the

word

Quraysh opponents nor those from

Book appear to have taken any objection to the use made of

And imagine the situation if someone in England

Qur'an.

in the

suddenly ventured to use the word "fool"

"wise", applying

men

to take

353

it

in its directly

to an English historical figure

from him

that

meaning

for the

word

opposite sense of

and calling upon Englishin respect

of that national

hero!

The

fact is that neither

was the term hantf used

sense directly opposite to the meaning in which

it

in the

Qur'an

in

a novel

had hitherto been under-

made with
The Madinan refe-

stood by the Arabs, nor was reference to the Abrahamic tradition

a view to breaking away from Judaism and Chrsitianity.

rence to Ibrahim as hantf was

him made by
that far

made

in

response to the claims of affinity with

the "People of the

Book" themselves.

It

was

plainly pointed out

from being a Jew or a

Christian, Ibrahim

was a

hantf, an absolute

monotheist, and not a polytheist. Hence they were asked to adhere to the millat

of Ibrahim,

means

if

they were true to their claims. This

and therefore

that the Qur'an,

Muhammad

is

(j|r),

and practices of the Jews and Christians of the time as

very significant.

It

viewed the beliefs

antithetical to

mono-

theism and as manifest departures from the teachings of Ibrahim and the
other Prophets.

It

also

means

show

Muhammad

that

(jjjjjj),

was just the reverse of what

The Qur'anic evidence does in no way

that the position

the Jeffery-Bell theory suggests.

with a view to avoiding the criticism that he

had borrowed the concept of monotheism and other ideas from Judaism and
Christianity, traced his teachings to an "earlier" source, the teachings of

Ibrahim.

On

the contrary, the evidence

is that,

so far as the Jews and the

Christians were concerned, the reference to Ibrahim as a hantf was

made

in

response to their claim of affinity with him and in view of the obvious inconsistency of their beliefs and practices with

ytheist, that

open

call

why

monotheism and

the teachings of

was repeatedly pointed out that he was none of a polhe was neither a Jew nor a Christian. This, together with the

Ibrahim. That

is

made

it

to the "People of the

"common"

Book"

to follow the millat of

formula, namely, to worship Allah alone

or, at least, to

agree to a

and not to

any partner with Him, indisputably demonstrate

set

was not between an

Ibrahim

that the issue

"earlier" and, so to say, a "purer" or first-class

theism on the one hand, and a

later or second-class

monotheism on the

monoother.

SiRAT AL-NAB! and the orientalists

354

The

issue

was

clearly

between monotheism and a negation of

to the expression hanif

was not

at all

and

to the

Abrahamic

tradition at

it.

Madina

In

its

resort

the Qur'an

adopting any defensive stance as against the Jews' and Chrsi-

tians' criticism

of Islam;

it

was simply leading the onslaught on them on

account of their claims of identity with Ibrahim and, therefore, on the inconsistency of that claim with the obvious negation of
beliefs

and practices.

monotheism

in their

CHAPTER XV

THE ORIENTALISTS AND THE HANIFS:

II. WATT'S VIEWS
Watt's views about the hariifs are contained chiefly in his

Mecca
1

Muhammad

at

(1953)', his article on hanif in The Encyclopaedia of Islam (1966,

986) and his Muhammad's Mecca (1988). 3 His statements are based essen-

tially

Hilmi

on the Jeffery-Bell assumptions and on a further assumption made by

Omar

the subject,

Bey. The

came

latter,

shortly after the publication of Bell's article

out in the columns of The

Moslem World,

porting his views and adding that the persons to

applied in the histories and the traditions

ill-suit

whom

title

generally sup-

the term hanif

is

the description of the term in

the Qur'an; that they originally did neither bear such

search of Ibrahim's religion, but that this

on

title

nor ever go out in

was given them by

later exe-

getes and traditionists simply to illustrate and give substance to the Qur'anic

use of the term. 4

How

closely Watt reproduces his predecessors' views

may

be seen from

the following comparative table:

(a) Bell stated that the hanifs

were

"no sect or party of historical peo-

(a)

Watt reproduces the same view,

quoting the very words of Bell. 5

ple" but the supposed "followers of

the ideal original of

(b)

Arab

religion."

Taking from Jeffery, but some-

what modifying

his theory, Bell sug-

gested that the word hanif

in origin, that

plural

form

it

was

and

first

is

Syriac

taken in

that

it

its

meant

"heathen".
1.

Pp. 162-164 (Excursus C).

2.

EL,

3.

Pp. 37-38.

III,

New edn.

1986, pp. 165-166.

4.

M.W., 1932, pp. 72-75.

5.

M. atM.,p. 162.

6.

1986,

p.

166, col.

2.

(b)

Watt adopts and advances the

same view. 6

(c)

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

S1RAT AL-NAB1

356

Bell suggested that the Qur'an

put

new and

meaning

of

opposite

directly

upon

monotheist

the

(c)

Watt adopts more or

same view, only modifying

less
it

in that

the Qur'an, according to him, "deve-

loped" a "secondary meaning" of a

term.

monotheist for the term as used

some Aramaic
(d)

the

Taking

his

cue from Jeffery, Bell

(d)

circles.

Watt reproduces

same

hanif and the

concept of hantfiyyah

tradition

were made

Abrahamic

Madina when

at

the Prophet's relations with the

became
break

and

strained

away

order

in

Judaism

from

Jews
to

and

thesis saying that the

linked

with

Muslims
of

effect

in

suggested that the Qur'anic use of

resort to the

the

in

the

Qur'anic
closely

"is

resistance

of the

to the intellectual criticisms

Muhammad's

and Christians"

religion
that

it

by Jews

was

"part of

the Qur'anic apologetic against Juda-

Christianity.

ism and Christianity." 2

(e)

Again, taking his cue from Jef-

fery,

suggested

Bell

was

Prophet's religion

that

the

initially

even

called hantfiyyah and that the technical use of Islam

made

(f)

reiterates

the

same view

adding that such technical use of

Islam and Muslim was
later

than 2 H.

made even

Supporting Bell's views on the

before 2 A.H.

subject H.O.
later

Watt

and Muslim was

not

the

(e)

Bey added

Muslim

that

was

(f)

Watt reproduces and builds on the

same view. 4

who

historians

mentioned several persons as

to illustrate the

it

hariifs

Qur'anic use of the

term; but they themselves did not

bear that designation.

Now,

the utter untenability of the main thesis that resort to hanif and the

1986, p. 116, Col.

1.

E.I., III,

2.

M. at M., 162; EL,

3.

E.I., III,

4.

M. atM., 162; Muhammad's Mecca, 37;

1986,

Ill,

2.

1986,

p. 165, Col. 2:

p.

165;

Muhammad's Mecca,

Muhammad's Mecca,
E.I., III,

37, 38.

38.

1986, p. 166.

THE HANlFS:ll. WATT'S VIEWS

357

made "its appearance", as Watt puts it, "early in the

Madinan period when the Prophet's relation with the Jews became strained"
Abrahamic

tradition

and

that the concept of hanifiyyah "is closely linked with the resistance of the

Muslims

to the intellectual criticisms

2

Christians",

has been

shown above.

of

It

Muhammad's

religion

by Jews and

has been seen that the term hanif and

the reference to Ibrahim were used at

Makka, from the very

Prophet's mission, and not at

response to Jewish and Christian

On

icisms.

hamic

the contrary, at

tradition

made by

were made

all in

Madina such
in

the "People of the

early stage of the

crit-

references to hantf and to the Abra-

response to the claims of identity with Ibrahim

Book" themselves and

in

order to point out the

inconsistency of that claim with the lack of monotheism in their beliefs and

Nor

practices.

Watt puts

there any question of the Muslims' defending themselves, as

"by saying that their religion

it,

Him

revealed by
"hostile

is

to previous prophets

and

suggestion that most Qur'anic

is

to

ideas

Christianity." 4 For, the reference to hanifiyyah

was made

Madina not

at

the pure worship of God,

Muhammad", 3 because

of the

came from Judaism and

and the Abrahamic

as against any such suggestion of the

tradition

Jews and the

Christians, but as against their obvious non-compliance with the requisites of

monotheism. Nor
Christianity."

The

Muhammad (0)
also been

shown 5

Christianity

is it

true that

"most Qur'anic ideas came from Judaism and

orientalists themselves,

and Watt

in particular,

admit that

did not himself read the Judaeo-Christian scriptures.

by private

tutors or of his having picked

ordinary Jews and Christians

It

has

of his having been taught the lessons in

that the theory

whom

up information from

he chanced to meet

is

the

equally untenable

and unreasonable. Also, the fundamental teachings of the Qur'an differred

from those of Judaism and Christianity

ciation of the latter

right

from the beginning; and denun-

was very pointedly made

at

Makka. Even the Madinan

references to hanif and the Abrahamic tradition give an instructive insight

into the Qur'an's attitude to the

Hence

Judaism and the Christianity of the day.

the prejudice which suggests that most Qur'anic ideas

Judaism and Christianity should

at

once be discarded

understand, and not to underestimate, Islam. At

t.

M. atM., 162.

2.

Ibid., 163.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Muhammad's Mecca,

5.

Supra, Ch. XI, especially sees.

37.
Ill

&

IV.

all

if

one

came from
means to

really

events, the thesis that

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

358

and the Abrahamic

resort to hantfiyyah
at

Madina, and

wrong and

totally

tradition

was made

for the first time

with Judaism and Christianity,

breaking

that too for

is

calculatedly misleading statement.

In their eagerness to bring

home

the

theme of what

is

called "the Qur'anic

apologetic against Judaism and Christianity" the orientalists, particularly

Watt,

gion", and
the

hanif

it

cannot

md hantfiyyah did
i.e.,

at the

not

that the concepts of

into existence except early in the

fell

hantfiyyah for the

time as against the

first

would have

out with the Jews and

"is

latter!

made use of hanif and

Yet Watt, following

his readers take this glaring inconsistency

Again, Watt admits that

of the term hanif

"most" cases

in

(in fact

monotheism of

the

The premise,

stark polytheism

and blatantly enough, to

itself,

from him!

always) the Qur'anic use

Jews and Christians."

mise of strained relationship with the Jews

the term.

his pre-

contrasted with the idolaters mushrikun)" and that as

he says, "with the

religion hantfiyyah "is contrasted with polytheism" and, as

'corrupted'

Madinan

around 2 H., when the Prophet allegelly adopted the terms Islam

and Muslim and also

decessors,

to

same time be suggested

come

hantfiyyah

if

Muhammad's reliand Muslim" was not made before

the "technical use of Islam

if

end of 2 H.,

period,

Thus

to see the inconsistency in their assertions.

fail

"must indeed for a time have been the name applied

call for

is

Surely, then,

no

pre-

called for to explain the use of

and idolatry existed there

a protest against

it.

at

may

It

Makka
also be

pointed out that the expression "corrupted monotheism of the Jews and
Christians"

Watt's

is

own

formulation.

So

far as the

Qur'anic use of hanif

and hantfiyyah as against the "People of the Book"

is

Qur'an) simply did not view them as monotheists so that

at least to

setting

come

to a

common

concerned,
it

called

term of worshipping the only One

(the

it

upon them

God and

not

any partner with Him.

The use of hanif and hantfiyyah was indeed made

at

Makka and

long

before the migration and development of differences with the Jews. They

were also used interchangeably with Muslim and Islam. But

correct to say that the tecnical use of Islam and

Muslim

it

is

not at

all

started only after 2

H. Making due allowance for Bell's dissection and dating of the Qur'anic
passages, (and

it

is

well worth remembering that even Watt himself does not

accept in toto Bell's suggestions

Makkan and
1.

./., Ill,

in this respect), there still

early passages of the Qur'an wherein the

new

edition, 1986, p. 165.

remain many

two terms are used

THE HANIFS. il. WATT'S VIEWS

much

very

dozen Makkan pas-

technically. In fact there are at least three

two words occurs and where

sages' where one or the other of the

either a technical sense or both the technical

The

359

use of the term Muslim occurs

earliest technical

surah (al-Qalam)

very early in the order of revelation,

is

it

carries

and general senses.

in

68:35-36. This

its first

four 'ayahs

being considered by the classical Muslim scholars as only the second in the
order of revelation, while from the internal evidence
the surah

was revealed not much

The passage runs

We

"Shall

How

you?

it is

What

then treat the Muslims at par with the sinners?

This statement

were

Makka.

as follows:

(strangely)

that if they

clear that the rest of

later than its first part, definitely at

do you judge?"

made

is

at all to

is

the matter with

(68: 35- 36).

in rebuttal

of the

be resurrected

Makkan

unbelievers' remarks

after death they

would get

the

same

respectable and influential position in the hereafter as they enjoyed in the

Makkan

society. 2

This passage alone

is

sufficient to disprove the

mencement of

the technical use of

may be

however, by way of

cited,

assumption about the com-

Muslim and Islam.

illustrating not

few other passages

Makkan

only the early

application of the terms in their technical senses but also in showing (a) that,
as in the case of the expression hanif, so also in that of

Muslim (and Islam)

has been used in the sense of an absolute monotheist and in

polytheist, and (b) that
ets

and

has been used in respect of

all

the previous Proph-

their followers.

Some

of the relevant passages are:

(1) 15:2

^.^j

"Perhaps (often) those

This statement
the

it

is

jiijyir jiJJiijiUjj^

who disbelieve would wish

made with

if

only they had been Muslims."

reference to the state of the unbelievers on

Day of Judgement.
(2)

43:69

cr>JL-.

y\s 3

l^l^

>u ji-ili ^

"Those who believed

in

The

to the position of the

2.

it

contrast with a

reference here

See

F. A. Baqi,

is

Our

signs and were Muslims..."

Al-Mu 'jam al-Mufahras

See for instance Tafsir al-Bayddwi,

II,

li

Muslims

in the hereafter.

Alfdz al-Qur 'an al-Karim, under

Beirut print, 517.

SIRAT AL-NABl

360
(3)

21:108 ^J^JU^tj^Jb-ij 4_Ji,^JiU:fjj ^jiiiiji).

"Say: Verily

has been revealed to

it

you Muslims
(4)

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

(i.e.

&(5)

those

who

me

that

your Lord

27:81 and 30: 53

"You can make only those who

only the One God. So

One God)?"

is

surrender themselves to the

are

^o^^t^i^j^^^-Jdj... }

believe in

Our

signs listen (to guidance) and so they

are Muslims."

The statement

made

is

Makkan

context of the

in the

unbelievers' obstinate

opposition.
(6)

41:33 4 ctJUij.^iJiijWU^ j^-oii ji^^jj^i^

"And who

is

(7)
"Is

one who

better in speech than the

good deeds and

39:22

says:

'I

am

one whose heart Allah has opened

"But

^oyu.^ij^j

knowledge, and that there

This statement
ers of

Makka

concede

it

(9) 10:72

"But

if

s
%
J i\JLJ\ id\ )

is

made

is

Allah's revelation,

and

^ij

you turn back, then

iii\

)jU

that

it

on a

light (enlight-

Jjiitfiiywi^i^,*^.^^

has been revealed with Allah's

(look),

of a challenge given to the unbelievof the Qur'an,

texts like that

JULI

know

in the context

4^*

with Allah and

is

no god but He. So are you Muslims?"

to produce some

be

to

to Islam, so that he

Lord...".

they respond not to you then

if

men towards Allah and does

^...^^jyJ^j^f^ty^M^^}

enment) from his

(8) 11:14

calls

a Muslim'?"

their failure to

*Ul

they did not

meet the challenge.

^HSiijrioi j^-i

no reward have

if

^L, Us ^Jy

asked of you.

My reward is only

have been commanded to be a Muslim."

This statement

is

put in the mouth of Prophet

Nuh

in his

address to his

people.
(10) 10:84

"And Mfisa

^ctA~*r* ^^ji^^^k^aifj^^^JtSj^

said:

O my

people,

if

you do believe

in Allah,

then depend on

Him

if

you are Muslims."

(11) 7:126

4c*^^V^U>^siu,^

"O our Lord, pour on

This prayer

is

us patience and

make

us die as Muslims."

put in the mouth of the followers of

Moses who braved

the Pharaoh's

oppression and vindictiveness.

(12) 51:3

j> c-j jj.

"Then we evacuated whoever was

l<-s

j Us

in there

* &>p j Ui 01T j

of the believers' but

y-U

we found

not therein

THE HAMFS:U. WATT'S VIEWS

361

any but one household of the Muslims."

This
It

a statement of the angels in respect of Prophet Lut's people.

is

would be noticed

above noted passages the expressions

that in all the

much

Islam and Muslim have been used very

should also be noted that nos.

coterminous with
nos. 9, 10,

Mu 'min

and 12 make

1 1

2, 7, 8,

10 and 12

and one who has

it

in the technical

show

that the

faith in the

term Muslim

clear that the previous Prophets

farther

It

is

One Only God; while

lowers also are designated Muslims. Most important of all,

kan passages. Hence nothing could be

senses.

from the

all

truth

and

their fol-

these are

Mak-

and more mis-

leading than the assertion that the technical use of Islam and Muslim began

only after the Prophet's migration to Madina and as a reaction to his differences with the Jews. In
decessors,

is

fact, as

already indicated, Watt, following his pre-

very inconsistent and confusing in this respect.

us believe that previous to the migration to

He would have

Madina and the development of

differences with the Jews the Prophet used al-hariifiyyah as the

At

religion.

the

name of

same time Watt would have his readers believe that resort
was made by the Prophet only

al-hanifiyyah and the Abrahamic tradition

Madina

his

after the Prophet

to
at

had fallen out with the Jews!

This brings us to the question of the existence of actual hanifs on the eve
of the Prophet's emergence on the scene. Watt states that
to the hanifs in the early sources are attempts
in the

Qur'an and

that

which

all

"the references

statements

illustrate the

none of the persons named would have called himself

a hariif or said he was

in

search of the hanifiyya."

Referring to the 12

Qur'anic passages wherein the term hariif occurs but without discussing their
contexts Watt further states that there

is

"not the slightest hint in the Qur'an

about a hariif movemnt in the half-century before Islam." 2 Nor

is

there any

evidence, he stresses, "that any of the persons called a hariif by scholars ever

used
is

this

name

himself, or

was so

movement
The early Mus-

called by contemporaries... the

entirely the creation of second-century

Muslim

scholars." 3

lim scholars, according to him, were "trying to give some background to certain

Qur'anic

texts,

or possibly countering the hostile suggestion that most

Qur'anic ideas came from Judaism and Christianity." 4 The Muslims "are to

1.

M. atM., 162;

2.

Muhammad's Mecca,

3.

Ibid., 38.

4.

lbid.,11.

./.,

HI, 1986 p. 166, Col.

37.

1.

SiRAT AL-NAB1 AND

362

defend themselves", he
is

the pure worship of

Muhammad."

THE ORIENTALISTS

states at another place, "by saying that their religion

God, revealed by him

only by the early Muslim scholars, Watt states

named "may

viduals

way

in

some one

assertion that

Muslim

men

facts supplied

same time

at the

that the indi-

way towards mono-

affords "an additional illus-

which monotheism was permeating the environment

Muhammad grew up..." 2

which

previous prophets and to

names and

nevertheless have been feeling their

theism" and that the very existence of these

tration of the

to

Yet, depending clearly upon the

is

"The movement and individuals

a hanif (in the Islamic sense)

is

the

exist but

work of a

in

any

later

apologete..." 3

Thus does Watt, while pointing out

that the

Qur'an does not speak of a

hanif movement as such and while also stating that the hanif movement
entirely the creation of second century

Muslim

scholars", assert at the

"is

same

time that the movement and individuals did exist but that the names hanif

and al-hanifiyya are "the work of a

later

Muslim apologete". The apparent

inconsistency or rather the net objection to the terms hanif'and al-hanifiyyah

may be

easily explained.

Although Goldziher pointed out

that the

Muslim

historians speak only of

a few individuals seeking monotheism and not of any movement as such

towards monotheism, Sprenger's suggestion that

from those individuals

inspiration

rowed

from Judaism and

his information

gested itself that the individuals

themselves imbibed the

and

that there

those two

was

spirit

Muhammad (^)

Christianity.

who went

got his

with the theory that he had bor-

The idea soon sug-

out in search of monotheism

of monotheism from Judaism and Christianity

a trend or

religions.

fell in line

movement towards monotheism

Muhammad {%)

fostered by

not only borrowed a good deal from

those two systems, he also received his impetus for monotheism from the
prevailing trend.

The

sole objection to bringing this theory

home was

concept of al-hanifiyyah and indeed the reference to the Abrahamic

It

thus

became necessary
Hence

hanifiyyah.

to

al-

make

the

the onslaught

on them, just as the

1986, p. 165.

1.

./., Ill,

M.atM.,

3.

./.,III, 1986, p. 166, Col. 2.

163.

orientalists

itself.

achieve their objective the orientalists have

2.

tradition.

do away with or to dislodge hanif and

onslaught on the Abrahamic tradition

To

the

made

a three-pronged

THE HANIFS.ll. WATT'S VIEWS

manoeuvre.

and

origin

has been attempted to

It

even

that

show

current in Arabia

if

it

he

fell

term hanif

that the

is

of foreign

bore the meaning of "heathen" or

follower of the old Arab native religion. Secondly,

Muhammad (0), when

363

it

has been suggested that

out with the Jews at Madina, traced his

him by

teachings to those of Ibrahim and also applied the term hanif'to

ting the opposite sense of "monotheist" on

it

put-

in order to identify his religion

with the "assumed pure original of the Arab religion", that the hanifs "were

no

sect or party of historical people, but the product of

ing mind." These

from

Muhammad's

two manoeuvres were made mainly by

unrest-

Bell, taking his

Jeffery. Reiterating Bell's views, indeed quoting his very words,

makes

the third manoeuvre.

He extends

the theory of Qur'anic apology

Muslim

his-

the stories of the hanifs or applied the

title

against Jewish and Christian criticism to the second-century

torians alleging that they

made up

cue

Watt

hanif to them to give support to the Qur'anic apology, adding that the move-

ment and individuals did

exist,

which provide an evidence of the permeation

Muhammad (0) grew

of monotheism in the environment in which

Thus,

in effect,

Watt

grafts Sprenger's theory

makes an amalgam of

Bell's

views or rather

the views of Sprenger and Bell with the theory of

Judaeo-Christian origin of Islam.

The

different elements in the

however, ill-absorbed, each retaining

are,

upon

up.

and inconsistent statements

that the

its

identity.

movement

is

Hence

compound

the confusing

"entirely the creation of

second-century Muslim scholars" and that "the movement and individuals

did exist", etc.

The assumption underlying these manoeuvres, namely,

towards monotheism was fostered by Judaism and Christianity
is

the assumption that

those two systems.

shown
in the

earlier.

Muhammad (0 ) drew

The

his information

utter untenability of this latter

That the two systems did not inspire a

enquireres mentioned by the early historians

the fact, also noted by

them

at the

same

is

a trend

that
is

as

wrong

as

and ideas from

assumption has been

spirit

of monotheism

amply demonstrated by

time, that in general those enquirers

were not impressed by the two systems when these were explained

to

them

by the savants and did not embrace either. Indeed a true historical perspective presupposes the insufficiency and inability of the prevailing systems
to satisfy the curiosity of the inquisitive souls; for

it is

only such a situation

which explains the emergence and success of a new system. The desire for

Supra, Chapter XI.

SiRA TAL-NABl AND

364

THE ORIENTALISTS

finding the original religion of Ibrahim was produced not by the ideas of

Judaism and Christianty percolating

environment but by a revulsion

into the

against the gross idolatry and polytheism of the time on the one hand, and by

an awareness and continuance of the Abrahamic tradition which, despite the

name and concept

degeneration of the Arabs into idolatry, had kept alive the

of Allah as the Supreme Lord, the sanctity of the Ka'ba and a number of

connected with

it.

no

For, by

that these latter concepts

stretch of the imagination could

and

Judaism and Christianity or

institutions

it

rites

be suggested

were produced by the influence of

that these did not exist prior to the

emergence of

Islam.
It is

also an unwarranted assertion that the early

ricated the stories of the hariifs or invented that

substance to the Qur'anic statements. There

allegation. In

making

title

Muslim
them

for

no evidence

is

historians fabin

order to give

to substantiate the

make two

this allegation the orientalists in fact

insinua-

tions against the historians, that of misunderstanding the Qur'anic reference

As Watt himself notes, the Qur'an in no way

movement as such. Hence there was no need for the hisfinding out the hariifs or for making up their stories. Nor is it

to hariif and that of fabrication.

speaks of a hariif
torians for

correct to say that the individuals

gion were not

The sources

own

known by

the

who

name of

sought the original Abrahamic

hariifs

clearly speak of their being

reli-

or did not call themselves such.

known

as hariifs and also quote their

statements to the effect that they were seeking al-hariifiyyah, the ori-

ginal religion of Ibrahim. Watt's rejection of this evidence, particularly the

poems and statements

inconsistent

on

attributed to those individuals,

his part; for in other matters

dence of the poems as reflecting the actual

can be no doubt that the term
orientalists

themselves admit; and

of

it

is

accepts the evi-

affairs. In

any case, there

it

was used

in the

sense of one

The Qur'an uses

who

sub-

the term only in

generally accepted and understood sense, and not in an opposite and

strange meaning.
is

state

as unjustified as

much

hariif was current in pre-Islamic Arabia, as the

scribed to the original Abrahamic religion.

its

is

he very

Thus

the

a decisive evidence that

mere prevalence of the term

it

was used with reference

individuals. Therefore to say that none

in

to

pre-Islamic Arabia

a particular type of

was known or called by

that title

is

an

absurd proposition.

Again, the theory of Qur'anic apology against Judaeo-Christian criticism

on which the insinuation against the Muslim historians

pointed out, totally unfounded and untenable.

is

based

To sum up

is,

as already

the facts: (a)

The

THE HANIFSAl. WATT'S VIEWS

reference to Ibrahim, indeed to

Makka, and not

Ibrahim and

in the sense

in its

of the Book",
in

it

It

was

was done

also at

Makka that

at

the

generic sense and also with reference to

of an absolute monotheist.

rence to Ibrahim as hariif was

was made

the previous Prophets,

all

for the first time at Madina. (b)

expression hariif was used

365

made

at

Madina and

in reply to their

And

(c)

in so far as refe-

in relation to the

"People

claim of identiy with Ibrahim and

order to point out the inconsistency of that claim with their conspicuous

and

polytheistic beliefs

practices.

Ibrahim was not a polytheist, so

was very

It

pertinently pointed out that

were true

that if they

should comply with the requisites of monotheism. This

from the open

call

made

to

them

come

to

to

common

claim they

to their

the

is all

more

clear

platform, that of wor-

shipping Allah alone and not associating anyone with Him. There was thus

no question of an apology or defensive posture on the

far as the

Madinan passages

So

part of the Qur'an.

are concerned, the Qur'an's attitude in

its refe-

rence to Ibrahim as a hariif is one of positive onslaught on and denunciation

of the polytheistic beliefs and practices of the "People of the Book", (d) Nor

does the Qur'an

any place make a claim to an older and purer mono-

at

No

theism, as the orientalists suggest.

the teachings of any of the Prophets.

same monotheism of

all

priority or superiority

On

is

made

Makka

also at

from the

and the

them are emphasized

all

were made from

all

Muhammad

and al-hantfiyyah

in

No

through.
least,

was

it

the basic beliefs

had recourse

and

'Isa

Jews and the Christians. Therefore nothing could be

truth than to say that

tradition

Musa and

of any of them, (e) Last but not

that clear departures

practices of the

hamic

in respect

claimed for

the contrary, the equality

the Prophets including Ya'qub,

the continuity of the teachings of all of

distinction

is

and

farther

to the

Abra-

order to break away from Juddaism and

Christianity when, after his migration to Madina, he fell out with the Jews.

The

last

point deserves a

and well known pattern of

little

historical

vidual or a group of individuals

new programme of action,

elty

and rationale of

their

more

careful attention.

development

come up with

the very

first

that

it

an established

whenever an

new scheme of reform

step they take

scheme and how

It is

differs

is to

indi-

or a

explain the nov-

from the existing pattern

of ideas and practices. In fact the success of their scheme depends on this
very

initial step, particularly if

therefore, the role

the

scheme

Muhammad (0)

relates to ideas

and

beliefs. If,

played had anything to do with his

thought and preparation and with the usual process of historical deve-

lopment,

it

was only

in the fitness

of things that he should have explained

at

SIRAT AL-NABl AND

366

THE ORIENTALISTS

the outset the distinctiveness of his ideas and their differences with the existing faiths and practices. Indeed the support he got and the opposition he met

with prior to his migration to Madina can be explained only

in

terms of the

novelty and distinctiveness of his mission. Contrary to this well-known his-

trary to the evidence of the

have us believe
Christianity,

that

and

Qur'an and the

Muhammad

that also

common

and

torical process, contrary to reason

sense and, above

all,

histories, the orienatlists

con-

would

simply picked up bits of Judaism and

from secondary sources, and then continued

to

name of a new religion till, after more than ten years of

such preaching he came to Madina and fell out with the Jews, when he broke
away from both Judaism and Christianity by tracing his doctrines to the
teachings of a more ancient Prophet. It is surprising that such an absurd suggestion could at all have been seriously made. The Qur'an, and therefore the

preach them

in the

Prophet, denounced the Trinity, the doctrine of the sonship of God, the divinity

of 'Isa and such other beliefs of the People of the

Book

from the

right

beginning. At Madina the same onslaught on the same beliefs and notions

was continued when reference was made

their

to Ibrahim as a hanif in reply to

claim of identity with him. The objection that the beliefs and practices

alluded to constituted either conspicuous or constructive polytheism antithetical to

Abrahamic monotheism was not met

been done

satisfactorily. Instead,

it

then, nor has

has been calimed that

it

since then

Muhammad {%)

derived his ideas and information from Judaism and Christianity, that he

only broke away from the two systems

when he came

to

Madina

after 13

years of preaching as a Prophet, that al-hanifiyyah and hariifs spoken of by

the Qur'an and the histories are the product of his unresting

imagination of the historians,

etc.

mind or of the

Clearly these theories are in the nature of

counter-blasts and apologies against the Qur'anic onslaught on the beliefs

and practices of the People of

The suggestion

the

Book.

that the technical use of Islam

and Muslim was not made

till

after the

migration to Madina, noticed earlier in this chapter, appears to be a manoeuvre to avoid

inherent absurdity of the theory.

this

SECTION IV
RECEIPT OF WAHY AND INCEPTION
OF THE MISSION

CHAPTER XVI

DIVINE COMMUNICATION (WAHY)

AND INCEPTION OF THE MISSION
I.

There

is

THE RECEIPT OF DIVINE COMMUNICATION

no doubt

that

most of those who are described as

hariifs

were the

come in contact with some of them,

Makka and were from among his rel-

Prophet's contemporaries and that he had

who were

at least those

inhabitants of

Zayd

atives and acquaintances such as

Nawfal and 'Ubayd Allah

ibn Jahsh.

ibn

'Amr

ibn Nufayl,

The sources do not

Waraqah

ibn

furnish any detail,

however, about such contacts, nor do they give any clear indication of the
any, of one upon the other. But whatever the nature of

mutual influence,

if

such contact

clear that the Prophet did not imitate any

it

is

undertaking travels to distant lands like Syria

On

the contrary, all that

sometime prior

is

to his call to

known about
prophethood

in search

one of them

in

of the true religion.

his disposition

and

activities for

he gradually began to love

is that

seclusion and engaged himself in solitary worship, contemplation and devotion at a cave

on top of the mount Hira', some three miles

the Ka'ba (at present within the city limits).

tary stay at the

cave

through the angel

is

that given

in the

The most

by his wife, 'A'ishah

reliable account of this

(r.a.),

which

is

nephew

(sister's

momentous event

preserved in the collection

of authentic (sahih) reports made by Bukhari. The report

her

east north-east of

course of such soli-

he received one day God's communication (wahy)

that

Jibril.

was

It

is

transmitted by

son) 'Urwah ibn al-Zubayr (d.94 H.), from

him by Ibn

Shihab al-Zuhr! (d.124 H.), from him by 'Uqayl (d.144 H.), from him by Al-

Layth (d.175 H.), from him by Yahya ibn Bukayr (d.231 H.) and from the
last-mentioned by
"She ['A'ishah

Bukhan (d.256

(r.a.)] said:

H.).

The

report runs as follows:

Divine communication to the Messenger of Allah,

Allah's blessings and peace be on him, started with

sleep.

Thence he did not see any dream but

Thereafter {pJ) seclusion became dear to him.

at the

that

He

cave of HirS' wherein he engaged himself

submissiveness - xj

- consecutively

for

it

good dreams

came

like the

(S^-Lall

al-tahannuth

and

a number of nights before returning to his

1.

In another form of the report, "true dreams" (auJi

2.

The explanatory

is that

in

(jiiu 01?)

that is prayer

family and taking provisions for that (sort of stay there). Then he would

clause

Wj^)'

break of dawn.

used to go into seclusion

in

may

of Al-Zuhri.

come back

SIRAT AL-NAB'l

370

Khadyah and

to

was

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

take provisions for similar stay

cave of Hira\ The angel came

in the

not one

who

me and

so pressed

He

reads' (t^jLi Oi U).

me

that

came

to

He

said: 'Read'.

him while he
replied:

am

'I

[the Prophet] said: 'At this he [the angel] seized

became hard on me

it

the truth

till

him and

to

to bear

(^f

it

Then he

j>

me and said: 'Read'. said: am not one who reads'. Thereupon he seized
me and pressed me for a second time till it became hard on me. Then he released me
and said: 'Read'. I replied: T am not one who reads'. Thereupon he seized me and
pressed me for the third time; then he released me and said: 'Read in the name of
released

Who

your Lord

Most

Then

to

Khadyah

may Allah be

bint Khuwaylid,

pleased with

'Cover me, cover me.' So they covered him (and he remained so)

am

apprehensive about myself

of some mishap occurring to me). 'At this

(i.e.

by Allah, never

He

You

Khadtjah

said: 'Never,

relatives,

you bear the burdens of the weak, you extend pecuniary help

and the destitute

(f

situdes of time. 2

jjull s_-5jj),

embraced Christianity
copy the

Injil in

you

will

disgrace you.

her and went to

son of Khadijah's

in the Jdhiliyyah period

Hebrew

as

much

as

God

So Waraqah

son.'

So

the

said to

him

it

for

me

to

me

you
there

to the

utmost of

was a pause

These are the

the passage runs for

Hebrew

O my

my

so.

He was

far

had sent

nephew,

to

Nawfal

who had

script

and

advanced

in

cousin, listen to your brother's

tell

me what you have

to

him: 'This

Musi

wish

to

on him, related
the

is
I

Ndmus

(i.e.

were young then!

on him, enquired:

first

my

in the

this the

'Will they

But

it

your day finds

i.e.,

up

to

"Taught

man what he knew

a few additions to

3.

In another form of the report, "he used to write the Injil in Arabic."
3.

alive,

coming of wa/ry." 4

In another

Bukhari, no.

me

was not long before Waraqah

three 'ayahs of sural al- 'Alaq (no. 96). In another form of the report

two more 'ayahs,

form of

target of enmity. If

capacity.'

2.

4.

poor

out? Waraqah said: 'Yes; no one had ever appeared with the like of what

will assist

And

to write

him do

Allah's blessings and peace be

you have come with but had been the

died.

and used

Allah's blessings and peace be

whom God

ibn

a person

remain alive when your people will drive you out!" At

Messenger of Allah, may

drive

Waraqah

He was

Thereupon Waraqah said

seen.

the confidential angel Jibril)

O, were

(the Prophet): 'O

Messenger of Allah, may

him what he had

to the

uncle.

willed

age and had turned blind. Khadijah said to him:

tell.'

take care of your

entertain guests and help the victims of the vicis-

Then she took him out with

Asad ibn 'Abd al-'Uzza

ibn

to

till

panic was over. Then he spoke to Khadyah and related to her the matter adding:

his
'I

the

is

l# grj), his heart throbbing (with panic and bewil-

Lord

'alaq (jk-). Read; and your

Messenger of Allah, may Allah's blessings and peace be

the

on him, returned with that

and said

man from

created; created

Gracious.' 1

derment IJ J*r ji). He went

her,

'I

this report there are

This report, or parts of

also appear in other places of the

nos. 3392, 4953, 4955, 4956,

work

it,

not."

this description.

sometimes with

slight variations in

in connection with different topics.

4957 and 6982.

words,

See for instance

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

should be noted that

It

'A'ishah

(r.a.)

this report consists not

and Waraqah but the very words

371

only of the statements of

in

which the Prophet des-

cribed his experience at the cave, particularly his having been seized and

pressed thrice by the angel. This

saw

is

stated in the report that the entity

number of

brings out a

was a
the

very significant; for the Prophet not only

the entity that visited him, but very

much

was an

felt

him

physically.

from

angel. Apart

facts very clearly. In the first place,

sort of twilight period preceding the receipt of the

mount

dreams

Some

Hira'

in sleep

During

this initial period the

which were as vivid and

And

this, the

it

in the streets

communication on

Prophet used to see significant

life-like as the

morning

day-light.

of Makka, sometimes heard a voice calling him from above and

when he looked up he

noticed

some

figure appearing high

or at the horizon and introducing himself as

Second,

this initial period

contemplation
in this

Some

period the Prophet, while walking

also that during this

it

report

says that there

reports say that this initial period lasted for about six months.

other reports have

it is

Jibril.

up

in the

heaven

was followed by a period of

solitary prayer

and

cave of Hira'. The expression al-tahannuth (ii^Ji) used

at the

connection have been variously explained by the classical writers as

well as by

writers. 3

modern

Whatever the exact meaning of the term,

a description, so far as

is

state in

which the Prophet had placed himself pursuant

sion which developed in

him

it

concerned, of the

this particular report is

clearly

to his love for seclu-

after the initial period of

"good dreams". The

further fact noted in the report, namely, his returning to his family
to time to take provisions for his stay in the mountain cave,

is

from time
only

illus-

trative of this solitary stay and seclusion consecutively for several days and

nights.

Third,

it

delivered to

was
him

wakefulness and

in

such solitary

the text from God.

full

cave that the angel appeared and

state in the

The

incident took place in the Prophet's

consciousness. This

is

account of his experiences with the angel

evident not only from the vivid

(that is his

seized and pressed) but also from the fact that this stage
the report

from the previous one of dreams

having been thrice

is

in sleep.

Fourth, the text which he received and with which he

1.

2.
3.

See Fath al-Bdri,

I.,

36.

Al-Bayhaqi, Dald 'il,

II.,

See for instance, M.J.

B.S.O.A.S.,

XXXI

distinguished in

came down from

143. See also below.

Kister, "Al-Tahannuth.

(1968), 233-236.

An

enquiry into the meaning of a term",

S'lRAT AL-NAB'l AND

372
the mountain

THE ORIENTALISTS

was not something which dawned on him as a result of his

It was a distinct text dictated to him from an

meditation and contemplation.

external source. This fact

well worth emphasizing; for, whereas in the case

is

of some other religious leaders like Gautama Buddha the "enlightenment"

and

was a climax of such meditation and contempla-

spiritual state attained

tion, in the

not at

case of the Prophet

it

is

clearly stated that

a result of his mental, spiritual or intellectual exercises, but a text

all

delivered to him by another entity.

timony to
ment.

On

this effect; for

the contrary

read in the

name of

speaks

it

reminds

it

The

text itself bears an eloquent tes-

no way of an attainment of elighten-

in

man

of his origin and exhorts the Prophet

text

which he was required by God

read out. This internal evidence of the text

a decisive proof that

is

emanate from within the Prophet himself and

plain purport of the text.

It

it

to

did not

this is further illustrated

by

the

clearly emphasizes the importance of reading, and

therefore, of knowledge; and

if

communication of

the Prophet's objective, he could as well have

recourse to solitude and with only a

little

that

done

simple message was

that

without having

thinking on his part.

Fifth, the Prophet's first reaction to the event

who was

to

his Lord. Indeed, this very exhortation to read signifies

what he was being given was a

that

what he received was

was

clearly that of a person

not prepared for that type of incident and had never expected or

anticipated

it.

That

is

why

his

immediate reaction was one of panic and

bewilderment and apprehension about himself. This nature of his reaction

is

a further illustration of the fact that what he had received was from an external source and not a

phenomenon of

his

own

psychology.

It is

also a proof,

as indicated earlier, 1 of the absence of any design or ambition on his part to

emerge as a Prophet by some device or

other. This conclusion

is

emphasized

also by KhadTjah's reaction and further by both Khadijah's and the Prophet's

consulting

Waraqah on

Last but not

absence of any

least, the

on

skill

to the angel's asking

fact is that the text

his prior

account

latter's

illustrates

reaction to the incident.

two other

facts.

One

is

the

the Prophet's part to read; for his spontaneous reply

him

to read was: "I

am

not one

of the communication made

knowledge of and

asked to read "in the

2.

the matter and the

name

belief in the

who

reads." 2

The

other

to the Prophet presupposes

One Only God;

for he

was simply

of your Lord" without introducing or explaining

Supra, pp. 233-240.

See also supra, pp. 179-181

& 241-250.

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

to

him

knew

the nature

Who

and existence of

his Lord.

is

It

373
taken for granted that he

Lord was.

his

The report ends with the statement that there was a pause in the coming
of wahy after the first instalment delivered at Hira'. This was only natural;
for the first incident

must have

needed a breathing time

clearly he

same time he must have

the reality of

Prophet to his very depth and

all

the text at Hira'

and thus be reassured of

comes across some unusual

is

natural in such a situation,

an unexpected expe-

sight or has
it

again in the expecta-

might have a similar experience there again.

It is

therefore not at

surprising that the sources speak of his having somtimes frequented the

mount

Hira' and the neighbouring

hills,

second glimpse of the angel.

And

angel not long after the

encounter

his part

He

shock. At the

have a second glimpse of

rience at any particular spot, he feels tempted to visit

tion that he

first

to

what he had experienced. As

a person

from the

to recover

become eager

naturally

who had communicated

the entity

when

stirred the

first

undoubtedly

at Hira'.

This second experience on

thus reported by Al-Zuhri as follows:

is

'"Abu Salamah ibn 'Abd al-Rahman has informed me

says:

hope of getting a

in the

indeed he did have a second glimpse of the

Allah al-Ansari related, speaking about the pause

in the

coming of wahy,

Messenger of Allah, may Allah's blessings and peace be on him,

walking

heard a voice

had come
tened
sent

me

to

at

down on me:

In

Hira' sitting

and returned

at that

shun

ination,

in the sky.

it.'

raised

my

eyes and

on a chair between

my

(to

lo! there

the sky

and the

said:

was

wahy continued coming

earth.

was

was

who

frigh-

Then Allah

abom-

regularly and uninterruptedly." 2

one of the places where Bukharf repeats the report about the coming of

the first

wahy

above. At

mount

at

this

Hira',

i.e.,

in

his chapter

on "Interpretation of

(b)

Zuhri.

noticed

ibn

Bukayr < Al-Layth < 'Uqayl < Al-Zuhri

Muhammad

< 'Abd al-Razzaq < Ma'mar < Al-

addition runs as follows:

then there

Prophet,

Yahya

'Abd Allah ibn

The

(r.a.)

place he also gives two chains of narrators subsequent to Al-

Zuhri, namely, (a)

"And

the angel

family) and said to them: 'Cover me'.

dreams" (Ta'bir), he has an addition to the report of 'A'ishah

and

that the

'While

'O wrapped up in the mantle, rise and warn' up to 'and the

After that

'Abd

that Jabir ibn

may

was a pause

in the

coming of wahy

for such a period that the

Allah's blessings and peace be on him, as

1.

Surah 1 A, 'ayahs

2.

Bukhari, no.

4.

we have come

1-5.

The

report

is

repeated in the chapter on Tafsir (no. 4954).

to

know

SIRAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

374

Ui) became so sad

down from
self

down,

the hill-tops.

sured; but

top of a

went on a number of times

appeared before him and

JibrTl

Messenger." At

that he

Thus whenever he went up

this the Prophet's

when again

hill Jibril

said: 'O

mind would be

(1)1

to

throw himself

hill

to throw him-

y)

of a

to the top

Muhammad, you
set at rest

the pause prolonged he similarly

are truly Allah's

and he would be reas-

went and as he reached the

appeared before him and spoke to him similarly." 1

This story of extreme frustration on the Prophet's part on account of the

pause

coming of wahy and,

in the

attempts,

is

not

out, the story

is

at all

consequence, of his alleged suicide

in

worthy of credence. As Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalam points

only an addition and surmise on Al-Zuhri's part and no state-

ment of the Prophet himself, nor of 'A'ishah

al-Zubayr. 2

his qualifying clause, "as

duces
there
rators

this section.

Had

it

technical

Al-Zuhri's addition
to

add

to

appears

(r.a.)

this expression, for the

intro-

statement,

chain of nar-

beginning of the narration.

at the

defect

is

it

very clear

know", with which he

been the Prophet's or 'A'ishah's

had already been given

The second

it

is

we have come

would have been no need

Muhammad

nor even of 'Urwah ibn

This addition has been so mixed up with the text that

to be part of the original narration. That

from

(r.a.),

in

the

story

has been pointed out by

He states that it is a shadh (ii strange

or odd) report in that it has come down only once through a chain of narrators subsequent to Al-Zuhri among whom there is Ma'mar, and that in all
other forms in which the matter is reported, even though Ma'mar is menNasir al-Din al-Albani.

tioned as one of the narrators, this addition does not occur.

Nor

is this

addi-

found anywhere else with an uninterrupted chain of narrators worthy to

tion

be cited as evidence. 3
Apart from these technical considerations, the Prophet's character and
personality

do not admit of such a conduct on

more unworthy of credence because

it

attempt but of several such attempts; as

the second time

have

(i.e.

after the first

satisfied the Prophet!

The

his part.

The

if

at the

the

cave of Hira') would not

story might have originated, as

1.

Bukhart, no. 6982.

2.

Fath al-Bari, XII, 376. Ibn Hajar's words

3.

Muhammad

are: <1j-r ^rJj

<4

one scholar

hills,

0,**<

as he natu-

Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanf, Difa' 'an al-Hadith al-Nabawiyyah

H.), 40-42.

is all

the assurance given by Jibril for

appearance

points out, in someone's seeing the Prophet frequenting the

Damascus (1388

story

speaks not of one such alleged suicide

wa

al-Sirah,

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

rally did

during the pause

coming of wahy, and then supposing on the

in the

basis of that sight that the Prophet

top of the
place

hill!

And once

375

was about

to throw himself

such a surmise was circulated

it

down from

the

found

easily

its

subsequent reports with further mixing up of the facts and

in

circumstances. 2

The surmise of
but

is

it

the Prophet's suicide attempts

is

thus totally groundless;

a fact that he had a second glimpse of the angel shortly after his

receipt of

wahy

mount

at

Hira'. This fact

is

stated clearly in the

Qur'an as

follows:
(a) (rr:

j*^ >*> -^j

<

"And he had indeed seen him

(b)

(jrv

oli

>

(Jibril) in the clear

horizon. "(81

23)

ji% y>j * isys^^i iy ji * ^ jJll J_..ii <Lie- ^>

0L& * ^}*& Ua pJ> *

(S-o :or>^...
"He was taught by
stately form, while

and came

one mighty

the

power, endued with wisdom; he appeared

in a

he was in the highest part of the horizon. Then he approached

and was

closer;

in

Jialjl

at

a distance of but two bowlengths or even nearer..."

(53:5-9) 4

Before proceeding further with the story

into account

some

it

would be worthwhile

other reports concerning the receipt of the

to take

divine

first

communication by the Prophet, especialy those given by Ibn Ishaq, Ibn Sa'd
(i.e.

of Al-WaqidT) and Al-Tabari.

II.

THE REPORTS GIVEN BY IBN ISHAQ

Speaking on the subject Ibn Ishaq

first

reproduces part of 'A'ishah's

report as given in Bukhdri and as quoted above, saying that at

(r.a.)

first

the

Prophet used to see good dreams in sleep which appeared like morning daythen seclusion became dear to him so that nothing was dearer to

light;

him

than to be alone. 5 At this point Ibn Ishaq leaves the report and inserts another
report
tions

which he says

some unusual

Muhammad Muhammad 'Abu

al-Sunnah,
2.

his informants received

I,

Damascus, 1409

See Musnad,

II,

1988,

Shahbah, Al-Sirat al-Nabawiyyah Fi

p.

3.

See Ibn Kathtr,

See

5.

Ibn Hisham,

ibid, VII,

men-

Daw' al-Qur'an wa

232-233; 'Abu Nu'a'ym, Dalail, 68-69; Al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il,

Tafsir, VIII, 361-362.

419-422.

I,

It

266.

395.

4.

from "men of learning".

incidents like the trees' and stones' saluting the Prophet-

234.

I.,

393-

SIRATAL-NABl

376

Then Ibn Ishaq resumes

to-be, etc. 1

coming of wahy on the

the story of the

which he got from Wahb-ibn Kaysan

basis of another report

127 H.) who,

(d.

heard 'Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr asking 'Ubayd ibn 'Umayr ibn

is said,

it

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Qatadah al-Lythi 2

on the subject whereupon he ('Ubayd)

(d. 68. H.)

stated as

follows:

"The Messenger of Allah, may Allah's blessings and peace be on him, used

to

retire (jj^i) at Hira'

every year for a month, as was the wont of the Quraysh to

engage themselves

tahannuth for such a period during the Days of Jahiliyyah..?

So

in

Messenger of Allah, may Allah's blessings and peace be on him, used

the

there for that

month every

poor

year, feeding the

who

to retire

When

repaired to him.

Messenger of Allah, may Allah's blessings and peace be on him, finished

month-long retirement,

the first thing he did before going

Ka'ba and circumambulate

do.

Then he would

month

in

it

honour him, of the year

to

to

go

to the

times as Allah wished him to

home. This practice he continued

return to his

which Allah willed

many

seven times, or as

home, was

the
that

in

to follow

till

the

which He called him

to

may

prophethood, and that was the month of Ramadan. So the Messenger of Allah,

Allah's blessings and peace be on him, went out to Hira', as he used to do, and his

family was with him,

till

which Allah honoured him with His

the night arrived in

message and blessed His servants (mankind) thereby. There came

Allah's peace be on him, by Allah's

blessings and peace be on him, said:

silken casket in
I

replied:

'I

which there was

do not

read'.

would

die.

replied:

'I

do no

read.'

thought

'What

shall

thought

'What

would

read?'

had done. Then he

from

'alaq.

pen; taught

and he

my

left

heart.

Then he

die.
I

to

and said

me

released

released

me

read?' (The Prophet said)

would

shall

a writing,

came

me, while

to

him

was

and

released

me

and

asleep, with a

said: 'Read'.

me

so hard that

(The Prophet said)

me

so hard that

said: Read'. (The Prophet said)

said: 'Read'.

(The Prophet said)

did not say so except to avoid his doing the same to

said:

'Read

in the

Read, and your Lord

is

name of

the

Allah's

Thereupon he pressed me so hard

and

thy

may

Jibril,

me: 'Read.' (The Prophet said)

(The Prophet said) Thereupon he pressed

Then he

die.

Jibril

(The Prophet said) Thereupon he pressed

Then he

thought

to

command. The Messenger of Allah, may

I
I

said:

that

said:

me

as he

Who created; created man

Who taught by means of the

Lord

Most Gracious;

man what he knew not.' The Prophet said: 'So I read it.' Then it ended
me and I woke up from my sleep; and it was as if a writ was written on

(The Prophet said) Thereafter

1.

Ibid, 234-235.

2.

He was

came

out (of the cave)

till I

was

in the

a tabi't. See Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, VII, 71 (no. 148); Taqrtb al-Tahdhib,

mid-

I,

544,

no. 1561.
3.

Ibn Ishaq interposes here a couplet of 'Abu Talib's concerning al-tahannuth which

followed by Ibn Hisham's explanation of the word.

Ibid.,

235-236.

is

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

die of the hill

when

am

lo! there

Jibril.

(The Prophet said)

Jibril.

was

Jibril clearly in the

feet spread in the horizon saying: 'O

am

Muhammad, you are the

raised my head looking
shape of a man with his two

heard a voice from the sky saying: 'O

Messenger of Allah, and

towards the sky and

377

Muhammad, you

(The Prophet said) Thereupon

forward nor backward.

whatever direction of the horizon

him

face from

looked

are Allah's Messenger,

stood looking at him, and

my

started turning

saw him

remained standing without moving forward or backward

in

They reached Upper Makka and returned

search of me.

standing in that place of mine. Then he

my

"I left the place, returning to

till I

neither

same

position.

Khadljah sent her

men

was

still

to her while

me."

(Jibril) left

family

in the horizon, but in

in the

till

moved

and

came

to

Khadtjah and

sat

touching

her thigh and leaning towards her. She said: '0 'Abu al-Qasim, where had you been?

By

Allah

my

sent

assured,

my

son of

become

will

people in search of you

Then

returned to me.

till

narrated to her what

uncle.

By Him

they reached

Whose hand

in

is

ibn

Khadijah's

said: 'Rest

life, I

hope you

the Prophet of these people."

"Then she stood up, put her dress on, and went out

Asad

Upper Makka and then

had seen. Thereupon she

to

Waraqah

ibn

Nawfal ibn

'Abd al-'Uzza ibn Qusayy. He was her uncle's son, and had become a

Book (Gospels) and had heard from the scholars of the Torah and
She informed him of what the Messenger of Allah, may Allah's blessings

Christian, read the

the

Injtl.

and peace be on him, had related

Thereupon Waraqah ibn Nawfal

of Waraqah,

life

Namus

(Jibril)

if

you have spoken the

who came

to

Prophet of these people. So

Holy.

truth,

Musa, has come

tell

what he had seen and heard.

to her regarding

said: 'Holy,

him

By Him

in

Whose hands

him

(the Prophet); verily he

to rest assured."

Then Khadtjah returned

to

Messenger of Allah, may Allah's blessings and peace be on him, and

Waraqah

ibn

Nawfal had

said.

Then when

the

blessings and peace be on him, ended his retired state (jyr) and

said: 'O

ibn Nawfal,

my

of Allah,

brother's

may

told

Allah's blessings and peace be on him, informed

to him: 'By

Him

in

the Prophet of these people, and the Great

You

you

will not be believed,

and fought with.

knows.' Then

is

the

to the

him what

left

the place, he
it.

There

who was also circumambulating it, met him (the Prophet) and
son, tell me what you have seen and heard.' So the Messenger

Thereupon Waraqah said

you.

the

Messenger of Allah, may Allah's

did what he used to do, beginning with the Ka'ba and circumambulating

Waraqah

is

Khadtjah, then indeed the Great

If I live

till

that

Waraqah leaned

his

will

day

Whose hands

is

my

Namus, who came

to

him of everything.
life,

you are indeed

Musa, has come

to

be put to trouble and you will be driven out

I

will surely help the

head towards him

cause of Allah as

He

(the Prophet) and kissed the

middle of his head. Then the Messenger of Allah, may Allah's blessings and peace

be on him, went
1.

to his house."'

Ibn Hisham,

I.,

234-237.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

378

many respects from that of 'A'ishah

(r.a.) given in Bukhdri and noted earlier. The differences consist in omissions
of, additions to and modification of the facts mentioned by the latter. As
It is

obvious that

this report differs in

regards omissions, this report given by Ibn Ishaq does not mention any

initial

period of good or true dreams preceding the Prophet's engaging himself in

tahannuth

at

the cave of Hira'

Secondly, there

also

is

no indication of panic

or bewilderment on the Prophet's part in consequence of his encounters and

experiences with
in the

Jibril. Lastly,

coming of wahy

there

is

no mention

in this report

of any pause

after the receipt of the first instalment at the

cave of

Hira'.

As

regards additions, the

first

noticeable thing

was

the Prophet's sojourn in the cave of Hira'

is

that this report says that

accordance with the

in

tion of Quraysh's doing similar tahannuth every year during the

Ramadan.

It

tradi-

month of

further says that the Prophet also did so every year. Secondly,

says that while the Prophet was coming

down from

the cave

and was

still

it

in

the middle of the hill the angel Jibril appeared again in the sky, called the

Prophet by his
Thirdly,

name and

assured

to the

compound and expressed

Khadijah

he was indeed Allah's Messenger.

Waraqah, the

it.

first

thing the Prophet did

Lastly,

met

latter

it

says that in addi-

the Prophet at the

him

similar views about

as

were

Ka'ba

earlier expressed

(r.a.).

remarkable, however, are the modifications that appear in this

report in the facts stated in 'A'ishah's

(r.a.) report.

ted that the Prophet took his family with

In the first place,

him when he went

tahannuth. Secondly and more importantly,

came and
Hira'.

the

hill

Ka'ba and circumambulating

tion to Khadijah's meeting

More

that

says that on his return from the

it

was going

to

him

it

further stated that the angel pressed

is sta-

for

said that the angel Jibril

is

delivered the text to the Prophet while he was asleep

It is

it

to Hira'

him four

in

the cave of

times, instead of the

three in the other report; and that twice the Prophet said that he did not

know

reading and twice he asked what he should read. Thirdly, this report makes

Khadijah
leaving
It

(r.a.)

go alone

to

Waraqah

to seek his opinion about her husband,

him behind.

should be noted that the ultimate authority of

'Umayr

ibn Qatadah

his information.

The

who

is

report

a tabi't and
is

who does

this report is

not mention the source of

thus technically mursal, that

only to the second generation after the Prophet.

'Ubayd ibn

It is

is,

going back

a recognized principle of

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

interpretation that

379

a mursal report differs from one that goes back with

if

reli-

able and uninterrupted isndd to the Prophet {mawsul, marfu '), the latter pre-

over the former. Hence that part of 'Ubayd ibn 'Umayr's report pro-

vails

duced by Ibn Ishaq which

must yield place

variance with the report given in Bukhari

is at

to the latter. In any case the statement that the Prophet

received the revelation at the cave of Hira' while he was asleep, that
state

of dreaming,

(r.a.)

report that

it

happened

in the Prophet's

wakefulness and

dream and then again

in wakefulness.

received in

first

This explanation, though somewhat in

of a period of good dreams preceding the coming of reve-

line with the fact

lation at Hira', ignores the fact that

at

conscious-

full

of course attempted to reconcile the two

statements by saying that the text of the revelation was

happen

in a

unacceptable in view of the clear statement in 'A'ishah's

is

Some commentators have

ness.

is

the cave of Hira'

In fact the report under consideration appears to have

the initial period of

this

dream

mixed up the

fact of

'Ubayd ibn 'Umayr makes

itself.

good dreams with the second stage of solitary prayer and

contemplation {tahannuth) and the receipt of the

of revelation at

first text

Hira' in the state of the Prophet's wakefulness and full consciousness. This

mixing up

makes

is all

the

more obvious from another aspect of the

the cave after his alleged

and not
reports.

after a

Also,

pause
it

which

come

out of

that the Prophet

dream and while

still

in the

middle of the mountain,

coming of wahy as narrated

in the

in

tahannuth each year for the month of

betook himself to the cave of Hira'

the concept of seclusion and solitary prayer which

sent her

It is

men

gazing

the Prophet

some

other

Ramadan and

in imitation

tom. Again, the statement that he took his family there

tahannuth.

in

does not appear to be correct that the Quraysh used to

engage themselves

tain

report

the Prophet see Jibril in the sky immediately after having

is

was the

of that cus-

inconsistent with
sole objective of

also inconsistent with the other statement that Khadijah

in search of the

Prophet as he stood in the middle of the

at Jibril in the sky.

was staying

The account

gives the impression that while

in the cave, his family

the mountain, a situation which

is

it

is

was staying

at

another spot

at

warranted neither by the extent and shape

of the mountain nor by the purpose,

bleak mountains. Even then

(r.a.)

moun-

if at all,

of dragging them out to the

quite unlikely that Khadijah, if she

had

at all

gone to the mountain, would have been unaware of the Prophet's whereabouts. Clearly there
1.

See below,

text.

is

here a mixing up of an incident which took place on

SIRAT AL-NABI

380

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

another occasion, most probably when the Prophet used to go to the mounduring the pause

tain

in the

coming of wahy.

Despite these anomalies and confusions

in the report,

general the solid core of facts given in 'A'ishah's

corroborates in

it

namely,

(r.a.) report,

that the Prophet received the first text of the revelation at Hira'

angel

he was indeed God's Messenger; and

he heard the account of the incident

(Namus) who used

the very angel

that

Muhammad (0

(c) that

Musa

to

when
it

was

with God's revelation and

THE REPORTS GIVEN BY AL-WAQIDI

point of time

in

is

of Al-Waqidi

that

'Umar, 120-207 H.) coming through his scribe

230

ibn Nawfal,

expressed his view that

at Hira',

come

to

Muhammad

Waraqah

had received such a commission from God.

III.

The next account

the

a subsequent stage the Prophet saw the angel appear-

Jibril; (b) that at

ing in the sky, introducing himself as Jibril and assuring

that

from

(a)

(Muhammad

Muhammad

ibn

ibn Sa'd (168-

H.).

Al-Waqidi

(1)

first

quotes the

part of 'A'ishah's

initial

(r.a.)

given in Bukhdri but through a different isndd, namely, through

Rashid and
report

good

is

Muhammad
same

the

'Abd Allah.

that nothing

was dearer

to

ibn

In effect, however, this part of the

as that in Bukhdri, saying that the Prophet

dreams for sometime,

(or true)

him so

ibn

report as

Ma'mar

first

used to see

which seclusion became dear

after

him than

that, that

to

he next retired to the

cave of Hira' for engaging himself in tahannuth consecutively for several

days and coming back to his family from time to time to take provisions for
that sort of stay

(2)

At

on the mountain,

this point

till

"the truth"

came

to him. 1

Al-Waqidi introduces another report which he received

through Ibrahim ibn Isma'Tl, from Da'ud ibn al-Husayn, from 'Ikrima, from
Ibn 'Abbas.
that state

It is

(i.e.,

said that Ibn

'Abbas stated

an angel sitting cross-legged in the sky

Prophet) by

was

name and

terrified

that

presumably, after the receipt of

and started looking

in

the Prophet

Jibril.

At

was

in

Ajyad he saw

the horizon, calling

at

introducing himself as

when

'the truth' j^-i) at

him

this sight the

(the

Prophet

other directions of the sky, but to what-

ever direction he turned his eyes he saw the angel. Hence the Prophet hurried

back home, went

to

Khadijah

(r.a.)

a soothsayer though he detested

it

and expressed his fear that he might turn

the most.

tioning the qualities of his head and heart.

1.

Ibn Sa'd,

I,

194.

She comforted him by men-

Then she went

to

Waraqah and

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

related to

him

The

the story.

latter said that

appeared to her husband and that

it

was

it

381

Namus who had

the Great

indicated the beginning of his pro-

phethood, adding that he should not therefore think anything but good for
himself.

Al-Waqidi next produces two other

(3)

one

reports,

after

another,

received through different chains of narrators and both saying that the

Prophet sometimes saw

light

and heard sounds and expressed his fears to

wife saying that he would probably turn a soothsayer. Khadijah

comfort him by mentioning his noble

qualities.

One of these

Khadijah

had appeared

(r.a.)

if

to

Waraqah who opined

he lived

Two

sources.

that this

the

that at

Namus who

first

form three different

thing which

It

it

third report

was revealed

to

Al-Waqidi notes

five initial 'ayahs of surat al- 'Alaq.

happened on "the day of Hira'". 3 The

from Ibn 'Abbas.

was

different reports

of these reports say that the

was the

Da'ud ibn al-Husayn who had

it

it

that time. 2

till

Next Al-WaqidT reproduces three

the Prophet

that

husband, that he would be a Prophet and that Waraqah

to her

would help him

(4)

went

would

reports says that

go mad and

the Prophet also expressed his fears that he might even

this

(r.a.)

his

was received from

from Ghatfan ibn TarTf who,

in his turn,

had

came at Hira' the

Hence he became sad and star-

says that after the revelation which

Prophet did not see Jibnl for "several days".

ted frequenting the Thabtr and Hira' mountains in order to throw himself

from them. Once while he was thus going

to

one of those mountains he heard

a voice from the sky and as he turned his eyes upwards he saw Jibnl sitting

crosslegged on a chair and calling him and saying

truly Allah's

mind

Now,
apart

Messenger, and

set at rest. Thereafter

am Jibnl." The

wahy came

left

the authorities' rating of Al-WaqidT's credibility

from

initial

Prophet then

are

the place, his

regularly and without interruption. 4

that question, the points illustrated

him may be tabulated as follows. In the

an

"O Muhammad, you

first

is

very low; but

by the reports produced by

place,

it

is

stated that there

was

period of "true" dreams which was followed by the Prophet's love

for solitary retirement. Second,

the cave of Hira'

194-195.

1.

Ibid,

2.

Ibid., 195.

3.

Ibid., 196.

4.

Ibid.

it

is

stated that the Prophet

used to

retire at

where he remained consecutively for several days before

S1RAT AL-NAB1

382

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

is

no men-

on the Prophet's part was

in imita-

returning to his family to take provisions for the purpose. There

tion in these reports that such tahannuth
tion of the

custom of the Quraysh; nor

Prophet's family went with

was

at the

cave of Hira'

him

there

is

to the hills. Third,

that the first revelation

sisted of the first five 'ayahs of surat al-'Alaq.

any suggestion
it

is

was received and

The

that the

clearly stated that

details of

that

how

con-

it

the angel

appeared and delivered the text are not mentioned. At the same time there

no indication whatsoever
asleep

(i.e. in

that the incident took place while the Prophet

dream). Fourth, as regards the seeing of the angel

it

is

was

Jibril in the

horizon one of Al-WaqidT's reports says that this happened at Ajyad, while

another of his reports says that this happened when the Prophet frequented
the Thabir and Hira' mountains in consequence of the angel's not appearing
to

him

for "several days" after the

revelation. This information cor-

first

roborates the fact of a pause in the coming of wahy. Fifth, as regards the
alleged intention
tops,

it

on the Prophet's

this instance

on the

throw himself from the mountain

part to

appears unmistakably that

it

is

only a guess on the narrator's part, in

part of either Ibn

'Abbas or some other narrator sub-

sequent to him. Sixth, as regards the consultation with Waraqah one of Al-

WaqidT's reports makes the event happen after the seeing of the angel reportedly

at

Ajyad; while the other report makes

sometimes seen
tioned points

light

(fifth

and heard sounds,

and

it

etc.

sixth), thus, the facts

accord with those given in 'A'ishah's

IV.

(r.a.)

Al-TABARi'S

happen

after the Prophet

Excepting these two

last

had

men-

presented by Al-WaqidT are

in

report and recorded in Bukhari.

ACCOUNT

Writing more than a hundred years after Al-WaqidT, Al-TabarT (224-310

H.) reproduces Ibn Ishaq's report, as mentioned above, with minor alterations in

wording and

slight omissions

and additions

mentioning him by name and keeping as close to

in the text, but

otherwise

his text as possible.

Before

reproducing his version of Ibn Ishaq's report, however, Al-TabarT puts

another report of the event which he says he received from

'Uthman ('Abu Jawra,) who had

JarTr),

(i.e.

the latter

it

Wahb

from

'Urwah, from 'A'ishah

(r.a.).

This report

above, only to 'Ubayd ibn 'Umayr and

Al-TabarT, Tarikh,

from

in

ibn

his father

from Al-Nu'man ibn Rashid, he from Al-ZuhrT, from

Ibn Ishaq by the fact that whereas the

ibn Jarir, who,

Ahmad

II,

300-302

(I /

149-1

is

is

distinguished from that given in

latter's

report goes back, as noted

as such mursal, Al-TabarT's report

53).

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

goes back to 'A'ishah

383

through Al-Zuhri and 'Urwah. The salient fea-

(r.a.)

tures of this report are as follows:

of the report the facts are exactly the same as they are

(a) In the first part

related in the report in Bukhdri, namely, the initial period of "true" or "good"

dreams, followed by the Prophet's love for seclusion, his solitary prayer and
stay at the cave of Hira' consecutively for a

from time

his family

came

"truth"

his returning to

to time to take provisions for a similar stay,

From

to him.

number of days,
from

this point the report differs

that in

till

the

Bukhdri

and runs as follows:

The Prophet
"So he

(b)

is

have

said to

came

[the angel]

to

related:

me

and

'At this

my
(I

'O

I fell

on

my

heart throbbing.

remained so)

till

knees, though

Then

my

Muhammad, You

went

Muhammad, you
Then

standing.

KhadTjah and said to

to

panic went away.

Then he

are Allah's Messenger.'

[the angel]

The Prophet

senger.'

Then

(c)

Then he

came

to

From

me

and

said:

said: 'O

"Read

Khadijah and

Muhammad,

in the

said:

this point the

'I

am

am

is

latter's

opinion that the angel

remarks that

if

he lived

till

that

me
I

and

said:

thought of

intended doing so he

Who

So

created.'

again the same as in Bukhdri,

i.e.,

my

life.

their

She

said..."

going to Waraqah, the

(Namus) had come with God's

revelation,

turn against him, etc., ending with

Waraqah's

Jibril

would

to

read.

Khadyah's words of consolation to the Prophet,

that the Prophet's people

came

afraid about

account

said:

family),

and you are Allah's Mes-

Jibrtl,

name of your Lord

my

'Cover me, cover me.'

said: 'At this

throwing myself from the top of a mountain, and when

appeared before

on him,

returned (to

her:

Messenger

are the

Allah's blessings and peace be

was

'O

said:

may

of Allah.' The Messenger of Allah,

day he would render

all

possible help to the

Prophet.

This report, though

and 'Urwah,
(1)

It

it

from

says that the

that

(2)

differs

origin to 'A'ishah

traces

its

that in

Bukhdri

first

in the

(r.a.)

through Al-Zuhri

following essential respects:

thing the angel told the Prophet in the cave

was

he was Allah's Messenger.

That after the Prophet had come home from the cave the angel
appeared again and told him that he was Allah's Messenger.

(3)

That after

this

second appearance of the angel and also after the

Prophet had been told for the second time that he was Allah's Messenger, he contemplated throwing himself from a hill-top.
(4)

That when he was about

to so

throw himself from a

hill-top the angel

SIRAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

384

appeared for the third time, introduced himself as

assured the

Jibril,

Prophet that he was Allah's Messenger and delivered to him the

first

'ayah of surat al- 'Alaq.

There

(5)

no mention of the Prophet's

is

first

expressing his inability to

read.
(6)

There

Now,

it

is

is

also

no mention about the pause

obvious that neither 'A'ishah

in the

(r.a.)

coming of wahy.

nor, for that matter, Al-

Zuhri, could have given two essentially different accounts of the

If

the facts stated here were true but were

somehow omitted

same

event.

or skipped over

by them the narrators subsequent to them should have mentioned the sources
of their information. But nothing of the sort

Even with regard

is

indicated here or elsewhere.

to the alleged suicide attempt

it is

while Al-Zhuri would have

that the

it

which finds mention

in

given here in a quite different form. Thus

Bukhari as Al-Zuhri's surmise,

Prophet allegedly intended to throw

himself from a hill-top because of the pause in the coming of wahy and only
desisted from doing so

when

the angel Jibril reappeared and assured

him

that

he was Allah's Messenger; the present report, on the other hand, not only

does not make any mention of the pause

would have us believe

Jibril

that the

in the

coming of wahy but

also

Prophet meditated suicide because the angel

appeared for the second time and also assured the Prophet for the

second time

that

he was Allah's Messenger. Apart from the utter unrea-

sonableness of the statement,

it

is

obvious that Al-Zuhri himself could not

have given such divergent and diametrically opposite accounts about the
cause and sequence of the event.
thus clear that the narrators subsequent to Al-Zuhri or at least

It is

of them through
Zuhri's

own

whom

the account reached Al-Tabari

Nu'man

Al-Zuhri,

is

mixed up not only Al-

statement but also the original report with other matters. In fact

authoritative opinions are not quite at

instance

ibn Rashid,

who

is

one about some of these

stated to

narrators.

regarded by a number of competent authorities as "very weak",

that

It

is

he made reprehensible and worthless reports and should

therefore be avoided.

1.

For

have received the report from

"confused", profuse in making mistakes and even baseless surmises.

even stated

some

Similarly Jarir (ibn

Hazim

ibn

'Abd Allah ibn Shuja'

Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, X, Hyderabad, 1227 H.,

Part of the criticism uns as follows: **

cJ'u. -u-i ji <Di .u- Jiij sj*-

oikili

p.

152, no. 819.

/> ^ali ^ Jt. Jii

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

al-Azdi),

who

Rashid,

considered to be profuse

is

385

from Al-Nu'man ibn

stated to have received the report

is

in errors,

mixing up his surmises with the

reports he transmitted, changing the sequence of events and even

reprehensible reports.

who received the

commit mistakes. He is even stated

Also his son Wahb,

reference from him, used to

buted his reports to persons from

whom

making

report under
to

have

attri-

he had not received them. Thus he

transmitted about four thousand reports "form Shu'ba", but those were really
reports of

'Abd al-Rahman al-Rassasi. 2

Obviously, reports coming through such narrators need to be taken with

caution and cannot be, according to the accepted rules of interpretation,

given precedence over those on the same subject emanating from narrators of

unimpeachable
It is

veracity.

not necessary to follow the accounts found in works later than Al-

Tabari's; for they

do not

really

add anything new or authentic

whole the most authentic account of the coming of

the

the Prophet

is

that given

by 'A'ishah

(r.a.)

to the story.

On

the first revelation to

and contained

in

Bukhdri. This

report and the other reports noticed above, excluding the points

on which

they disagree, bring out the following facts:

That on the eve of his

(i)

call the

Prophet experienced an

"good" dreams which appeared to him

That after

(ii)

solitary prayer

That

(iii)

it

and delivered

to

at the

him

at

the cave on top of

cave of Hira' that the angel

Mount
Jibril

after this first encounter at the

and confirming

appeared to him

cave of Hira' the Prophet

him by name, disclosing

from an external source, and not the

contemplation and thinking. The experinece

(vi)

phenomenon

his

own

he (the Prophet) was Allah's Messenger.

that

distinct text received

chological

in

Hira'.

That what the Prophet received was something extraneous

(v)

was a

period of

initial

day-light.

the first text of the revelation.

Jabril again in the sky, addressing

identity

own

was

morning

he began to love seclusion and spent a period of time

and contemplation

That shortly

(iv)

saw

this

like the

at

Hira'

to him.

It

result of his

was also no psy-

for him.

That the immediate reaction of the Prophet to the receipt of Divine

communication was

that

of a person

No. 111.

1.

Ibid.,11, 71-72,

2.

Ibid.,Xl 161-162, No. 273.

who never expected such a

deve-

SIRATAL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

386
lopment, that

he was not quite sure of

initially

only after the reassurance given by the angel

and

after consultation with

was

set at rest;

new

Jibril

Waraqah ibn Nawfal

That therefore previous

(vii)

his

to his receipt

status

and

that

it

was

(under Divine direction)

that his (the Prophet's)

mind

of the Divine communication

the Prophet did not plan and design to play the role of a Prophet; and
(viii)

That there was a short pause

receipt of the first text at Hira'. This

coming of

in the

was

in the nature

enabling the Prophet to recover from the

first

revelation after the

of a breathing time

shock of the extraordinary

experience.
V.

The

authorities generally agree in saying that the Prophet

the fortieth year of his

at

DATE OF THE FIRST REVELATION

Mount

Hira'. 1

An

life

when he

received the

first

indirect allusion to this fact

had completed

divine communication

might be found, as one

scholar suggests, 2 in the Qur'anic statement at 46: 15 which indicates the age

of forty to be the time when a servant willed to be grateful to Allah for His
favours.

It is

culating

on

month of the

menced on
at the

year.

And

cave of Hira'

the initial period of "good" or "true" dreams

com-

taken into account,

is

That

Qur'an was sent down

"The month of Ramadan

fits in

in the

The passage runs

mankind and

1.

Cal-

very

the

it

should be clear that the receipt of

communication took place a few months

of the fortieth year.

if

month of Rabt'

I.

in

would be completed

the completion of his fortieth year and if the period of tahannuth

the first divine

Rabi'l).

was bom

in that

said that the Prophet

that basis his foriteth year

is

well with the Qur'anic statement that the

month of Ramadan

I.

(i.e.

the sixth

month

after

as follows:

that in

which

the

as clear proofs of the guidance

Ibn Hisham,

completion

after the

233; Ibn Sa'd,

I,

Qur'Sn was sent down as guidance

and the Criterion."

190, 194; Al-Tabari, Tarikh,

141). Al-Tabari of course gives three reports (in fact two, for

from the same person, Sa'id ibn Musayyib) saying

he was forty-three years old (Al-Tabari, Tarikh,

II,

290-292

two of the

that revelation

op.cit., 292).

came

These

to

(2: 185).

(I /

reports

to the Prophet

reports,

139-

emanate

when

however, are not

quite correct and they appear to trace the event from the time of the Prophet's public preaching

and conflict with the Quraysh.

2.

Muhammad

3.

See Fath al-Bdri,

'Izzat

Darwazah, Stmt al-Rasul,

I,

36; Al-Bayhaqi, Dalail,

I,

II,

Beirut, n.d.

143.

(1400 H.?), pp. 129-130.

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

387

Some scholars of course interpret the particle fi (J) in this passage in the
sense of "about" and say that the meaning of the 'ayah is that the Qur'an has
been revealed about Ramadan (and fasting during
while the particle in question

sometimes used

is

it).

may be

It

in the sense

noted that

of "about" or

"concerning", this sense would be very remote and out of context here. For
the 'ayah speaks of the Qur'an as guidance for mankind, etc., thereby

ing that the whole burden of the statement

month of Ramadan

show-

on the Qur'an and not on the

is

as such. Also, such a construction

would not be

sonance with the relative importance of such other subjects as tawhid,

and zakdh dealt with the Qur'an. In

tified

about which the Qur'an

fact if

may be

salat,

any single subject should be iden-

said to have been revealed,

should be

it

some form or other

tawhtd; for the whole of the Qur'an relates in

ject.

con-

in

to this sub-

Also salat and zakdh are more frequently and more emphatically

enjoined

Qur'an. Yet, nowhere

in the

been revealed about any of these

in

it

subjects.

do we find any mention

It

that

it

has

would thus be inconsistent with

both the context of the 'ayah as well as the over-all subject matter of the

Qur'an

revealed about
It is,

Qur'an has been

to interpret the 'ayah in question as saying that the

Ramadan. 2

however, not only the above mentioned passage but two other pas-

sages of the Qur'an which specifically refer to

month of Ramadan and also

two passages are as follows:
(f->
"Ha-Mim. By

the

Book

that

its

having been revealed

in the

indicate the approximate part of the month.

i i )

ST j

makes things

^ 4_LJ

*LJ

clear.

We

jii Ul

l^Jlj * 'j^-

<,

have indeed sent

The

^> ( \ )

down during

it

a blessed night..." (44:1-3)

O
"We have

indeed sent

it

(the Qur'an)

down

These two passages, especially the

in the

:^V)^jU<JliLJ^4_JjiiUI^(Y)

Night of Power." (97:1).

clearly refer to the revelation of

first,

the Qur'an; for the 'ayah immediately preceding

it

(i.e.

44:2) specifically

speaks about "the Book". Also, the obvious implication of both the passages

quoted above

known

is

that the

the beginning of the Qur'anic revelation; for

whole of the Qur'an was revealed

1.

See Al-Baydawi,

2.

This remote meaning

Tafsir,
is

I,

105. See for discussion

adopted by those

immediately on completion of the

fortieth

month of Ramadan. Such a view, however,

who

is

Akram Khan,

op.

think that revelation

year of his

life, in

it

to the Prophet

Rabi'

cit,

well-

pp. 31 1-313.

came

(8th day)

is

in instal-

to the Prophet

and not

contrary to the clear text of the Qur'an.

in the

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

388

ments over a span of 23

years.

It

should also be noted that the terms Qur'an

and Kitab have been used throughout

well as part of
It

is

in the

Qur'an to mean the whole as

it.

thus clear that the

first

Qur'anic revelation came to the Prophet

during the month of Ramadan, more specifically in the "Night of Power" or

the "Blessed Night".

There are a number of reports saying

one of the nights during the

last ten

days of

specifically that the first Qur'anic revelation

Ramadan. 2

came

Monday and
shows

recent calculation

year of the Prophet's

the

first

received the

on 21 Ramadan.

life falls

on Mount Hira' came

revelation

Reference should be made

which mention, respectively,

revelation. 5

It

authentic, for

after
It

may

st

therefore be said that

of 21

Ramadan

during

C.E.).

in this connection,

17, 18,

that the Prophet said

however, to three reports

and 24 Ramadan as the date of the

should be noted that none of these reports

may

first

be regarded as

none of them goes back to the time of the Prophet and there are
or untrustworthy persons in the chains of nar-

either unidentified
rators.

it

Monday. 4
20 Ramadan in the 4

in the night

the 41st year of the Prophet's life (610- 61

report mentions

revelation on a

first

Monday

that the first

One

is

to the Prophet in the night

of 21 Ramadan. 3 Also a number of other reports have

he was born on a

that this night

Hence these

reports cannot be given preference to the authentic ones

cited above.

may

It

also be pointed out that in describing the beginning of revelation

Ibn Ishaq quotes, in addition to the 'ayahs cited above, 'ayahs 8:41 (sural al-

Nahl) which says:

Our

"...

if

you believe

in

Allah and in what

servant on the day of distinguishing (between right

day of the meeting of the two

expression "what

We

sent

hosts..."

down

to

We

sent

down

and wrong)

the

Ibn Ishaq appears to have taken the

Our

servant" as implying the revelation

of the Qur'an to the Prophet and points out that the day referred to here
that

of the battle of Badr which took place on Friday, 17

1.

Some

to

Ramadan

is

6
(2 H.).

scholars take the "Blessed Night" mentioned in 44:3 to be the one in mid-

however no authentic hadith in support of this view. Moreover, this view

and 97:1 at variance with each other; for there is no difference of opinion about the "Night of Power" being in the month of RamadSn. As both the passages speak
about the sending down of the Qur'an, it cannot be suggested that the Qur'Sn gives two diffeSha'ban. There

would

is

in effect put 44:3

rent dates for the event.

2.

See for instance Ibn Kattur,

3.

Al-Hakim, Al-Mustadrak,

4.

Ibn Sa'd,

I,

193-194; Al-Tabari, Tarikh,

5.

Ibn Sa'd,

1,

194; Al-Taban, Tarikh,

6.

Ibn Hisham,

1,

240.

Tafsir, VIII,

III,

468-470.

143.

II,

293

(I / 1

141-1 142).

293-294

(I / 1

142-1 143).

II,

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

389

Al-Tabari also quotes this 'ayah in support of the report which mentions 17

Ramadan

scholars have cited this 'ayah as well in saying that the

make

place on 17 Ramadan. Further, to

in

'ayah 44:3 and 97:1

"Night of Power"

Now,

them some modern

as the date of the first revelation. 1 Following

there

is

in that

the expression "what

on

We

down

sent

mean

Our

to

servant on the day of dis-

the revelation of the Qur'an as such.

that matter.

means

It

in

question

It

also refers to the injunc-

of the spoils of war

only the concluding part of a

is

which begins with a description of the

the subject and adds the expression "if

sizing the need to abide

by the rules

you believe

laid

down

etc."

rules regarding

by way of empha-

in this respect.

None of

recognized commentators of the Qur'an thinks that the allusion here

revelation of the Qur'an. In fact

Nor

the unseen assistance sent by

that occasion about the distribution

{ghantmah). Indeed the statement

rather lengthy 'ayah

stated

on 17 Ramadan. 2

fell

Allah to the Prophet and the Muslims on that day.

tions revealed

is

that the 'ayah 8:41 refers to the battle of Badr; but

tinguishing" etc. does not

does the context refer to

revelation took

with what

has been suggested that the "Blessed Night" or

it

year

no doubt

first

this dating tally

is

the

to the

of them, including, interestingly enough,

all

Al-Tabari, 3 interpret the expression in question as meaning Allah's assistance

(sending

down

of angels,

etc.)

distribution of spoils of war. 4

is

yawm

"night"

(day);

is

mentioned

Both 44:3 and 97:1

'day'.

that

day and the injuctions regarding the

also noteworthy that the term used in 8:41

yawm

and although

specifically

on

It is

it

in

Arabic includes night as well, where

means only

specifically

night and does not include

mention "night" as the time of the

first

On

this

revelation, thereby excluding 'day' in connection with that event.

ground too

it

would not by appropriate

support of the date of the

As

regards the concept of

1.

2.

3.

4.

adduce the statement

in 8:41 in

shall

(revelation)

and

its

nature, particulary the

have occasion to speak

in a

subsequent

Here something should be said about the very early revelations and

Al-Tabari, Tarikh,

See for instance

al-Qur'an

wahy

we

nature of Qur'anic wahy,

chapter.

to

first revelation.

II,

294.

Muhammad

wa al-Sunnah,

1.,

Ibn

Muhammad 'Abu

Damascus, 1409

Shahbah, Sirat al-Rasul Ft

Daw'

1988, pp. 259-260.

Al-Tabari, Tafsir, X, 8-9.

See comments on

this

'ayah (8:41) in the tafstrs of Ibn Kathir, Al-Qurtubt, Al-

Zamakhshari, Al-Baydawi, Al-Shawkani, Al-Baghawi, Al-SuyutT, and Ibn al-JawzI.

SIRAT AL-NABl

390
their

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

main teachings.
VI.

It

THE EARLY REVELATIONS AND THEIR TEACHINGS

has already been noted that after the receipt of the

Mount

Hira' there

was a pause

in the

Reports vary regarding the length of

coming of

the others say that

was for two or

it

Some

this pause.

ber of days not exceeding forty, some say

it

further

was

three years.

The

was intended

recover from the shock of the

new experience and

further

new

to

him

num-

lasted for a

view seems

first

to

be

to give the Prophet a time to

him

to enable

to settle

reasonable to assume that no

status. It is thus just not

communication came

it

to the Prophet.

for several months, while

the correct one; for the pause

himself with his

say

revelation at

first

wahy

two or three

for so long a time as

years.

Secondly, two of the authentic reports relating to the Prophet's seeing the
angel

Jibril in the

sky and thereafter receiving the second revelation clearly

indicate that this took place shortly after his return

and not

at all after

from the cave of Hira'

years or months of that event. 2 Thirdly,

an established

it is

made

fact that during the first three years of his mission the Prophet

num-

ber of converts to Islam, started praying and towards the end of that period

began openly calling

ceivable that he did

his people to accept Islam.

all

that period. Fourthly,

almost half of the

Makkan

revealed before the revelation of surat al-Nahl

tion to the

It is

the

the

end of

earlier,
It

first

in

part of the Qur'an had been

in

which there

thus obvious that almost half of the

Qur'an had been revealed during the

pause

therefore simply incon-

Muslims' migration to Abyssinia which took place

of the mission.

for the

It is

these without receiving any further revelation during

first

four years.

three years no further revelation

coming of wahy

lasted at the

that period the Prophet

came

most

that the next revelation

came

in the fifth vear

Makkan

Hence

an indica-

it

is

part of the

unlikely that

to the Prophet.

Thus

for several days or weeks.

one day saw

to him.

It

his family

to

him

At

cover him.

consisted of the

first five

com-

'ayahs of surat al-Muddaththir (no.74). Thereafter revelations started

ing to

the
3

Jibril in the sky, as related

and came back home with panic and asked

was then

is

regularly and without interruption. 4

Reports regarding the order of revelations also are various and divergent.
1.

See Fath al-Bari,

2.

Bukharl, nos. 4922, 4924.

3.

Fath al-Bari,

Darwazah,

op.cit.,

I,

I,

I,

36-37; XII, 376-377.

36-37; XII, 376-377; Ibn Sa'd,

137-138:

Muhammad

ibn

I,

191, 196. See also

Muhammad 'Abu

Muhammad

Shahbah,

op.cit.,

I,

'Izzat

264.

Sha'bT's report saying that the angel Israffl instructed the Prophet for three years in various

matters
4.

is

not reliable.

Bukhari, nos. 4, 3232, 4925, 4926, 4954.

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

Nevertheless there

is

a general unanimity

few 'ayahs each of surahs al-'Alaq

Qalam

(no. 68)

revealed.

among

the authorities that the

and al-Muzzammil (no.73) were the very

The remaining

which was revealed

were

appears that these also were not

it

'ayah of surat al-Muzzammil

last

Madina. Also there are reports

1

at

earliest that

of these surahs were revealed sub-

portions

except the

later in time,

first

(no.96), al-Muddaththir (no.74), al-

sequently; but from their internal evidence

much

391

(73:20)

that assign surahs al-

Fdtihah (no.l), al-Duhd (no. 93) and al-Sharh (no.94) a very early date, some
holding that al-Fdtihah was the very

first in

the order of reveations.

How-

ever, according to the generally accepted order of revelations the first ten

surahs are as follows: 2

(surah no. 96)

(\) Al-'Alaq,

(2)

Al-Muddaththir

(3)

Al-Qalam

(4)

Al-Muzzammil

(5) Al-Fdtihah

(6)

Al-Masad

(7)

Al-Takwir

(8) Al- 'A 'la

(9) Al-Layl

(10) Al-Fajr

It

"

"

74)

"

"

68)

"

"

73)

"

"

1)

"

"

101)

"

"

81)

"

"

87)

"

"

92)

"

"

89)

may be noted that some of these surahs contain allusions to the reaction
Makkan unbelievers. This means that the Prophet had entered upon his

of the

mission as soon as he received the order contained

Muddaththir ("Rise and warn"

- jiiti

pi)

and

number of other surahs

lievers.

that are free

'ayah 2 of surat al-

that the opposition

lievers started simultaneously. 3 Besides the

are a

in

of the unbe-

above mentioned surahs there

from such allusions

These surahs, as one scholar points

out, 4

to the unbe-

must also have been

revealed at an early stage, most probably even before the later portions of al-

2.

See for instance the

New York,
3.
first

tafsirs of

See the tables given

in

1983, Appendix

II,

See below, Ch. XXI,

M.

Al-Baydawi and Al-Jalalayn on

Khalifa, The Sublime

pp. 224-227

and

'Izzat

sec.I for a discussion

three years.

4.

Muhammad

'Izzat

Darwazah,

op.cit.,

1,

134.

this surah.

Qur'an and Orientalism, London and

Darwazah,

op.cit.,

on the theory of

I,

145-149.

"secret" preaching for the

SIRAT AL-NAB1 AND

392

THE ORIENTALISTS

'Alaq, al-Qalam, al-Muddaththir, etc. Leaving aside this type of surahs,

however, and taking into account only the ten above mentioned surahs,

may

be stated that the basic teachings of Islam were

essence during the very

initial

all

communicated

it

in

These teachings may be grouped under

period.

the following heads:

Tawhid (monotheism)

(1)

in all its aspects,

tawhid al-rububiyyah (the

i.e.,

absolute Oneness and Exclusiveness of Allah as Creator, Sustainer,

etc.),

tawhid al-'uluhiyyah (the absolute Oneness and Exclusiveness of Allah as

the object of worship and solicitation) and tawhid al-'Asma"

(uniqueness of

Names and

Attributes).

wa

al-Sifat

(2) Prayer (saldt) together with cleanliness (tahdrah).

(3) Risdlah,

i.e.

the Messengership of Muhammad

al-'Akhirah,

(4)

i.e.,

Life

{%

death (the Resurrection, Judgement,

after

Reward and Punishment).

on

(5) Individual responsibility

Social

(6)

responsibility

the

Day

of Judgement.

wealthy and denunciation of blind

of the

materialism.
(7) Special instructions

and words of encouragement and comfort to the

Prophet.

Tawhid: Monotheism {tawhid)

(1)

entire teachings
lation is

in

the

this

first

theme

is

far as the first reve-

conveyed by the expressions rabb and kha-

two 'ayahs of siirat

not be expressed by a single

'lord' in

theme round which the

and injunctions of Islam revolve. So

concerned

laqa used

the central

is

The meaning of rabb can-

al- 'Alaq.

word of any other language,

for instance

by

English; for the Arabic rabb has a comprehensive connotation of

One Who

creates, sustains, nourishes, develops

and determines the growth,

evolution and destiny of an object with generosity and care. Nothing could
therefore be a
attribute of

more appropriate

God

start for

the revelation than to emphasize this

as the Creator and Sustainer. This

cific by the term khalaqa (created) used in the

1.

Non-Muslims, especially

Christians,

do not appear

monotheism. They generally concentrate only on the

that this

is

the sole cocept of monotheism.

Many

first

is

same
to

made

first

all

the

more spe-

'ayah of the surah.

be aware of these aspects of

mentioned aspect and seem

of their onfusions

may be

to think

traced to this lack

of understanding of the other aspects of monotheism, particularly the second one, namely,

tawhid al-'uluhiyyah or Exclusiveness of Allah (God)

adoration.

as the Sole

Object of worship and

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

The non-specification of any

"creation" as a

object to the verb

393
significant.

is

whole embracing the universe and

reference to the creation in general, particular mention

pointed out that he also

ther mentioned

man

how

is

made

of man.

It is

is fur-

it

initial

two 'ayahs of the surah thus speak of the

all

origin

that exists

and fashioned by God Alone. Consequently these 'ayahs

created, ordered

also negative any suggestion, which an atheist

man come

universe and

After this

created by Allah Alone. In this connection

is

of the universe as well as of man. They assert categorically that

is

implies the

the Divine will and plan in the process of creation of

executed. The

is

It

all that exists.

is

prone to advance, that the

by 'chance', through the process of

into existence

"natural evolution".

The concept of
and

fruition of

evolution in the sense of growth, development, fulfilment

each object and being, not

one species into another,

is

in the

sense of transformation of

recognized, however. Indeed

it is

inherent in the

term rabb, which includes the sense of nourisher, sustainer,

emphasized
being
the

that the growth,

is

also an act of

is

"Most Bountiful",

that quality to

What

is

development and fulfilment of anything or

God and

al- 'Akram.

man which

etc.

a mark of His bounty. In this respect

An

illustration

of this attribute

is

His

He

is

gift

of

constitutes the element of his highest development,

namely, his intelligence, undersatnding and knowledge. Even the faculty

which enables him

to

make use of

serving and transmitting knowledge

the pen as the

is

a gift of

God

means of acquiring,
Alone.

The concept of tawhid al-rububiyyah thus emphasized

more

'ayahs of surat al- 'Alaq

is

of surat al-Fatihah

"All praise

worlds."

The expression

"all

is

and clearly stated

due

to Allah, the

the worlds" (al-'dlamtn)

indicates the comprehensiveness

the nature

plainly

pre-

is

in

the

in the first

Rabb of

initial

'ayah
all

the

very significant.

It

and perfection of Allah's creation as well as

and characteristics of each unit of creation. For, on a closer look,

it

should be clear to anyone that each individual unit or item of God's creation,
for instance a

the second

bounty

man

"He

"Supremely

Rububiyyah
and gave

or a constellation, constitutes a world by

is

The

Similarly,

the Universally Compassionate (al-Rahman j^**-

Kind"
is

final

(al-Rahim

)\).

repeated in 87:2-3 (surat al-'A'la) thus: "(He),

form and shape; (He)

text runs thus:

^ it'j^

<s jJi j

the

The same concept of tawhid

Who

guided." 1
1

itself.

'ayah of the surah emphasizes God's attribute of mercy and

i>-i ji> rf-Ui ^

Who

al-

created

determined the proportions and

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRATAL-NABI

394

Along with

of the concept of tawhid al-rububiyyah the

this inculcation

theme of tawhid

al- 'uluhiyyah also was brought home. Indeed the latter

only a natural outcome of the former. Since Allah alone

tained

etc.,

it

therefore behoves

man

is

worship and beseech

to

Him

Alone, to

the exclusion of every other being or thing. In fact this latter aspect of

theism was more significant

was

the Creator, Sus-

mono-

the context of the contemporary Arabian

in

though polytheism and idol-worship ran rampant, the idea of

situation; for

Allah as the Supreme Creator and Arbiter had not been totally lost sight

up as intermediaries and intercessors

In fact the gods and goddesses were set

with Allah. In

this context the

emphasis on tawhid

need and propriety of worshipping Allah Alone

entities

we worship and Thine

we

aid

73:9 more unmistakably thus: "He

There

al- 'uluhiyyah, that

is

none

entitled to

be worshipeed

the

is

expressed in

:4 thus:

The same thing is conveyed

Rabb of the east and the west.

seek."

is

the

is,

to the exclusion of all other

and deities, was very essential. This concept

"Thee do
in

of.

('ildh

<-Ji

Him

except He. So take

as your Guardian-Trustee." 2

The

(2) Prayer:

practical implementation of

performance of prayer and worship

tawhid

al- 'uluhiyyah

to Allah Alone. This

was

was therefore

the

also

enjoined in the early revelations. The earliest passage containing an exhorta-

which asks the Prophet

tion to prayer is 73:2

except for a

little

while of

it^*>U*

*ij

jji

"Stand (in prayer) by night,

to

All the

commentators agree

in

saying that "stand by night" here means standing in prayer {salat). Similarly

74:42-43 makes

it

clear that the duty to perform prayer had already been

enjoined before the revelation of

Day

this passage. For,

it

says that

when on

the

of Judgement the sinners will be asked what had led them to the hell,

they will reply:

"We

were not of those who prayed"^ c^Uii

versely, 87:14-15 says that those

who

^\ji^f. Con-

purify themselves, recite their Lord's

/i}*j>j*
J)>.
name and pray will prosper and be successful <^ jUi ^
More positive and ummistakable is, however, the passage 96:9-19. The first
'ayah in this passage refers to an opponent of Islam who forbade a servant of
Allah (ixc

the Prophet) while he set himself to perform prayer.

i.e.

'ayahs 10-18

make

further remarks about that

opponent and exhorts

Then
in the

concluding 'ayah thus: "Nay, never obey him; but prostrate yourself and

come
1

2.
1

close to God." 3

The
The
The

The sequence of

text runs thus:

text runs thus:

^ v-Sj

text runs as follows:

ilL>b

-M> J

the 'ayahs conclusively demonstrates

y> Hj *Jj t
jjvIj

yii j Jjjsii

^
._<

w>j

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

395

and come closer

that the expression "prostrate yourself

to

God"

constitutes a

positive order to continue performing prayer (saldt) disregarding the opposi-

enemy of

tion of the

coming closer
Indeed the

first

Makka

also implies that saldt

It

thing the Prophet

phethood was prayer

part of

Islam.

(saldt).

It

is

was

do

instructed to

related that

after his call to pro-

once when he was

the angel Jibril appeared before

him

in the

in

order to show him

prayer,

making

how

to

make

JibrTl

(i.e.

by the

illustrated

of

(r.a.)

Accordingly she also performed ablution and prayed.

(3) Risalah

in front

prayed two raka'ahs of

him and then departed. The Prophet

how to make ablution and pray.

the Prophet pray with

home and showed Khadijah

returned

Next

it.

upper

form of a human

in the

being and performed ablution (wadu or ceremonial cleanliness)

him

means of

the best

is

God.

to

%
Muhammad 0

Muhammad,

the Messengership of

earliest revelations is that

The

):

third point

had been com-

missioned as Allah's Messenger (Rasul)- In Islamic parlance the technical

between a nabi (prophet) and a rasul (messenger)

distinction

both receive revelation from Allah,

commissioned

to

Muhammad (0 )

deliver

and

only the rasul

propagate

it

in mantle, get

starts

who

is

that while

specifically

is

men. This commission

to

received with the revelation of the

al-Muddaththir (no.74) which

"O wrapped

it is

first

few 'ayahs of surat

by addressing the Prophet as follows:

up and warn; and your Lord, declare His supremacy."

(74:1-3)

There

is

here a definite

command

"warn" the people about the con-

to

sequences of their deeds and to communicate

tained in the revelations. Indeed, the very
to be given

macy".

It

is

first

to

them the

instructions con-

and most important instruction

also specified here, namely, "and your Lord, declare His supre-

meant

that the

Prophet was

the Greatest (Allahu 'Akbar

jS\

-031).

commanded
In other

to tell

men

words he was

that Allah

is

to declare that

everything else including the imaginary gods and goddesses were subservient and subordinate to Allah. This

is

also an exhortation about tawhid.

All the authorities agree in stating that with the revelation of the above

men-

tioned passage the Prophet was specifically entrusted with the task of
risalah.

It

might be added that the sense of risalah

is

implicit

even

in the first

revelation; for the exhortation to "read" and the reference to "pen" contained

therein implied that the Prophet

was on the threshold of being entrusted with

a scripture (kitdb) which he was to read out and which was to be preserved
1

Ibn Hisham,

I,

243-244; Musnad, IV,

61

Al-Taban, Tartkh,

II,

307

(I /

11 57).

SIRA T AL-NABl

396

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

and disseminated by means of the pen as

That

Muhammad {%) was

directly in 'ayah 15 of surat

"We have

well.

commissioned as Allah's rasul

al-Muzzammil wherein Allah

is

more

stated

says:

indeed sent to you a Messenger to be a witness concerning you, just as

had sent a Messenger to Pharaoh."

The address

is

obviously

we

(73: 15).

made

to

Muhammad's

contemporary as

well as subsequent generations of men. The comparison with the Messenger

sent

Pharaoh,

to

Muhammad (%)
rules of

Musa

with

i.e.,

also

(p.b.h.)

him,

Like

meaningful.

is

was a Messenger with a

scripture containing clear

guidance and laws for man's conduct.

Some

further references to

as Allah's

Messenger and

Muhammad's

(0

having been commissioned

his role as such are contained in 74:52-54 {surat

al-Muddaththir), 81:15-19 {surat al-Takwir) and 87:18-19 (sural al-'A'la).

The

first

passage (74:52-54) refers to the

demanding

that they

Makkan

be each given an open

scroll

unbelievers' importunity in

of revelation ^ i j*>

and emphasizes that such could never have been the case and

that

uw ^

what the

Prophet was delivering to them was "certainly a memento" ^ /m *>i

^Similarly the passage 81:15-29 declares, in protest against the unbelievers'
'

various allegations, that the Prophet was neither "one possessed" (o

nor

giving out "the words of a satan" <^o\k-i Jji ^ u>^>, but he was delivering

whom

only what he had received through the angel

zon ^ccii

jVl>^.

^j J-jU /i

and

that

was indeed

it

The passage

in the clear hori-

oj^

thus clearly depicts the Prophet as delivering the

revelation he had received.

mands

he saw

"a revelation to all the worlds"

More

the Prophet as follows:

<

specific

AV >

87:9 which categorically com-

is

<^ is /ill

c-wii o\

fii ^

"Therefore admonish; verily admonition benefits."

(4)

The Life after death

(3

This subject occupies an important place

in the early revelations. In fact in all the 10

finds prominent mention.

which

starts

tination

And

surahs under consideration

it

significantly enough, the very surat al-'Alaq

with a mention of man's origin also points out his ultimate des-

"Verily

to thy

Lord (Rabb)

is

the return."

^^^i ily J\ ofy.

This

short but incisive expression underscores another basic fact, namely, the
transitoriness of man's life

'Akhirah,
I.

is

on

earth. In contrast, the life in the hereafter, al-

described as the best and more enduring

87:17 (surat al-'A'la).

^^'j j>

The

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

starting point of that life

is

end of the world, followed by resurrection

the

ba 'th) and the Day of Judgement (al-qiyamah;

the Master of that Day.

Some

are provided, for instance,

397

yawm al-dtri).

{al-

Allah Alone

graphic accounts of those inevitable events

by 81:1-14 (surat al-Takwir), 73:12-14 (surat

Muzzammil), 74:8-10, 26-31, 35-51, 53 (surat al-Muddaththir),

al-

87:12-13

By

(surat al-'A'la), 89:21-30 (Surat al-Fajr) and 92:13-18 (surat al-Layl).

way of

only the

illustration

is

mentioned passage

first

may be

quoted.

It

runs as

follows:

O ji*- J>y^\
# O jii U-flJl

lilj

( > t

"When

A\

the sun

scattered;

cJUafr jLSjJI lilj

* cJi yJi

cjL

* CJL_-

O^i^i U

c-Ut *

) <^

folded up;

is

when

* Oj_* Jtfl

when

lilj

3it jLl lilj

cjljt iif

when

be asked, for what

unfolded;

when

vidual

^jill

*CJjk^

li|_>

* OjjS"

lilj

when

the stars lose their lustre;

was she

sin

when

killed;

the oceans are

know what

when

when

when

the sky shall be laid bare;

when

In fact the

man

lijj

the souls are reunited (with their bodies);

alive shall

blazing and

* cjtj)

lilj

lij

jla*Jl lijj

* ck.t.< tU-Jl

lilj

the mountains are

when

the

to boil

and

the ten-month pregnant she-camels are left unattended;

wild beasts are herded together (with men);

burn;

* OjO&l fj*J1

made

the female infant buried

the scrolls (of deeds) shall be

the hell (jahannam) shall be set

the paradise (jannah) shall be brought near, then shall each indiit

wrought." (81:1-14).

most important aspect of the Prophet's mission was to remind

about the

resurrection, the

life

in

the

to

hereafter,

warn him about the

Day of Judgement and about

of

trials

the dire consequences for the

wrong-doers. At the same time he delivered good tidings of an eternal and

Hence he

blissful life for the virtuous.

is

often described as bashir

nadhir (Conveyer of good tidings and Warner, respectively)

(5) Individual responsibility:

On

the

Day

in the

and

Qur'an.

of Judgement every person will

be singly and individually accountable for his deeds.

No

one

else's inter-

cession or atonement will be of any avail on that day. Every person will be

rewarded or punished according to his performances

clearly
in

emphasized

in the

last

74:38 which runs as follows:

"Every individual

is

and because of

life

it

is

U;

js"^.

acquires (of merits and demerits)." (74:38)

God, because of his

his blind materialism

:4 (surat al-Fatihah).

This

of the wealthy: But man becomes oblivious of the

the hereafter, indeed of

life in

Cr-f

<^

a pledge for what

(6) Social responsibility

in this world.

'ayah of the passage quoted above as well as

total

absorption in worldly

and inordinate love for wealth. This

SiRA T AL-NABI AND

398

makes him

in turn

selfish,

THE ORIENTALISTS

haughty and cruel not only towards his more

own

unfortunate fellow-beings, but even towards his

and moral malady

social

warned against
world

this

<^

best and the

Thus 87:16 remarks: "Nay

it.

UjOi 3j_Ji i>jjp

Jj

^>,'

more enduring. He

Thus 92:5

life in

(behold),

while in fact the

and

kin. This fatal

and man

you prefer the

immense

is

of

life

the hereafter

life in

therefore reminded of the

is

responsibility that wealth entails.

cessful and happy

kith

identified in the early revelations

is

the

is

social

pointed out that he will attain a suc-

It is

the hereafter only

if

he acts up to that responsibility.

says:

"So he who gives

and

in charity

\\ -o

fears

^T

) <^

God, and

We

avaricious and

deems himself self-sufficient, and

We

make smooth for him the

him when he perishes." (92:5-1 1)
indeed

shall

avail to

make smooth

testifies to the truth

monotheism 2 ),

shall indeed

^Ju Uj *

isiji i] *JU ut.

him

for

who

of the best

the path of bliss; but he

of what

rejects the truth

path to misery.

Nor

On

the other hand, those

is

the best,

is

who

duty are really the "the most unfortunate ones" (^'Hi) and

will enter the blazing fire.

(i.e.

who

wealth be of

shall his

Continuing the theme the same surah further says that those
in their

is j~jU j-y^j

thus

it

is

who spend

fail

they
their

wealth in self-purification and for the sake of God, they will be considered
the "most devoted" ones

Affluence

is

(^e'HI)

indeed a

and they

test for

will

man. He should not be puffed up with

thinking himself to be God's favoured one.

stances

make him

soon be happy and pleased.

despair of God.

Man

Nor should

it,

straitened circum-

mammon,
fortune. He

should not be a slave to

nor should he ever arrogate to himself what

not his share of

is

should always be alive to his duty towards the poor, the orphan and the
needy. These teachings are very effectively communicated in 89: 15-23

which runs as follows:

J jij

<**3j

ide- jjii i

'

?)!

bj

Uj * j /S ^jj Jj&j <u*i_j

it,

pi&u. i> ji Kj^rj

U-o

dJWl j ily

Wj

** jSli *jj

*,

'

l-il

lij

LSi LSi jjVt

1.

Q. 87:16 (sural al-'A' la).

2.

See for instance Tafsir al-Baydawi and Tafsir al-Jaldlayn on

3.

92:15-21 (sural al-Layl).

j_L~i^l Uts

cS>

lil

"iS

this 'ayah.

'

Z '

* Ujt U*-

Jilt

INCEPTION OF THE MISSION

"As

man, when

for

way) and

Lord puts him

his

bestowing upon him honour and for-

to test,

'My Lord has honoured me';

tune, he says:

399

when He puts him

but

to test (in another

means, he says: 'My Lord has disgraced me.' Nay, rather you do

limits his

not respect (the claims of) the orphan, nor do you urge one another to feed the poor;

and you eat up (another's share

in) the inheritance,

love wealth with absorbing fondness. Nay,

when

your Lord makes His Apperance and the angels

brought forth

hell is

avail will

it

that

day man

file

up

entirely,

it

pounded

rows

to

and you

powder, and

that day,

when

The other aspect of the

The

first

special

thing to note in this connection

is

early reve-

instructions

for the

the very affectionate

addressing the Prophet at two early occasions

terms used

in

of the

few 'ayahs respectively of surahs al-Muddaththir (no.74) and

first

Muzzammil
in

(no. 73).

The expressions used

or

"O

in the sky, hurried

cloak.

there

Hence
is

to the

al-

"O you covered

of "O Muhammad"

Prophet". Reports regarding the revelation of these passages say

that the Prophet, being panic-stricken

form

the revelation

are, respectively,

mantle" and "O you enwrapped in robes", instead

)

the

what

be for him to recollect then!" (89:15-23).

was some words of consolation and

Prophet.

in

is

will recollect (the admonitions), but of

(7) Special instructions to the Prophet:

lations

devouring

the earth

this

no doubt

on seeing the angel

Jibril in his actual

back home and had himself covered with a mantle or

form of address. But whatever the occasion and situation

that the specific

forms of address were intended to convey

Prophet the depth of affection and consideration with which he was

being treated and to reassure him that he was indeed chosen of God.

The

first

of these passages

(i.e.

the first

seven

'ayahs of surat al-

Muddaththir) also contains two special instructions to the Prophet relating

work of propagation which he was enjoined

the

embark upon. One of

says

"Do

not

these instructions

show favour expecting

is

given

to

the sixth 'ayah which

to get an increase

In other words, though the revelation

second 'ayah

in the
in

to

of

it

in return"

X>)

which the Prophet was commis-

sioned to deliver was a great boon to mankind, he was not to expect any

worldly gains out of that work.

was

that the Prophet's mission

From

the very start, thus,

it

was emphasized

for the sake of Allah alone, not for

any

self-

interest or personal motive.

The second item of

instruction

is

contained in 'ayah 7 which says: "And

) your Lord, be patient and constant" ^ r-* *

)} )> This was
a very timely and important piece of advice as well as a forewarning of the

for (the cause of

shape of things to come.

It

indicated that the task he

was being entrusted

SIRA T AL-NABI

400
with

(i.e.

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

propagation and giving warning) would entail immense hardships,

opposition and enmity of others and that he should face them

plete patience

and constancy

for the sake of Allah.

cernible in 73:5 which says: "Soon

We

shall

all

with com-

The same warning

send

down

to

you

is

dis-

weighty

word." ^%ji*iljiiLU. ^ai-.ui^.

k

Other special instructions and consolatory expressions contained

in the

early passages relate to the opposition and obstinacy of the unbelievers.

These would therefore be considered when

sequent chapter.

It

may

that topic

is

taken up in a sub-

only be noted here that the teachings outlined above

are based only on the ten surahs mentioned at the beginning of this section.

Needless to say, the same teachings and instructions form the bulk of the
subject-matter of the Qur'an and they are repeated and elaborated with

numerous evidences and

illustrations in the rest

Before proceeding to see

and with what

results,

it

how

of the surahs.

the Prophet started the

would be appropriate

assumptions of the orientalists about wahy

work of propagation

to take note of the

in general.

views and

CHAPTER XVII

1.

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND MARGOLIOUTH

The coming of wahy

to

Muhammad (0)

is

the central affair of his

life.

His claim to Prophethood and Messengership of Allah, the genuineness of

the Qur'an as Allah's words and status of Islam as a divinely
religion, all rest

upon

communicated

this affair. Naturally, therefore, the subject of

received the orientalists' major attention and they have advanced a

of assumptions and theories about

and assumptions
lations

is

making up

The most

that

it.

In general, the

aim of

all

wahy has
good deal

these theories

to show, by one device or another, that the texts of reve-

the Qur'an were

professedly

the

Muhammad's (%) own composition.

objective

orientalists

concede

is

that

Muhammad

(^f) might have been sincere in his conviction that he was

by God; nevertheless the texts he gave out as revelation were the

inspired

products of his
It is

own mind and

thought.

understandable that no Jew or Christian, nor, for that matter, a non-

Muslim, could conscientiously admit

senger and that the Qur'an

is

that

own

or without being sceptical about his

orientalists,

however,

is

Muhammad

was God's Mes-

God's words without sacrificing his conviction

that they

faith.

What

is

special with the

do not leave the matter there by simply

denying divine origin for the Qur'an and divine commission for

{%

).

They proceed

mic sources and

further than that

and endeavour

texts, that that really is the case.

And

in

they in effect assume the role of missionaries of their

Muhammad

show, from the

to

Isla-

so far as they do so,

own

faiths

and

their

writings degenerate in most cases into sophisticated anti-Islamic propaganda

in the

garb of historical research.

The present and

the following three chapters

orientalists about the

made

to

coming of wahy

examine

the views of the

An

attempt has been

to the Prophet.

analyze the arguments and reasonings of the orientalists themselves,

pointing out the faults and defects in them, and also to

show how they have

twisted the facts and misinterpreted the texts in their attempt to sustain their

assumptions.

The

Margoliouth.

And

present
as

Watt seems

from them but through

deal with the

latter's

chapter deals
to

with the

views of Muir and

have inherited their ideas not directly

his preceptor Bell,

it

has been thought necessary to

handling of the subject in the following chapter before

SiRAT AL-NAB'l AND THE ORIENTALISTS

402

passing on to a consideration of Watt's treatment of

MUIR'S ASSUMPTIONS

I.

Muir proceeds with

tious

and

his basic

that being depressed

relief in meditation

and

it.

Muhammad

assumption that

by the debasement of

reflection at

and susceptible mind", as Muir puts

Mount

was ambi-

people he sought

his

Hira'. Gradually his "impulsive

was "wrought up

it,

God

of excitement" and certain grand ideas, namely,

to the highest pitch

the Sole Creator

and

Ruler, the wretchedness of heathenism and idolatry, resurrection, judgement

and recompense of good and

definite shape before him.

evil,

He gave

and

life after

death,

etc.,

took clear and

vent to this realization and to his "inward

struggling after truth" in "wild rhapsodical language, enforced often with

incoherent oaths", in "fragments" of poetry and "soliloquy

upon

reflection

dance.

As

the state

and prospects of mankind" and

instances of these early "fragments", as

quotes in his

own

translation surahs 103 (al-'asr)

full

of melancholy

in prayers for gui-

Muir terms them, he

and 100 (al-'Adiydt); and

as instances of "soliloquy" and prayer he quotes, respectively, surahs

(al-Qdri'ah) and

words of

came
As an

rare force

"direct

(al-Fdtihah). 1

Muir admits

that these

and beauty". Sometimes the

from the Deity, speaking

as 'We',

101

were "couched

in

"oracle", further says Muir,

and to Mahomet as 'Thou'." 2

instance of this last category he quotes in translation surah 95 (al-Tin).

Yet, continues Muir, the conviction of being inspired

Muhammad (0).
throes." In the

came

It

meantime he

and alarm", as

in

to
is

him

was not

attained

"after a protracted period of

by

mental

said to have raised the "voice of expostulation

surah 104 (al-Humazah), and

to

have alluded

to

Arab and

Jewish legends as well as to "national miracles" and sentiments. As instances

of these, part of surah 89 (al-Fajr) and surahs 105 and 106 {al-Ftl and al'tldf) in full

are quoted in translation. 3

groping for the

in

truth,

Muhammad,

and surah 90 (al-Balad)

is

quoted

says Muir, was

still

in full in translation

support of this statement. 4

According to Muir the Prophet thus continued to give "vent to his reveries
in

poetry" for several years "before he assumed the office of a divine

teacher." 5

During

Muir, Life

etc.,

2. Ibid., 39.
3.

Ibid., 39-40.

4.

lbid.,A\.

5.

Ibid.

this

period

3 rd edn., 35-39.

a small group

including

Waraqah,

'Alt,

WAHY

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND MARGOLIOUTH

I.

Khadijah and 'Abu Bakr

(r.a.)

become his followers, the first

for "Mahomet did not himself

are said to have

three putting the early surahs to writing,

write." 1 Outside that

continues Muir,

little circle,

his

"warning and expos-

were met by gross ignorance and repellent darkness"

tulation

uncle 'Abu Talib smiled

403

his kind

enthusiasm, another uncle, 'Abu Lahab,

at his

mocked at him, while the Quraysh leader 'Abu Jahl and his group sneered
him and the general body of Quraysh remained "careless and indifferent."
At such

home

stage, says Muir, the

Muhammad

to

at

need for appearing as a Prophet was brought

when, the "more susceptible among the

citizens",

while listening to him, pointed out that they would lead a purer

life if

Prophet was sent to them, just as Prophets had been sent to the Jews and
Christians. In support of this statement

35:42

and says that

a searching of his

Muhammad (0 )

own

heart

Muir

"felt the

cites the Qur'anic passage

force of the reply" and

whereby he came

made

to the conviction that "the

flow of burning thought, the spontaneous burst of eloquence, and the heavenly speech" which he had been putting forth
call,

all

constituted a "supernatural

a divine mission". 3 In such a state of "grievous mental distraction" and

"deep depression", says Muir,

past favours on

Sharh). 4

him

Muhammad

as is evident

( jjgf )

sought reassurance in God's

from surahs 93 (al-Duhd) and 94

Nonetheless his mental tension was so insupportable that he several

times meditated suicide,

ful "than to

for, as

speak falsely

in the

the Qur'an emphasizes, no sin

name of God." Thus,

throw himself headlong from one of the wild

"invisible" influence.

He was

still

cliffs,

as he

(r.a.) "tried

would flock

1.

Ibid.

2.

Ibid., 42.

3.

Ibid.,

4.

Ibid. 43.

5.

Ibid., 44.

to

He

was divine

in

him

Thereupon

him and he

also pondered over

strife

and

him

if

he proclaimed himself what he surely

felt

etc,

in full.

Muir supports

to

"other Jewish chieftains" and persuaded himself

42-43.

Quoted here

virtuous".

was revived

people of Syria, Persia, Egypt, Abyssinia,

discord",

was once about

the spirits" and assured

started visualizing a united people abjuring idolatry. 5

Musa and

fear-

he was held back by an

was not "wicked, but innocent and

belief in divine mission "mingled with ambition"

the instances of

was more

not sure whether that influence

or diabolical; but his wife Khadijah

that his "visitant"

that the

{al-

this

statement by quoting surah

10.

"weary of

SIRAT AL-NABI

404
himself to be

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

"the Prophet of the Lord."

Ultimately his convictions were

confirmed, says Muir, by "ecstatic trances" and he "fancied that he perceived

He

a mission." 2

awaited the inspiring influence of "the Holy

Spirit".

In such a state of mind, while seated or wandering amidst the peaks of

Hira', "an apparition rose before him". Jibril stood "close

him

and clear beside

in a vision" and "approaching within 'two bow-lengths', brought

led",

from

memorable behest of surat al-'Alaq? "Thus was Mahomet

his master the

concludes Muir, "after a protracted period of doubt and hesitancy

to

give forth his message as proceeding directly from the Almighty. Henceforth

he spoke

literally in the

name

every sentence of the Coran

SAY;

which,

of the Lord.

is

not expressed,

if

And

so scrupulous was

prefaced by the divine

is

command,

he,... that

SPEAK

always to be understood." 4 Even after

or

that

he was taunted as a poet, a sorcerer or one possessed by the demons. Hence

he

fell

back on

his

commission and

in his

perplexity stretched himself on his

bed, wrapping his garments around him and

was

"at

"fell into

a trance". The angel

hand" and the Prophet was "aroused from despondency to energy

and action" by the reanimating message of surat al-Muddaththir. 5

Muir claims

that

from the Coran

he has thus traced from the "various intimations gathered

itself the steps by which

Muhammad (0) was

assume the office of Prophet. 6 Muir then summarizes what he

tional account

led

to

calls the tradi-

by reproducing mainly the account given by Al-Waqidi. In

conclusion he refers to the manners and methods of the coming of wahy,

which he
ries

calls the Prophet's "ecstatic periods"

and says

that those

were "reve-

of profound meditation, or swoons connected with morbid excitability of

mental or physical constitution", which varied

different circumstances.

The

implication of

all

these

the Prophet's

own mind and

templation.

was more or

It

is

that

Ibid.,

Ibid., 45.

3.

Ibid.,

4.

Ibid., 46.

thought, the result of his reflection and con-

less

a psychological phenomenon. Muir thus des-

45-46. Muir quotes the entire surah in translation.

Muir quotes

in the footnote

surah

12 {al- 'Ikhlds).

47-48. Muir Quotes in translahion the surah with slight omissions.

6.

lbid.,4%.

1.

Ibid.,51.

and under

wahy was something emanating from

44-45.

1.

2.

5. Ibid.,

at different periods

WAHY

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND MARGOLIOUTH

I.

cribes the seeing of Jibril as "apparition"

as "reveries" 2

wahy

or "vision", the Prophet's receipt of

and the instances of physical

times experienced while receiving wahy as

The

last

his other

earlier.

assumption made

It

seem

they

stresses

may

which he some-

or "swoons" 4 , etc.

"trance" 3

mentioned aspect of Muir's suggestions

is

only an extension of

connection with the Prophet's childhood that he

in

was a victim of epilepsy or

405

fainting

fits.

This question has been dealt with

only be pointed out here, however, that later writers, though

connection

to avoid using the terms epilepsy or fainting fits in

with the coming of wahy,

in

essence adopt the view in a modified form

employing such terms as "self-hypnotism", "inducing of revelations",

Also the view

wahy was something emanating from

that

etc.

the Prophet's

consciousness and personality, rather than something extraneous to his

self, is

indeed

common

will be discussed

the others.

when we have reveiwed

own

this point

the suggestions and reasonings of

Here the other assumptions of Muir may be discussed.

Muir's basic assumption

made

Hence

to the writings of all the orientalists.

is

Muhammad (0) was

that

preparations for playing the role of a Prophet. Yet

he did not reach the conviction of being "inspired"

it is

till

ambitious and

suggested that

"after a protracted

period of mental throes" and "honest striving after truth" and further that he

gave vent

to his "reveries" for "several years before he

assumed

a divine teacher." Clearly the two strains are antithetical.

really

Prophet had

been ambitious and had made plans and preparations for playing the

would not have embarked upon

role of a Prophet, he

his project

plans had fully matured and he had settled his lines of action.

hand

the office of

If the

if,

on account of

truth" certain

his contemplation, reflection

till

On

after his

the other

and "honest striving after

grand ideas "took clear and definite shape before him", then the

Prophet did not obviously act according to prior plans and preparations. In
fact Muir's theory that

Muhammad

felt

the need

for appearing as

Prophet only after some of his listeners had said that they would lead a purer
life if

a Prophet was sent to them

Meaning

"the

coming

is

a contradiction by himself of his theory

into view, especially of a ghost or the spirit of a

dead person".

Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English, (ed.A.S. Hornby), 19th imp.,
1984.
2.

Meaning "condition of being

3.

Meaning

"sleep-like condition; abnormal

4.

Meaning

"fainting

5.

5/7ra,pp.l56-159.

fit"

lost in

dreamy, pleasant thoughts".

(archaic). Ibid.

dreamy

state;

hypnotic

Ibid.
state". Ibid.

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

406

of ambiton and preparation on the Prophet's part.

was

In truth the case

neither the result of plans and peparation nor that of

meditation and contemplation. The Prophet did of course engage himself in

and

solitary prayer

and he had

in

It

was something

no way thought of

he was bewildered, puzzled and

was not

people was no

reflection, but the text he delivered to his

result of his contemplation.

of his

initially sure

new

it

entirely extraneous to himself

nor expected

terrified at the

it.

That was the reason why

sudden turn of events and

positon. His uncertainty

the absence of any design and ambition

unexpectedness of the development.

on

It

his part

also

and

shows

was

clearly

due

to

suddenness and

to the

that the text

which he

recevied as revelation was no product of his thinking and reflection. But

whatever the nature of his

initial

uncertainty and bewilderment, that state did

not definitely last for "several years" and

ing of the

wahy

first

this "effect"

to

com-

clearly the result of the

him and of the circumstances attending it. Muir uses

wahy to the Prophet as the cause and prior cir-

it

narrated in

the sources.

Muir

was

of the coming of

cusmtance of
all

states

"inspired"

it

till

thus completely reversing the process of development as

that

the Prophet did not attain the conviction of being

after a protracted period of mental throes

and uncertainty and

Muir

did not assume "the office of a divine teacher" for several years. Yet

would have us believe

that the Prophet nonetheless

preached his "ideas"

in

wild and impassioned language, in "fragments" of poetry and incoherent

rhapsodies, and also called upon his people to accept his message so
that

so

while a small number became his followers, the generality of the

Quraysh mocked

at

him and opposed him. Now,

the questions that naturally

suggest themselves to any reader of this account are: (a)

a person
his

much

who

is

not yet sure about his

message would

his teachings

at

the

and face

own

it

conceivable that

position nor about the nature of

same time come out

insults

Is

and opposition

in the open, seek converts to

in

consequence?

(b) Is

rea-

it

sonable to assume that a group of persons, however small, would respond to

his call unless they

sage?

And how

were convinced of the

truth

and divine origin of the mes-

could they be so while the preacher himself of the message

was supposedly not so sure about himself and about

sage? (c)

Is

it

the nature of his

mes-

reasonable to think that the great body of the Quraysh would

turn against the preacher unless they were sure about the seriousness of his

calims and of his teachings? Muir does not of course ask himself these very
natural questions but expects his readers to take the absurdity

from him.

WAHY

1.

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND M ARGOLIO UTH

But the climax of inconsistency

that

Muhammad {% )

suggestion, on the one hand,

lies in the

did not give out his call "in the

after several years of hesitation

and groping for the

in the

statement that during that

"come

direct

name of the Lord"

truth, and,

on the

till

other,

period the "oracle" did sometimes

initial

from the Deity, speaking

407

as

'We and

Mahomet

to

as Thou'."

Now, one clearly fails to understand how this type of deliverences differ in
any way from those made subsequently "in the name of the Lord". Indeed
Muir's basic inconsistency lies in the fact that he cites as many as 18
Qur'anic surahs to

illustrate

what he supposes

be the pre-wahy or pre-

to

Qur'anic deliverences of the Prophet!.

These inconsistencies are indeed conjured up

to sustain the central absur-

dity of the story, namely, that the need for giving himself out as Prophet

dawned upon Muhammad (

) when in the course of his preaching "the
more susceptible of the citizens" pointed out that they would lead a purer life
if

a Prophet was sent to them, like those unto the Jews and Christians. There-

upon,

we

are told,

Muhammad

process of intense heart-searchings

reassessed his position and through a

came

to the conviction that

he was

divinely inspired and ultimately perceived the "vision" of the angel Jibril
instructing

him

to "recite",

i.e.,

to preach, "in the

imagine the position of a person

who

name of

thy Lord".

Now,

goes out to his people as a religious

preacher and then, after having preached for several years and after having
faced the opposition and ridicule of the bulk of his people, takes the hint in

some of them that they would listen to the counsel of reform if

a Prophet came to preach to them. Thereupon the preacher revises his role
and reappears to his people telling them that he had now received God's comthe remark of

person with an iota of

common

him would render himself so ludicrous by

acting so

mission so that they should follow him.

sense and intelligence
foolishly

in

No

and naively. Yet, Muir not only

Prophet but also expects the readers to believe

This absurd story

is

made up by a

attributes

series of twisting

on the one hand, and by misinterpreting the

facts

with,

Muir

first

clearly twists the

such naivety to the

it.

well-known

texts

and mixing up of the

on the

other.

To begin

fact of the Prophet's bewil-

derment, apprehension and uncertainty consequent upon his receipt of the

first

revelation into a circumstance prior to that incident.

He

then mixes this

bewilderment and uncertainty on the Prophet's part with the period of fatrah
or pause in the

coming of wahy. Indeed

connection with this

fact.

He conveys

his

second twisting takes place

in

the impression that the period of fatrah

SIRAT AL-NABl

408
is

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

coterminous with the period during which the Prophet

is

alleged to have

been struggling within himself and suffering from immense mental tension
as to whether or not to give himself out as Prophet and speak in God's name.
It

may be

about

noted that the nature of fatrah, as mentioned

Although the reports

that

it

differ about

was a period during which

not a period previous to

it.

was due

name of God.

its

duration, they are all at

there

was a pause

in the

one

in saying

coming of wahy,

The Prophet was of course anxious and

during that period, but there

lessness

in all the reports

completely different from what Muir would have us believe.

is

it,

no suggestion

is

restless

in the sources that this rest-

to his mental tension about whether or not to speak in the

Muir not only puts

Yet,

this

unwarrantable interpretation on

but also assumes that during this period the Prophet was mentally so

it

much

tormented by the thought of whether or not to commit the grievous sin of

speaking falsely in the

Muir gives another

cide attempt

is,

as

is

it

is

there

as

that he several times meditated suicide.

twist in the facts here

shown

earlier, far

no suggestion

was

cide attempt

name of God

from

The

report about the alleged sui-

credible; but

even taking the story

cause of the alleged sui-

in the sources that the

the Prophet's mental tension about whether or not to speak

falsely in

God's name. The cause of his anxiety and tension was his non-

receipt of

wahy

for a period longer than the unsual intervals between such

communications. Incidentally, the reports about fatrah and the whole

affair

of the Prophet's anxiety and tension on that account are conclusive evidences
of the fact that wahy was not something emanating from within the Prophet's

own

self,

nor was

it

something of his

Such twisting of the

own making.

facts is blended with a series of misinterpretations of

the texts, concluded by the misleading statement that the account of the steps

Muhammad (0) was

by which

led to

assume

the office of Prophet

gleaned from the "various intimations gathered from the Coran

must

at

once be pointed out

that the "steps"

which Muir

traces,

itself."

is
It

namely, the

Prophet's anxiety and bewilderment, the story of the alleged suicide attempt

and the

fact

of fatrah or pause in the coming of wahy,

only in the reports,

and not

at all

in the Qur'an.

which Muir adduces as supportive evidence

misinterpretations by him.

Muir's part
the

name

is

The

first

And

etc. are

mentioned

the Qur'anic statements

for his assumptions are

mere

notable misuse of the Qur'anic text on

with regard to the statement about the sin of speaking falsely in

of God. The Qur'an of course denounces

it

as the

most odious

sin,

WAHY

I.

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND MARGOLIOUTH

not once but at least at ten places.

make

it

clear that the statement

simple glance

made

is

at

409

would

these passages

either to rebut the unbelievers' alle-

gation that what the Prophet was giving out to them was not really from God,

or to denounce the practice of some of the People of the

with God's revelation and gave out thier

from

trarily infers

own

Qur'an

this statement of the

Book who tampered

Muir arbi-

statements as God's.
that the

Prophet must have

at

an early stage of his career struggled within himself over the question of

whether or not
to

to

speak falsely

God's name. There

in

By making

warrant such an assumption.

this

is

nothing in the Qur'an

assumption Muir

in effect

adopts the unbelievers' allegation and indirectly suggests that what the

God though

Prophet gave out was not really from

it

was

he persuaded himself that

so.

The second grave

misinterpretation of Muir's

93 (al-Duha) and 94 (al-Sharh) which he

is

cites as

in

connection with surahs

evidence of the Prophet's

alleged attempt to emancipate himself from the alleged mental tension as to

whether or not to speak

falsely in

God's name and to reassure himself that he

had indeed been favoured by God. The surahs

on him; but

the Prophet of God's favours

in

question of course remind

is

nothing in them, or in the

there

reports concerning the occasions of their revelation, to suggest that the

Prophet recalled those past favours of

God on him by way

of emancipating

himself from the mental tension as to whether or not to speak falsely in

God's

name

or to persuade himself that what he

divine mission.
dation in

The

The explanation

the Qur'an

is

was giving out constituted a

solely Muir's imagination having

third misinterpretation

is

made

connection with the Qur'anic pas-

in

sage 35:42 which says: "They swore their strongest oaths by

warner came

to

no foun-

itself, or in the reports.

them they would follow

Muir assumes

vers to the Prophet

when he was preaching

that this

that if a

guidance better than any of the

his

(other) peoples..." 2

God

remark was made by the unbelieto

them and

because of

that

remark he thought of giving himself out as Prophet. There

is

reports or in the Qur'an itself to support this assumption.

The

nothing

this

in the

utter unrea-

sonableness of his undertaking any preaching work before being sure of his

own
1.

position has already been pointed out.

may be

noted here that the

See for instance 3:94; 6:21; 6:93; 6:144; 7:37; 10:17; 11:18; 18:15; 29:68. and 61:7.

The most common form of the statement

2.

It

The

text runs as follows:

is:

f'V >s^\ j>

Jt-

i*'-u! ji^J

ji piai j)

^tir j-J f*-^

->

SIRAT AL-NAB1

410

statement cited was

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

made by some

leading Quraysh not to the Prophet but

long before his emergence on the scene and as a reaction to the report which

reached them that the Jews

Prophets.

and Christians belied and disobeyed

their

Muir completely misunderstands or

Lastly,

misinterprets the first 'ayah of

when he assumes that since this 'ayah is a command to the

name of your Lord", previously to that he must have
been preaching his doctrines not in the name of the Lord! Indeed, It is on a

surat al- 'Alaq

Prophet, "Read in the

gross misinterpretation of this 'ayah and the above noted passage 35:42 that

Muir has

built

up

his entire theory about

Muhammad {% came to assume the

)

this theory

what he

calls the steps

by which

And

to sustain

role of a divine teacher.

he has assumed that the Prophet gave out as many as

8 or

more

surahs of the Qur'an before he claimed to have received God's commission

(Prophethood) and His communications (wahy).

Whatever view one may take about the Qur'anic passages

cited by Muir,

the utter absurdities and inconsistencies of the various aspects of his theory,
as

mentioned

earlier,

render

it

totally untenable.

have been taken over and adopted by

Nonetheless Muir's views

his successor orientalists in

some form

or other. Notably, his theory of a period of "pre-wahy" or "pre-Qur'an" deliv-

erances by the Prophet has been reiterated by Bell, though on different

grounds; while

this,

together with the basic premise of Muir's theory, that of

gradual development of the Prophet's career and doctrines, have been taken

over and pushed to an extreme by Watt who, as will be seen shortly, even
start

with any clear concept of monotheism

after a

prolonged period of preachings for as

suggests that the Prophet did not

which came

many

as

to

him gradually

four or five

years!

But

let

us

first

views of

consider the

Margoliouth, Muir's immediate intellectual successor.

II.

MARGOLIOUTH'S ASSUMPTIONS

Like Muir's, Margoliouth's treatment of the subject of wahy

is

also an

extension of the theme of ambition and design on the Prophet's part; but

Margoliouth seems to have seen and avoided Muir's inconsistencies, though

in the

course of his treatment of the matter he has landed himself into fresh

inconsistencies and absurdities.

(0),

straightway that

Muhammad

being highly ambitious, carefully prepared himself for the role he

wanted
1.

He assumes

to paly;

and when his plans matured

fully

he executed them

skilfully.

See Al-Qurtubi, 7a/s(r,XIV,356; Al-Baydawt, TafsirM, 275. and Al-Shawkant,

IV,355-356.

Tafsir,

WAHY

I.

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND MARGOLIOUTH

According to Margoliouth the whole

"imposture" from

dance with

from

first to last. It is

affair of

alleged that

his plans, acted the role of a

wahy was

"trickery"

Muhammad {%)

"medium"

and

in accor-

"produce messages

to

the other world" and, in order to ensure his success, he so

manoeuvred

the "form" and "manner" of those messages that they would appear to be of

"supernatural origin". 2 Thus, to produce a revelation he would "instinctively", to use Margoliouth's words, fall "into a violent agitation, his face

turn livid, 3 and he

would

would cover himself with a

would emerge perspiring copiously, with a message

covering himself with a blanket
first to last".

It is

had experienced

is

blanket,

ready." 4

This practice of

him "from

said to have been retained by

further alleged that the "epileptic fits"

"at

from which he

some time" suggested

which the Prophet

manner which he

the

"artificially

produced", without "the slightest preparation", accompanied by "snoring and

reddenning of the face." 6 This form, says Margoliouth, was "recognized as

the

normal form of

inspiration." 7

So adept

the Prophet

matter that he, as Margoliouth puts

in the

munication
eating,

and

immediate answer

in

after delivering

which he held

come

in

As

answer

in his

it

it,

to a question

in this fashion,

is

said to have

become

"would receive a divine comaddressed him while he was

proceed to finish the morsel

hand when he was interrupted; or a revelation would

to a question

addressed him as he stood

in the pulpit."

regards the contents of revelations Margoliouth reiterates his favourite

theory that for these the Prophet "had to go back to the Jewish and Christian
scriptures" until he had plenty to say. 9
that "he

was made acquainted with

It is

said that he claimed

the contents of

it

a miracle

books which he had never

read", but that subsequently he said that "the miracle lay in his unrivalled

eloquence."

10

However,

the "earliest scraps of revelation", says Margoliouth,

"imitations of the utterances of revivalist preachers"

are

like

Quss ibn

1
This characterization of the Prophet as "medium" has been adopted by others
Andrae and Maxim Rodinson who, however, enlarges it as "megaphone".
.

2.

Margoliouth, op. df.,84.

85 (citing Al-Tabari, Tafsir, XXVIII,

3.

Ibid.,

4.

Ibid.

5.

Ibid. ,86.

6.

Ibid, (citing

7.

Ibid.

8.

Ibid, (citing

9. Ibid., 80,86.

10. Ibid., SI.

Musnad, IV,222).

Musnad, VI,56

&

111,21).

4).

like

Tor

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

412
Sa'ida.

further alleged that the Prophet imitated the style of the ususal

It is

Arabian oratory, which was "some sort of rhyme" but "he

its

little

understood

nature." 2

To

home

bring

the

theme of

to belittle the Prophet's

trickery

acknowledged

and imposture Margoliouth attempts

of character and honesty. For

integrity

purpose he draws on F. Podmore's work on spiritualism which

that

have shown that an honourable person may

at the

is

same time mystify

said to
his fel-

lows and perform "trickery". "Mohammed", says Margoliouth, "possessed

the

same advantages

as

Podmore enumerates, and thereby won

adherents..." 3

Nonetheless, continues Margoliouth, one of the Prophet's scribes was "con-

vinced that

it

was imposture and discarded Islam

case, concludes Margoliouth,"the sincerity of the

sequence"

studying

in

"the

in

consequence". 4 In any

medium"

of

effectiveness

political

is

of

con-

"little

supernatural

revelations." 5

As

regards the beginning of revelation Margoliouth says that

Prophet's character to bide his time

till

the favourable

most "mediums" he made use of a "period of

new." 6

and the

mon

sect,

it

moment. Hence,

transition

between the old

Drawing an analogy with Joseph Smith, founder of

who

first

wandered

into a forest

was

the

the
like
life

Mor-

and subsequently gave out

his

utterances as divine message brought to his notice by angels,

"trance"

Margoliouth says that Muhammad's

(0)

prophetic career likewise began

with a period of solitude. "For one month of the year", says Margoliouth,
"the

Meccans

practised a rite called tahannuth"

asceticism. During this

cave

in

Mt.

Hira..."

month

was Mohammed's custom

"it

At some time

which was some

in that

the valley, "occurred the theophany (or

sort of

to retire to a

month when he had been alone

its

in

equivalent)" which led to his

"starting as a divine messenger". Margoliouth says further that in the tradi-

tions relating to the matter the

who
to be

in

the

New

communication

God Himself Who

descended and

bow-shots addressed the Prophet..."

1.

Ibid.

2.

Ibid.,88.

3.

/W.,88-89.

4.

lbid.,%9.

5.

Ibid.

6.

Ibid.,90.

is

done by

Testament conveys messages", but

in the

at a distance

Jibril

was

Jibril, "the

Qur'an

"it

angel

appears

of rather less than two

substituted "afterwards", says

WAHY

I.

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND MARGOLIOUTH

413

Margoliouth, probably "due to the development of the Prophet's theology."

These are

main the views of Margoliouth regarding wahy and the

in the

Prophet's assumption of the role of a religious teacher. Margoliouth clearly

Muir

takes over from

part and develops

the

theme of ambition and preparation on the Prophet's

avioding Muir's inconsistencies.

it

gation of epilepsy and "trances" and attempts to

"trickery" and imposture

He

fit

also adopts the alle-

these in his theory of

on the Prophet's part by saying

produced the symptoms. Above

all,

Margoliouth

that he artificailly

stresses, equally as

does

Muir, that the text of the Qur'an, or the revelations generally, are the
Prophet's

own

composition. In

all

the essential respects, thus, Margoliouth

much from the lines laid down by his predecessor. He does

some new assumptions that will be noticed presently.

does not deviate

of course add

Leaving aside the allegation of ambition and preparation on the one hand,
and

that of epilepsy

on the other, both of which have been dealt with pre-

viously, Margoliouth's
part.

He

main allegation

is

that

of trickery on the Prophet's

suggests that the Prophet so planned the form and manner of the

revelation that

it

might appear to be of supernatural origin.

the Prophet had taken his cue form the

epileptic fits earlier in his life

and

even said that

It is

phenomena accompanying

that he

his alleged

reproduced those phenomena, such

as falling into trance, snoring and reddenning of face, perspiring, or covering

himself with a blanket,

etc. It

is

further said that this

"came

to

be recognized

as the normal form of inspiration." But the instances cited by Margoliouth

himself show not a uniform but various manners of the coming of revelations
to the Prophet.

Most of these manners obviously do

of trickery. Thus,

(a)

not

fit

in

with the theory

with regard to the beginning of revelation, which

should have been considered the most important and decisive instance to
substantiate the theory, Margoliouth admits that the Prophet received

it

all

alone in the "valley" where there was none else to witness the from and manner of

its

coming. Also, neither does Margoliouth

indicate, that there

was any such symptom on

allege, nor

do the sources

that occasion as falling into a

trance etc. (b) Margoliouth also cites the instances of the Prophet's receiving
revelations while taking his meals or while standing on the pulpit. In these

cases also the reports cited do not really suggest that the Prophet affected any

such symptoms as snoring, reddenning of the face, falling into a trance,

1.

Ibid.,90-9[.

2.

See Musnad,\\\,2\ and VI.56 (reports respectively of 'A'ishah

Khudri,

r.a.).

(r.a.)

etc. 2

and 'Abu Sa'Td

al-

SIRAT AL-NABI AND

414

Moreover, these instances do not

which

THE ORIENTALISTS

relate to the

coming of Qur'anic wahy

be always distinguished from the other types of wahy which the

is to

Prophet received from time to time,

(c)

Margoliouth also alleges that the

Prophet let his "confederates act the part of Gobriel or let his followers identify

some

interlocutors of his with that angel." 1

The

allegation

sources of Jibnl's sometimes appearing

times as a stranger, sometimes

Prophet

named Dahyah

in the

in

is

mentioned

unjustified; but the allusion is clearly to the instances

totally
in

the

human being (some-

the form of a

appearance of a companion of the

al-Kalbi) and delivering the revelation to him. In any

case this "form", far from convincing the on-lookers about the supernatural
origin of the text,

was

more

the

likely to

expose the alleged trickery; for the

who thus allegedly impersonated the angel was not to be let alone
people who were generally in attendance upon the Prophet for most of

individual

by the

the time. In

all

these cases there

was no question of the Prophet's

artificially

reproducing the phenomena of epilepsy alleged to be the "normal manner of

inspiration."

Thus the insatnces

cited

substantiate the allegation of trickery

Secondly, Margoliouth
Prophet's

is

on the Prophet's

like

it is

Ramadan each
in

at

the

cave of Hira'.

life

and the new.

it

as a

same breath,
during the month of

In the

Makkans practised this rite

it was "Mohammed's custom to retire to a cave
month. Now, the report about the Makkans' prac-

year and that

that

tahannuth during Ramadan has been considered before; 2 but leaving

aside that question,

it

is

clearly inconsistent to suggest, as Margoliouth does,

that the period of tahannuth

life to

{tahannuth)

stated that the

Mt. Hira" during

tising

part.

most "mediums" the Prophet planned

period of transition between the old

hoevever,

at all

also inconsistent in his assumption about the

prayer and stay

solitary

Margoliouth suggests that

by Margoliouth himself do not

was a planned period of

the new, and then to say in the

Hira' the Prophet

Makkans. The

was following a

fact is that here

same breath

transition

that in

from the old

doing tahannuth

religious rite practised each year

at

by the

Margoliouth has been trapped by another

incorrect assumption on his part, namely, that the Prophet, prior to his call,

followed the religion of the pagan Makkans including the worship of their

gods and goddesses. 3 Margoliouth

is

so enamoured of this faulty assumption

1.

Margoliouth, op. aV.,88 (citing Ibn Sa'd, 11,520).

2.

Supra, pp. 376, 379-380.

3.

Supra, pp. 195-203.

WAHY

I.

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND

of his that he unguardedly introduces

totally inconsistent with his theory

it

M ARGOLIOUTH

4[5

here without caring to see that

it

is

of planned period of transition used by

the Prophet. That Margoliouth labours here under his above mentioned

assumption

is

clear

from the

fact that he adds

"He

[the Prophet]

would

appear to have taken his family with him: yet probably their daily worship of
Al-Lat or Al-'UzzS would not be carried on

at

such a time."

It

must once

again be stressed that the Prophet and his wife never performed the so-called
daily worship of Al-Lat and Al- 'Uzza and, as

statement in this respect

hadtth

in

is

shown

earlier, 2

based on a gross mistake

in

Margoliouth's

understanding the

Here, however, he in effect contradicts one faulty

question.

assumption of his with another.

Similar inconsistency pervades Margoliouth's assumption regarding the

language and contents of the revelation. Thus he says that the Prophet

claimed his "unrivalled eloquence" to be a miracle 3 and then, a

little

further

on, states that he merely imitated the "sort of rhyme" of the general Arabian
oratory, "though he

little

understood

it."

Again, with regard to the contents

of the revelation Margoliouth observes that for them the Prophet "had to go

back

to

Jewsih and Christian scriptures,

him with plenty

"Once

ther:

to say."

until the course

of events provided

Elaborating this assumption Margoliouth says fur-

the head of the state

Mohammed

had plenty to say: but

at the

commencement of his career, the matter was not provided by the circumstances". Hence "he hit on the plan of borrowing from the Old or New
Testament." 6

The

allegation of borrowing

been dealt with

in

from the Jewish and Christian sources has

a previous chapter. 7 Here

practically nullifies his statement here

it

may

be noted that Margoliouth

by another gross inconsistency. Thus,

having made the above mentioned remark he immediately carries out a volte
face and says that the Prophet "followed

this safe

method" of borrowing

from Judaeo-Christian scriptures when he was forced by circumstances

Margoliouth, op.

cit.,9\.

2.

Supra, pp.195-203.

3.

Margoliouth, op.

4. Ibid., 88.
5.

Ibid.,%0.

6.

Ibid., 86.

7.

Supra, Chap. XI.

cit.,

87.

Margoliouth here again

cites

Musnad, IV.222.

to

SIRA T AL-NABI

416

produce revelations
lation...

in

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

increasing quantities, but "the earliest scraps of reve-

appear to have been imitations of the utterances of revivalist preach-

ers" like

Quss ibn

Sa'ida.

believe that at the

would borrow from

Thus

stage

initial

in

one breath Margoliouth would have us

when

the Prophet had not

much

to say

he

the Judaeo-Christian scriptures until the progress of cir-

cumstances provided him with enough to

and then, again, we are

say,

when the
made it necessary for him to produce revelations
The inconsistency seems to have been due to an

required to believe that the Prophet would adopt "this safe" method

progress of circumstances
in increasing quantities!

awareness on Margoliouth's part that the so-called

lation"

do not

"earliest scraps"

any semblance with the Old and

really bear

materials and that those parts of the Qur'an that

any way are not quite the

initial

seem

New

Testament

to resemble

revelations to the Prophet.

As

of reve-

them

regards the

anecdote about Quss and the Prophet's having allegedly heard him speak

'Ukaz

it

is,

mentioned

as

taking the report as

it is,

earlier, 2 far

in

at

from being trustworthy. But even

have but very

his reported utterances

blance with the early surahs. Nor would those utterances

faint

make up

resem-

a fraction

of the materials contained in the early revelations.

Such inconsistencies are blended with a good deal of twisting of the

Thus the instances mentioned

in the

facts.

sources of the Prophet's having some-

times experienced some physical hardships while receiving revelations have

been twisted as symptoms of epilepsy; though anyone having an idea of the

disease and

physical and mental effects on

its

its

victim would

at

once

recognize that the Prophet's case was quite different from that ailment.

second twist with regard to the same fact

artificially

he had recourse to such

and companions

who

such allegedly

And

artificially

of inspiration; though

trickery.

closely surrounded

think such to be the case.

it is

the assumption that the Prophet

produced those symptoms, though there

to indicate that

that

is

him

is

nothing in the sources

Nor did

the

many

followers

for over a score of years ever

a third twist in the same fact

is

the assertion

produced symptoms were the "normal" form

quite clear

from

the sources that the instances of

physical hardships accompanying the receipt of revelations were only exceptional

and very few and

far between.

Similarly the fact of the angel

1.

Margoliouth, op.

2.

Supra, pp. 240-241.

cit., 87.

Jibril's

sometimes appearing

in the

form of

WAHY
a

human being
expose the

I.

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND

M ARGOLIOUTH

41

has been twisted as the Prophet's letting "confederates act the

As

part of Gabriel".
to

was

already mentioned, such a trickery

trick than to

the

more

the audience present on such occasions. This particular twisting

more strange on Margoliouth's

is

"who

the angel

tempted

in the

to ask: If

messages

it

New

part; for

he notes

New

the case of another Prophet.

at

the

same time

Testament conveys messages."

was nothing unnatural

in the case of the

likely

impress the divine nature of the revelation upon

for Jibril to

One could be

be the conveyer of

Testament Prophets, why should

To prove

the

is all

that Jibril

trickery in the latter's case

it

be so in

it

is

nece-

ssary to point out the true manners in which the angel used to convey mes-

New

sages to the

Testament Prophets. Neither Margoliouth nor any of

intellectual disciples

The

who

twisting of facts

texts.

Indeed

Such

at least is the

it is

adopt his views have, however, done

is

geneally done through misinterpretation of the

often difficult to

draw a

line

of distinction between the two.

case of a writer of revelations who,

it

alleged, abjured

is

Islam because he was convinced that the affair of revelation was a fake. 2
tradition cited

who used

his

it.

by Margoliouth

in fact

The

records the despicable end of a person

down revelations for the Prophet but who abjured Islam,

Makkan opposition and gave out as reason for his abandoning

to write

joined the

Islam that the Prophet used to dictate some expressions to him but he would
write something else instead, and

would

insist

would permit him

that this

Now,
report

to write

whatever he liked

happened more than once.

clearly this statement

the face of
it is

when asked

to correct the mistake he

on not changing what he had written. So, he says, the Prophet

it

it

is

thus not at

also clear that the

to write.

It is

made

who had turned

all worthy of credence. Form the
person in question was an enemy
is

to

appear

that of a person

who, by a fake prefession of Islam, had

hostile.

On

text of the
in disguise

infiltrated the ranks of the

Muslims

with the object of subverting Islam and the text of the revelations. In any
case,

common

sense and reason would never accept as true what

is

given out

who

is

supposed

by the person; for no reasonable

to

individual, especially

one

be a shrewd and calculated impostor, would ever allow any of his clerks or

followers to write whatever he liked

Masrgoliouth, op.

cit.,9\.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Musnad, 111,120-121.

to,

and would then allow

that text to

be

S1RAT AL-NABl

418

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

given out as revelation. The report clearly indicates

and describes the

consequences

evil

it

to

be a false allegation

that befell the calumniator.

Margoliouth

twists this false allegation as evidence of the fakeness of the revelation.

Moreover, there
ficially

is

no reference

in the report itself to the Prophet's

the instance of thousands of intelligent and sensible persons

and dedication throughout

the Prophet with rare devotion

were

that they

mere dupes

all

to his trickery

The most

glaring of his misinterpretations

most notable addition

to Muir's

God Who Himself and

appears to be

stituted afterwards as the

not specifically cite

is

"at

Margoliouth's statement, and

a distance of rather less than two

it,

that Jibril

He

his general thesis.

is

clearly to the Qur'anic passage 53:4-10

labours

all

is

New

unearthed the

that in the

New

it

is

on the authority of the Qur'an,

the

he

is

and information from

the guidance of the angels"

the angel Jibril

all

who conveyed

and

God's mes-

these Margoliouth suggests, allegedly

that the

Prophet

initailly

claimed

to

have

from God. It is not explained why

made such an unusual departure from the
Prophets who received revelations through the angel

revelation

directly

should have

practice of all the other

whom

pointed

Testament, that his case was like that of Joseph Smith

sages to His Prophets. Having said

received

may be

inconsistent with

through to show that the Prophet only imi-

Book of Mormon "under

Testament

Muhammad (0)

it

somewhat

tated the previous Prophets, that he derived his ideas

Old and the

was sub-

conveyer of revelations. Though Margoliouth does

the allusion

out that this assumption of Margoliouth's too

and

followed

assumptions, that from the Qur'an

(surat al-Najm). Before taking this passage into account

who

who

their lives except

and imposture!

bowshots" delivered the revelation to the Prophet and

the

drawn from

MARGOLIOUTH'S MISINTERPRETATION OF 53:4-10 (SURAT AL-NAJM)

this is his
it

arti-

reproducing the "symptoms" which Margoliouth cites as marks of the

alleged trickery. Strangely enough, he finds no inference to be

III.

ever

said to have merely imitated, and whether such a direct

transaction with God, unseen and unobserved by anyone else, and keeping
the angel completely out of the scene for a long time,

would be the most

appropriate method, as Margoliouth would have us believe the Prophet

careful to adopt, to impress the supernatural origin of his

message upon

was
his

audience.

But

let

us consider the

Qur'anic

passage

on the basis of which

Margoliouth advances his assumption. The entire passage 53:2-10 runs as

follows:

WAHY
cSjill A>.Ci

()

Jj

jti

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND MARGOLIOUTH

i )

^at

ji

Your companion

"(2)

ishly. (3)

I.

^/-j

ct- ji oli

(T)

111

dl& ( A ) JJ*

lii

(his)

munication) communicated (to him). (5)

) J^'lll

Uj ,^-U

js'VU jAj

is js-li 5

>

(4)

It is

very powerful taught him. (6)

Then he approached and came

closer; (9)

y ji

fool-

wahy (com-

nothing but

He

sesses physical and mental robustness, and he positioned himself (7) while he
the highest horizon. (8)

J-i l*^>

gone astray nor has he acted

whims.

One

fS (

the Prophet) has not

(i.e.

Nor does he speak out of

jkj Uj

cS^ll

419

and was

pos-

was

in

at a dis-

tance of two bow-lengths or even closer. (10) Thus did he communicate to His ser-

vant what

He communicated."

(53:2-10).

This passage has to be understood in the context of the situation in which

it

was revealed and

also with reference to another Qur'anic passage, 81: 19-

28 (surat al-Takwir) which deals with the same matter. According

classical scholars as well as

many

passage

orientalists this latter

the order of revelation than 53:2-10. 1

to

is

Muslim

earlier in

Both the passages were revealed, how-

ever, in the context of the unblelievers' refusal to believe that the Prophet had

received any revelation from God, alleging that he had been under the influ-

ence of an evil

spirit

or that he had gone off his head. Both the passges are

rebuttals of that allegation.

Uj

0_p*c

pi \!za ( Y
) ct*i

>

J>yi\ iS

j-^hA JjijUj(Yi)

Y)

jjti (

The passage 81:19-27

"(19) Verily this

is

Jet.

( 1

3jj

Tr )

:A> )^(YV)ctU_J01

/>

v^ J*
11

(YV-M

runs as follows:

.>*

UJ

yg/ Jj-pj J ji)

jiVu
V\ y> 01

Jilj
(

Y1

YY

0 jJ X

a text (saying Jy) delivered by an honourable messenger; (20)

possessing power and with rank near the Lord of the Throne. (21) Obeyed there and
trusted. (22)

Surelly he

And your companion

saw him

(the

(i.e.,

the Prophet)

honourable messenger)

he withhold a knowledege of the unseen. (25) Nor

devil, accursed. (26)

is

not one possessed. (23)

in the clear horizon. (24)

is

Then whither do you go? (27)

(the revelation) the

it

It is

Nor does
word of a

nothing but a recital to

all

the worlds." (81:19-27).

The

points

common

to both the passages

may be

noted. In the

first

place,

both describe the Prophet's seeing an entity in the horizon. In 81 :23, which
the earlier in the order of revelation, this entity

honourable messenger",
1

i.e.,

is

is

clearly described as "an

a messenger of God, an angel, and not

God

According to the Muslim scholars surahs al-Takwir and al-Najm were respectively the

7th and the 23rd in the order of revelation. Rodwell, Jeffery,

be, respectively,

of revelation.

32nd and 46th, 24th and

Muir and Noldeke hold them to

and 28th in the order

27th, 27th and 43rd and 27th

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

420

Himself. Secondly, though the passage 53:2-10 does not specifically mention
that the entity

was a "messenger",

to that in 81:19-27.

Thus while

possessing power

10 he

is

<^ 3

^>

in

his description there is very

the latter passage he

much

similar

described as one

is

and position near the Lord of the Throne,

in 53:2-

j^jh^ and possessing physical

described as "very powerful"

and mental robustness ^iyjify. Thirdly, both the passages rebut the allagations of the

Makkan

com-

unbelievers and both speak of the Prophet as "your

panion" (,^L>-u) because he was really one of them and was thoroughly

known

to

them. Fourthly, both the passages emphasize that the Prophet was

not "one possessed" (81:22) nor had he strayed from the right path and acted
foolishly (53:2). Fifthly, both passages say that what the Prophet

out was a statement

was giving

given to him by an honourable messenger (81:19)

(Jji)

and taught him by "one very powerful" (53:5). Finally, both the passages

was a

revelation given to the Prophet (53:4), not the

reiterate that

it

an evil

but a recital to

spirit

all

word of

The two passges thus

the worlds (81 :25, 27).

speak of the same subject, give the same reply to the same objections of the

Makkan

unbelievers and describe the entity seen in the horizon in similar

phrases and adjectives. Each of the passages

plementary to the other.

And

claimed

it

to be

lation

of the two passages

lation

is

it

cannot be assumed that the

is

true

even

if

to

the order of reve-

reversed. For, if the Prophet had been so incon-

speak of the conveyer of the text as

and as the angel

later

God Himself Who had descended

The same

deliver the text to the Prophet.

sistent as to

com-

thus explanatory of and

since the earlier passage (81 19-27) specifically

refers to the entity as God's messenger,

passage, 53:2-10,

is

in another piece,

God

in

one piece of reve-

he would have been very badly

harassed by the unbelievers and his case would have been irretrievably

damaged.

Even

if

the passage 53:2-10

rence to 81:19-27

it

is

considered independently without any refe-

cannot be assumed that the reference

is

to

God.; for the

passage contains decisive internal evidence to the contrary. Thus the entity
described there as possessing great strength

^tsjti\ Juxify.

course the Almighty and the Most Powerful, but he

the Qur'an as Shadtd

al-Quwa

is

or "very powerful".

Now, God

is

nowhere described

The phrase

indicative of relative strength, not of superlative power.

It

is

is

of
in

clearly

cannot therefore

be a description of God. Similarly, the expression dhu mirrah

^iy _>i^>,

sig-

nifying mental and intellectual quality or physical quality or both,

is

cable only to a created being, and not to the Creator. Also,

nowhere

it

is

appli-

WAHY
mentioned
further

on

I.

THE VIEWS OF MUIR AND MARGOLIOUTH

in the

Qur'an as a description or

in the

same surah

it

is

glance of the same entity and then

attribute of

mentioned

^^1

God. Thirdly, a

cjit

little

had a second

that the Prophet

emphasized

it is

42

what he saw was of

that

j>f. Hence what the Prophet

had seen on both the occasions was a sign, i.e., a wonderful creation of his

the greatest signs of his Lord

Lord

<o,

the angel Jibril in his real shape and form

and

not the Lord

Himself.

may have been

Margoliouth's confusion

To understand

Jl

mind

ssary to bear in

meaning

meaning of this expression

three important things. In the

with which the statement

sequential,

the

caused by the statement

and

"then";

starts,

first

has two senses

tafstriyyah,

i.e.,

at

53:10-

it is

nece-

place, the letter fa

istiqbaliyyah,

i.e.,

explanatory, meaning "thus"

The second thing to note is the expression 'abdihi (-*) in the statement. It definitely means His, i.e., God's servant and may therefore be taken

or "so".

to refer either to the

to

remember

Prophet or to the angel

Jibril.

And

thirdly,

it

is

Arabic a pronoun, whether explicit or inherent

that in

essential
in a verb,

does not always relate to the immediate antecedent, as in English, but

relate to a

may

nominative or subject understood from the context. Bearing these

three things in mind, the

which

the letter fa with

meaning of the 'ayah 53:10 may be understood.

it

starts is

taken

in its

sequential sense, the

If

meaning

of the statement would be: Then he (the angel) communicated to His servant
(i.e.

ter

Prophet) what

fa

is

taken in

He

its

So (by means of

(or he) communicated".

on the other hand, the

let-

explanatory sense, then the meaning would be: Thus or

He

the angel)

what He communicated".
internal evidences

If,

It

(the Lord) did

communicate

would be manifestly worng

to His servant

to disregard the

mentioned above, and also the context and the

relation of

the passage to the other passage, 81:1 9-27, and then, by fixing the eye on the

expression 'abdihi

(-) to

assume

that the

passage speaks of

God Himself

appearing in the horizon and then descending to the Prophet to deliver to him
the text of revelation!

Margoliouth's assumption that the Prophet had

Himself had delivered to him the

text

is

initially

claimed that

God

thus totally untenable. Despite

its

untenability, however, his assumption has been taken over and reiterated by
his successors.

suggestion that

1.

Q. 53:13,18.

Consequently they have also reiterated Margoliouth's other

Jibril

was

substituted as conveyer of revelation at a sub-

SiRAT AL-NAB1

422

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

sequent stage. Margoliouth's main thesis that

Muhammad {%)

calculatedly

and designingly acted the part of a Prophet and was otherwise an imposter

no new

thing.

approach

to Islam

It

and

its

is

a repetition of the Medievel European

essentially

is

Prophet. Recent European scholarship

is

of course

shy of making such a blatant accusation against the Prophet; but

when a

would be seen presently, speaks of the Prophet's "inducsymptoms of revelation, it is in effect an echo of that medieval

recent scholar, as

ing" the

approach. In another respect Margoliouth appears to have indicated a

line of

approach, that of having recourse to

modem

new

works on theosophy, phi-

losophy or mysticism to explain the phenomenon of Islamic revelation. Thus

while he uses the work of Podmore on spiritualism to suggest that the
Prophet, though

known

to be honest, could nevertheless play trickery

mystifying, 'Watt, as will be seen presently, has recourse to the

and be

work of A.

Poulain on mysticism to suggest that wahy was a sort of "intellectual locution"

on the part of Muhammad

Ch.XX,

1.

Infra,

2.

Infra, chapter.

sec.II.

XX,

sees.

&

II.

(0

2
).

CHAPTER XVIII

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

BELL'S VIEWS

II.

Before discussing Watt's treatment of the subject

into account Richard Bell's views about

it;

for,

main assumption upon the Qur'anic passage 53:2-10,

good deal of

attention to

it

on

necessary to take

it is

Bell

who

devotes a

and brings new arguments to bear on

because Watt, though advancing some new arguments,

essentially

is

it

though Margoliouth bases his

Bell's assumptions. Bell is thus a link

rests his

and

it;

conclusions

between Margoliouth

and Watt.
Bell put forth his views mainly in a series of

consecutive issues of The

Moslem World

two

for 1934.

articles

In

pubished

in

two

them he advanced the

following suggestions:
(a)
later

That the traditions regarding the coming of wahy are inventions of a

age and are founded upon the Qur'anic passage 53:1-18.

(b)

That before he "recounted" the "visions"

sage the Prophet had been "speaking"

delivering or
(c)

in

in the

above mentioned pas-

some manner

but had not started

composing the Qur'an.

That the term wahy does not mean verbal communication of the

text

of the Qur'an but "suggestion", "prompting" or "inspiration" to "compose"

the Qur'an.
(d)

That according

to the

passage 53:1-18 the Prophet claimed to have

seen Allah, but as he became better informed and also met with objections he
mystified and introduced modifying verses in

it

giving the impression of a

"spiritual vision".
(e)

That as he subsequently became aware of the existence of angels he

reasserted in surah 81 (al-Takwtr) that he had seen the angel messenger on

the clear horizon;

(0 That

still

and

more subsequently,

at

Madina, he introduced

Jibril as

the

and

(c),

conveyer of wahy.
It is

1.

to

be noted

that

of these suggestions only two, those

Richard Bell, "Mohammed's

"Mohammed's

call",

Visions", ibid., April,

at (a)

The Moslem World, January. 1934,

19-34,

sequently been modified into "Muslim" in the

pp.

title

145-154.

pp. 13-19

and

The term "Moslem" has sub-

of the journal.

SlRATAL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

424

namely
and

that the traditions regarding the

wahy means

that

may be

tion of a text,

coming of wahy are

communica-

own, though they are implicit

said to be Bell's

assumptions as well. These are made, however,

ers'

later inventions

"suggestions" or "prompting", not verbal

in oth-

to elaborate the other

four suggestions that are originally Muir's and Margoliouth's. Thus the suggestion at (b), namely, that the Prophet had been "speaking" in

before delivering the Qur'an

is

a reiteration of what Muir says about the

Prophet's pre-wahy or pre-Qur'an deliverences.

and

(e)

(d),

Prophet

(f)

initially

some manner

Similarly the suggestions at

are an elaboration of Margoliouth's assumptions that the

calimed to have seen

God and

duced subsequently as the conveyer of

that the angel JibrTl

revelations.

Let us

now

was

intro-

consider the

suggestions one by one.

CONCERNING THE TRADITIONS ABOUT THE COMING OF WAHY

I.

Bell's objections to the traditions

from and ultimately

rest

53:1-18 shows that the Prophet

further

at first

that the Qur'anic

passage

claimed to have seen Allah and that

contains subsequent modifications of that claim. Both the assump-

it

tions are, as already seen

correct.

concerning the coming of wahy proceed

on the other assumptions

But apart from

and as

that,

will

be further clear presently, far from

Bell's reasons for discounting the traditions

about the coming of wahy are:

(i)

He

says that 'A'ishah

(r.a.),

the original

authority for the traditions, "was not born at the time of the Call, and could at

best have got the story" from the Prophet himself. Moreover,

much has

sequently "been attributed to her which she probably never said."

story as

it

has

come down

(ii)

to us "in the earliest form" in Ibn Ishaq's

Hisham's work makes 'A'ishah

(r.a.)

responsible only for "the

first

sub-

The
Ibn

part of

it,

the Messenger of Allah began by seeing true visions in sleep; that

viz., that

came to him like the dawn of the morning, and that he began to love
solitude. The rest of the story is given on quite a different, and far less reliable isndd." 4 (iii) The statement that tahannuth (the solitary stay and prayer
they

was a pre-Islamic Quraysh

at Hira')

work,

is

not correct.

Mohammed's
1

2.

The

practice, as

mentioned

"ascetic note in such a practice

was

nature" and the "accompanying fasts" have

See supra, pp.402-404.

See supra, pp. 418-422.

3.

The Moslem World, January, 1934,

4.

Ibid.

p.14.

in

Ibn Ishaq's

entirely alien to

no support

in the

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

Qur'an. "Fasting was not introduced
imitation of Jewish practice."

till

the

II.

BELL'S VIEWS

Madinan

425

period, and then as an

The expression Namus, derived from

(iv)

the

Greek term nomos and meaning Jewish law, could not have been used by

Waraqah

ibn Nawfal in his reported conversation with the Prophet; for the

Qur'an does not contain the expression and, according to

Bell, as the Prophet

was fond of "borrowing

to be expected that,

if

he had

used

it

at

known

religious technical terms

word he would have used

this

such a momentous point

in his life."

it,

it

was

especially

Hence

if

Waraqah had

the "whole story

the

is

invention of a later age." 2

Clearly this

last

hypotheses before

it

agrument

(iv) calls for

a substantiation of three other

could be adduced as a valid argument. These hypotheses

composed

are (a) that the Prophet himself

the Qur'an; (b) that he

borrowing foreign religious technical terms and

(ghard 'ib) occurring

in the hadith literature

(c) that all

fact.

Particularly the crux of the

Prophet himself composed the Qur'an,

not therefore be

first

assumed

is

unfamiliar terms

should invariably be found

Qur'an. Needless to say that none of these hypetheses

accepted

was fond of

is

an established and

whole argumentation,

the very point at issue

and

that the

should

it

as a fact and then that should not be

made

point to prove that very fact. Bell here seems to have merely depended

A. Jeffery's suggestion. 3 In fact

this

very argument about

in the

upon

Namus rebounds on

Bell himself and destroys his thesis that the particular traditions about the

coming of wahy
says, the

to the Prophet are inventions of a later age.

word Namus

is

For

if,

as Bell

of Greek origin meaning Jewish law and

Prophet (or any one else) had fabricated the story when the alleged

the

if

initial

claim of the Prophet's having seen Allah had been allegedly modified and

consequently the angel had been introduced as the conveyer of wahy, he

would

definitely

have used the term angel or

Jibrtl in

the story instead of the

admittedly unfamiliar and, according to the meaning suggested, rather incon-

gruous expression

Namus

word Namus, since

origin,

it

is

in

Thus according

in the tradition,

have meant Jewish law (and

eign origin change meanings

another language) and that

the

it.

used

it is

well to

to Bell's

own

reasoning the

could not, even

remember

that

if

Greek

words of

in

for-

in

the process of adoption and naturalization in

its

very use in the tradition in question as an

1.

Md.,\6.

2.

Ibid.

3.

A. Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur'an, Baroda, 1938. Bell must have seen

work before

its

publication.

SIRA T AL-NAB1 AND

426

THE ORIENTALISTS

expression of Waraqah's, not of the Prophet's nor of 'A'ishah's,

is

evidence

of the genuineness of the account.

As

regards Bell's argument at

(i) it is

of course true that 'A'ishah

received the account from the Prophet himself.

It is

also likely that

name which

thing might have been subsequently given out in her

probably never

said.

But

this probability

(r.a.)

someshe

only calls for a more careful exam-

ination of the isnad rather than for treating all traditions emanating

from her

as suspect. Bell seeks to discredit the whole story on the ground that

tahannuth was not a pre-Islamic Quraysh practice as given out in the version
of the report in Ibn Ishaq's work, nor was fasting, which

accompanied
fasting

introduced

it,

was not known

imitation of the Jews,

till

at

Madina. Now, without discussing whether

Arabia or whether

in pre-Islamic

it

may

it

be pointed out that 'A'ishah's

was introduced

Islamic Quraysh practice nor does

it.

it

make any

in

report about

(r.a.)

tahannuth, as given in Bukhdri, does neither mention that

necessary part of

have

said to

is

was a

it

pre-

allusion to fasting being a

also to be noted that the reporters in Ibn Ishaq's

It is

work do not claim to have received their account from her. Thus Bell's argument here suffers from a dual methodological fault. He seeks to discredit her
account

general on the basis of statements that are nowhere claimed to

in

have been made by her and also on the basis of an account which he himself

acknowledges

have come down on a

to

"far less reliable isndd."

Again, Bell seems to admit the genuineness of the very

'A'ishah's
to Bell,

(r.a.)

it is

report as reproduced in Ibn Ishaq's

found here "in the

earliest form".

Messenger of Allah began by seeing

to

him

like the

dawn of

It

says, as Bell puts

visions". Its correct

(^L-aJi jli Ji 4Lr)

correct sense

is

that.

It

is to

meaning
is

may, two points need

be noted

make

that Bell

is

M:W., 1934,

p. 14.

came

is

her responsible for

not quite correct in

"true dreams", for ru'yd

to

him

as the

like the

dawn

here
in

"true

as

sleep

means

dawn of

the morning". Its

of the morning".

Be

that as

to be specially noted about this statement. First,

obviously part of the story, not the whole of

1.

"that the

also not quite right in translating the expression

came
came true

as "they

"they

of

the morning, and that he began to love solitude."

translating the expression al-ru'yd al-sddiqa (iSaUli

dreams, not visions. Bell

it,

true visions in his sleep; that they

Bell emphasizes that this earliest version does not

anything more than

first part

work because, according

it;

it

it is

for 'A'ishah (r.a.) could not

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

II.

BELL'S VIEWS

427

have stopped abruptly without indicating what the Prophet did or what hap-

pened to him

after

in continuation

he began to love solitude. She must have said something

and completion of the

the ru 'yd in sleep, there

no

is

hint here at the appearance of any entity before

Nor does

the Prophet at that stage.

Second, whatever the nature of

story.

Bell

seem

to take

what he

translates as

"visions" to be the ones which he assumes are "recounted" in the Qur'anic

passage 53:1-18. For,

was

if it

the question of only a "vision" in sleep,

dream, no one would have bothered to controvert or discredit

it,

for

i.e.

anyone

can experience any sort of unusual dreams in sleep. Clearly the "vision"

which

is

supposed

to

have caused the controversy leading

passage 53:1-18 must have been different from the dreams

rification in the

("visions") in sleep

and

must have taken place before

it

The question

the above mentioned passage.

when did

it

in the

passage

it

work and

Bell's

own

How

and

'A'ishah's

report

(r.a.)

in

which

Ibn Ishaq's work

rent group of narrators

who

does not of course

(r.a.)

report quoted in Ibn

theory both indicate that something remains to

be said in completion of the

(r.a.)

is:

necessary for him to

in question. Bell

ask himself this question; but the part of 'A'ishah's

given

"recounting" in

that naturally arises

thereby making

criticisms,

"recount" and clarify

is

its

the Prophet have that experience which he gave out to the people

and which elicited

Ishaq's

to the alleged cla-

is

in

That something

story.

given in

full

in fact related in

is

and correctly

in

Bukhdri; but

it

a different and less reliable form, by a diffe-

have

at least the

honesty of not citing 'A'ishah

as the authority for their version of the account.

While

rejecting the story about tahannuth

and the Prophet's conversation

with Waraqah, Bell does not elsewhere rule out the possibility of the
Prophet's contact with the latter and such other people with a knowledge of
Christianity

and

its

Bell's other thesis,

as

it

may, even

out his

initial

scripture.

The Origin of Islam

in the present instance

experience

at the outset

would have been no need

to

whom could

Indeed such contacts are implicit throughout

in its Christian

he implies

of his career; for,

for "recounting"

the Prophet

have

persons as his wife Khadijah

first

(r.a.)

Environment} Be

that the

it.

if

he had not, there

Therefore the question arises:

disclosed his experience,

and

their relative

accounts, were the most likely ones to listen to

that

Prophet had given

if

not to such

Waraqah who, by

him with sympathy and

all

atten-

tion? Tahannuth, the experience at Hira' and the subsequent conversation

1.

London, 1926.

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

428

with Waraqah, which are the two most imporatnat items

report, thus appear to

accord with Bell's

II.

As

be just

in the nature

lines of

argument.

own

in 'A'ishah's (r.a.)

of things and are moreover in

THE ASSUMPTION OF PRE-QUR'AN DELIVERENCES

regards the second assumption that prior to his recounting

"visions" in the passage 53:1-18 the Prophet had been "speaking" in

manner" but had not

started delivering or

arguments are as follows:

general one and

Qur'an."

(ii)

is

(i)

"composing" the Qur'an,

The word yantiqu

in the

the

"some
Bell's

passage ('ayah 3)

"is

not elsewhere associated with the recitation of the

The word

'Qur'an'

is

derived from the syriac qerydna.

Hence

the idea of supplying a Qur'an "was suggested by the scripture readings of

the Christian church." Therefore the Prophet "had gathered

some

sort of a

congregation before he set about supplying them with 'readings'."

word 'awha used

in

in the

"inspiration."

Now,
tions
this

Qur'an show

that

it

Also, the various uses of the

means

"suggestion", "prompting" or

the last argument

(iii)

relates

mainly to the third of Bell's assump-

enumerated above, namely, the nature of wahy

argument

argument

(i),

The

'ayah 4 of the passage does not "necessarily imply the

communication of the words of the Qur'an."

word wahy

(iii)

will

be dealt with

namely, that

some manner and

in the

initially the

next section.

in the

As

regards Bell's

when he had

simply a reiteration of Muir's assumption noticed

it

may

rather misleading construction

commenced

gathered a sort of congregation,

assumption have already been noted. 3 So

connection are concerned,

first

Prophet had been only "speaking"

not delivering the Qur'an and that he

vering the Qur'an only

Qur'an. Hence

earlier.

far as Bell's

own

The

in

deliit

is

faults in that

reasonings in this

be noted that he puts a very narrow and

on the expression yant iqu occurring

in 53:3,

divorcing the word from the whole context of the passage and the situation in

which

it

was given

out.

The unmistakable purport of

dict the unbelievers' objection to the effect that

the passage

is

to contra-

what the Prophet had been

giving out to them was not God's words but the Prophet's own. In reply
stated that the Prophet "does not speak out of his

1.

The Moslem World, 1934,

2.

lbid.,Ul,\A%.

3.

Supra,pp. 402-410.

p.

146.

own whim;

it is

it is

nothing but

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

II.

BELL'S VIEWS

a divine communication (wahy) delivered (to him)."

The expression

yantiqu (does not speak), not simply yantiqu (he speaks).

appropriate phrase

in

the context.

It is

is

ma

thus just the

It is

not used simply in the general sense of

"speaking", as Bell would have us believe, and

Prophet had been "only speaking

429

in

it

does not imply that the

some manner".

It

implies that the

Prophet had been claiming his deliverences to be God's communications, that

the unbelievers

were objecting

to that claim

and

that the passage therefore

rebuts that objection by categorically asserting that the Prophet did not speak

own mind

out of his
but a

wahy

it

was no statement of his own born out of his whims,

(divine communication)

construes the expression divorcing

Prophet had not claimed

Qur'an

there

that

communicated
it

from the context of the passage.

and therefore no need for a rejoinder to

Bell

also

is

If the

what he was giving out was God's words

would have been no reason

tion incontrovertibly

(to him). Bell totally mis-

for the unbelievers' objection

that objection, as the passage in ques-

is.

somewhat confusing and

self-contradictory in his statements

He says in connection with the supposedly pre-Qur'an

wahy "does not mean the verbal communication of the text
of a revelation, but it means 'suggestion', 'prompting' or 'inspiration' coming into a person's mind from outside himself." He further says that the
in this connection.

deliverences that

Prophet had, before the delivery of the passage

in question,

ing "by wahy, by suggestion from a heavenly person"

Obviously Bell makes these statements

tion in the passage that

wahy

but

wahy

this interpretation
is

he had seen. 2

to avoid the implication of the asser-

what the Prophet was giving out was not

delivered to him. Bell

expression

been only speak-

whom

is

in relation to

of Bell's

his speech

thus forced to give an interpretation of the

what he

in effect

calls

pre-Qur'an deliverences. But

eliminates the distinction between what

called the pre-Qur'an deliverences and the deliverences constituting the

Qur'an. Bell
lifies his

As

is

thus both confusing and self-contradictory.

He

himself nul-

assumption of pre-Qur'an deliverences by the Prophet.

regards Bell's other assumption that the Prophet got the idea of deli-

vering a Qur'an (reading) from the scripture readings in the Christian church

and

that

he thought of producing such "readings" only when he had already

gathered a sort of a congregation round him,

1.

The Moslem World, 1934,

2.

Ibid.

p.

148.

it is

simply an absurd proposi-

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

430

tion inspired obviously by the similarly absurd assumption of Muir's that

by

pre-wahy or pre-Qur'an utterances the Prophet had already gathered a

his

band of followers when he thought of standing forth

name of God. And

ing in the
well. For,

become

it

same objections apply

the

case as

in Bell's

simply unreasonable to think that any group of persons would

is

the Prophet's followers unless they were convinced of the truth of

commissioned teacher and of

his position as a divinely

tion to his teachings as divine communications.

from

the idea of congregational "readings"

Christian church,

it

his utterances in rela-

Moreover,

the Prophet got

if

the scripture readings in the

does not necessarily follow that he waited

a band round him. Intelligent and careful as he was by

have

and speak-

as a Prophet

all

till

he gathered

accounts, he would

started his mission by having a set of readings ready at hand!

Lastly, Bell's statement that prior to his "recounting" of the "vision" in the

passage 53:1-18 the Prophet had been only speaking

that the passage 53:1-18

is

proposition, however,

simply wrong.

is

some manner implies

Qur'an

the earliest part of the

It is

in

to

be revealed. That

neither supported

by the sources,

in spite

of the differences in the reports regarding the order of revelations,

nor

admitted by the orientalists themselves. Even Bell does not appear to

is it

hold that view; and he in effect contradicts himself a

strictly

when he

says: "If

Mohammed was

commissioned

to

little

earlier

produce a Koran

(recita-

command 'iqra' (recite) would naturally come first. That argument may even now appeal to a critical mind, and indeed most European

tion), then the

scholars have accepted the passage as the earliest." 2

Thus does Bell

in effect

say that before the delivery of the passage 53:1-18 the 'iqra' passage of the

Qur'an had been revealed.

in

some manner,

of the "vision"

in

Muhammad

had thus not just been speaking

but delivering the Qur'an, before the so-called "recounting"

53:1-18.
III.

BELL'S

This brings us to the third

CONCEPT OF WAHY

in the series

of Bell's assumptions, namely, his

view of the nature and implications of wahy.

ous senses

and on
tion",

in

which the term wahy and

"prompting" or "inspiration".

wahy where God gave

1.

2.

its

that basis asserts that the general

He

He

points out

The Moslem World, 1934,

p. 17.

vari-

derivatives are used in the Qur'an

meaning of the word

then cites

some of

directives to His Prophets to

See supra, pp. 402-406.

some of the

is

"sugges-

the instances of

do some

particular

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

II.

Musa

things, such as to Niih to build the ark, to

On

431

to set out with his

people by

Muhammad (% )

to follow

night and to strike the rock with his staff and to

the religion of Ibrahim.

BELL'S VIEWS

the basis of such instances of God's

wahy

to His

Prophets Bell concludes that wahy means suggestions or prompting "for a

practical line of conduct."

Now,

pointed out.

in particular,

To

some

how

in

general and that of

general faults in Bell's analysis

may be

begin with, when he argues that wahy means suggestions for

a practical line of conduct, Bell does not

explain

wahy

before taking up the meaning of

Qur'anic wahy

go

the

whole way and does not

the suggestion or prompting, as he prefers to call

been communicated to the Prophet. Also,

if

it,

could have

he had not been too inclined to

use the terms "suggestions" and "prompting" he would have easily seen that
the instances he cites are clearly God's

"commands" and

Prophets, and not merely suggestions. These

the practical conduct,

command
is

'iqra

',

it

may be

directives to His

commands and

directives for

pointed out, constitute God's words.

which Bell admits

to

be the

earliest

The

passage of the Qur'an,

God's word.
Bell

seems

to

acknowledge

this fact

when he

says that the "practical sug-

gestions are indeed often formulated in direct speech" and that there are

"cases in which the formula has reference to doctrine rather than to conduct." 2

Yet he

insists that these

formulations are "always quite short, the sort

of phrase... which might flash into a person's mind after consideration of a

summing up of the matter." 3 One may only remark here that

if in the ultimate analysis wahy means "the sort of phrase" which flashes into
one's mind after consideration of a question as the decision and summing up
question, as the

of the matter, then there

into the scene

is

no need for importing God or any external being

and no sense

in adding, as Bell

does a few lines further on,

wahy means "suggestion", "prompting" or "inspiration" which comes

mind apparently from outside himself." 4 The fact is that
wahy, in its technical sense, does not mean suggestion, prompting or inspira-

that

"into a person's

tion,

nor a person's intuition and conclusion after consideration of a matter,

but divine communication to His Prophets and Messengers.

Continuing his analysis Bell says that wahy means,

1.

Ibid., 1 47.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Ibid.,US.

"at

any

rate in the

SIRA T AL-NABI AND

432

THE ORIENTALISTS

early portions of the Qur'an", not that

it

had been conveyed

to the

Prophet

composing a Qur'an" had been "suggested"

verbally, but "that the idea of

to

him. Bell next states that as the Prophet's "theory of revelation developed" he

"extended the signification of the word to cover the communication of long

passages in verbal form"; for "there are some passages

which

in

this

would

be the natural implication", such as 11:40, 12:120, 18:27 and 20:45.' Thus

would Bell appear

to suggest that parts of the Qur'an are God's verbal

munications and parts are not

that position; for
its

effect

in all

it

But he would not really commit himself to

so.

having made the above statement he attempts to neutralize

by saying

of them

com-

that the passages referred to "are probably fairly late,

would be

at least

possible to avoid giving the

word

and

the sense

of actual verbal communication." 2 Clearly Bell here betrays his ultimate

by any means, "giving the word the sense of actual ver-

intention to "avoid",

bal communication."
twist

and "avoid"

One may

only observe that

that sense, but that

is

of course possible to

it is

"their natural implication", as Bell

admits, perhaps unguardedly.

It

may

also be noted in this connection that whenever a Qur'anic passage

runs counter to his assumption Bell attempts to assign

an earlier one, as

Even

kan.

if for

late", Bell

it

suits his purpose.

arguments' sake

it is

The passages

it

either a late date or

cited

above are

all

Mak-

admitted that they are "probably fairly

does not appear consistent

in his assertion that as the Prophet's

theory of revelation developed he extended the signification of the word to

cover verbal communication. For having said so he

42:51) which says:

"It is

wahy, or from behind a

His order what

He

not for

veil or

wills..."

He

man

cites

that Allah speaks to

sends a messenger

42:50

(in fact

him except by

who communicates by

Bell states that according to this passage

impossible" to give the sense of verbal communication to

"it is

the term wahy. 4

And a little further on he states that in this passage "one almost sees
Muhammad's conception of how the revelation came to him, growing before
our eyes..." 5 Thus Bell would have us believe in the same breath that as the
Prophet's conception of

Ibid.

The

italicization

is

wahy developed he
mine.

2. Ibid.
3.

The passage runs

as follows:

4.

The Moslem World, 1 934,

5.

Ibid.,152.

p.

48.

extented

its

meaning

to

cover

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

II.

BELL'S VIEWS

wahy could

verbal communication, and that at the same time he said that

be verbal communication! The fact

Qur'an so inconsistent.

wahy

passage 42: 51.

who

was

the Prophet nor

not
the

is

has misunderstood the sense of

It

does in no way mean that wahy cannot be verbal com-

merely describes the manner and methods of communicating

it

God's words to man.

man

not speak to

Bell himself

It is

neither

by the Qur'an. He has also misunderstood the meaning of the

as given

munication;

is that

433

It

would seem

directly,

i.e.,

that as the passage says that

face to face, Bell takes

wahy

to

God

does

mean God's

"indirect speech" in the English grammatical sense!

That Bell puts that English grammatical sense of "indirect speech"

ther clear

from what he observes

next, saying that the passage 42: 51

confession that the "direct" speech of Allah

where He speaks

"in

His proper person

Bell writes: "There are

is

made

to

speak

56- 58, lxxiv:

in

still

His

proper person

1- 15. If this direct

Him."

It

furis

some of the Qur'anic passages

in the first

person singular"

Qur'an

in the

in the first

in

is

wrong.

which Allah

person singular;

cf.

li:

speech of Allah to the Prophet was wrong,

as the above passage seems to confess,

actually seen

in

one or two passages

own

is

how much more

the claim to have

should at once be pointed out that the passage does not say that wahy

cannot be verbal communication;

it

does not confess that the statements in

the Qur'an in "direct speech" of Allah (in the English grammatical sense) are

wrong.

Bell's

composition

assumption throughout that the Qur'an

is

wrong and

it is

the point at issue.

is

the Prophet's

own

Not only the "one or two

passages" cited here, nor even those admitted by Bell to imply verbal communication, but the entire Qur'an, whether a passage

speech" or

in "indirect

speech",

is

is

formulated in "direct

verbal comunication of God's words. Also

the assumption that the Prophet initially claimed to have seen Allah

wrong. Before taking up

actually

is

that assumption,

the signification of

where Bell has erred

however,

it

is

remains to see what

wahy glimpsed from the Qur'an itself and

wahy means "sugegstion" or "prompt-

in thinking that

ing" or "inspiration".
IV.
It is

wahy

WAHY IN THE QUR'AN AND THE 'QUR'ANIC WAHY

common knowledge

(in its different

that in the seventy or so places

forms) occurs in the Qur'an

it

bears a wide variety of

senses depending on the context and the subject matter. This

1.

Ibid.

where the word

is

only natural;

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

434

for in every language there are certain

tiplicity

words each of which

is

used

in a

mul-

of senses, sometimes even one directly opposite to the other,

accordance with the situations and contexts. In the case of such a word
neither easy nor perhaps desirable to find a fixed
that

would

fit

in

with

its

use in

all

meaning or
and

the occasions

set

in

it is

of meanings

situations. Bell has

attempted to do something like that with regard to the term wahy.

He

refers

some Qur'anic passages where the therm occurs, such as wahy to the bee,
wahy of one satan to another, wahy to the earth, etc., and then says that in

to

view of these instances the correct English rendering for the term should be
"suggestion", "prompting" or "inspiration".

To anyone who

has a knowledge of the Qur'an

Bell's survey of the Qur'anic use of the

word

is

it

not at

should be obvious that

all

comprehensive, nor

even objective. He has selected only such passages as would support

point of view that the
for that

is

word does not mean verbal communication of a

what he confessedly intends

the "natural" one.

Even

then, the

Thus,

tical lines
lier,

in the instances

of

even where

that sense is

meanings he puts on the expression do not

appear to be adequate or appropriate

cited.

to "avoid"

his

text;

wahy

in respect

of

all

the instances he has

to the Prophets for

what he

calls prac-

of conduct the meaning of the term should be, as pointed out ear-

command

or directive and not simply suggestion or prompting as such.

Again, the 'iqra' passage where of course the expression wahy does not

occur but which Bell himself acknowledges to be part of the Qur'anic wahy,
is

a command, and not suggestion.

the earth on the

doomsday

commits a mistake
dead

the

will not

More

God

would be prompted

meaning of the 'ayahs (99:4-5)

will

command

wahy

to

be given to

be a suggestion or prompting. Bell

in saying that the earth

out her affairs, because your Lord will

that

specifically, the

is:

wahy

"On

that

to give

day she

shall

in fact

up

its

speak

her." Clearly the sense here

is

the earth, together with giving her the speaking

Wahy here bears this dual sense; for everyone

knows that the earth as it is now has no speaking power, and no simple suggestion or promting will make her speak. To give just one instance outside
Bell's survey. "That is some of the tidings of things unseen which We wahy
t\S\ j diU'i^.
to you", so runs 3:44 ^...d)Jt v-y
Here the term wahy
clearly means the communication of some facts or information
some statements regarding some unseen (unknown) affair, and not at all suggestion or
power, to speak out her

affairs.

1.

See also Q. 12: 102.

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

inspiration about

some unknown

BELL'S VIEWS

II.

435

Thus the meanings suggested by Bell

affair.

do not appropriately and adequately convey the sense of the expression even
in respect

of the instances he has cited.

valent for

wahy must needs be found

If

indeed a

out,

common

English equi-

should be "communication",

it

meaning would

rather than suggestion, prompting, etc. This

fit

in

the

all

situations.

Since the word wahy

is

used

various senses in connection with diffe-

in

and situations the proper course

rent subjects

the term in relation to any particular subject

made of

in

it

connection only with that subject.

mic religious parlance the term wahy

tions to His Prophets

and Messengers.

of wahy, apart from

its

Prophets.

And just

the act or process of

municated

(i.e.

examine the uses

on

applied only to God's

is

that are

that basis that in Isla-

communica-

words, the technical meaning

God's communications to His

is

word 'communication', wahy means both

communicating

the subject-matter).

to

It is

In other

general meanings,

like the English

understanding the sense of

in

is

and also

as verb)

(i.e.

accordance with the manners or processes of

its

which

that

As such wahy may be of

is

com-

various types in

communication, as well as

in

accordance with the nature of the subject matter.

The passage 42:51 noticed above speaks about

the

manners or processes

of the coming of wahy to the Prophets. The 'ayah mentions three ways in

which God's words are made

to

reach His chosen man, namely, (a) by means

of wahy, (b) from behind the veil and

Jibril)

who

includes

it

all

first

category

wahy used

beration of a bell and that this was the

1

may be

category

unseen.

is

considered as of the

the

The

is

He

wills". It

may be

not further elaborated here.

the various processes besides the other two.

Prophet's statement that sometimes

him,

by sending a messenger (the angel

"by His order communicates (yuht) what

observed that the nature of the

Obviously

(c)

first

to

come

to

him

manner which was

The

like the rever-

the hardest

on

An example of the second

speaking to Musa while remaining

category.

famous incident of God's

third type is self-explanatory

and

is

mentioned also

in the

New

Testament.
Similarly

wahy may be of

matter communicated.

And

different types

depending on the nature of the

of such various types according to subject-matter

only one particular type of wahy forms the scripture, the

(Qur'an).
1

Thus when Musa was commanded

Bukhari, no.2.

to follow

Book

what

is

or Recitation
called a prac-

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

436
tical line

of conduct, such as striking the rock with his

staff, that

was of

course wahy, but not the Torah. Only that which was specifically com-

municated as Torah was Torah. Likewise, of the various types of wahy made
to

Muhammad (0 )

And

only this type

only that which was communicated as Qur'an

is to

is

undoubtedly wahy, each and every wahy to

many examples of

not the Qur'an. There are

is

Qur'an.

be called the Qur'anic wahy. Hence, while each and

every word of the Qur'an

Muhammad {%)

is

non-

Qur'anic wahy to him, such as hadith qudsi, the information given him

dream about

the nature of the place of his migration, etc.

should be clear from the above that

It

Qur'anic wahy

it

is

do

all

so,

it

to

understand the nature of

necessary to concentrate our attention only upon such

passages of the Qur'an as speak of

upon

in

to the Prophet,

and not

wahy occurs in its general senses. If we

number of such passages which, while

the passages where the term

would be seen

communication

its

that there are a

speaking about the delivery of the Qur'an to the Prophet, also use the spe-

however, a large number of other passages which

cific

term wahy. There

very

much speak about the coming

are,

not employ the term wahy. In fact

tain

more

of the Qur'an to the Prophet but which do

it is

in

connection with

such passages there

wahy, there are

its

An

nature.
(1)

group of passges

significant expressions elucidating the nature of Qur'anic

There are some forty passages

occurs

this latter

is

at least

its

no

in the

coming

that

con-

wahy.

Qur'an wherein the term wahy

to the Prophet.

While

in the majority

of

particular indication of the nature of Qur'anic

a dozen of them that contain expressions explaining

examinotion of these passages yields the following:

The Qur'anic wahy

and not anything

itself,

else,

which

is

to

be recited

/ read out.
(r.

"Thus have

We

>

sent

you

dJ\
(as

ji

cJj- ji

p^ie- \Jai

*i

Messenger) among a people before

ples have passed away, in order that

you

recite unto

them

that

J du.-JL.y di

whom

which

(other) peo-

We have wahy-

ied to you." (13:30)

Here the clear implication

out.

That means

tion

which

rial.

And

out,

its

to be

is

it is

other

(2) It is

it is

in the

is, it is

that type

form of a readable

worked out and presented

precisely because this type of

name

is

of wahy which
text

to

be read

and not simply a sugges-

in the

wahy

is

form of a reading mateis

to

be recited and read

Qur'an, the Reading or Recitation.

a Scripture (Book) which

is

wahy-ied and which

is to

be recited.

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

(TV

"And

what

recite

II.

BELL'S VIEWS

>A)^...*uJ*lJ JJL.Utiiy

wa/ry to you of the

(_tf

437

^iUj^jiU Jslj^

Book of your Lord. None can change His

words..." (18:27)

"Recite what

waAy

you of the Book..."

to

(29: 45)

(r>:V><^

"And

that

which

ji-l

have wa/ry-ied to you of the Book

Thus what was communicated (wahy-ied)

that

it

was suggested

passage

first

'

(kalimdtihi
(3)

to

him

in this series
>

to

is

1^)1

v,

j dUJ

^aJlj^>

the truth" (35:31).

to the Prophet

produce a book.

U_>-ji

It is

was

a Book, not

also noteworthy that the

speaks of the Qur'anic wahy as God's "words"

? ), emphasizing that there

That which was wahy-ied

is

is

none

a "Recitation

to
-

change His words.

Qur'an" and

in

specific

language.

"Thus have

We wahy-ied to you a Qur'an (Recitation) in Arabic". (42:7).'

Thus a "Recitation" had been wahy-ied

wahy-ied to produce a
(4)

to

was

recitation.

That the Prophet was

and not

to the Prophet; not that he

first

to listen to

hasten to repeating/reciting

what was being wahy-ied

it,

to

him,

before the completion of

its

communication.

"And be not

in haste

with the Qur'&n (Recitation) before

its

wahy-'mg

is

completed."

(20:114)
(5)

That the Qur'anic wahy, and not simply the Qur'an as such, consists

of narrations/accounts.
(

"We

narrate unto

Here

) <^

you the best of

Oltjill IJL_1>

narratives as

"the best of narratives"

is

dUj L*- ji U ^uoill

We wahy to you

a description of the

this

(6)
itself,

and

To

same

the

in the

Qur'an." (12:3)

wahy which

municated as Qur'an. Indeed the expressions naqussu

'awhaynd (We wahy)

dLI* joii

(We

is

com-

narrate) and

passage are more or less coterminous.

effect are the passages that say that the Qur'anic

wahy

and not simply the Qur'an as such, consists of tidings/reports of events

affairs.

1.

The same

'awhaynd (^j>)

is

fact

is

stressed at another place

used. See Q.12:2.

where the term 'anjalnd (U/i) instead of

SIRA T AL-NAB1 AND

438

THE ORIENTALISTS

"Those are of the tidings of the unseen that

We wahy to you"...(l 1:49)

O
"That

We

one of the tidings of the unseen which

is

(7) Last but not least,

it is

^
wahy

AU|

V>

to you."

s-s*11

ii!

'i

)>

(12:102)

Qur'an

specifically stressed that the

,y

is

no com-

position of the Prophet himself and that nothing could be a graver sin on his

words

part than to give out as God's

that

which was not actually com-

municated to him as such.

.4)1

J jit U

Ji,

JjiL

"And who could be

or claims:
the one

t(J

*Jt

which

says:

it is

is

shall bring

'I

some

down

specific text

in

that nothing could

textual

who

411

Jt.

forges a

lie

j*j

against Allah

it

what Allah has sent down ?" (6:93).

1

which

is

to

be recited; (b) that

Allah's

is

words

it;

(e) that

(f) that it is

be a graver

sin

wahy

itself

the

Book

it is

(kalimdtihi); (c) that

Arabic language; (d) that the Prophet

and "reports" and

then give

IJS

a description of the Qur'anic

it is

fully before hastening to repeat

and

the like of

communicated and which

communicated
ratives"

Jli jl

*J\

worse transgressor than the one

In the passages cited above

that (a)

CJ^

has been wahy-ied to me,' while nothing has been wahy-ied to him, and

'It

who

jaj

Jli

is

sometimes

to listen to

it

it

it is

care-

consists of "nar-

no composition of the Prophet himself

on

his part than to

compose a

text

and

out as one from Allah. All these facts unmistakably emphasize

and verbal communication and not

at all

the communication of ideas

or thoughts nor what might be called "suggestion," "prompting", "inspiration", "intuition", etc.

These

facts are

drawn only from such passages

as contain the term

wahy

(in its various

forms) in connection with the communication of the Qur'an to

the Prophet.

These

however, very strongly supplemented and cor-

are,

roborated by a far larger number of passages dealing with the same subject

but not using the term

wahy and showing

clearly that the

vered to the Prophet verbatim and in the form of specific

sages will be conisdered a
the views of

Watt who,

it

little later

substantiate the views of Bell.

that Bell's confusion

on

in

It

texts.

deli-

These pas-

connection with the discussion on

be seen, attempts

will

Qur'an was

in his

own way merely

to

should be clear from the above, however,

and mistake clearly

arise from: (a) his

having con-

centrated his attention on the general use of the term in the Qur'an; (b) his
1.

Infra, pp. 503-512.

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

having failed to notice

BELL'S VIEWS

439

meanings he has suggested do not properly

that the

convey the sense of the expression even

to the earth); (c) his having

II.

made no

and technical sense of the term;

in

the cases he has cited (e.g.

between the general sense

distinction

(d) his not

wahy

having recognized the distinction

between the Qur'anic wahy on the one hand and the other types of wahy

to

the Prophet on the other; (e) his not having taken proper account of even

wahy

those passages that use the term

in

the Qur'an to the Prophet, and, finally,

without using the term

fine,

it

may once

all

taken into

and unequivocally elucidate the nature of Qur'anic wahy. In

again be pointed out that one

not to believe that the Qur'an

nounce a judgement on

must take

not having at

number of passages that deal with the same subject

wahy but employing a number of other expressions

consideration the vast

that very clearly

speaking about the transmission of

(f) his

its

into account the

is

is

of course free to believe or

God's words; but

if

one attempts to pro-

nature on the basis of the Qur'anic evidence, one

whole range of

its

evidences and should not sim-

ply satisfy himself with those that are not quite to the point and, further,

should not twist or misinterpret, instead of admitting, the "natural" sense of

any expresseion or statement.

V. BELL'S

As regards

Bell's

THEORY ABOUT THE VISION OF GOD

assumption that

in the

passage 53:1-18 {surat al-Najm)

the Prophet initially claimed to have seen Allah,

Margoliouth's assumption and

the passage.
earlier.

Here

Bell's

is

an elaboration of

based totally upon a wrong interpretation of

is

The meaning and

it

implications of the passage have been noted

arguments and observations are taken into consideration.

Bell translates 'ayah 4 of the passage ^<jjib ^J-i <uk^> as: "There taught

him
be:

(or

it)

one strong

"One strong

in

power." The plain translation of the passage should

power taught him." There is nothing

word "there" at the beginning of

in

rant the insertion of the

description of what he calls the "vision"

comes

after

in the 'ayah to

war-

the sentence; for the

two more 'ayahs,

i.e.,

in

'ayahs 7-9. Bell's main argument, however, centres round 'ayah 10 of the

passage

^^-y u

J\

^y-jti^.

He

rejects

what he

mentators' view that the subject of the verb 'awhd

in

'abdihi

is

Allah, saying that

admits that Allah

is

involves that Allah

1.

it

is

calls the

is Jibril

Muslim com-

while the pronoun

an "unnatural use of language".

He

indeed the pronoun in 'abdihi and then says that "this

is

Supra, pp. 418-422.

also the subject of the verb and in fact

is

being spoken

SIRAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

440
of

all
It

through."

needs only to be pointed out here that unlike

nouns do not always

assumed

ject

of

all

English, in Arabic pro-

immediate antecedent, nor

relate to the

in the cases

in

is

such use of pronouns are abundant even in modern Arabic. Even

this particular

grammatical rule

same sub-

the

the verbs in a single sentence. Instances of

is

English

in

not always strictly observed and the

mean-

ing of an expression can be properly understood only with reference to the

context and with a background knowledge of the facts. 2

So

Arabic

far as

concerned, however, there would be no "unnatural use of language"

is

one pronoun for the verb 'awha

noun

for the expression 'abdihi in

in the 'ayah in question

if

is

there

and another pro-

it.

In fact the nature of the entity spoken of should be understood primarily

on the basis of

its

'ayah 10 alone.

description in 'ayahs 5-9, and not so

that the

of figure or of

(or mental and

term mirrah

intellect. 3

relative in nature.

By no

by such attributes.
the adjective

On

physical

'ayah 6

is

earlier, 4

fitness".

taken to

mean

Bell himself
fitness either

these adjectievs are clearly

stretch of the imagination could they be taken as

in the

the other

shadld and

in

As explained

God. Nowhere

attributes of

the basis of

described in 'ayahs 5-6 as "one strong in power" and

It is

"endowed with wisdom

acknowledges

much on

its

Qur'an

God

is

described in such terms and

hand angels are described, among

plural shiddd.

Thus even

subject are not brought to bear on the passage,

its

if

the traditions

internal

description to 'ayah 18 of the

on

by
the

evidence deci-

sively militates against any assumption that the entity spoken of

the contrary, keeping the descriptive phrases in

others,

mind and

is

God. On

relating this

same surah which speaks of what

is

seen as

"one of the greatest signs of his Lord", and not the Lord Himself, the

unavoidable meaning
clear

the entity spoken of

M.W., 1934, pp. 148-149.

See for instance this statement: "Perhaps

1.

2.

through his father and to

M., 92).

One

Muhammad
what

is that

is

the angel. This

from the Qur'anic passage 81:19-27 which, as shown

is

Muhammad through

his

is

further

earlier, 6

should

his [Al-Zubayr' s] relationship to

Khadrjah

mother made conversion easy". (Watt, M. at

not knowing the facts might take the last "his" in the sentence to refer to

(p.b.h.)

and the "mother" spoken of

meant here.

3.

M.W.,1934,p. 145,

4.

Supra, pp. 420-421.

5.

See Q. 66:6 and

6.

Supra, pp. 419-420.

n. 4.

72:8.

to

be his rather than Al-Zubayr's, which

is

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

be taken into consideration

in this

Bell of course suggests that 'ayah

i> )>.

81:19-27 and the angel

are

Jibril

him

all

one "possessing power"

as

8 of sural al-Najm, the passage

subsequent introductions. But the

grounds on which these assumptions are made, as

all

441

connection and which speaks of the entity

as a "noble messenger", besides describing

4 5ji

VIEWS

BELL'S

II.

be seen presently, are

will

untenable.

Bell seeks to support his assumption by suggesting that the Prophet,

having claimed that he had seen Allah, subsequently realized the mistake and
also faced objections to

As evidence of

it.

supposed "uneasiness" and

this

"We

"objections" Bell cites 17:60 [62] which reads, in Bell's translation:

appointed the vision which

We

showed thee simply

as a test for the people."

Bell argues that this 'ayah refers not to isra" and mi' raj alluded to in 17:1, as

Muslim commentators

the

ment of

Bell's

however, not

is,

and also qualifies

hold, but to the "vision" narrated in surat al-Najm;

according to him, 'ayah 17:1 does not speak of any "vision". 2 This argu-

for,

it

does speak of a vision

ts_y j
some of the "signs" of Allah
might show him some of Our signs." Thus the very

We

"in order that

at all tenable; for 17:1

as a vision of

argument on which Bell builds up

his

assumption of "uneasiness" and

"objections" about the "vision" in surat al-Najm

is

wrong.

Proceeding on the basis of these two faulty assumptions, namely, that

al-Najm the Prophet

in surat

was "uneasiness" and

there

claimed to have seen Allah and that

first

"objections" about that claim, Bell suggests

the Prophet therefore subsequently

that

modification

'ayah 11

and says

modified his position; and

this

noticeable in 'ayahs 11-18 of the surah. Bell translates

is
is\j

that the

as:

"The heart did not

falsify

what

it

its

saw",

Prophet thus attempted to give the impression of a "spiritual

appearance". 3

Here again Bell makes a mistake about the pronouns. The pronoun
implicit in the verb

ma

ra'a

for the simple reason that

did not falsify,

i.e.,

it

On

was emphasized

The

u ^ s me Prophet, not "it", i.e., the heart;

does not really make sense to say that the heart
'

invent the vision,

only a mental vision.

poreal

it

text runs thus:

2.

M.W.,1934,p.l51.

3.

Ibid.

...

if

the intention

was

the contrary, since the "vision"

that the heart did not "falsify"

^Ui

i=

-slj

d^J ji\

\t,'j\

ur u> }

to stress that

it

was

was very much cor-

it, i.e., it

was no mis-

SiRAT AL-NABI AND

442

THE ORIENTALISTS

taken impression, no mere imagination, no hallucination on his part about

what he saw. Far from mystifying the

emphasizes the

reality

"vision", the statement here only

of the experience. The pronoun

in

Prophet. That the experience was one of physical sight

'ayah 13 which speaks of

happening

its

at

Had

ra'a

is

thus the

indicated again in

another "descent" and, further, in

'ayah 17 which specifically mentions basar,

the sight.

ma

is

i.e.,

eye, as the instrument of

the intention been to mystify and modify, neither the expres-

sion "another descent" nor basar

would have been mentioned

in

connection

with this so-called modifying statements. The alleged modification

groundless and the 'ayahs 13, 17 and 18 do not

Moreover, as already pointed

at all

is totally

modify anything.

out, the passage 53: 1- 18 should

be

inter-

preted in conjunction with 81:19-27 {surat al-Takwir) which speaks of an

"honourable messenger",

i.e.,

an angel, as the conveyer of wahy.

Bell sug-

gests that this passage should not be allowed to influence the interpretation

of 53:1-18. His reasons for

this suggestion are: (a) that

Medinan period

mentioned

Makkan

the

that JibrTl

is

in this

unbelievers raised the objection,

should have been sent as messenger or that

message

not until the

in

at least

an angel should have

that

an angel was

to him, but simply that all former

sengers had been men, xvi: 45, or that

if

respite, vi;

"whole new world" of angels "opened up"

Prophet much subsequently,

the

mes-

an angel had been sent, that would

have been the end of the matter, and there would have been no
8". 2 Bell further states that the

when

Bell's words, "that an angel

been conjoined with him", the Prophet's reply was "not

actually conveying the

is

it

connection and (b) that

to

"note the phrase in xxv:l, 'He addeth in

He pleaseth" as indicating possibly that the creatures there

spoken of were new to Muhammad". 3 Thus arguing Bell concludes that "the

the creation what

angel messenger of surah lxxxi must be later than the description of the
visions

in

surah

liii,

and

should

not

be

allowed

to

influence

its

interpretation". 4

Now,
that the
that

Bell

is

very

much wrong

in all his

assumptions here, namely,

Prophet became aware of the existence of angels

at

(a)

a later date than

of his utterance of surat al-Najm; (b) the assumption about the nature of

1.

Supra, pp.4 19-420.

2.

M.W.

3.

Ibid.,

4.

Ibid., 150.

1934,
\

54.

p.

149.

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

the

Makkan
As

demand

unbelievers'

tion that Jibril

was mentioned

regards the

for

as the conveyer of
it

argument which Bell himself adduces

Makkans asked

Makkan

decisively disproved by the very

to support his thesis.

are indeed
avail to

fact at three places

to correct

who

angels in the heaven but their intercession would be of no

believe not in the hereafter

name

in

that

knowledge about

Arabia, particularly

in

the existence of angels had been

at

Makka,

states

the angels with female

names. 3 There are a large number of early Makkan passages

showing

their

'Ayah 26 says that there

anyone except with God's leave and pleasure; 2 and 'ayah 27

that "those

mon

fact that the

Thus 'ayah 21 points out

thinking that angels are God's daughters.

many

The

found attempting, so to say,

is

the unbelievers' misconception about angels.

in

assump-

unbelievers, not to speak of the Prophet him-

surat al-Najm itself the Prophet

mistake

(c) the

only at Madina.

were very much aware of the existence of angels. In

self,

in

is

wahy

443

messenger or an angel coadjutor with the

for an angel

Prophet shows that the

BELL'S VIEWS

an angel messenger and

assumption,

first

II.

the Qur'an
fairly

times". 4

since pre-Islamic

com-

Hence

nothing could be farther from the truth and more misleading than the assertion that the existence of angels

dawned on Muhammad

at a later stage

of his career.
Similarly Bell misconstrues the passages 16:45 and 6:8 which relate to
the unbelievers'

demand

replies given to that

messenger to them and the

for an angel to be sent as

demand.

It

should be noted that these two are not the

only passages in the Qur'an dealing with the matter. There are

at least ten

more such passages relating to it. These passages do in no way suggest that
the Prophet was avoiding the question whether there were angels or not, nor
whether an angel had brought to him God's word.
passages would

make

it

arose out of a two-fold attitude on their

human being

like

cursory glance

The
The

text runs as follows:

2.

3.

The

text runs as follows:

4.

See

They refused

part.

43:53.

to believe that a

4.

if

indeed an angel

J*^ * J / M t& $

text runs as follows:

5.

these

themselves could have been a messenger of God. They

also sought to discredit the Prophet by saying in effect that

at

unmistakably clear that the unbelievers' demand

tii |**-jLi

Jj>ji j s\ii J. *lll Oil* Ji JU, j*

^ ji^ i-*-s * <

'H i

a y4

">

ar'y.

*1

J* 1 ^ >^*-J1 j^j'f^}}'
q

jt^

for instance Q. 69:17; 70:4; 74:31; 89:22 and 97;4 out of some fifty such passages.
See for instance Q. 6:111; 6:158; 15:7-8; 16:33; 17:95; 23:24; 25:7; 25:21-22; 41:14;

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

444

had delivered God's word

as His

messenger or

to him,

Makkan

also be noted that the

why was

not an angel sent to

a co-warner with

at least as

them

instead

Muhammad (0).

may

It

unbelievers could not by themselves have con-

ceived the idea of an angel messenger being sent to them. For, hitherto they
only imagined that angels were God's daughters and that their primary function, as

God's favoured ones, was to intercede with

beings.

The idea

that

Him on

behalf of

an angel could be sent as God's messenger therefore

appears to have dawned on them only when the Prophet had

made

an angel had actually delivered to him God's word. At any

that

demand was

human

clearly a counter-claim arising out of

the claim
rate, their

what the Prophet had

asserted.

The

may be

gleaned

They run

respec-

nature of the unbelievers' objection and challenge

from 25:7 (surat al-Furqan) and 15: 6-7 (surat al-Hijr).

tively as follows:

"And they
markets?

'What sort of a messenger

say:

Why

has not an angel been sent

is this,

down

who

to

eats food

him

and walks

in the

to be a warner along with

him?'" (25:7)

^(V)

,jvSjL_Ua!l

01

5-_'M> Ujt U

jJ (

dy

"\

dlil

/JJl

*Jt-

J ji

tfJJl

l^t-j

(V -1

"And they

Why

one on

say: 'O the

whom

not bring to us the angels, if

While the

first

the text has been sent

you are of the

jilij
\

0)

down! Truly you are mad.

truthful?'" (15:6-7)

passage shows that the unbelievers could not persuade

themselves that a human being could be God's messenger, the second passage illustrates the retorting nature of their demand. The form of the unbelieaddress in the second passage,

vers'

sent
It

down",

is

is

very significant.

"sent

down", implies

that

of the

text.

demands of

This

is

down"

The phrase nuzzila (J>), "has been sent

some intermediary had been mentioned as the conveyer
to him.

further clear from the succeeding

the Prophet to produce the angels

he had spoken the truth

divine text.

1.

in

only a taunting repetition of what they were told, namely, that God's

word had been

him?"

It

"O the one on whom the text has been

no way suggests that they believed in it.

The form of

in stating that

'ayah,

15:7,

which

he was "truthful", that

is, if

an angel had delivered to him the

the Prophet's claim

See also 38:8 which says: ^.../JUi

if

J* Jjiti^

is

discernible

-"What! has the

from the nature of

recit

been sent down

to

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

if

the Prophet had stated to

the text directly from God.

Thus

BELL'S VIEWS

would not have asked

the retort. Surely the unbelievers

produced before them

II.

them

the very question

445

for the angels to be

he had receieved

that

which Bell

and the

raises

Qur'anic passages relating to them decisively disprove both the assumptions

that the Prophet

God and

had

that he

initially

claimed to have received the text directly from

became aware of

the existence of angels only at a sub-

sequent stage of his career.

Again, while noticing two of the replies given to the unbelievers' demand.
Bell does not mention the other very pertinent reply stated in the

immediately following the one he

that

were an angel sent

to

namely, 6:9.

cites,

them he would

still

'ayah

pointed out there

It is

have been sent

the

in

form of a

man and in that case they would have been in no less confusion. The folly in
their demand is further pointed out in 17:95 where it is stated that had the
earth been inhabited by angels walking about there in peace and quietness,
certainly an angel

would have been

the objection which

but, if

is

sent as a messenger. In

being combated

is

not whether angels did exist or not

an angel did really deliver God's word to

one not physically appear before them

as God's

messenger with him. In other words, why did

angel to

come up

to vouchsafe for

Thus the suggestion

that the

these passages

all

him before

Prophet had

Muhammad

{_%

messenger or

),

why

as co-

at least

Muhammad (%)

did

not ask the

his people?
initially

claimed to have seen

Allah because he was unaware of the existence of angels

at that stage

and

because the passage 53:1-18 contains indications of such a "vision" and

subsequent "modifications"

is

totally

its

unwarranted and untenable. Before

leaving this particular assumption, however, one more item of Bell's rea-

sonings

may

be noted. While maintaining that the traditions regarding the

coming of wahy

are later inventions Bell at the

same time does not

from invoking Jabir ibn 'Abd Allah's report on the subject given
to support his assumption.

was one of Allah", adding

He

in

refrain

BukhdrP

says that Jabir's report implies "that the vision

that as

it

is

"contrary to orthodox sentiment",

it

"must have come into existence before orthodox tradition was fixed".

says so on the basis of the expression

in the

report.

He

JU. ^Ju? y>

translates this expression as: "and there

Throne", and argues that the "throne"

1.

Bukhari, nos. 4992-4995.

2.

M.W., 1934, 17-18.

3.

Ibid.

is

ti|i)

He was

occurring
sitting

"appropriate" to Allah. 3

Bell

upon the

SIRAT AL-NAB1

446

Now,
definite

needs to be pointed out only that the word kursi

it

indefinite

form

in the report in

form meaning

question of

noted that

its

in

is

it

specifically
to

me

mentioned

at Hira'"

(*'

j~

imported into the story

fairly early".

it

happened before

74 H.) and came

d.

tsJOl

aUIi

in the

thus no

further be
(i.e.,

nos.

seen was "the very

lils).

Bell

away by saying

of course

is

that Jibnl

was

an unwarranted statement.

is

"fairly early".

Does he mean

came

of Jabir's report

this specific version

He

to say

into exis-

the difficulty.

For Jabir was an

into contact with the

Prophet after his

tence? But even that would not resolve

ansdrt (helper,

it

is

may

It

the

is in

and not

There

Bukhdri

report in

jt^r

This

does not even explain what he means by

that

it.

that the entity

but he attempts to explain

this fact;

/)

chair",

"the chair", as Bell mistranslates

two of the versions of the same

who had come

aware of

question, meaning "a

being exclusively "appropriate" to Allah.

4994 and 4995)

angel

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

all

migration to Madina. Jabir also specifically states that he received his

information from the Prophet himself.

modified his

initial

that obviously at

Now,

account of the "vision"

as Bell says that the Prophet had

in

view of the objections

to

it,

and

Makka, he could not have given an impression of having

seen Allah to Jabir. In fact none of the versions of Jabir's report implies that
the "vision"

was one of

Allah. Also Bell's statements that the so-called

"orthodox tradition" had been formed after

Jabir's report

had come

tence and that Jibnl was introduced "fairly early" in the story are
self-contradicttory

and confusing; for according

to Bell's

into exis-

somewhat

own assumption

the

Prophet had supposedly modified his position before the migration. Hence
there

was no question of

formed subsequently

to the

the so-called "orthodox" tradition having been

coming

into existence of Jabir's account. All the

four forms of Jabir's report, taken together, clearly

was

show

that the entity seen

the angel Jibnl, not Allah.

VI.

THE ASSUMPTION ABOUT JIBRIL

Bell's fifth assumption,

namely, that the passage 81:19-27 which speaks

of a "noble messenger" as the conveyer of

wahy was given out by

Prophet at a later stage of his career and therefore

it

should not be allowed to

influence the interpretation of 53:1-18, has already been

for the

two props on which

Prophet was not

initially

this

assumption

lbid.,18.

made

shown

to stand,

had delivered

to

to

be wrong;

namely, that the

aware of the existence of angels and

telling the unbelievers that an angel

1.

is

the

that

he avoided

him God's words

are

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

BELL'S VIEWS

II.

447

wrong. The passage 81:19-27 should therefore be brought into con-

totally

sideration in interpreting the passage 52:1-18.

This brings us to the

that Jibnl

last

was introduced

item in the series of Bell's assumptions, namely,

Madina. Now,

it

Prophet and his contemporaries

at

as the conveyer of

wahy only

at

has been seen:

had been known

that angels

(i)

Makka

at least since the

that

(ii)

to the

beginning of his mission;

were spoken of as messengers between God and His

they

Prophet;
(iii)

that

it

was

Makka

specifically stated at

that a "noble

messenger" had

brought the revealed text to the Prophet;

(iv) that

it

was because of

calim that the

this

Makkan

unbelievers

came

forward with the counter-claim that an angel should have been sent as a mes-

Muhammad (0 );

senger or joined as co-messenger with

(v) that the traditions relating to the

mentioning the angel

Jibil as its

coming of wahy and

conveyer are not

specifically

later fabrications, as Bell

supposes; and
(vi) that

and knew

Makka and elsewhere in Arabia believed

angel who conveyed God's revelation to His

even the Christians

that Jibril

was the

at

Prophets.
In view of
Jibril

came

these proven facts

all

to be

known

it

is

just not reasonable to

to the Prophet only after

he had

suppose

that

come over

to

Madina.
True,

and
is

all

only

mentioned by

Jibril is

these are
in

that very

name only

Madinan passages, namely,

2:97 where that angel

is

three times in the Qur'an

2:97; 2:98 and 66:4.

Of these,

it

spoken of as the conveyer of wahy. The

wording of the passage clearly shows

that

it

is

a reply to objections raised

about Jibnl in some quarters and that some talk about him had already been

going on before

this

'ayah was given out. In fact

occasion of revelation of this passage agree

Madina came

to

know

all

the reports regarding the

in stating that

when

the

Jews

at

that the Prophet maintained that the angel Jibnl

brought revelations to him they expressed their antipathy towards that angel
that had the Prophet said that the angel Mikhael was the conveyer of
wahy they would have followed him (the Prophet). Thereupon this passage
was given in reply to their objection. The passage itself and its context as

and said

1.

See for instance Al-Taban,

Tafsir,

II,

36 and Ibn Kathir,

Tafsir,

1,

185-191.

SIRAT AL-NABl

448

known from

do not

the reports

spoken of here for the

Moreover, the

first

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

was being

that Jibril

time as the conveyer of revelations.

fact that Jibril

is

nan passages only does not mean

Makkan

any way indicate

in

spoken of by
that there

that very

is

name

no reference

the

Madi-

him

in the

in

to

surahs. In fact the expressions rasul karim (a noble messenger) in

81:19 and shadid al-quwa (one strong

commentators

to

mean

the angel Jibnl.

in
It

power)

in

53:3 are taken by

would even seem

all

that the expres-

sion shadid al-quwa and the term Jibnl are coterminous; for, according to

one authority, Jibnl

"brave one of

means

God"

"a servant",

expressions

compound word made up of Jabr and //, meaning a

Hebrew is Geber which

is

or "servant of God". Jabr in

and

Ruh al-Quds

'Amtn (the trustworthy

mentators to refer to

//

means

"the mighty", "the powerful".

(the spirit of holiness)

spirit) in
Jibril.

It

in

Also the

16:102 and Al-Ruh

al-

26:193 are unanimously taken by the com-

may

also be noted that the term

Ndmus

occurring in the tradition means the trusted or the confidential angel

Thus

both the Qur'an and the traditions, which should not be kept out of consideration,

show

that Jibril

was mentioned

as the conveyer of revelations

from the very beginning of the Prophet's mission.

1.
William Geseneus, Hebrew-English Lexicon, cited in Malik Ghulam Farid, The Holy
Qur'an English Translation and Commentary, Rabwah (Pakistan), 1969, p.46, n.123.

2.

Not 'Holy

3.

See the term Namus

Spirit'; for

the construction

is

in Lisdn al- 'Arab.

mudaf-mudaf-

'ilayhi,

not sifat-mawsuf.

CHAPTER XIX

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS: III. WATT'S

TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI'S REPORT
Watt takes over from
Bell,

and attempts to support mainly

that the

Prophet had

from Margoliouth and

his predecessors, particularly

initially

their assumptions.

Thus he

Jibril was
wahy does not

claimed to have seen Allah; (b) that

introduced at a later stage as the conveyer of wahy; (c) that

mean

reiterates (a)

verbal communication of a text, but "suggestion" or "inspiration" to

follow a practical line of conduct or to give out the Qur'an and (d) that the

Qur'anic wahy

is

some form or other

in

part

of

Muhammad's (0)

consciousness.
In reproducing his predecessors' views, however,
recite their

Watt does not always

premises and grounds. Hence his statements sometimes appear to

be mere assertions. These would be better understood, however, by those

who

are conversant with his predecessors' writings, especially those of

Margoliouth and

Bell.

But though Watt reproduces mainly

their views,

he

does not always follow them in his use of the sources. Thus, while Bell

would

totally discount the traditions

rications of a later age

concerning the coming of

and would not take them

connection, Watt would not do

so.

He would

wahy

as fab-

into consideration in this

rather try to support the

Margoliouth-Bell assumption by having recourse to both the Qur'an and the

traditions. In

doing so, however, he would select only such traditions as he

thinks support his views. In such a case he would not go into the question of
the authenticity of the particular tradition and

matter by observing that not

Even then he would

much

is

to

would simply dispose of the

be gained by discussing the isndd.

not abide by the information supplied by his chosen

piece of the report as a whole but would accept only those parts of
his

purpose and would reject the other parts as of doubtful

validity.

it

as suit

He

also

advances some further arguments, not quite his own, to support the
Margoliouth-Bell theory. Thus he uses the expressions al-ruh and al-haq,

mentioned

in

the Qur'an and traditions in connection with the

coming of

wahy, and interprets them as being coterminous with God. Again, while
Margoliouth uses the writing of Podmore, Watt has recourse

to that

of

A.Poulain to provide a psychological/mystical explanation of the phenomena

of wahy.

SIRAT AL-NABI

450

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

Another remarkable feature of Watt's approach

that unlike his pre-

is

decessors he makes a specific claim to impartiality in theological matters and

academic

to

objectivity.

He even

castigates the previous

European writers

general for their lack of sympathetic understanding of Islam and

Such declarations of

its

in

Prophet.

impartiality and neutrality, besides being uncalled for,

are sharply at odds with the practical line of approach he adopts, for he in
fact

and essence

and

that too with

mainly his predecessors' views and assumptions,

reiterates

no discernible degree of greater sympathy towards Islam

and the Prophet.

I.

Watt

starts his

Al-Zuhn's
report

AL-ZUHRI'S REPORT

discussion on the coming of

report.

This report,

it

wahy by quoting what he

may be mentioned,

coming through Al-Zuhn and reproduced

We

variations in the text.

Bukhari as well

have already dealt with

version saying that

it

Bukhari.

in

in fact

is

'A'ishah's

various works, with

this report as

why

as in Al-Tabari, noting the reasons

cannot be preferred to that

He does

in

calls

some

given

in

Al-TabarT's version

Watt, however, prefers Al-TabarT's

"has not been rewritten, as has Ibn Hisham's version". 2

not mention Bukhari

noted, that Bukhari's work

Zuhri's report consists of

is

at all

in this

connection though,

some

three paragraphs, the

tinuous account and the third being

first

agraphs. Watt reproduces this text

in his

ever, he breaks the three paragraphs into

is

to

be

work Al-

two being a con-

the nature of an independent report

in

reproduced by AI-TabarT a couple of pages subsequent to the

numbers alphabetically from

it

earlier than Al-TabarT's. In the latter

to L, stating that this

venience" and that the divisions "come

first

two

par-

own translation. In doing so, howas many as 12 "passages", which he

at

breaks

in

has been done "for con-

az-Zuhn's material, as

indicated by the change of narrator". 3 In order to enable the reader the better
to

understand Watt's treatment

in

Arabic, indicating

in

into 12 "passages" respectively

[ ,

1.

S(//>ra, pp.

2.

Watt,

Muhammad at

3.

Ibid.

The Arabic

in

the footnote Al-TabarT's text

from

to L. 4

369-75. 380-386.

4.

_aJI jli Ji.

we reproduce

square brackets the portions that are broken by Watt

Mecca,

p. 40.

text runs as follows:

^ cJlf

<3i)UJl

V))^^ Jt ggf W J j

'j

->j

C^-tiil

U J ji

olf -oJli

Vjii

iJJle ji- tSj^fr jt- i^jjJI jt-

WAHY:

The following

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRi'S REPORT

III.

how Watt

is

reproduces in his

own

451

translation Al-Taban's

version of Al-Zuhri's report.

A. In

passage Watt places the

this

of 'A'ishah's report which says that the

first part

beginning of revelation was al-ru'ya al-sadiqah, which he translates as "true vision".

come

used to

"It

of dawn".

like the breaking

B. In the second passage Watt places the portion which immediately follows the

above and which says

went

came

the Truth

him and

to

became dear

that afterwards solitude

Prophet and he

to the

ending with the statement: "At length, unexpectedly,

to Hira' for tahannuth,

O Muhammad,

said,

thou

art the

Messenger of God".

C. In the third passage Watt puts the portion wherein the Messenger of Allah says he

had been standing but

on

felt

to

cover him, which was done,

to

me and

have said

until the terror left

and asked her

(r.a.)

him; ending with: "Then he came

O Muhammad, thou art the Messenger of God".

said,

D. In the fourth passage

to

he went to Khadijah

his knees, then

that

placed that part wherein the Messenger of Allah

is

is

stated

he had been meditating throwing himself from a mountain crag, but

me and

while he was so meditating, "he appeared to

O Muhammad,

said,

am

Gabriel, and thou art the Messenger of God".

E. In the fifth passage

is

placed the part which narrates the angel's saying to the Mes-

senger of Allah: "Recite", and the

recite")"; then the angel's

name of thy Lord who

cJo

Jt-

c.

d\

jM

U :cJ
C

it

'..i

Jli]

lijil

Mi cMi
:

^Jti

1^

Al^-i J(l

^ic- Jji

4iW

CJjj-ajj j-aj

dllJU

jSL-j

jj^/Jtjioll

cii

[*UI

i.W~

tsH\

AW/wif

Jji iilS"^'].

Alii
ills'

jar j j

J yj

i^Jdl lilill

Jjitt

^iJI ilij

U JUi

iOj^li

0^

ij

-U jJi^! -

,^-iIj ijjl ^.

Jl

*J

is'xi

Ut*ji]

^ (i>^
J* J

Jjt j*

JI5

cJUi
:

AO,

UISi

_^laj

Jli

i,-iS

J&l
:

Jai ji-j

(J *i|

J>

l*j |%Jillj3^>

^jtj J!

^1 OISj]

JJ Cjr jiiUj
[

^Ju^jA
l

j-yUI U JIS u^j-

JL*-I

tiUi j Ooiu

j>

>i>}0 ^^iis ^ij-ij

uu cji U *

^jj)l Jli]

jJl-

^li

ji< ^aJl

Cir U

i^Jjt 1J

ji

<Je J_^i t^i Jji OISj

Jtii iUii ^J-I

Ji- jyOj cui-ilJI

.[^J-l

J<

0_ja*

J ^x=

Cjlkil

Ul

Jjt 5 jjJb

iUjj

1 Uly j^i :cJU

OJj

cJ

'i/^j 's^J^j 's^>^j

^fjji

yrSl

J_^j

dU-Li

Jli|H iJ^J-l

>

j^i iij^A

c^ij

jit^i

!^r

JJ^

J. S;j

JVs [!

^ i^/jN

JS>

>- i>/i
[

J_^j

IJI

*Uljj >U<i *UI

i.U

:CJli

jg|

Un

J-aj

|-la<-

aJD*

U ^ jL j- ^ jli-

Jj^jt

Jlii

l>

cJj

Jj-y

^ -l

recited".

}ifSJ

t^' j&

tel^y

LjjLj^

iplti b\

fj

iw-jJJ-l jJ-fljj

o.fjk'^rj^A :cJi IdlUjj

CMjill

iJb-

^Jjjj

J**j

[*UI

Jli^S]

in the

placed the portion of the report which speaks of the Mes-

is

c*r J> cj-j

,h iifj^y.

And

created.

passage

F. In the sixth

replying: "I cannot recite (or "what shall

latter's

having squeezed him thrice and then saying: "Recite

1 [

J-*"*

liiyj

J**"

yj

*JJ

i^jSllj

<u<

dLUj

<ii

tU

jiili

It

SIRAT AL-NABl

452

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

senger of Allah's going back to KahdTjah, his expressing anxiety about himself and
her words of consolation

to

him, ending with the statement: "You succour the agents

of the truth (?)"

G. In the seventh
to

Waraqah

is

placed the portion which narrates Khadijah's taking her husband

ibn Nawfal, the

latter's listening to

and then remarking: "This

Musa", adding

that the

etc.,

down

ending with Waraqah's remark that

is

(or revealed) to

which

his tribe at

he lived long he

if

placed that part of the report wherein the Messenger of

stated to have said that the first part of the

is

sent

valiantly.

H. In the eighth passage

Allah

Messenger of Allah's experience

the

namus which was

Messenger of Allah would be expelled by

he expressed his surprise,

would help him

the

is

Qur'an to be revealed

to

him was

surah 96, surah 68:1-5 (al-Qalam), surah 74:1-2 {al-Muddaththir) and surah 93:1-2
(al-Duhd).
I.

In the ninth passage

wahy, which

is

is

reproduced Al-Zuhri's report about the fatrah (pause)

Messenger of Allah became so sorrowful

that the

used to go to the mountain tops

to

of wahy that he

at the cessation

throw himself down from them. "But whenever he

reached the summit of a mountain Gabriel would appear to him and say thou

Prophet of God. At
J.

this his restlessness

In the tenth passage

is

would

used to come

to

me

at Hira'

stricken with fear of him,

and

God

is

was walking one day,

saw

on a throne (kursi) between heaven and

and returned

K. In the eleventh passage

on...

art the

cease...".

placed that part of the report which says that speaking about

fatrah the Messenger of Allah said: "While

who

in

given by Al-Tabari a couple of pages subsequently and which says

to

Khadijah and

placed: "So

the most high sent

down,

said:

we covered him,

thou clothed

the angel

earth.

was

cover me".
that

is

we

in dathar...

put a dathar

Thy garments

purify".

L. In the 12th

"Recite in the

is

placed Al-Zuhri's statement: The

name of thy Lord who

created...

up

to

first to

be revealed to him was

what he did not know."

Watt also gives the sumamry of Al-Zuhri's report from Jabir

Allah al-Ansari about fatrah and the revelation of the

first

ibn

'Abd

part of surat al-

Muddaththir. Thus having reproduced Al-Zuhri's report Watt proceeds to

"consider the internal evidence of the passages" and what he calls the "vari-

ous featutes of the

section.

stories".

The sub-headings

(a)

"Muhammad's

(b)

"The

visit to

He does

so under seven sub-headings and a final

are as follows:

visions"

Hira'; tahannuth"

WAHY:

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRi'S REPORT

453

'"Thou art the Messenger of God"

(c)

(d) '"Recite"'
(e)

"Surat al-Muddaththir; the Fatrah"

(f)

"

Muhammad's fear and despair"

"Encouragement from Khadijah and Waraqah"

(g)

The

of the final section

title

"The form of Muhammad's Prophetic con-

is:

sciousness". These are discussed below.

II.

Watt

starts his

to that part of

"MUHAMMAD'S

discussion under this

VISIONS"

first

sub-heading of his by referring

Al-Zuhn's report which he reproduces

says that there are no good grounds for doubting that

passage A.

in his

Muhammad's

(0

phetic experience began with "true vision" and observes that this
distinct

from dreams" and

that "visions are

from the appearances of Gabriel

may

It

in

D and I)".

once be pointed out

at

mentioned also

that

in

He
pro-

"is quite

B and

J (apart

Watt adopts here simply

Bell's

translation of the expression al-ru'ya al-sddiqah. This expression, as already

pointed out, 2 means "true dreams", not "true vision".

It

may be

recalled that

Al-Zuhri's, or rather 'A'ishah's report in Bukhari which Bell quotes, contains

the expression "in sleep" after "true dreams". Al-Taban's version of the

which

report,

is

not quite accurate, and which Watt adopts, does not of

course contain the expression "in sleep", but

dence of even

beginning of the Prophetic experience

one

to the

that followed,

which came

Watt places
dear to

it is

clear

this version that al-ru'ya al-sddiqah

in its
at

the internal eviis

stated as the

a stage quite distinct from, and prior

namely, al-tahannuth

at Hira'

and the experience

wake. The unequivocal statement of the report, which

the start of his passage B,

him and he would go

Watt disregards

is

from

which

to a

is:

"Afterwards solitude became

cave on Hira' to engage in tahannuth..."

this clear distinction

between the two types of experiences

described in the report, adopts the faulty or rather tendentious translation of

Bell and thus equates the expression al-ru'ya al-sddiqah with the other type

B and

J,

thus doing violence to the

tenor and purport of the text he himself adopts.

The post-tahannuth expe-

of experience described

rience

2.

is

in his

nowhere described

Watt,

Muhammad at Mecca,

Supra, pp. 426-428.

passages

in the traditions,

p.42.

nor in the Qur'an as al-ru'ya

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

454
al-sadiqah.

moment's thinking also makes

it

clear that the addition of the

adjective al-sadiqah to the act, al-ru'yd, indicates that

that type

No

of viewing which

one would bother

to

a description of

is

it

usually and normally not "true", that

is

add the adjective,

"true", to the act

is

dream.

of physical view-

ing with one's eyes.

Watt's purpose

what

is

described

however,

is,

in

to bring this so-called "vision" in line

with

surat al-Najm, and thus support the Margoliouth-Bell

theory discussed in the previous chapter. Hence, immediately after having

made

the above noted statements Watt cites that surah as supportive evi-

dence of the "vision" and quotes

12) in his

ing that

own

translation.

Muhammad

He

"There

is

18 'ayahs (omitting 'ayahs

11

and

then observes that "there are grounds for think-

God

originally interpreted these as visions of

The grounds mentioned by Watt

(i)

its first

Himself'.

are:

no mention of Gabriel

in the

Qur'an

until the

Medinan

period."
(ii)

The

subject of the verbs in verse 10 of siirat al-Najm should be

God,

or else the construction becomes "awkward".

(iii)

"The phrase
said...' is

God".

at the

end of passage B,

is

a way of referring to

(iv) Jabir ibn

'Abd

Allah's

tradition,

which

me, and

looked

all

by

referred to

is

the Prophet as saying (in Bell's translation):

my

Truth came to him and

'the

similar in import, for "the Truth

"... I

around but could see no one; then

head and there he was

sitting

Bell, quotes

heard a voice calling

I

looked above

upon the throne". 3

In translating the passage of surat al-Najm Watt adopts Bell's rendering

of the expressions wahy and 'awhd as "suggestions" and "suggested". These

meanings, as pointed out

in the

previous chapter, are not

Qur'anic wahy- Secondly, Watt's statement:

etc.,

contains two innuendoes.

It

"Muhammad

implies that the "vision"

something mental, a view which Watt attempts

at all correct for

interpreted these"

was not

also suggests that the passage of surat al-Najm, on which

bases

1.

his

Watt,

2.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid.

statement,

is

an

Muhammad at Mecca,

"interpretation,"

p 42.

actual but

to establish all through.

that

is,

It

Watt obviously
composition by

WAHY:

Muhammad

As regards

avow

to

ined and

his

and

Watt

except

all,

are simply

iii,

premises have already been exam-

their

untenable.

is

this particular

'Abd Allah

specifically reiterate Bell's mistaken claim that "the

appropriate to Allah and leaves the reader to understand

is

noted that
angel"

though

to all the orientalists,

has been shown that each item of the assumptions

it

mistake in
Jabir ibn

common

the grounds mentioned by

Watt does not

throne"

is

455

openly.

it

These assertions of

Bell's.

In iv

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRIS REPORT

a view which

(Sjjjjjf),

Watt appears not

III.

The

it.

assumption has also been pointed out. 2 As regards

al-'Ansarf's report,

which Watt himself

cites, 3

may

it

be

unequivocally points out that the Messenger of Allah "saw the

it

who used

to

come

him

to

at Hira',

"on a chair between the sky and the

earth."

Regarding Watt's own addition

to

the

of arguments, namely

list

iii

above, two things need to be noted. In the

first

Zuhri's report in Bukhart and other works

slightly different at this point.

It

is ...

JUS ilUi

stUrj t.\f jUi

him while he was

However,
jui

atiU

said...."

in the

j y>j

Ui

meaning

is

is

him.

(Fa-jd'ahu)

is

one sentence, and JU

He combines

the

But

t>tj

two sentences

would

He

pendent sentence.

more

meaning

is

attention

was paid

1.

Supra, pp.423-424.

Supra, pp.439-446.

3.

Watt, op.

i^-ij Cjiji itU-JI

(Fa-'atahu), which

to the specific

is

y *iy> Cju-

Iii

Lh

:^-jJI

said..."

S/S j*>iuj yj

as:

it

The Arabic equi-

wa

qdla).

from

his

of "truth" so that the

was not done, and

The
Dl

is

of the report

the beginning of an inde-

first letter

156.

j^-t

(Fa-'atahu fa-qala)

this portion

mention of the angel

p.41. See also Al-Tabari, Tarikh,

(Faja'ahu),

into one, omitting

in line with his suggestion. If this

2.

cit.,

.u-ti

has also capitalized the

as:

him and

clear that

(Faja'ahu al-haqq

be: JlSj

Watt has thus combined the two sentences

translation the expression

it is

to

to

said...."

into one, translating

"At length unexpectedly the Truth came to him and

valent of this translation

He came

replaced by

at this point.

another sentence. Watt, however, does not translate

quite faithfully.

came

the truth

"till

which Watt quotes, the expression runs

no mention of the angel

(Faja'ahu al-haqq)

meaning

Ur j*-

"Till the truth surprised

Thus the expression

and there

place, the version of Al-

cave of Hira'. The angel came to him and

in Al-Tabari's version,

is

at

two places

if

due

in the

texl runs as follows:

Jj_j

JlS

Jls

i^jUaiVl

*UI Xs-

ji

SIRAT AL-NAB1 AND THE ORIENTALISTS

456

which

text

as

many

continuous here

is

subject of the verb Fa-'atdhu (uU)

it

would have been clear

Even

the angel.

is

continuous text Watt recognizes that the angel

away from

not very far

Further,

it

is

to

this part,

be noticed

i.e.

in

him and

to

\j

to the verbs

same

entity

jus. ..Jijx?i.

jus).

is

mentioned by name

into passage D.

Arabic

me and

to

O Muhammad, I am

show conclusively

text,

Up

spoken of throughout.

to this point there

words, sometimes

to

were presumably continuous

H of course comes

in

Al-Taban

in

He

another attempt to confuse the issue here.

solitude

became dear

to him"]

is

made

is

words of

when he

says:

here to create

justifiable. Pasit

need not

'A'ishah. Watt

makes

says, the fact "that Ibn Ishaq

sentence of

first

who

that the section previous to

a continuous narrative and the sole narrator

breaks off 'A'ishah's narrative after the

in the

a separate paragraph, and

have come from her; but there can be no doubt

is

thus

obvious but not

is

in the

'A'ishah

az-Zuhn, but they need not

in

The manoeuvre

is

to recognize this fact

doubt about 'A'ishah being the narrator

sage

\s\i

no break

is

own

Watt himself seems

have come from 'A'ishah.."

^. .ju

a continuous narrative and that the

it is

giving the report sometimes in her

"Passages

con-

The prepositions fa, thumma and fa prefixed

that

sole narrator here

all

is

Thereupon he

said....

The

is

which

Jibril... ."(^i

narrative nor any change of narrator.

the Prophet himself.

that the

mentioned three times thus: "So he

is

Then he came

said

appeared before me.. .and said

Jj^sr ui

what he chops

into

after such division of a

Jibril is

that in the original

tinuous, the appearance of the entity

came

Watt has broken

the original but which

in

as 7 passages "for convenience",

[i.e., "Afterwards

probably due to his having other versions of

the remainder which he preferred, and does not necessarily indicate a break
in the

source

at that point." 2

The remark

is

curious because

if

Ibn Ishaq's

having preferred "other versions" does not "necessarily indicate a break

the source at that point", then

why

'A'ishahs narrative? The remark

is

this

emphasis on

in

his breaking off of

also inappropriate, because

cerned here with 'Aishah's (Al-Zuhn's) account as given

in

we

are con-

Al-Tabari, and

not with Ibn Ishaq's version which Watt himself does not adopt because,

according to him,

it

has been rewritten.

It

appears that while dividing Al-

Zuhn's account into so many passages on the ground of what he

in the material indicated

by change of

conceal the fact that there really

1.

Watt,

2.

Ibid.

Muhammad at

Mecca,

is

p.41.

narrator,

no break

he cannot

calls breaks

at the

same time

in the narrative in its greater

and

WAHY:

most material

part,

made by him

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI

REPORT

457

nor any change of narrator there, and that the divisions

are arbitrary and not in accord with the grounds he has

advanced.

seems

It

that the real reason for his

many

into so

separate passages

"merely he", and

who

account

in

and

that

lost sight

passage

"the Truth", in

is

Watt also intends to maintain

that Jibril,

two of the passages, need not be taken

in

of that Al-Zuhri's account

is

into

Muhammad (0).

It

much continuous

very

even with the divisions introduced on purpose by Watt the exis-

sentence

thumma and fa with

(faja 'ahu al-haqq)

shows

spoken of throughout and who

is

in

(8jf)

Jibril.

tence of the prepositions fa,

who

suggest, as he does shortly afterwards,

connection with the coming of wahy to

must not be
and

in

mentioned by name

is

is to

Muhammad

speaker to

that the

having chopped Al-Zuhrt's account

is

that

it

the verbs that follow the

is

same

the

mentioned by name

entity, Jibril,

end.

at the

sequence of the description as well as grammatical rules require that

The

Jibril

should be taken as the subject of the verb uU (fa-'atdhu) with which the narration starts here and

The

which Watt omits from

his translation.

third thing to note in this connection

is

jJ-i.U (faja'ahu al-haqq), "Suddenly the truth

lows

in the text, as well as the

may be

to him", with

what

little

(jJ-i o*ui),i.e.,

"Then the

truth

It
is

fa-

came to him". There is, howWhat follows in the text is

difference in the sense in either form.

of course a description of

how

"the truth"

does al-haqq mean here God, nor

verbs that occur

God upon

fol-

the expression al-haqq

recalled that the expression in the other versions of the account

ja'ahu al-haqq
ever,

meaning of

the relation of the sentence

came

in the

is

it,

as

came

to the Prophet; but neither

shown above,

the subject of the

description which follows. Watt puts the

the expression because, according to him, "this

is

meaning of

way of

refer-

ring to God." 2 His reasoning itself betrays an admission that there are other

senses in which the expression

in

the Qur'an in

is

used. Indeed,

more than 20 different

senses. 3

it

occurs more than 260 times

Nowhere

ever, does al-haqq appear independently to denote

places that

it

God.

It is

Qur'an, how-

only at some 9

comes as an attribute of God, but always along with the men-

tion of Allah or rabb, such as at 20:1 14 and 23:1 16

1.

Ibid.pA5.

2.

lbid.,pA2.

3.

See for instance

2 Vols.,

in the

Muhammad 'Abd al-Rahman al-RawT,

Imam Muhammad University, Riyadh, 1409 H.

iUli *Ui

Ji^d

Kalimai al-Haqq Fi-al-Qur'an,

SIRAT AL-NAB1 AND

458

THE ORIENTALISTS

10:30 4>i,^J^<aJi J J*jJ> ;10:32 ^i^-OJi^'ji^ 24:25 ^jW j*Uiot>

etc.' On the other hand, it has been used in the sense of Qur'anic wahy more
,

fifty times, 2

than

been used

being the largest single majority of instances in which

in a particular sense;

Some

ja'a

it

has

and that also almost always with the verb

of the instances are as follows:

(Vn^.)^,^-.

(a)

them from Us they

U*

ji-J

said: this is

Ji

IjJli

Ujuc

Uii^>

"When al-haqq came

indeed evident sorcery."(10:76)

(b) ( H t \ . ) ^ j> jiJil ja jj yi dAij j, j^l iltlr aii

Al-haqq has indeed come
you from your Lord. So be in no wise of those in doubt." (10:94)
:

(C) (tA:

"But when al-haqq has come to them from Ourselves, they say: why

"Rather

to them,

(e)

Musa was

he not given

and

their ancestors,

al-haqq has

till

clear." (43:29)

(r.:tr> ^Ojji^A.uijj^-u-jtiyii jW^^aj^

% ri
:

jJ-l
> <^

you from your Lord

(g)

"And

to these people

and a Messenger making things

"And when al-haqq came

(f)

is

given?" (28:48)

have given good things

to

y^)i^r 'jj'l> Ji.^j'^jJIjUiU^^j^l^t.rUj^

the like of what

come

to

that

is

j* Aty ja aL)i

said, 'this is sorcery

J jii ^JUI ^>" And

that

and

we

reject

(43:30)

it."

which has been sent down

to

al-haqq" (34.6)

YM:r )<(.... jiJ-ljAv^ii^iUjVy^ij^

which

We have communicated to you of the Book is al-haqq"

Thus a reference
that the

them they

to

to the

Qur'an

(as well as to the traditions)

most frequent use of al-haqq

that the term,

though undoubtedly an

is in

(35:31)

makes

the sense of Qur'anic

attribute

it

clear

wahy and

of God, has never been used

independently to denote God. The expression j<M

or j<M 4ui

in

the

account under discussion therefore means the coming of wahy and not, as

Watt would have us

believe, the appearance of

Having attempted
that the

before the Prophet.

show from Al-Zuhri's account and surat al-Najm

Prophet claimed to have a "vision"of Allah, Watt proceeds to state

that if this

2.

to

God

was "Muhammad's

The other

places are Q.

original interpretation of the vision,

it

could

8:44; 31:39; 22:6 and 22:62.

These are Q. 2:26; 2:42; 2:91; 2:109; 2:144; 2:146; 2:147; 2:149; 3:60; 3:71; 4:170;

5:48; 5:87; 6:5; 6:1 14; 7:43; 7:53; 8:6; 8:32; 9:48; 10:76; 10:77; 10:94; 10:108; 11:17; 11:120;
13:1;

13:19; 16:102;

17:56; 17:81; 22:54; 23:70; 28:48; 28:53; 29:68; 32:3; 34:6; 34:43;

34:49; 35:24; 35:31; 37:37; 40:5; 43:29; 43:30; 43:78; 46:7; 50:5; 57:16; 60:1.

= 52

times.

WAHY:

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI'S REPORT

III.

hardly have been his final one, for

it

contradicts 6:103

459

which says

'sight

reacheth not Him." In this connection Watt refers also to 'ayah 11 of the
surat al-Najm which he quotes in Bell's translation as "the heart did not

what

sify

may

it

saw" and

states that this 'ayah

Watt

easily detect that here

Muhammad (%)

was "perhaps added

fal-

One

merely reproducing Bell's views that

is

claimed to have seen Allah and then, as he realized

first

and introduced the 'ayah

his mistake, modified his position

give an impression of a spiritual or mental

vision. 2

in

may once

the surah to

The premises on which

these assumptions are based have already been examined and

untenable. 3 It

later."

shown

to

be

again be emphasized that neither Al-Zuhri's account

nor surat al-Najm speaks of "vision of Allah", so that there

is

no question of

contradiction with another Qur'anic passage such as 6:103, nor of modification in subsequent 'ayah's of surat al-Najm.

groundless surmise, on which

tradiction

and a

is

The

"vision of Allah"

further conjecture of modification, all of

still

is

based a further incorrect assumption of con-

which are

wrong and untenable.

It

may

be recalled 4 that 'ayah 18 of surat al-Najm, which speaks of the

Prophet's having seen with his eyes (basar) "one of the greatest signs of his

Lord," runs counter to the theory of a mental or spiritual vision as also of a

when he

vision of God. Bell silently passes over this 'ayah

ory. Watt, however, undertakes to

attempts to bring the 'ayah

in

fill

this

lacuna in Bell's presentation and

line with the theory

Hence, referring to the 'ayah he observes that

what

that

Muhammad

majesty of God".

what

it

He

presents his the-

this

of a spiritual vision.

"might be taken to

mean

had seen was a sign or symbol of the glory and

then relates

saw") and says that

this

it

to 'ayah

1 1

("the heart did not falsify

suggests "that while the eyes perceived the

sign or symbol, the heart perceived the thing symbolized." Thus, continues

Watt, though

Muhammad's (0)

direct vision of

God" was

original interpretation of the "vision as a

"not quite accurate, in essentials he

taken. Perhaps the verse ought to be translated: 'the heart

respect of what he, the

Watt,

man

saw'." 5

Muhammad at Mecca,

2.

Supra, pp.439-446.

3.

Supra, pp.441 -444.

4.

See supra, pp.440-441

5.

Watt,

Muhammad at Mecca,

p.43.

p.43.

was not mis-

was not mistaken

in

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRA T AL-NABl

460

The above remarks

on the

are clearly based

fautly assumption that the

He

Prophet had "originally interpreted the vision as a direct vision of God".

did not do so; nor does the passage of surat al-Najm bear that meaning.

Hence

there

is

no

conflict

between the 'ayahs of the surah and therefore no

need to advance such an interpretation as would bring them into agreement.

The interpretation is in fact an unwarranted twist in the meaning of 'ayah 1,
for Watt says: "while the eyes perceived the sign or symbol, the heart per1

ceived the thing symbolized", that

the eyes perceived

one

thing, that

ceived another thing, that

is

is

heart and the eyes were in unison

eyes. "The heart

was

no way suggests

in

was no mistake of the

it

his (the Prophet's) about

man

is

that the

heart, that

what he saw with

not mistaken", as Watt translates

respect of what he, the

that

a sign of God, and the heart saw or per-

God. The plain meaning of the 'ayah

is

no mistaken impression of

God. The 'ayah

saw". The whole emphasis

is,

his

it

alternatively, "in

is

on the very

anti-

thesis of a mental or spiritual vision.

Watt's aim in giving this twist

avoid making

it

sense

in the

is,

as

he plainly

avoid contradicting the view of Islamic orthodoxy that

seen God"
Jibril

1
.

The question

who appeared

surat al-Najm
(

tified

is,

the mistake

arises:

why

this

before the Prophet,

if

it

to

the clear

be a direct vision of

by giving

the

Muhammad

eagerness to prove that

Watt and Bell would have us

as

originally mistook

avowed

states, "to

a vision of Gabriel, which would be unhistorical, and also to

meaning of

had not

was not

the passage of

believe, that

God and

it

Muhammad

subsequently rec-

impression of a mental vision? Watt's

object rather betrays an awareness on his part of the fact that the

interpretation he puts

on the passage of surat al-Najm

meaning. Also the reason given, namely,

unhistorical", is clearly based

that

on the old plea

is

not quite

a vision of

that Jibril

is

Jibril

its

plain

"would be

not mentioned by

name in the Makkan passages of the Qur'an. That plea has already been
shown to be untenable and incorrect. 2 The plea is also inconsistent on Watt's
part; for, unlike Bell,

he does not seem to hold the view that traditions should

not be brought into consideration

there

is

connection. Watt recognizes that

clear mention of Jibril in Al-Zuhri's report, particularly in what he

puts in his passages

that the

in this

and

I.

Watt gets

mention of Jibril therein

1.

ibid.

2.

Supra, pp.443-448.

is

rid

of these passages by observing

suspicious, thus implying that those parts

WAHY:

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI'S REPORT

46

of the report have been tampered with by subsequent narrators. The implication

is

Hisham's been.

If

it

before the Prophet and that

is

It

may

where the coming of the

means the appearance of God

contrary to what he calls the Islamic ortho-

is

that neither those parts

later interpolations,

part

its initial

truth is mentioned. For, according to Watt, that

doxy. The fact

this ver-

has not been rewritten as has Ibn

subsequent reporters had modified those portions of the

would have modified also

report, they

God.

which he prefers

also inconsistent with the very ground on

sion of Al-Zuhri's report, namely, that

of the report that mention

Jibril

are

nor does the coming of the truth mean the appearance of

also be recalled that the passage of surat al-Najm

is

not the only

Qur'anic information regarding the coming of wahy to the Prophet and that
the passage should be understood in combination with similar passages in the

Qur'an, particularly 81:19-23, as explained

Watt

is

earlier.

of course aware of the existence of other Qur'anic passages

respect. Before noticing

second motive

in his

how he

deals with them

above mentioned

it is

in this

necessary to refer to the

interpretation of the passage of surat

al-Najm, namely, as he says, "to avoid contradicting the view of Islamic

orthodoxy that

Muhammad

had not seen God".

Any

that this statement of Watt's is

based on the

totally

who

reader

through the previous chapter of the present work would

at

groundless assumption of

Bell that the so-called orthodox Islamic belief in this respect

lopment subsequent to the time of the Prophet and

what Bell thinks the Qur'anic testimony

had originally claimed
turns
it

upon the

has gone

once recognize

that

is at

it

to the effect that

was a deve-

variance with

Muhammad

have seen Allah. The question thus once again

to

interpretation of the passage of surat al-Najm,

and once again

should be pointed out that the interpretation given by Bell and Watt

is

wrong.
Watt, as already indicated,

is

aware of the existence of other Qur'anic

passages bearing on the meaning of the passage of surat al-Najm. But he dis-

poses of them by invoking the opinion of Karl Ahrens

no mention of

Jibril in the

Makkan passages

who

karim of 81 19 was originally identified with al-ruh, and

:

tioned in the
this

Makkan

passages

in the plural only.

connection to 26:193: "with which hath

and says

that this

"would

fit

1.

Supra, pp.420-422, 439-440.

2.

Watt,

in

says that there

that angels are

Watt also

come down

men-

calls attention in

the Faithful Spirit"

with the view here developed", 2 that

Muhammad at Mecca, p.43.

is

of the Qur'an, that the rasul

is,

the

S1RAT AL-NAB1

462

view

had a

that the Prophet

Karl Ahrens

in 97:4); but

(the faithful spirit)

tual vision of
ral in the

is

now

is it

or that

Jibril

kartm of 81:19

with the view of a spiri-

in

it fits

consider the three Qur'anic passages cited here

The

the first passage, 2

rasul kartm here

The very

the Qur'anic wahy. (b)

is

The same

fact that

nature of his

lowing 'ayah (81:20) wherein

four points need to be noted

he

described as a noble mes-

is

"possessor of strength"

(3jS

is

The

^i).

in

simply His mes-

is

the immediately fol-

not in any

way

be confused with

to

further stated in this 'ayah that he

It is

description "strong in power" (^

He

emphasized

is

Lord of the Throne". That means he

the "Lord of the Throne" (God).

of

similarity

-uii) in surat

As he

is

must have reference

to the others like

among

a position of primacy
"special"

remarkable, (d)

(ila)

and

"faith-

not the Lord of the Throne, the expression "one obeyed"

is

among a group of

description 'amin

is

phrase with the

this

al-Najm

described in the next 'ayah (81:21) as "one obeyed"

is

ful" (ls*0-

81:19;

said that he has his position "near the

is

it

(i.e.,

mentioned specifically as conveyer of

senger militates against his being identical with God; he

senger, (c)

identifiable

is

correct that angels are mentioned only in the plu-

passages of the Qur'an.

97 ;4 and 26:193). As regards

carefully, (a)

of God.

not correct that al-ruh or al-ruh al-'amtn

it is

other than

God. Nor

Makkan

Let us

spiritual vision

right in saying that the rasul

is

with al-ruh (as

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

is

similar beings.

strikingly the

faithful spirit". Karl

rasul kartm of 81:19

him who obeyed him,

same

It

is

identifiable with al-ruh.

dence of the passage 81:19

ff

he has only

and by

same as al-ruh al-'amtn and he

is

their

someone

also noteworthy that the

as given to al-ruh in

Ahrens, and with him Watt, agree

is

i.e.,

his compeers. In other words, he is

in

26:193

saying that the

Thus by the

internal evi-

admission the rasul kartm

different

from

God

and

"the

is,

is

the

moreover, a

conveyer of wahy.

As

regards the second passage, namely 97:4, the expression here

is

of

course simply al-ruh along with al-mald'ikah (the angels). Karl Ahrens and

Watt seem
that

is

special

to imply that al-ruh

not correct.

It is

is

different in nature

from al-mald 'ikah; but

a recognized style in Arabic language to mention the

one (khds) separately from a general body of a particular group when

they are to be mentioned together. Instances of such mention of the khds

1.

See for instance

2.

See also supra, pp. 418-421,439-442.

6:8, 9, 50; 11:12,31; 12:31; 25:7; 32:11; 53:26: 17:95

and 69:178.

WAHY:

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRi'S REPORT

III.

body ('am) are numerous

separately along with the general

But apart from

erature.

this rule

463

Arabic

in

lit-

of the language, the internal evidence of the

passage clearly marks out al-ruh to be different from God: for the sentence
says that the angels (al-mald 'ikah) and al-ruh

Lord" (^j

their

come down "by permission of

Therefore the Lord of both the angels and al-ruh

oiu).

different. Clearly al-ruh here

is

not identical with the Lord.

mentioned specially along with the angels, he and they

permission of their Lord, the unavoidable meaning

is

all

And

as he

is
is

coming down by

that he, al-ruh, is a spe-

cial

one of them. And since the rasul karim

cial

one and as the conveyer of wahy, and since both Karl Ahrens and Watt
saying that the rasul karim

agree

in

being

who

brings

karim as an angel

wahy and who

is

is

in

particular

is

marked out as a spe-

identical with al-ruh, he

be noted that while the

to

It is

to the taking of angels as messengers in general,

is

same

supported by 35:1 which speaks of Allah's employing

is

messenger

the

is

an angel. The identification of the rasul

messengers (rusul) from among the angels.

reference here

81

in the singular

who

is

it is

only a

always spoken of as the conveyer

of wahy.
Similarly the third passage (26:193) clearly mentions "the faithful spirit"
as the one
stated

who

above

down wahy

brings

^)\
same

(ct*Vi

this al-ruh al- 'amin is the

Jji).

For the same reasons

who

as the rasul karim,

is

as

also

described as 'amin (faithful) and as the conveyer of wahy. The internal evi-

dence here also distinguishes al-ruh al-'amin from God. For,

'ayah, 26:192, the Qur'an (or Qur'anic

something sent down, by the Lord of

shows

the expression {tanzil)

with
that

it.

The succeeding

it is

Thus
the

God

that

wahy)

is

sent

it

who came down

karim and al-ruh

with

(a) the

down, not

that

He came down
and says

it.

al- 'amin, both

of

whom are

mentioned as
is

an angel

is

mention of al-ruh along with angels as a special one among

them (70:4; 78:38

&

97:4);

(b)

the mention of angels as having been

employed as messengers by God

(35:1); (c) the

wahy

a special one from

as a noble messenger,

i.e.,

mention of the conveyer of

are taken as messengers; (d) the specific mention of

the conveyer of

i.e.,

The causative nature of

conveyer of wahy, are one and the same individual. That he

shown by

previous

spoken of as tanzil

the worlds.

'ayah, 26:193, clarifies the position further

al-ruh al- 'amin

the rasul

all

in the

wahy

in

2:97 and (e) the mention of

ditions also as the conveyer of wahy.

among

the angels

him by name,

him by name

who

Jibrtl,

as

in the tra-

siratal-nab! and the orientalists

464

The name

of course occurs only three times in the Madinan pas-

Jirbil

sages of the Qur'an; but that does not

Makkan

in the

of wahy

passages.

Makkan

in the

Nor

mean

someone

that

that there

else

is

is

no reference

to

him

spoken of as the conveyer

passages. For one thing, the expressions al-ruh or al-

ruh al-'amin, not to speak of the rasul karim, can by on stretch of the imagination be taken in the Christian sense of the Spirit or Holy Spirit, which

what Watt seems

to suggest.

The expressions

al-qudus occur some 21 times in the Qur'an.

sense of

in the

God

connection with

al-ruh, al-ruh al-'amin

In

none of the places

or His attribute. In six out of the 21 places

'Isa

and his mother Maryam; but

has the meaning of either the

none of these places

the

is

spirit

of

life

at

or the angel

word coterminous with

it is

used

used

it is

each of these places

(Jibril). In

is

and ruh

any case,

in
it

at

the Divine Being, for the

unmistakable tenor and purport of each of the passages

to contradict the

is

concept of the Trinity or to deny the supposed divinity of Tsa. 3

III.

"THE VISIT TO HIRA'; TAHANNUTH"

After presenting his views about what he calls

Watt passes on

to the

second

sub-title:

The

visit to

not be supposed that the subject of the "visions"

forms a constant theme

in all the sections,

gest that the "vision", indeed wahy,

is

"Muhammad's

visions"

Hira'; tahannuth.
is left

and Watt's aim

behind.
is all

It

It

must

indeed

along to sug-

something mental, psychological or

psycho-intellectual in nature.

As

regards the

ceptor Bell

who

visit to

Hira' and tahannuth Watt differs

from

his pre-

denies the authenticity of the report about them. Watt says

Muhammad's going to Hira'". 4 He then

presents what one scholar very aptly calls "a compound version of the views"
of others. 5 Watt states that Muhammad's (0) going to Hira' "might be a
method of escaping from the heat of Mecca in an unpleasant season for those
that there "is

who
1.

in

could not afford to go to at-Ta'if '. Having said that Watt adds immediThese places

26:193; 40:
2.

no improbability

are:

Q. 2:87; 2:253; 4:171; 5:110; 16:2; 16:102; 17:85 (two times);

15; 58:22; 70:4; 78:38; 97:4; 42:51; 19:17; 21:91; 66:12; 32:9;

These

are:

Q. 2:87; 2:253;

15:29 and 38:72.

4: 171; 5:1 13; 21:91; 66:12.

See for a detailed discussion on ruh Ibn al-Qayyim, Kitab al-Ruh, Hyderabad, 1324 H.
See also its summary in M.W., 1935, pp. 129-144. Cf. D.B. Macdonald, "The development of
3.

the idea of spirit in Islam",

4. Watt,
5.

Vol.

See M.J.

XXXI,

M.W., 1932, pp.25-42 and 153-168.

Muhammad at Mecca,

p. 44.

Kister, "Al-Tahannuth:

1968, p. 229.

An

Enquiry into the meaning of a term", B.S.O.A.S.,

WAHY:

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRi'S REPORT

ately: "Judaeo-Christian influence,

465

such as the example of monks, or a

personal experience" would have shown

Muhammad (0)

little

and

"the need

desirability of solitude". 1

The two consecutive sentences quoted above in fact represent two different views. The first view, that the resort to Hira' was something of a poor

summer

man's

nineteenth

holiday was

century. 2

first

suggested by Aloy Sprenger

Ever since he made

that suggestion,

pean writer of note adopted that view or treated

it

Sprenger

in

however, no Euro-

it,

without referring

any way. Neither Sprenger nor Watt asks himself the very per-

tinent questions

the

whether the climate of Hira'

town of Makka

in the

differs in

summer and why, of

all

any way from that of

the neighbouring

should Hira' in particular have been chosen as the supposed

If they

the mid-

as a reasonable explana-

tion of the affair. Watt, however, adopts and reproduces

to

in

summer

hills,

resort?

had asked themselves these preliminary questions about the geog-

raphy of

Makka

they would surely have given a second thought to this novel

suggestion of theirs.

The second view,

that

of Judaeo-Christian influence,

specially

the

instance of Christian monks, suggesting "the need and desirability of solitude",

is

indeed the suggestion of a number of Watt's predecessors, notably

Herschfield

them

Andrae. 4 Watt

and Tor

in this connection.

does not, however, refer to either of

The unsoundness of

Judaeo-Christian influence upon the evolution of

has been noted earlier. 5

It

J.

may be observed

assumption of

the general

(0 ) thought

Muhammad's

here, however, that the

two views

thus put forth in the two consecutive sentences are incompatible. If the retire-

ment

at Hira'

was a

sort of a

summer

Judaeo-Christian influence in the matter.

holiday, there
If,

is

no need

on the other hand,

it

imitation of the practice of the Christian monks, the theory of

iday

is

made

in

hol-

the above noted remarks about the retirement at Hira'

refers to the origin

rally follows

was done

summer

both unnecessary and irrelevant.

After having

Watt

to invoke

Watt,

and meaning of the term tahannuth.

what Bell and Herschfield suggest, namely,

Muhammad at Mecca,

that the

term means

p.44.

2.

A. Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des

3.

H. Herschfield,

don, 1902,

In this he gene-

Mohammed,

I,

Berlin, 1860, pp.295-296.

New Researches into the composition and exigecies of the

Qoran, Lon-

p. 19.

4.

Tor Andrae, Mohammed, Sein Leben und Glaube, Gottingen 1 832, pp.34-35.

5.

Supra, chapter XI.

siratal-nab! and the orientalists

466

some work

either prayer for God's favour or "doing

crime". Watt then proceeds to

"fill

He

account of what actually transpired.

to escape

from

sin or

out hypothetically", as he says, the

says that

Muhammad

had from

an early age been aware of the social and religious problems of Makka. His

made him

being an orphan

more

the

all

alive to those problems.

He

also

imbibed the "vague monotheism found among the most enlightened Makkans".

He

also looked for

that this reform

some reform "and

must be primarily

all

the circumstances suggested

religious". In this state of

mind he

berately sought solitude to reflect on Divine things and to perform

of worship, perhaps an expiation for

Watt thus

in effect

sins".

of the Christian monks. For,

he looked for some kind of reform

religious"

acts

himself nullifies what he says previously about sum(

if "all

some

mer holidaying by Muhammad

and

"deli-

if

and

his possible imitaion of the practice

the circumstances suggested that this reform

and therefore he "deliberately sought solitude

in

Makka

must be primarily

to reflect

on Divine

things" etc., both the surmises are unnecessary to explain his solitary retire-

ment
one

remarks here

to Hira'. Watt's

gestions
is

made by

are,

tian

by Muir and Margoliouth. The

the suggestion of ambition and preparation on

to play the role of a prophet-reformer. 2

tical,

however, based on two distinct sug-

his predecessors, notably

religious

Byzantine

and cultural situation

is

Muhammad's

part

the theory that the poli-

Arabia and the neighbouring Chris-

suggested that the contemplated reform should take on a

state

religious character

in

The other

and

that therefore

Muhammad

decided to assume

the role of a prophet. Also the remark that in his retirment he probably per-

formed some

act

"expiation for sins"

in

Margoliouth-Watt views about

is

reminiscent of the Muir-

his previous religious beliefs

All these themes have already been dealt with.

retire into the

cave of Hira'

to reflect

and

practices. 3

The Prophet did of course

on Divine things; but there

is

no indica-

tion in the sources that he did so for discovering a framework for his con-

templated socio-religious reform. Watt's story, as he himself points out,

hypothetical and, as
his predecessors.

coming of

the

Watt,

we have

pointed out, based in

Whatever the Prophet's motive

the revelation to

Muhammad at Mecca,

2.

See supra, chapter X.

3.

Supra, chapter VIII,

sec. IV.

p.

him was by

44.

all

in

is

essence on the views of

seeking solitude

at Hira',

accounts something sudden

WAHY:

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRi S REPORT

and unexpected. His bewilderment

what happened

at

467

and the sub-

at Hira'

sequent consultation with Waraqah ibn Nawfal only emphasize this unex-

pectedness and unpreparedness on his

These

part.

facts thus run directly

counter to the assumption of contemplated reform, indeed of ambition and

preparation. In order to sustain the theory of contemplated reform

nece-

is

it

ssary therefore to dismantle the fact of the suddenness of the affair, or

doubt about

least to create

it.

This

is

exactly what Watt seems to

immediately after having hypothetically

filled

though the traditional accounts "suggest

that

Sometimes

the appearance

is

out the account he observes

should

It

there

call,

is

nor about

its

in

once be pointed out

may

whatever

that

some-

be the uncertainty

called "the comparative dates of the different features" of the

is

took place
"vision"

at

came during the

of Muhammad's call

said to be unexpected, and

times KhadTjah seems to have been not far away".

about what

at

Thus

at.

that the visions

"comparative dates of the different features

retreat", the

are uncertain.

aim

no uncertainty whatsover about the order of

suddenness and unexpectedness. By
the

wake of

all

was near

features,

the accounts the "call"

the retirement at Hira' and the "appearance" or the

was a simultaneous, indeed an inseparable

ther KhadTjah

main

its

Whe-

feature of the call.

the Prophet at Hira', as stated in one of the reports

reproduced by Ibn Ishaq, or the Prophet was

at

home

near her, as said in the

version of Al-Zuhri's report quoted by Watt, the "appearance" [of JibrTl] was
in

every case sudden and unexpected.

rance

is

said to be unexpected";

it

is

It is

not "sometimes" that "the appea-

always so

on the suddenness and unexpectedness of the

stant throughout all the reports in
in matters

as

seen just a

"vision of God". But

little

now

"call"

The emphasis

and the "vision"

is

con-

their versions, despite their differences

of detail. Watt himself uses

we have

"call"

all

in the reports.

this

sudden appearance of "the

truth",

while ago, to support his assumption of the

he realizes that the facts of the suddenness of the

and the "vision", and the consequent bewilderment and uncertainty on

the Prophet's part are strongly against the theory of his plans and contemplation for socio-religious reforms.

Hence Watt now attempts

about the suddenness of the "call" and to show that

pendent of the "vision".

In fact, in the

isolates the "vision"

Prophet, though he

was unceratin about

Watt.

Muhammad at Mecca,

p.44.

was something

doubt
inde-

remaining sections of his discussions

on the subject Watt

it

to create

from the

"call"

and suggests

his position, nonetheless

that the

continued

Sl'RAT AL-NABI

468

to receive revelations

when,

and

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

them out

to give

and

after the period of fatrah

"visions" or the

first "vision".

to the public for

that of "secret"

Watt thus takes up the subjects of "the

He

third sub-title.

and the "visions" under his

call"

by saying that

starts

"the passages from az-Zuhri" the words "Thou

occur four times

"merely

and

'he'"

preaching he saw the

"THOU ART THE MESSENGER OF GOD"

IV.

above mentioned

in

the

the speaker

first

in the last

two

Jibril.

He

art the

in

somehow

"four versions of one event, that

Watt observes

those in the

whether these are

or other have developed different

Jibril "at this early stage" is

much

to

in

show

be noted once again

mention of

Qur'an

in the

Watt's

own

passages belong to two types

what Watt

made by Watt

The speaker

is

Jibril at this stage is

until

much

from az-

out of Al-Zuhri's rather continuous

divisions in the text Watt has thought, or attempted

B through

and further on are

throughout

Jibril.

is

It

sup-

Similarly the plea that

suspicious because he

later is also untenable.

grammar

is

not mentioned

also inconsistent with

approach; for he reproduces only Al-Tabari's version of Al-

Zuhri's report to the exclusion of

has not been "rewritten",

i.e.,

all

the other versions on the ground that

modified by others. His

part of this version and, indeed, his reliance

regarding

calls "the passages

stated above, neither the context, nor the rules of

port this assumption.

the

that

that the "speakers" in the passages

As

and

a time of anxiety". 2

By making such

different.

later"

Zuhri" are in fact passages

account.

in the

two (B

of this to assure him

to

of

& C) describe Muhammad's (0 "original call to be

and those in the other two (D & I) "appear to be reaffirmation

first

a Messenger",

It is

Messenger of God"

"suspicious", since he "is not mentioned in the Qur'an until

adds that the "experiences" described

and

then says that the circumstances

mention of

that the

B,C,

"the Truth", in the second

is

are different in the four passages and raises the question

features?"

about three years

Jibril,

which he also misconceives,

Watt's purpose

is,

however,

now

it

casting doubt on

on the Qur'anic evidence only

is

glaringly inconsistent.

to isolate "the call"

from the "vision". Hence,

immediately after having made the above mentioned statements he begins

another paragraph by asking: "If
tion to the visions?"

2.

See below,
Watt,

The question

lext.

Muhammad at

Mecca,

p.45.

refers to the original call,

is

clearly confusing.

what

is its

rela-

The passage B,

as

WAHY:

Watt has

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRi'S REPORT

and he has

hitherto said, describes the "appearance" or the "vision"

attempted to suggest a

be understood

and attempts

in the

469

while ago that "the truth" mentioned in

little

sense of God. But

to suggest that the

a Messenger, implying that

now he

away from

slips

passage only describes the original

this is totally different

it

should

that position
call to

from the "vision" so

be

that

should

at

once be

pointed out that what he calls a description of the "original call"

is

nothing

between the two should be determined.

the relationship

It

but what happened in the "vision" described in the passage B. His question

thus really amounts to a queer one, namely, "What

is

the relation of the

vision to the vision?"

After putting the above mentioned question Watt refers to the passage of
surat al-Najm and reiterates in effect what Bell says in this connection,

namely, that the description of "the

in response to the

Makkan

first

vision" in that surah

was given out

unbelievers' objections to the genuineness of the

revelations and that therefore at least one or several revealtions had been pro-

claimed before the narration of the vision

reciept of revelations; yet, "there

passages accompanied the

In

and

making

that in

surah. Watt says further

which was narrated "must have something

that the vision

cific

in that

to concentrate only

slips

Watt obviously changes

away from

his

ground again,

the Qur'anic evidence and seems

on the evidence of the report he

also implies that the passage

to do" with the

nothing to show that the receiving of spe-

vision..."

this last statement

two ways. He

is

cites.

Secondly, he

mention the delivery of any specific passage. For, otherwise, there

ground for

his

now

of the report describes a "vision" but does not

making the statement

that "there

is

nothing to

show

is

no

that the

receiving of specific passages accompanied the vision".

Now,
have

the text which Watt assigns to the passage

in

B and which

view does of course only speak about the

Muhammad (0)

as "thou art the

entity's

he seems to
addressing

Messenger of God" and does not mention

the delivery of any specific Qur'anic passage. But, as already pointed out,

Watt's passages

to

are

all

continuous

in Al-Zuhri's

Al-Tabari, and the narration up to the end of passage

account as given

in

speaks of the diffe-

rent circumstances attending the "call" and the delivery of the iqra' passage.

In Watt's
said,

1.

own

cannot

Ibid.

translation the passage

recite..."

starts thus:

"Then he

said, Recite.

The expression "Then he" unmistakably

refers to

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

470
Jibril

who

in the

previous passage D. Watt of course doubts the

Jibril at this stage;

but he (Watt) does not, and cannot, deny that

mention of
the passage

sages

mentioned

is

speaks of an "appearance" or "vision" and that both the pas-

together speak of a "vision" and the delivery of the iqra' pas-

and

sage which, elsewhere, Watt recognizes to be the

delivered.

Thus

his statement that "there

is

first

Qur'anic passage to be

show

nothing to

ing of specific passages accompanied the vision"

is

that the receiv-

untenable and contrary to

the very evidence he relies on.

The statement

is

cribed in surat al-Najm,

and delivered

to the Prophet

thing

is

entity appearing in the "vision" des-

categorically says that

it

shadid al-Quwa and dhu-mirrah,

The same

who drew

was

it

that entity, the

nearer than "two bow-lengths"

what he was giving out as wahy ('ayahs 4-10).

emphasized

in

81:19-23 which says that

was a "saying",

it

a text (qawl), which was delivered by "the noble messenger"

Prophet had seen

may

contrary also to the Qur'anic evidence; for whatever

be the view of Bell and Watt about the

in "the clear horizon".

event, and their reference

is

whom

the

Both the passages speak of a past

clearly to the initial

wahy which

the Prophet had

given out to the Makkans and which both the passages emphasize was delivered by the entity he saw.
Also, the other versions of Al-Zuhn's report, particularly that in Bukhdri,
clearly speak of the delivery of the iqra' passage

by

Jibril

who appeared

before the Prophet for the purpose. Watt withholds from his readers this and
the other versions of the report. In fact by doing so, and

by

all

the other

devices, namely, by arbitrarily dividing the version which he cites into so

many

artificial

passages, by isolating "the call" from the "vision", by raising

the queer question of their relationship and by

ment
and

that

no

specific text

his predecessors'

making

main theory

that the

states that the "practical

came

to the Prophet.

"was called upon

to proclaim

them

God" and

passages themselves were not from God, but only

1.

Ibid.
Ibid. p.45.

that

publicly". 2

Note the expression: "the passages were messages from God";

2.

Hence

outcome of the vision" would be some-

thing like a "conviction that the passages were messages from

the Prophet

at his

Qur'anic revelation was not verbal

but only in the nature of suggestions or ideas that

he further

the untenable state-

was delivered during the vision Watt drives

their

that

messages were

is,

the

so.

It

WAHY:
is

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI'S REPORT

III.

how

not explained by Watt

the messages could have been received prior to

why Muhammad (0),

the "vision", nor

47

before he

from God, should have formulated them

was

sure that they were

into "passages".

Nor does Watt

mention any such pre-vision passage. He simply argues backward from

his

assumption, namely, that since the "vision" imparted a "conviction that the

passages were messages from God", this "would presuppose that

Muhammad

had already received some revelations" but had not been sure about
nature;

"now he

is

informed or given an assurance about

easily detect that this

merely a repetition

is

in

that".

their

One may

another form of the Muir-

Margoliouth-Bell theory of the Prophet's having received other Qur'anic revelaions prior to the iqra' passage and that he subsequently thought those

were from God.

"Alternatively", continues Watt, "the vision might be taken as a call to

Muhammad may

known something about

methods of inducing them". The theory of "inducing" of revelations, it may
be recalled, is originaly Margoliouth's. 2 He of course relates it to the physical
seek

revelations,

and

have

hardships and other symptoms that at times attended the coming of revelations to the Prophet.

allegation at the

first

Watt does not

refer to

opportunity, that of the beginning of the "call" and the

"vision", with the absurd implication that

began

his mission,

Margoliouth and introduces the

Muhammad {% ),

before he hardly

had already "known something about methods of indu-

cing" revelations!

Watt does

not,

however, press

would

presently, he

revert to

outcome of

the

subsequently.

it

duced the allegation he observes

this suggestion here; for, as

that "the

we

shall see

After having simply intro-

former of the alternatives",

that

were

the vision being only a conviction that the "passages"

"messages" from God,

"is

more probable"; for

it

is in line

is,

with the view, and

here Watt specifically cites Bell, "that what was inspired or suggested to him

was

the practical line of conduct' which he in fact followed". 4

be pointed out that

it

is

ory that the Qur'anic

but "suggestion", or "inspiration",

1.

Ibid.

See supra,

3.

Infra, pp.

498-500.

4.

Watt, op.

cit., p.

p.

411.

45.

may

at

once

not only this particular expression, but the whole the-

wahy does

Watt simply undertakes

2.

It

not

mean

etc.,

verbal communication of a text,

which

to substantiate by

is

Bell's

and

others'

some means or

other.

and which

So

far as

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

472
this particular

view

Watt

is

concerned, however,

its

finally says that if "the purport of the vision

would agree with passage B. He then says

ral", that

dem-

untenability has been

onstrated earlier.

the Messenger of

God" were probably

was something gene-

that the

words "Thou

art

"not an exterior locution", nor even

"an imaginative locution, but an intellectual locution", meaning that

was a

it

"communication" which was made "without words. The form of words may
even be much

later

than the actual vision". 2

These statements
"original call"

an admission on Watt's part that the

in fact constitute

and the "vision" are not

hitherto implied, but are aspects of the

Having recognized

that

he realizes

two

really

he has

distinct events, as

same incident described

that the expression

in

"Thou

passage B.

Mes-

art the

senger of God", though not a passage of the Qur'an, nonetheless consists of

"words" constituting a statement which was communicated to the Prophet

during the "vision" described in passage B. Hence Watt hastens to say that

Now

these words were probably "an intellectual locution".

liar logic.

He

any specific

asserts that there

which he has

"vision"; but

isolated

from the

now

rest

of the communication of some "words", Hence he

"words" were communicated "without words"

fact is that his statement that the

panied the "vision"

is

makes an

by the sources, neither

and

his assumption.

there

is

arbitrary

tells his

an

readers that these

intellectual locution!

directly,

may even be much

assumption which

text

is

later

The

accom-

More-

than the

nowhere warranted

nor indirectly. In doing so he also casts

because they mention

Now

he cannot deny that

communication of no specific

doubt on the authenticity of passage B. As

passages

that

of the account, also speaks

belied and contradicted even by his passage B.

over, by saying that the "form of the words

actual vision" he

observe his pecu-

nothing to show that the communication of

accompanied the

text

the passage B,

is

we have

Jibril

which

seen, he casts doubt

fact

he implies incorrectness even

the mention of the communication of the

in

does not
passage

words "Thou

fit in

on

with

because

art the

Mes-

senger of God", which fact contradicts his other assumption. Yet he would

have us believe

Even

that his assumptions are supported

after such

manoeuvres Watt cannot escape the

1.

See supra, pp. 430-339.

2.

Watt, op. ciu,

p.

by these very passages!

456.

He

refers here to the

fact that the iqra'

work of A. Poulain and

the expression "intellectual locution", etc., are explained.

to section 5

where

WAHY:

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI'S REPORT

HI.

passage, including his passages

D&

was by

E,

accounts communicated

all

during a "vision". Hence he proceeds to deal with

heading which

is

under his fourth sub-

"RECITE"

sub-heading Watt attempts to

this

it

as follows:
V:

Under

473

cessive paragraphs. In the

make

three points in three suc-

he refers to the "numerous versions of the

first

tra-

dition" regarding the revelation of surat al- 'alaq and then, with reference to

Al-Zuhrfs account, he says

be translated

that the

cannot read (or

'I

words

ma aqra'u

recite)'"; for there is the variant,

qdri 'in in other versions and because, also, Ibn

between
"Watt

more

ma

natural

ma dha

'aqra'u and

Having

shall I recite?".

meaning

ma

for

an allegation against the

'aqra'u,

said this

Watt

"dogma

that

"text requires that the

ma

Watt then reproduces

'ana bi-

distinction

meaning

the latter expression

asserts: "This latter is also the

'aqra'u." In support of this statement he levels

Muhammad

meaning of the words"

report given in Al-Tabari's tafsir,

be taken as
in the

almost certain
in

order

could not write, which was an impor-

tant part of the proof of the miraculous nature of the Qur'an."

'Abd Allah ibn Shaddad's

ma

Hisham makes a

traditionists in general saying: "It is

that the latter traditionists avoided the natural

to sustain the

occurring therein "must

'what', since

it

second paragraph

is

He

preceded by

Bell's

also cites

saying that that

view

'and'."

that the

words

qara'a and qur'an are taken from the religious vocabulary of the Syrian
Christians and that Qur'an
said this

Watt adds

this surah

memory

it

"Scripture lesson". 3

that while the verb 'iqra' "later

presumably means

'recite

came

to

mean

Having
'read, in

from memory', namely, from the

of what had been supematurally communicated to him." 4

Then,

in the last

that there "are

no

scholars that this

this

means "reading" and

the

is

passage as "a

that the passage

paragraph of his text under this sub-heading Watt says

effective objections to the almost universal

first

command

of the Qur'an to be revealed."

to

"it

may

1.

Ibid., p. 46.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid., p. 47, citing Bell,

4.

Watt, op.

cit., p.

47.

then interprets

the Prophet had already gathered

some

very well belong to a stage before he began to

preach to others." Nevertheless,

2.

He

worship" and, differing from Bell (who says

was revealed when

followers) says that

view of Muslim

Origin

etc.,

insists

90

ff.

Watt, the "possibility cannot be

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

474

excluded" that the Prophet "had already received other messages which he
did not regard as part of the Qur'an; one example would be the words in the

"Thou

traditions

Now,

as regards the first point,

connection

it

is

clear that

his illiteracy

already been discussed.

It

may

and the

Qur'an

Watt says

in this

ma

'aqra 'u

views about

it

have

only be pointed out here that the allegation

is totally

is

called the "natural

unwarranted. Nor

"dogma" about the Prophet's

called

that

orientalists'

of the later traditionists' having avoided what

of the words

all

intended to discredit the fact that the Prophet could not read or

is

The question of

write.

Messenger of God'."

art the

is it

illiteracy is a later

meaning"

a fact that the so-

development. The

itself states:

"You were

not used before this (i.e.the giving out of the Qur'an) to reading any

book, nor to writing

it

with your right hand. In that case the detractors could have

reason for doubting." (29:48).

What

"dogma" about

the Prophet's illiteracy

and similar other Qur'anic statements and

this
it

called the

is

is

is

is

thus based on

not a later invention. Also,

not true to say that the later traditionists avoided the so-called natural

meaning of the words. Many of them indeed considered the

different ver-

sions and the differences in the meanings of the expressions. Watt's insis-

tence on what he calls the natural meaning of the words seems to have arisen

from a confusion about the negative

ma

and interrogative

ma

in

two

versions.

What Watt
what he says
'iqra'.

says in his

in his

first

paragraph

is

in fact

rendered irrelevant by

second paragraph dealing with the origin and meaning of

We need not dilate here on the question whether the expressions

iqra'

and Qur'an are derived from the religious vocabulary of the Syrian Christians.

Even according

to Bell,

"Scripture lesson". But

"later

came

to

mean

if,

as

'read'",

whom Watt quotes,

Watt would have us

and

if in this

command

to the Prophet to "recite

municated

to

him

passage of surat

illiteracy

al- 'alaq

it

1.

Ibid.

See supra, pp.24 1-250.

only a

whole of Watt's previous remarks

and the allegations against the

traditionists are

both irrelevant and unnecessary; for no reading or writing capacity

2.

is

from memory" what "had been com-

supernaturally", then the

about the Prophet's

Qur'an means "reading" or

believe, the verb iqra' only

is

called

WAHY:
for if the task

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI'S REPORT

simply to recite from memory. Obviously, Watt

is

assumes the meaning of reading for the verb and on

above mentioned comments. He then changes

word and suggests

ing for the

memory,
(

Once

etc.

475

that

it

his

that basis

first

makes

his

ground, rejects that mean-

only means a

command

from

to recite

when and how Muhammad

again, he does not explain

received the supernatural communications prior to the communication

of the 'iqra

passage, and what were those supposed pre- "iqra

'

"messages for the passages"

that

were required

to

'

passages or

be recited? Clearly, Watt

intends here to reiterate the old assumption of the receipt of revelations by

the Prophet prior to what

called "the vision".

is

But once again Watt somewhat contradicts

says in the second.
that the 'iqra'

adherence to

were

He

states that there

passage was the

first

is

no

in his third

view

strict

part of the

Qur'an

this statement requires the rejection

pre-'i'gra'

to

be revealed.

of the suggestion that there

passages revealed to the Prophet. Watt seems to have

recognized the difficulty arising out of

insists at the

paragraph what he

effective objections to the

this last statement

end of the paragraph that

of

Muhammad {%)

his.

Hence he

had of course

"already received other messages which he did not regard as part of the

Qur'an", an example of that being the words "Thou

God".

This

discussion

last

is

statement

is

art the

Messenger of

simply an attempt to sidetrack the issue. The

here about the receipt of pre-iqra passages or messages for the

'

passages that formed part of the Qur'an and that the Prophet was supposedly

asked

in the 'iqra

'

passage to recite from memory, and not about what Watt

himself recognizes to be no part of the Qur'an. Moreover,

his preceptor Bell suggest,
tical line

was only

if

"inspiration" or "suggestion" for a "prac-

of conduct" which the Prophet in fact followed, that could not con-

ceivably be something to be "recited from

memory" The climax of

!

that the "vision"

and the address "thou

art the

VI.

to his fifth sub-title.

'Abd Allah al-Ansari's

1.

Watt, op.

2.

Ibid., p. 49.

cit., p.

is

des-

of Al-Zuhri's account!

"SURAT AL-MUDDATHTHIR: THE FATRAH"

Watt then passes on

to Jabir ibn

states

Messenger of God" took place

three years after the "original call" 2 which, as Watt says here,

cribed in his passage

contra-

where Watt

diction comes, however, a couple of pages subsequently

some

wahy, as he and

47.

He

tradition

starts this section

which says

by referring

that the

opening

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NABI

476

'ayahs of surat al-Muddaththir were the

could have been so only

Muhammad

Watt

"Rise and

entered abruptly on his public min-

Warn" whereas

the 'iqra' passage does not contain any such direc-

and does not therefore "imply a public ministry". He therefore observes

most probable view"

that "the

that the

is

passage of surat al-Muddaththir

"marks the beginning of public ministry." In support of

what Ibn Ishaq says

cites

commission

openly what had

to declare

this

was

statement he

Prophet was ordered after three years of his

that the

come

to

him from God.' As another

evidence Watt refers to the tradition which says that for the
it

states that this

without any period of preparation"; for the passage contains the words

istry

tive

"if

revelation.

first

first

three years

the angel "Asrafil" (Israfil) who, in Watt's word, "mediated" the reve-

lation to the Prophet. In this connection

Watt

refers also to "fatrah or

gap

in

the revelation" and says that "az-Zuhri introduces the fatrah in order to

reconcile this tradition with the view that Surat al- 'alaq

The

distinction

made by Watt between

first." 2

came

the "non-public ministry" and

is clearly based on the distinction made by the Muslim

nubuwwah (call to Prophethood) and risdlah (commission
Muslim scholarly opinion is also more or less unanimous in say-

"public ministry"

scholars between
to preach).

ing that the opening passage of surat al-Muddaththir marks the inception of
risdlah.

But the

identification of this distinction with

about open preaching and with the

statement

is

made

Israfil tradition is

what Ibn Ishaq says

misleading. Ibn Ishaq's

not with reference to the distinction between

and risdlah but with reference

what he suggests

to

to

be the

nubuwwah

initial

period of

unobtrusive or private preaching followed by the period of open preaching.

The work of preaching

is

implied in both the periods.

Nor does he

relate his

statement with the revelation of surat al-Muddaththir but with two other pas-

sages of the Qur'an. 3

It

may be

noted that his characterization of the

period as a period of secret preaching

but on the vague assertion of "what

is

not based on any specific authority,

we have come

aspects of his statement, namely, the nature of the

and

its

to

know"

initial

(lab U-i).

Both

period of preaching

length need reexamination in the light of the other relevant facts. 4

Watt makes a mistake

initial

Ibid., p.48.

See also Ibn Hisham.

2.

Watt, op.

3.

The two passages

4. Infra,

in taking

cit, p.

Ch. XXI,

I.,

p.

Ibn Ishaq's statement as having been

262.

48.
are 15:94

sec.

I.

and 26:214.

WAHY:

made with

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRi'S REPORT

reference to the distinction between what

He seems

ministry" and "public ministry".

477

called "the non-public

is

to realize the difficulty arising out

of this identification. Hence he states that "the precise nature of the difference" between the two, that
ficult to say, since the first

period." There

first

difficulty in the matter.

faulty identification and, to a greater extent, by a care-

nubuwwah and
that nubuwwah

English rendering of the essentially technical terms

less

risalah as "non-public" and"public ministry."

is

"is more difmade during the

The difficulty is

non-public and public ninistry,

no

in fact

is

own

created by Watt's

is

converts are said to have been

no "ministry" as such. The use of

It is

to

be noted

term only

this

illustrates the risk

involved in transferring Christian theological terms to technical Islamic

expressions.

The reference to the Israfil tradition in this conection is also inappropriWhatever the tradition in question is worth, it relates neither to the dis-

ate.

tinction

between nubuwwah and risalah nor

secret preaching.
Israfil

used to "mediate",

was "attached"

to the

The

was so attached

him

(*-)!

lfj>

ii\

Jj

*Ui

sal, i.e. its authority

who

On

0 jj).

(-<

the contrary

simply says that

it

is

is

no mention

specifically

that that

mentioned

Prophet prior to the coming of wahy to

to the
1

a J). There

The

tradition in question,

however,

is

mur-

does not go upto the time of the Prophet. Al-Waqidi,

also mentions this tradition, categorically states that

Having thus spoken of the

lic

called the period of

is

text of the tradition

Prophet

angel used to bring any wahy.

that the angel

what

deliver, revelation to the Prophet for the first

i.e.,

three years of his commission.

Israfil

to

also misleading to state, as Watt does, that the angel

It is

distinction

it

is

not reliable. 2

between the "non-public" and "pub-

ministry" Watt deals with the term al-Muddaththir.

He

says that

it

is

com-

monly taken to meen "wrapped in a dithdr (or dathar), that is, a cloak" and
it had some connection with the receiving of revelations. As such, he

that

observes, the act of being wrapped

more probably,

to protect the

appearance."

must

It

the act of being

at

"may

human

either be to induce revelations, or,

recepient from the danger of the Divine

once be pointed out that

wrapped indicated

revelations" or "to protect the

to

human

be what

is

in

none of

called a

1.

See Al-Tabari,
Ibn Sa'd,

I.,

TarflWt,

p. 191.

I., 1

249.

Also quoted

is

recepient from the danger of the Divine

appearance". Watt simply twists the term to import in

2.

the traditions

means of "inducing

in Al-Tabari, op. cit.

it

the theory of "indu-

SIRAT AL-NABi AND THE ORIENTALISTS

478

cing revelations" and of "the vision of God".

More remarkable
al-Muddaththir.

He

is

Watt's suggestion about the metaphorical meaning of

says that

it

means

and attempts to substantiate

utation"

man who

is

obscure and of no rep-

by refering

to

what he

by which the rich Meccans judged" the Prophet as "a

calls "the standards

comparatively unimportant person."

wherein reference

"a

this implication

is

made

to the

The

allusion

is

obviously to Q. 43:31

Makkans' attempt

rich

to belittle the

Prophet when he began to preach the truth to them. True, he was not one of
the leaders of his society

when

"the call" took place; but the term al-

Muddaththir by no means implies "an obscure person". Nor was he

way an

"obscure" person before "the

cognate word

may

call". It is

common knowledge

acquire a metaphorical sense.

meaning

that the metaphorical

is strictly

The

any

in

that a

rule in such a case

is

confined to the particular form, and

not to any other form or derivative from the root, since the root word does

Now, one

not have that sense.

of the forms derived from dathar

is

dathur

This form does sometime bear the sense of an obscure person; 2 but

would be a violence

to the rules

it

of the language to transfer that sense to

another derivation such as muddaththir. In none of the standard Arabic dicthat sense given to this form.

Moreover,

tionaries

is

common

sense that in the 'ayah under reference

Messenger

in

is

it

quite contrary to

God would

address His

such a derogatory term, or that the Prophet would apply

it

to

himself!

Thus having
istry", the

dealt with the question of "non-public"

question of fatrah and the meanning of al-muddaththir Watt sum-

marizes the "picture" as follows.

in

and "public min-

Muhammad's

received the

He

says that there was "a preparatory stage

career as prophet, lasting three years." During this period he

part of surat al- 'Alaq, surat

first

al-Duhd and other revelations

of "a more private character". Watt again refers here to the

He

then says that the fatrah might be placed

then the "visions" or the

the

title

first

end of

Israfil tradition.

this period

and

that

of them took place, together with the giving of

"Messenger of God" and the revelation of surat al-Muddaththir?

Thus does Watt completely reverse the

started

at the

by saying

Watt, op.

cit.,

position with

which he

started.

that al-ru'yd al-sddiqah in the pre-Hira' period

p.49.

2.

SeeTajal-'Arus,

3.

Watt, op.

cit., p.

III, p.

49.

202.

was

He
the

WAHY:

same type of
Watt says

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI'S REPORT

479

"vision" as that experienced by the Prophet subsequently.

that the "vision" at Hira',

was a

Zuhri's account

"vision of

which

is

described in passage

God" because, among other

the mention of al-haqq in that connection.

Then he

states that

cribes the "original call" and implies that the "vision"

pendent of "the

call", taking place

of Al-

things, there

passage

was something

subsequently and that

Then

its

is

desinde-

purport was

something general, namely, reassuring the Prophet of his new position and
imparting to him the conviction that "the passages were messages from

God." Yet, on the basis of

that

it

would

"fit in

supposed purport of the "vision" Watt says

this

well with passage B", thereby once again implying that

the subject-matter of that passage

"the original call".
that the address

It is

is

"the vision" and that

it

was

also on that basis that he asserts, a

"Thou

little

Messenger of God" was the

art the

incidental to

while ago,

sort

of non-

Qur'anic revelation which the Prophet had received prior to the receipt of the
'iqra' passage.

And now Watt

even the

vision took place after three years of the Prophet's career and

"first"

that the title

"Thou

completely reverses the position saying that

Messenger of God was given

art the

Mseenger of God"

sage but long after

then, that

is,

the

communication

took place not before that of the 'iqra' pas-

it!

These confusions and inconsistencies could

easily

have been averted

if

Watt had not

set his mind from the start to prove that the so-called "vision"
wahy were only matters of the Prophet's mind and intellect, for which
purpose Watt has divided Al-Zuhri's rather continuous account into so many
artificial passages and, among other devices, has equated nubuwwah and

as also

risdlah with "non-public ministry" and "public ministry", identifying the for-

mer with

the so-called period of secret preaching mentioned by Ibn Ishaq

and with the dubious period of

Prophet.

It is

because of

this

to understand the real nature of

istry

alleged companionship with the

Israfil's

wrong

identification that

what he

be God's Messenger".

And on

finds

it

difficult

calls the period

of non-public min-

Muhammad

publicly claimed to

because there were "conversions before

Watt proceeds

Watt

account of this difficulty of his

to entertain "suspicion that too

much

is

own

creation

ascribed to the pre-

paratory stage in the traditional accounts." If Watt had not attempetd to mis1

interpret

and "tendentially" shape the sources for the above mentioned pur-

pose he could have seen that despite the variations

1.

Ibid.

in the reports "the call"

SIRAT AL-NAB1

480

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

and "the vision" took place simultaneously,

bal communication of

that the

Qur'anic wahy was ver-

the

initial

period, that

it

lasted not for years but only

for days or weeks, as he himself appears to recognize,

or

commission

to preach

and that the risalah

and the revelation of surat al-Muddaththir and

other surahs took place not very long after the original

no need

also

be suspicious about the conversions

to

coming of

specific texts, that the fatrah or pause in the

wahy was an event of

There

call.

is

thus

that took place during

the first three years or so of the Prophet's career.

MUHAMMAD'S FEAR AND

VII.

Watt next passes on

that "the passages

DESPAIR'

to his sixth sub-title given above.

He

by saying

because of the appearance or presence of the Divine (C, F,

"Firstly, fear

and despair which led

should be observed

at the outset that

edly speak about "fear", do in no

sence of the Divine." Passage

J,

in this

connection

the passages, though they undoubt-

way speak about

for instance,

"the appearance or pre-

which Watt

cites here as indi-

cating the appearance of the Divine, unequivoccally says, in Watt's

translation,

(kursi)

saw the angel who used

between the heaven and the

Therefore
fear. It

"...I

it

was

J);

to thoughts of suicide (D,I)."'

Before proceeding further with Watt's other statements

it

starts

from az-Zuhri" speak of two types of fear and despair:

to

earth. I

come
was

to

me

at Hira'

own

on a throne

stricken with fear of him." 2

the sight of the angel, not of the Divine, which caused the

would be manifestly

inconsistent to adduce the evidence of the pas-

sage in support of the "appearance" or "presence" and then to assume, in disregard of the clear statement of that very passage, that the entity appearing

was something
Watt

else.

Secondly, in interpreting the passage of

Muhammad's

states that while

(0

of his Lord", the "heart perceived the thing symbolized".

We

out the mistake in this interpretaion; but according to Watt's

what the Prophet had seen with

not

God

sign of

Himself.

God,

i.e.,

was

It

ter for fear. Thirdly,

1.

Ibid., p. 48.
Ibid., pp.

3.

lbid.,p.4\.

49-50.

al-Najm

have pointed

own admission

was a "sign" or "symbol" of God,

this physical sight, this ocular experience,

of the angel, which caused the fear. After

tual or intellectual, or

2.

his eyes

siirat

eyes saw "one of the greatest signs

all,

what

of the

is spiri-

what the "heart perceived" could not have been a matboth Bell and Watt say that the Prophet, after having

WAHY:

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI S REPORT

III.

48

mistakenly claimed to have had a "vision" of God, subsequently modified his

position not only in surat al-Najm but also elsewhere holding that
sight could not reach

God.

If

it

had been

so,

Now,

an impression to any one that he had seen God.

human

later

on given

the passages

from Al-

he could not have

Zuhri, whether regarded as a narration of 'A'ishah or of others, are obviously

later

than this supposed modification of his position by the Prophet. Hence

neither 'A'ishah

nor any other subsequent reporter could have got the

(r.a.)

impression that the "vision" was in any

way

that

of God.

To

interpret the pas-

sages as giving that impression would thus be simply anachronistic.

To proceed

with the other statements of Watt. In connection with this

question of fear caused supposedly by the appearance or presence of the

Divine Watt

according to the testimony of the Old Testament the

states that

fear of the near approach of the Divine has deep roots in the Semitic con-

sciousness.
to

The passages

C&

which mention

this fear,

he observes,"seem

be mainly" explanations of the expression al-muzzammil

in 73:1

and they

suggest "that the later exegetes were merely inferring the presence of fear

from the Our' an, and had no information about

Watt further says
daththir"

shows

which was not

in this

way,

Now, Watt
from

from

"it

seemed

this fear

the Qur'an."

from zammiluni

transition

to

mud-

al-muzzammil,

Muhammad's

originally so, with the story of

spread" and the Prophet

fear

apart

that the exegetes inferred the connection of

therefore, argues Watt,

zammil

"awkward

that the

it

(0)

call.

natural to these later exegetes to take

If

muz-

of the onset of the Divine must have been wide-

"may well have shared

in

it."

says that the later exegetes merely inferred "the presence of

the

Qur'an, and had no information about

Qur'an". There

is,

is

apart

from the

however, no indication whatsoever in the Qur'an about

the fear. All that the surahs

that the Prophet

it

al-Muzzammil and al-Muddaththir indicate

addressed by these

pray at night or to rise up and warn,

titles

etc.

and asked either

to get

is

up and

Even surat al-Najm, which speaks

of the "vision", does not contain any indication of the Prophet's having been
at

any time struck with

"the presence of fear

fear.

How could the

from the Qur'an"

if

later

exegetes then have inferred

they "had no information about

it

apart

from the Qur'an"? The

view

that the traditions are fabrications of a later age to explain the Qur'anic

statements. At the
1.

2.

Ibid., p. 50.

Ibid.

fact

is

that

Watt here

same time Watt founds

his

implicitly slips into Bell's

remarks on the fact of

fear,

SIRAT AL-NABl AND THE ORIENTALISTS

482

information about which

supplied only by the traditions and not at

is

the Qur'an. Watt's argument

the later exegetes

from

is,

who had no

however, fallacions and round-about.

information about the fear,

who

by

all
It

was

inferred

it

the Qur'an and also inferred the connection of the expression muz-

zammil with the story of the Prophet's

"call",

and since they made

this infer-

ence, the "fear at the onset of the Divine" must have been "widespread"; and
as

it

was widespread, "Muhammad may well have shared

here

makes an unwarranted and

first

backward on the basis of

spread fear

that

his preceptor Bell.

(0)

in his

For the

"ignorance"

tells

Clearly Watt

and then argues

assumption to prove the existence of wide-

"onset" or "near-approach" of the Divine in which the

at the

Prophet might have shared. In thus arguing Watt

Watt now

in it."

incorrect assumption

latter

initially

on

in effect turns the table

would have us believe

that

Muhammad

"claimed" that he had a vision of God; but

us that the notion of the onset or near-approach of the Divine

and the attendant fear was "widespread" and the Prophet only shared

in

it!

We are not, however, concerned here with the Old Testament information
on the matter. We should only point out that in the second and third centuries
of Islam,

when

the exegetes are alleged to have invented the traditions to

provide explanations for the Qur'anic statements, the so-called Old Testa-

ment notion and

fear about the onset of the Divine could hardly have been in

circulation, not to speak of being widespread, in the Islamic land.

And

for

the reasons mentioned above, those exegetes could not have conceived the

idea of a "vision" of God, particularly as both Bell and Watt themselves take

care to note that the "Islamic orthodoxy" about

tallized

it

had already been crys-

by then. Nor can one conceivably read back a supposedly wide-

spread third-century notion into a period prior even to the onset of that era.

As regards
suicide"

Watt

from the

the second theme, namely, "despair" leading to "thoughts of

finds also

its

parallel

"among

lives of the Christian saints".

quotes what A. Poulain reproduces of

the

Old Testament prophets and

To

substantiate this parallellism he

St.

Teresa of Avila's feelings as to

"whether the locutions" she received "came from the devil or from the imagination" etc. 1 Watt then observes that the thought of suicide could hardly

Muhammad (0)

have been attributed to

gave a basis"

for

it

accounts of the fatrah".

1.

Ibid.

2.

Ibid.

"unless he said something which

and that such "a period of despair would

2

fit

in

with the

WAHY:

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRi'S REPORT

HI.

The analogy drawn here by Watt

statement of

St.

483

completely inappropriate. For the

is

Teresa of Avila, which he quotes from A. Poulain's work,

speaks only of her having hovered between faith and doubt as to whether the
locutions were from God, from the devil or from imagination and of her at
last

being convinced that they were from God, "which she would have died

to defend".

The

"despair" which could be dimly discerned here relates to the

doubt about the real origin of the "locutions". Muhammad's

the other hand,

was not

at all

due

to

is

wahy

ultimately suggests that the Islamic

of the Christian prophets and saints

despair,

on

had temporarily

is

they

from God and then wrote down

St.

Teresa of

Old Testament prophets and

the

Christian saints seems to be purposeful; for, as

ideas)

that thing

thus completely different from that of

The analogy drawn by Watt with

Avila.

any doubts about the origin of what he

had received, but solely because the coming of

stopped. His case

(0

we

shall presently see,

comparable

received the "inspiration"

in their

he

to the "inspiration"

own words what

(i.e.

they had

understood through the "inspiration". Needless to point out, the concept of

Qur'anic wahy

Incidentally, the quotation given here

is totally different.

Watt from A. Poulain's work appears

wahy

writer's matrix to cast Islamic

As

regards the remark that

which provided a basis

to

into

it,

as

Muhammad

Watt

finally does.

must have said something

for the attribution of the thought of suicide to him,

has already been pointed out that this statement of Al-Zuhri

1

on his

part.

Even Watt recognizes

with the fatrah

is

his "conjecture".

account of that are of course

frequenting the

hills in

provided the basis for

facts.

is

it

a conjecture

that Al-Zuhri's statement in connection

The fatrah and

the Prophet's despair on

His having mentioned

this despair

and

his

expectation of again meeting the angel appear to have

this conjecture.

Whatever might be the duration of the

fatrah and the intensity of the Prophet's despair of account of

emphatically

by

be another step towards using that

illustrate the fact that

wahy was

that,

they both

not something emanating from

own consciousness. It was none of his imaginative / intellectual locution.

Had it been so, there would have been no fatrah and no resultant despair.
his

VIII.

"ENCOURAGEMENT FROM KHADUAH AND WARAQAH"

Watt begins
that there is

his discussion

under

this last

sub-heading of his by stressing

"no reason for rejecting the account of

1.

Supra, pp. 373-375, 384-385.

2.

Watt, op.

cii., p.

49.

how Khadijah

reassured

SiRAT AL-NAB1

484

Muhammad".

ticity

"Muhammad was

shows, continues Watt, that

It

He

self-confidence at this stage".

view on the

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

subject, that "there

is

no strong reason for doubting the authen-

"of the pharse about the ndmus.

rah", argues Watt,

reassurance from

is

an argument for

Waraqah was

use, "instead of the Qur'anic

Its

its

development".

in his interior

of a hesitant nature". The

encouraged

It

become a Muslim".
It

It

also

Muhammad (0 )

As such

shows

it

was "of

that initially

to

great

he "was

of the story, observes Watt, "seems to be an

rest

why Waraqah, though he approved Muhammad,

attempt to explain

Taw-

genuineness. Watt then says that the

important.

"put the highest construction on his experiences".

importance

lacking in

further says, contradicting in effect Bell's

did not

has already been pointed out 2 that the use of the expression

ndmus

is

rather a conclusive evidence in favour of the genuineness of the account.

Watt does not explain why the subsequent

been interested

narrators or reporters should have

defending Waraqah and

in

in

why he

explaining

did not

become a Muslim. If they had really added to or modified the account, they
would more naturally have done so in respect of those aspects of the account
Watt

that, as

states,

show

Prophet to be "lacking

their

"of a hesitant nature". The fact

account

whole

is

is

that neither the

in

self-confidence" and

one nor the other part of the

a later addition "from inference or imagination".

illustrates the fact that,

The account

as a

whatever might have been the motive behind

the Prophet's solitary stay at Hira', and whatever might have been the nature

of tahannuth, the coming of wahy was unexpected and surprising to him and
that

he did neither plan nor make any preparations for giving himself out as a

Prophet to his people.

Like Bell, Watt thinks that the word ndmus

nomos and means

is

"the law or revealed scriptures". Waraqah's remarks, says

Watt, would thus have been

made

after

Muhammad {%)

receive revelations" and they meant that what had

identified or at least classed with the Jewish
that he "should

be founder or

legislator of a

first

revelation, not "revelations".

1.

/W</.,p.51.

2.

Supra, pp. 425-426.

3.

Watt, op.

cit., p.

51.

come

to

"had started to

him "was

to

be

and Christian scriptures" and

community". 3

Waraqah's remarks were of course made

the

derived from the Greek

after the Prophet

Had he

had received

already received a

number of

WAHY:
revelations he

III.

WATTS TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI'S REPORT

would have been familiarized with the

prise or uncertainty

to say

affair, the initial sur-

would have been over and there would have been no

son for his going to Waraqah for consultation.

had meant

485

On

the other hand,

if

what Watt thinks he had meant, then there were deeper

sons for his doing

so.

It is

just not conceivable that

an

rea-

Waraqah
rea-

knowledge-

intelligent,

able and experienced individual like Waraqah, after only listening to an unusual story

from a junior acquaintance and

relative

of

would jump

his,

to the

conclusion that a law or scripture comparable to those of the Jews and Chris-

had

tians

before he

started

made

coming

to him.

Waraqah must have been

the reported remarks.

He must have

sure of

two things

got an impression from a

study of the old scriptures that they contained indications of the coming of

another Messenger and of other revelations upon him. Waraqah must also

have been convinced, from a knowledge of the character and antecedent of

Muhammad (0)

that he possessed the quality of being such a

Hence, when he disclosed his unusual experience

ately

came

to the conclusion that

what he had

learnt

from the old scriptures

about the coming of a Prophet and another revelation had

that

Muhammad (#)

Messenger.

Waraqah, he immedi-

to

come

to pass

and

was

the

the faithful, the trustworthy and the truthful

recepient of that divine commission and revelation.

Whatever

the origin and

meaning of the expression ndmus,

Waraqah, had no doubt reference

And

that reference

was not simply

to

what had come

to the

to

it,

as used by

Muhammad (^).

"words" he had received, but also to

the unusual circumstance in which they were received. This unusual circum-

who had delivered the words. It was

this "appearance" which caused Muhammad's (^) surprise and bewilderment and which brought him and his wife to the wise man of the community in search of an explanation. Had Muhammad (0) simply "heard"
stance

was

the appearance of the entity

the words, or had

there

it

been an

"interior locution", imaginative or intellectual,

would hardly have been any reason

rance" or "vision"

Ndmus had

is

for surprise

and

fear.

The "appea-

thus the central feature of the beginning of "the call".

reference to this feature as well as to the words that were

received.

Waraqah's use of the expression ndmus

is

clear

(0

from

all

the accounts that the very

is

significant in another respect.

first

persons to

It

whom Muhammad

Khadyah and Waraqah. Had he

"vision" to be one of God, Wara-

disclosed his unusual experience were

"claimed" or "interpreted" or supposed his

qah, with his knowledge of the Jewish and Christian scriptures, would have

straightway dismissed
it

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRA T AL-NABl

486

for

Muhammad

find out the mistake.

as imagination

it

and mistake and would not have

left

or for any twentieth century scholar to subsequently

Nor

is

namus, whatever

origin and meaning, appli-

its

cable to a "vision of God".

After having stressed the importance of Waraqah's reassurance Watt says

that the

concluding words of the

"first" revelation,

"Who

taught by the pen,

Taught man what he did not know", refer "almost certainly" to "previous
revelations".

By

Testament and argues

that there is

"taught the use of pen"

in close contact

no point

in telling the

he could neither read nor write.

if

with Waraqah

who

"is

Prophet that

God

And

was

since he

outstanding for his study of the Chris-

Muhammad {%) had learnt from him "much of

When therefore he repeated the passage must "have

tian scriptures",

character".

it

him of what he owed

Watt, "may have been
tion of
It

Muhammad's

is

largely

moulded by Waraqah's

rarely

is

any

who,

orientalist

an occasion to refer to the well-known story of the

fails to

former learnt much from the

that the

reminded

ideas, e.g. of the rela-

revelation to previous revelations".

Prophet's consultation with Waraqah,

view

a general

Waraqah". "Later Islamic conceptions", concludes

to

needs hardly any mentioning that there

whenever there

New

"previous revelations" Watt means the Old and the

make

use of

latter for

it

for pressing the

producing the Qur'an

and Islam. That general theme of borrowing from the previous religious systems, particularly from Judaism and Christianity, has been dealt with previously. 2 Here

we may only make some observations on Watt's above menThe statement "Who taught by the pen" or "Who taught the

tioned remarks.

use of pen" (there

translation) is not

is

very

little

difference in the sense in the two forms of

meant simply

to

emphasize

that particular skill.

The

pas-

sage as a whole emphasizes, as mentioned before, man's origin and creation

on the one hand, and the most important element

lectual

in his

mental and

intel-

development, namely, his knowledge and intelligence. Nothing could

be a better

start for the revelation

than to remind

man

that

he owed

his origin

and creation, as well as the quality which distinguished him from the
the creation, his

knowledge and

mention of pen here

is

what was being revealed

51-52.

1.

Ibid., pp.

2.

Supra, chapter XI.

intelligence, to

figurative.

On

God

the other

to the Prophet

was

rest

of

alone. In this sense the

hand

it

also signifies that

the beginning of a 'scripture'

WAHY:

which was

III.

WATT'S TREATMENT OF AL-ZUHRI

by means of the pen,

Muhammad {%) when

he repeated

would have been no reason

of the whole matter.

main argument here, how-

On

the other hand,

said that this

had

the

owed to Waraqah", then

Waraqah for an explanation

"of what he

it

for his going to

would not have made

if

Waraqah had taught so many

remaks he did; he would simply have

was what he had so long been teaching

after all realized the truth.

Why

simple question:

this

Muhammad's

(0

have avoided also the question whether

far

plans for producing a

more sensible on

new

arations, than to let others

know

such as "the relation of

lations"

orientalists

do not ask

scripture
it

and a new religion?

would not have been

the Prophet's part to learn reading and thus himself

acquire a knowledge of the old scriptures and

tions",

and

Prophet had

that the

should Waraqah have been privy to

They seem

to

Muhammad {%)

While suggesting

good deal from Waraqah, Watt and the other

learnt a

themselves

recita-

Watt suggests, only reminded

ever, leads us nowhere. If the iqra' passage, as

that he

487

mattered not whether the Prophet him-

it

self possessed the skill of writing or not. Watt's

things, he

REPORT

be preserved and transmitted by means of reading and

to

tion as well as

there

make

his

own

plans and prep-

concep-

his secrets. Again, if "later Islamic

Muhammad's

were moulded by Waraqah's

revelation to previous reve-

must have

ideas, such ideas the latter

obtained from his study of the previous scriptures. The Islamic conception

would thus be only

ment, and

in that

in line

with the teachings of the Old and the

New

Testa-

case the orientalists should find no difficulty in acknowl-

edging the truth and reasonableness of the particular concept, namely, the
fundamental unity and relationship of
conceptions"

Islamic

Muhammad's

is

meant

that

all

the revealed scriptures. If "by later

the conception

revelation to previous revelations"

time of the Prophet, then the statement would be

tionship

is

much emphasized

very

in the

scriptures, the scriptures of Ibrahim and

"later" is

meant

after the

wrong; for

that rela-

itself,

and

that also in

states: "Verily this

Musa".

If,

there

is

more

to look into the question of

such

in the early

on the other hand, by

is

very

to take all the troubles to

much admitted by
prove

it.

himself, and

In fact the

need

is

what he claimed to be different or new

the revelation he received or claimed that what he received

tained in the past revelations but had been lost on account of

error.

is

that the Prophet subsequently related his "revelation to pre-

vious revelations", then the point

no need

was developed

totally

Qur'an

an early passage as 87:18-19 which clearly

of "the relation of

was

far
in

also con-

human

fault or

CHAPTER XX
IV.

WAHY AND THE ORIENTALISTS:

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

In the final section of his treatment of the subject

under caption: The form

of Muhammad's Prophetic consciousness, Watt summarizes

his predecessors' views.

As a preliminary

to his

doing

this

his as well as

he points out the

West's awareness, since the time of Carlyle, of the Prophet's sincerity and,
like Bell, stresses the

the opposite

is

need to "hold firmly to the belief of his sincerity

He

conclusively proved".

until

then expresses his intention to

remain neutral with regard to the different views about the Qur'an held by
the orthodox

Muslim, the Western

secularist

and the modern Christian, say-

ing that he would, out of courtesy, use the expression "the Qur'an says" and

"Muhammad
Muhammad" this
not

says", but

if

he speaks "of a passage being revealed to

should not be taken as an acceptance of the Muslim point

of view and the reader should "supply

phrase'".

'as

the

Muslims

say' or

some such

I.

WATTS MATRIX:

A.

THEORY

POULAIN'S

After these preliminaries Watt introduces A. Poulain's definitions of

"locution" and "vision" as given in his book, Graces of Interior Prayer. 2

According

to that writer, says Watt, "locution"

and "vision" may each be

either "exterior" or "interior". "Exterior locutions" are "words heard

ear,

by the

though not produced naturally". Similarly "exterior visions" are "visions

of material objects, or what seem to be such, perceived by the bodily eyes"

and

"Interior locution"
"intellectual".

"interior vision"

may

each be either "imaginative" or

"Imaginative locutions" are received directly by the ima-

ginative sense, without the assistance of the ear.

on the other hand,

is

An

"intellectual louction",

"a simple communication of thought without words, and

consequently without any definite language". 3 With

this

"equipment" Watt

turns "to the Qur'an and the traditional accounts".

Before seeing

how Watt

uses this equipment

it

indicate the inherent inconsistency in his approach.

1.

Watt, M. at M., 52-53.

2.

London, 1928.

3.

Watt, op.

cit., p.

54, citing A. Poulain, op.

cit.,

pp.

299

ff.

would be worthwhile

He

professes to

to

remain

SlRAT AL-NABl AND

490

THE ORIENTALISTS

neutral with regard to the theological questions and to refrain

from express-

ing any theological opinion. But having said so he immediately turns to what
is

avowedly a book on "mystical theology" dealing

essentially with "interior"

prayer and the experiences of Christian saints and mystics, in order to

explain Qur'anic

wahy or what he

calls "the

form of Muhammad's prophetic

consciousness". Secondly, he declares that he would not deny "any funda-

mental Islamic belief. In practice, however, he immediately proceeds to do

just the opposite thing, that

is

show

to

that the

Qur'anic wahy

Poulain's definition of "intellectual locution", that

munication of thought without words"

not an affront
is

to,

the

etc.

is

it

in with

belief that the Qur'anic

wahy
was

not a form of

Muhammad's (0)

The

Watt has introduced A. Poulain's equipment only

view of

it

consciousness, normal or supra-normal.

usual Christian missionary and orientalist point of view,

the

com-

a "simple

of, if

is

not a "simple communication of thought without words" and that

fact is that

A.

nothing but a denial

This

most fundamental Islamic

is,

fits

Bell, but only in an intellectual garb.

It is

to

more

prove the

particularly

understandable that

being a sincere Christian Watt cannot conscientiously subscribe to the Muslim point of view. But being no doubt aware of what he actually wanted to

do

it

would have been

trality

better for

and undertaken not

II.

to

him

if

he had not committed himself to neu-

deny any fundamental Islamic

belief.

WATT S APPLICATION OF THE THEORY CONSIDERED

Having introduced Poulain's

definition

Watt

refers briefly to the

ners" (kayfiydt) of revelation as mentioned in Al-Suyuti's Itqan

"man-

and other

sources and says that the main types are described, however, in the Qur'anic

passage 42:50-52.

He

translates this passage as follows: "It belongeth not to

any human being that

God

{wahyan) or from behind a

should speak to him except by suggestion

veil,

yuhiya) by His permission what

thee a spirit belonging to

"The
wahy".

first

He

manner

Or by sending a messenger

He

pleaseth...

Our affair (awhaynd)".

Thus

He

have suggested

to

therefore", continues Watt, "is

then states three things.

We

to suggest (fa-

where God speaks by

refers to Bell

who,

it

is

said, after

Qur'an has shown

that at
wahy in the
least in its early portions the word means not verbal communication of a text,
but "suggestion", "prompting" or "inspiration" coming into a person's mind 2
Second, Watt says that for "most of the Meccan period" wahy was "the work

studying the various uses of the term

1.

Watt, op. dr.,

p. 54.

WAHY:
of the Spirit".

He

slates as: "Verily

IV.

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

cites in support

of this statement 26:192-194 which he tran-

With

the revelation (tanzil) of the Lord of the Worlds,

is

it

491

which hath come down (nazala

thou mayest be of those

who

Upon

bi-hi) the Faithful Spirit

thy heart, that

warn". Watt adds here that the mention of

angels bearing a message

"is

he has noticed there

no mention "during the Meccan period" of "the

Prophet 'hearing'

is

What

is

apparently

brought

that "the Spirit" introduced "the

some method

down

and probably an

the term wahy.

man. Watt's translation of

to

We

to refer to Bell

is,

and

as

we have shown

his conclusion

very

have previously discussed

much wrong and

wahy or

its

Watt has

this pas-

cannot be accurate

in translating/a

his article in detail

God's wahy. Thus yuhiya

'ayah 52 as "Thus

How

We

"spirit

easily understandable.

The meaning of
if

we

in

every place where the term

[?]

argument's sake

we employ

yuhiya in the second clause

is

it.

He

Nor would

the

is

Supra, pp. 430-432.

"delivers"

also confusing in translating

spirit

belonging to Our

meaning of the expression be

min 'amrina here

is

is

ruh

is

is

not

clear.

"by Our command". But

accept Watt's translation of this expression, ruh here

2.

case

conveys or delivers what

means "conveys" or

have suggested to thee a

the object of the verb 'awhaynd, that

Ibid., p. 55.

"by sen-

belonging to Our affair" could be "suggested"

the expression

1.

(i.e.,

this latter

only a messenger and not a delegate

in this instance

translates

"sug-

of the passage, the same expression

really not that he "suggests", but only

and not "suggests", as Watt

affair".

and have

meaning of the term

by His permission...)". In

what the messenger does, because he

is

if for

in the first clause

ding a messenger to suggest

or deputy,

wrong.

would be evident even from the passage which

translated here. Thus, even

wahyan

earlier, 2

inapplicable in the case of Qur'anic wahy. That the

derivatives occur

gestion" for

even

mind by

about the meaning of

that his suggestion of "suggestion" etc. being the

expression "suggestion" cannot be appropriate

is

heart or

indeed describe the main manners in

as "suggestion" and "suggested"

Watt does well here

is

these grounds Watt says

Muhammad's

however, both inaccurate and misleading. The rendering of wahy and

is,

shown

into

intellectual one". 1

Now, the passage 42:51-52 does

which God communicates His words
awha

On

to him".

message

he says that so far as

other than speaking to him" and that this would then be "an

interior locution,

sage

later". Thirdly,

is

admittedly

something which has been

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

492

wahy-ied. In other words ruh here means wahy as object, not as verb. The
nature of the object
runs:
it

"You did

a light

clarified in the

is

know what

not

wherewith

concluding part of the 'ayah which

Book

the

is,

nor the

faith,

but

We have

We guide whomsoever of Our servants We

made

will..."

explanatory clause shows clearly that the ruh mentioned previously

Book,

i.e.,

the text of the

Book

This

is

the

(Qur'an), which was wahy-ied to the Prophet.

As regards Watt's second argument that for most of the Makkan period
wahy was the "work of the Spirit" and that angels are mentioned as messengers "apparently"

sage 26:192-194

he

later,

is

mistaken in two ways. His citing of the pas-

connection shows that he has misunderstood the

in this

sense of the passage as a whole and also the meaning of "the faithful
(al-ruh al- 'amiri). Watt

God

speaking here about the

is

first

manner,

i.e.,

spirit"

"where

speaks by wahy", and not about the other manners, namely, speaking

from "behind the

however, relates
ner. It

by "sending a messenger". The passage

veil" or

to this last

mentioned manner, and not

appears that Watt has taken "the faithful

in question,

at all to the first

spirit"

man-

here in the sense of

God. Hence he has cited the passage as illustrative of the first manner of
wahy and has also capitalized the first letters of the words "faithful" and
"spirit". In

doing so he appears to have imported a theological concept pecu-

liar to Christianity into the

regards or fails to understand the implication of the

under reference.

It

speaks of the Qur'an as a

down", and the sender

bihi) the faithful spirit".

it

down.

tanzil,

Incidentally,

it

The

it

down

Even

"suggestion" here.

may be observed

that

it is

2.

that

the

same

The Arabic

something "sent-

The next 'ayah mentions

messenger who brought

Watt has translated the word

by any

stretch of the imagination apply the

word

his proviso that the reader should supply "as the

is

inapplicable in the present instance.

regards the expression "the faithful spirit"

place (81:21) he

'ayah of the passage

for the Qur'anic wahy, as "revelation", appa-

Muslims say" or any such phrase

As

dis-

"with which hath come down (nazala

faithful spirit is thus the

which clearly stands here

rently because he cannot

first

tanztl, i.e.,

the "Lord of the Worlds".

is

the agency which brought

He

explanation of a Qur'anic expression.

it

has already been

shown 2

as rasul kartm mentioned in 69:40 and 81:19. In the latter

is

described also as 'amin, and that he

text runs as follows:

Supra, pp. 419-422,454-457.

is

very

much an

WAHY:

IV.

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

493

angel. This also negatives Watt's claim that "angels" are spoken of as mes-

sengers only "later".

al-

It

should further be noted that nowhere

'amin mentioned as an attribute or

faithful',

ever applied to the

aspect of the "Trinity".

"spirit"

name of God; nor

Qur'an

in the

angel and, as just seen in 42:50-52,

life,

Qur'an

in the

is

the adjective, 'the

which the Christians consider as an

The term ruh has been used

senses, namely, spirit of

is

in various

the sense

in

of wahy as object.
Watt's third argument
the Prophet 'hearing'

Makkan nor

that there

is

what

is

brought

is

no mention

down

the Prophet "heard" a revelation. This

Prophet's composition. But

if

how

God,

to

what

to receive revelations

recited to

is

move your tongue

course neither in the

there any mention that

is

little

instructs the Prophet at the very initial

in order to hasten with

and repeat

to recite
it.

is

It

to listen carefully

upon Us

So when We have it recited, then

The same instruction is repeated

read

with the Qur'an before

in haste

pleted". 2

Of

similar import, again,

so you shall not forget

it;

it".

is

"We

These are

all

Qur'an and then

and Watt recognize, means

nothing

it.

And God

recita-

"And

to

you

com-

is

enable you to recite

early

Makkan passages and

the

first listen to

Indeed the Qur'an, as both Bell

reading/recitation. Needless to point out that

suitable for reading or recitation, even

is

specific text.

down

recite

its

shall

they contain unmistakable exhortations to the Prophet to

recitation of the

not

(to see) its re-

in 20:114,

communication

its

87:6,

"Do

it.

repeat

tion/reading". (75:16-18).'

be not

not the

is

care one would not miss

and repeatedly asks him

him before hastening

collection and recitation.

Of

period "of

so because the Qur'an

is

one looks with a

that the author of the Qur'an,

stage

to him".

Madinan passages of the Qur'an

in the

Makkan

in the

unequivocally says

as a "recitation, in Arabic", "Verily

in the

We

if

"from memory", but a

Qur'an

have sent

He has
down as a

that
it

sent

it

recita-

tion/reading, in Arabic..." 4

Watt seems

to

use the expression 'aid qalbika (upon thy heart)

sage 26:192-193 to

expression

added
1

2.
3.

4.

that

mean

that

question does

in

what

is

delivered

in

no way imply

is in

The Arabic

text runs as follows:

The Arabic
The Arabic

text runs as follows:

2:2.

that sense; for

text

it is

0)

4j

'^>.f-

J**J diil

il\<j*M'ij
J

...

)>.

See also

12:1 13; 39:28; 41:3; 42:7

The

immediately

is:

U'.ji -Lj>i UJ

idea.

"clear Arabic tongue" (26: 194

Lie
^ 4ilt f jjitj iCJ\ ji bis * ijlt^jj
^...^jiyi^jai oi Jjj<

Wo*

in the pas-

wahy was some "suggestion" or

and 43:3.

*<

ilj*

ot~X),

1y

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

S'lRATAL-NAB'l

494

thus removing any ground for doubting the nature of what

fact the expression 'aid qalbika

delivered

was

75:17

would not

upon Us

("It is

intended to emphasize that the text thus

is

transfixed in the Prophet's heart,

will so that he

enable you to read

it,

forget

It

it.

i.e.,

mind and

brain,

has the same sense as

so you shall not forget

mother or foreign tongue, not

in the ultimate analysis

to

by God's

expressed

is

recollection and recitation" and in 87:6

its

("We

memory.

All our

speak of any specific text or group of words,

such getting by heart of each and every word of the

or use them, that

heart).

is

knowledge of

vocabulary of the respective language or languages, as makes us not

when we see
memory (i.e.,

in

shall

In fact, "to get by heart"

it").

familiar English phrase for committing to

is

delivered. In

is

we

The expression

rence has this sense of transfixing

are merely reproducing

'aid qalbika in the

in the

Prophet's

feel,

them from our

passage under refe-

'heart',

and not the sense

of "suggestion" or ideas communicated to him.

In connection with this discussion about the

of Al-Harith ibn Hisham

cites the hadith

wahy used

saying that sometimes

bell

(^ >M

*l~Ju>).

ner and that

locution".

in

come

first

manner of wahy Watt

which the Prophet

him

to

that this is "quite

is

"The hearing of the

states:

experience, but there

is

reported as

like the reverberation

compatible" with the

was "doubtless an imaginative experience", an

it

He

Watt says

to

first

of a

man-

"intellectual

bell is doubtless an imaginative

no mention of hearing anyone speaking or of hearing

words spoken, not even imaginatively. On the contrary,

at the

end of the

experience he [the Prophet] appears simply to find the words of the revelation in his heart.

It is

fairly clear that,... this is

a description of an intel-

lectual locution". 2
It

should

ting this

at

once be pointed out

manner of wahy

to

that

what he

Watt

it is

specifically

not quite correct in thus rela-

manner,

calls the first

without the instrumentality of the angel; for

report in Bukhdrt

is

mentioned

in

i.e.,

wahy coming

another version of the same

that this

was

also a

manner

in

which wahy was delivered by the angel. 3 Watt also misstates the case when
he says: "The hearing of the bell

was no hearing of
sounding of the

Bukhdri, no.

the bell;

bell.

2.

55-56.

2.

Watt, op.

3.

Bukhdri, no. 3215.

cit,

it

is

doubtless an imaginative experience..."

was wahy which

The expression mithla

It

the Prophet heard like the

(J**)

used along with salsalah

WAHY:

makes
it.

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

IV.

Nor was

this quite clear.

an "imaginative experience", as Watt terms

it

For the Prophet unequivocally mentions

thereby saying that

it

495

was very much a

that

it

was

"the hardest

on me",

physical experience on his part.

The

same thing

is emphasized by 'A'ishah (r.a.) when she says that she saw him,
coming down of wahy upon him, "on an extremely cold day, with his

at the

down

forehead running

having quoted
that

it

with perspiration".

this report

strange that Watt, after

is

It

verbatim (the words

in

quotation are his) suggests

was "an imaginative experience"

A second grave mistake on Watt's part lies

in his

statement:

"...

there

is

no

mention of hearing anyone speaking or of hearing words spoken, not even

Now,

imaginatively".

wa 'aytu
heart
is

'anhu

ma

the material clause here in the report

qala which means "and

from him what he

said".

The

fact of

committed

wa qad

is:

memory

to

got by

something having been said to him

thus clearly stated in the report. Watt ignores this significant statement in

the report and asserts that "there

He seems

occasion.

hearing and that

it

is

no mention" of "anyone speaking" on the

to think that the verb

means

wa 'aytu does

not bear any sense of

something within one's

to understand

own

self.

The primary meaning of the verb wa'd /ya't dyy/^-j) is

to hold, to contain, to retain in memory, to remember, to listen carefully and
remember, etc. More particularly, when it is used along with the expression
ma qala (Jt u) it invariably means listening carefully and getting by heart
This

quite wrong.

is

what

is

from

it

said.

Watt himself

He

what

translates the clause as:

(or "he") said".

understood what he said",

it

Even

in

English,

He

means by
the case.

"it"

what he conceives

The pronoun hu here

case

in that

word 'anhu

translates the

it

and

when

I
it

have understood
is said, "I

does not exclude hearing of that which

to

is

have
said.

Watt commits another mis-

In the above noted translation of his, however,

take.

"...

in the text as

"from

be the sound of the

it".

He

obviously

bell; but this is not

refers to the angel, not to salsalat al-jaras: for

would have been framed

feminine form ha, salsalah

in the

being feminine in form.

In fact the verb
in

wa 'a/ya 'i in

hadith literature to

mean

its

listening carefully

said or stated by another person.

illustrating this special

1.

meaning of

is

the appropriate term used

and getting by heart what

The following

is

are three typical instances

the verb.

See Lisan al-'Arab, under wa'y, or any standard Arabic English dictionary, for
Hans Wehr, A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic (ed. J. Milton Cowan), under

instance,

wa'y.

various forms

SIRAT AL-NABl AND

496

The f~mous hadith of 'Abu Hurayrah

(a)

cuSj *Ji

"...

oo-j

OIS" <uti

None knows more

down

it

with

in

which he

.Lt

said:

CjOu

<dJl

of the hadith of the Messenger of Allah,

me

my

hand..."

jkt

OIS"

may peace and

bless-

except 'Abd Allah ibn 'Amr; for he used to write

it

by

heart,

while

used to get

it

by heart and

The hadith of Khalid al-'Udwam:

(b)

Thus

"...He said:
it.

while

<U)t

with his hand and also to get

did not write

shed

jj**

ings of Allah be on him, than

(it)

THE ORIENTALISTS

He

said:

heard him read

So

had been a

committed

it

polytheist, then

Wa
to
I

al-Samd' wa al-Tariq (surah 86) till he finimemory (wa'aytuhd) in the state of jdhiliyyah
recited

in

it

Islam

(i.e.

embracing of

after his

Islam)." 2

The

(c)

hadilth of

'Abd Allah ibn Mas'ud:

(...^'b-^jJl

"...And

had committed to

^O^I^Jb-lj jr^c^joij..

memory from everyone of them

the hadith

which he nar-

rated to me..." 3

There are many other reports wherein the verb

mean

listening carefully

sense for the verb

"That
(in

is

We might make

and retaining

clearly borne out

it

in

is

memory what

used specifically to
is said.

The same

by the Qur'anic passage 69: 12:

a reminder for you and that the retaining ears might retain

it

remembrance)."

Thus Watt
occurring

wrong

is

in the report

in

and

understanding the meaning of the verb

in

supposing that there

is

no mention

in

wa 'aytu
it

of any-

thing being said or heard and, further, that the Prophet at the end of the expe-

rience "simply found the words of the revelation in his heart."

damental defect
single

Watt's treatment of the report

in

manner of

the

coming

different types of experiences

II,

is that

while

A no less funit

speaks of a

of wahy, he bifurcates the process into two

the one,

the so-called "imaginative expe-

1.

Musnad, 11,403.

2.

Musnad, IV, 335.

3.

Ibid.,

4.

See for instance, Bukhdri, no. 2047; Tirmidhi, no. 2658; Ddrimi,

VI, 194.

161,475; IV, 254, 366.

Intro, p. 24;

Musnad,

WAHY:
rience",

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

IV.

and the other, the so-called

"intellectual locution".

The

497
text of the

no way warrants such bifurcation of the

single process. The manner

wahy spoken of here was neither an imaginative experience
nor an intellectual locution. It was very much a physical experience on the

report in

of the coming of

Prophet's part and a vocal communication of a text which he heard and

retained in

memory.

Speaking about the second manner where Allah's speaks "from behind a
veil"

Watt says

that this

had reference primarily

to

some

early experiences of

B of the material from az-Zuhri", where

O Muhammad, thou art the Messenger of

the Prophet, "such as that in passage

"the Truth

came

to

him and

God." Watt further says

1

that there is

said,

words "from behind the

that since the

no vision of the speaker,

"words are heard, and

veil" suggest

implies that in such a case only the

it

that therefore this

is

an imaginative locution (or even

an exterior locution)." 2

above mentioned sentences Watt

In the

(though he does not seem to realize

it).

He

in effect

sage B, particularly the expression "the Truth

evidence of a vision of God, or

at least

admits his inconsistency

has so long been utilizing his pas-

came

to

him and

said...", as

an ocular vision of a symbol of

God

(or probably, as he assumes, a mental or imaginative vision of God). But

now

he cites the passage to

behind a

veil"

illustrate the

without being seen, and hence

i.e.,

hearing the words without a vision

It

common" and

is

that

he quicly adds that

says that

third

Muslim

was the case of only

he

"there

not mentioned by

is
is

much" both

mon Muslim

in the

Watt, op.

name

manner "was presumably not

cit., p.

2.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Ibid., p. 56.

56.

Watt

to deliver
Jibril

and

the beginning; but Western scholars note

in the

Qur'an

until the

Qur'an and tradition

view", and that the

into the earlier period." 4

this

manner where God sends a messenger

scholars think that the messenger was

was he who brought wahy from

it

"an imaginative" or "exterior locution".

conceivably "intended for a description of Moses" 3

Speaking about the

wahy Watt
it

Allah's speaking "from

indeed difficult to keep pace with Watt's inconsistencies! The only

is

relieving feature

that

manner of

Muslim view

"that

is

Medinan

period, that

contrary to the

com-

"reads back later conceptions

further says that during the

Madinan period

SIRAT AL-NABI

498

means of

revelations by

Jibril

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

might have been common; but even

in

"such

cases the revelation was presumably an imaginative locution", for the men-

coming

tion of Jibril
vision."

"form of a man" suggests "an imaginative

in the

Here Watt

reiterates the

same old plea

that Jibril

is

not mentioned by

name in the Qur'an until the Madinan period and states on that basis that the
Muslim view reads back later conceptions into the earlier period. This specific

remark

is

an exact echo of what Bell says in

remark and the statement

is

contained

that the

Muslim view

this

connection. 2 This

much of what

contrary to

is

Qur'an and tradition are obviously based on the above

in the

mentioned plea and also on the other assumptions, namely,

(a) that

Al-

Zuhri's report speaks of "the truth" and not of Jibril bringing the revelation;
(b) that the

passage of surat al-Najm speaks of a vision of

wahy

the term

as used in the Qur'an does not

mean

God and

a text. All these assumptions have already been examined and

wrong and untenable. 3 Hence

the

(c) that

verbal communication of

shown

to be

above mentioned remarks are also

untenable.

Watt admits

that revelations

by means of

throughout the Madinan period.

been the conveyer of wahy

Why

Jibril

in the earlier period is not explained

predecessor Bell of course suggests, as seen

duced

at

Madina because

it

was only then

about him. The unreasonableness of

earlier.

While recognizing
Jibril

is

this

ing in "the form of a

ginative vision".
the Prophet

that during the

1.

Madinan period

know

connection

revelations

traditions

that his

by means

mention

Jibril

Ibid., p.57.

2.

See M. W., 1934,

3.

Supra, pp. 609-627, 650-662.

4.

Supra, pp. 442-444.

149.

appear-

appearance was "an ima-

affair strictly private to him.

relating to itnan

p.

this

only be pointed out here that the coming of

was not always an

famous hadith

to

says that in such cases these were "pre-

man" which suggests

may

It

came

intro-

explanation has been pointed out

sumably imaginative" locutions because the

the

that the Prophet

was

aware of the weakness of Bell's explanation.

common Watt

could be

common

by Watt. His

earlier, 4 that Jibril

That Watt does not advance any explanation in

probably indicates that he

of

might have been

then the same angel could not have

Jibril to

Sometimes, as

and ihsan, the appearance of

in

Jibril in the

WAHY:

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

IV.

form of a man was very much a physical

affair noticed

499

by the Prophet's

companions. Therefore the matter cannot be disposed of simply by saying

appearance was "presumably an imaginative vision" peculiar

that the angel's

to the Prophet alone.

would have been observed

It

Watt has attempted

Thus

locution.

the

show

to

first

whatever the manner of wahy might be,

that

to

it

be either an imaginative or an intellectual

manner of wahy, according

to Watt,

was an

"interior",

"probably an intellectual" locution; the second manner, "an imaginative locu-

even an exterior locution)", and the

tion (or

manner "presumably an

third

The whole manoeuvre is directed towards showing

that the Qur'anic wahy was a matter of the Prophet's mind, "intellect" and
"consciousness", not verbal communication of any text made physically by
imaginative" locution.

any agency. By such manoeuvres Watt seems

aim

to

also at bringing Islamic

revelation in line with the Christian concept of "inspiration".

his readers not to confuse "visions"

Hence he asks

and "locutions" with hallucination,

to

take seriously the "science" and "discipline" of "mystical theology" as deve-

loped by writers like A. Poulain and suggests that

profitable

make

to

Muhammad's
It

should

full

"it

would undoubtedly be

comparison of the phenomenal aspects of

experiences with those of Christian saints and mystics."

at

once be pointed out

that the

analogy so far

made by Watt

between the "manners" of Qur'anic wahy and the mystical concepts of A.

Poulain

is

neither convincing nor tenable.

Nor

are the manners of Qur'anic

revelation comparable with the experiences of the Christian saints and

who

tics

being "inspired" are said to have put

down

in their

mys-

own words what

they understood from the "inspiration".

Finally

Watt

refers to "the physical

accompaniments of the reception of

revelation" and to the instances of the Prophet's putting on a dithdr and says
that the

symptoms described could not be

identical with epilepsy

which

alle-

gation Watt rejects as "completely unsound based on mere ignorance and

prejudice."

Having done

Prophet's having

"by

'listening'

so,

however, he harps on the allegation of the

known something of

the

method of "inducing" revelations

or self-hyptonism or whatever

alleged that the Prophet

knew

the

we

like to call

"way of emending

covering the correct form of what had been revealed

1

2.

Watt, op.
Ibid., p.

cit., p.

57-58.

57.

in

it."

It is

further

the Qur'an;...of dis-

incomplete or incor-

SIRA T AL-NABl AND

500
rect form."

THE ORIENTALISTS
what Watt

Earlier, while speaking about

calls the Prophet's

attempt to "induce emending revelations", he observes that

is

"it

part of

orthodox Muslim theory that some revelations were abrogated by others." 2

Now,

it

to be noted that

is

predecessors

his

one

into

Watt here combines two

He

theme.

reiterates,

different theories of

on

one

the

hand,

Margoliouth's theory of inducing revelations by a sort of self-hypnotism

and, on the other, relates
the Prophet.

It

may be

"inducing" on what

is

it

etc.,

with Bell's theory of "revision" of the Qur'an by

recalled that while Margoliouth bases his theory of

called "the physical

accompaniments of the reception

of revelation", Bell bases his theory on the language-style of the Qur'an and
the theory of abrogation.

So

far as the latter's

views are concerned, they have

been examined previously and found to be untenable. 3

It

may once

again be

pointed out that the concept of "abrogation" relates not to the replacement of

any 'ayah of the Qur'an by another 'ayah or 'ayahs, but

to the

amendement

of certain hukms or instructions and rules of guidance. Watt combines the

two themes by a

subtle shift

called "the technic"

from the "physical accompaniments"

which the Prophet

is

to

what

alleged to have developed of

is

"lis-

tening" and "discovering the missing verses", of "emending the Qur'an", etc.

The innuendo

on

that apparently links the so-called "inducing" of revelations

the one hand and the "technic" of emending or revising the Qur'an on the

other

is

that in both cases

produced by the Prophet

call

it." It is

it

difficult to see

was a
sort

how

skill

and technic acquired or

of "self-hypnotism or whatever

this

innuendo

is

artificially

we

like to

any the better than the

gation of epilepsy which Watt so grandiloquently rejects.

alle-

The main reason

for his rejection of the theory of epilepsy appears to be not an intention to

present the Prophet's image in a better form but a realiztion of the fact, as

Watt points
whereas

out, that "that disease leads to physical

Muhammad was

in the fullest

and mental degeneration,

possession of his faculties to the very

end." 4
In

making

the alternative and

no

less serious reflection

on the Prophet's

character and integrity Watt does not cite a single instance of

when

the

Prophet "induced" the "physical accompaniments" or applied the "technic"

1.

Ibid., p. 58.

2.

Ibid.,p. 53.

3.

Supra, Ch.

4.

Watt, op.

I,

sec. IV.

cit., p.

57.

in

WAHY:

IV.

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

"emending the Qur'an" or

in "discovering the missing verses".

501

Watt simply

disposes of this basic requirement in substantiating the allegation by saying

that "the details

Muhammad

must remain conjectural, but

would seem

it

had some way of emending the Qur'an..."

present his conclusion avowedly on the basis of what

what would "seem

be certain". Yet he

to

is

"conjectural" and

starts the section

by reminding oth-

ers that in the matter of the Prophet's sincerity

proof

is

much

stricter

Watt has sacrificed

certain that

Thus does Watt

and

integrity "conclusive

requirement than a show of plausibility". Clearly

his professed objective at the altar not even of plausibi-

but of conjecture savouring of prejudice.

lity

Watt somewhat mollifies

"Muhammad sometimes

his conclusion

by adding

that the fact that

induced his experiences of revelation"

vant "to the theologian's judgement of

validity". 2

is

not rele-

The statement

unne-

is

cessary because Watt professes not to pass any theological opinion. But whether the question

much

is

relevant or not for the theologian's judgement,

relevant to the historian's quest for the truth.

his predecessors'

hypnotism or the

views that the Prophet sometimes "induced", that

set for

himself

at the

very

is, arti-

self-

Watt has obviously slipped away from

like, the historian

his stand as the historian

It

is

produced the revelation or emendation of the Qur'an, by

ficially

had

it

By merely reproducing

and has simply

failed to act

up

to the standard he

beginning.

appears that Watt here labours under a difficulty. Having concentrated

his attention almost exclusively

on the objective of casting the "experiences

of revelation" into Poulain's mould of "imaginative" and "intellectual" locutions

he

himself confronted with the facts of physical hardships

at last finds

and symptoms that undoubtedly sometimes accompanied the coming of

wahy

to the Prophet.

Watt finds

it

impossible to

intellectual or imaginative locutions.

fit

them

in the theory

Hence he simply dumps them

of

into the

dustbin of the Mrgoliouth-Bell theories of inducing of revelations and emendation of the Qur'an.

He seems

to have persuaded himself that since the the-

ory of disease (epilepsy) does not work, that of deliberate act, namely,
ficially

producing and inducing the symptoms

had considered the

facts really objectively

and revelations would. If

arti-

Watt

he would not have missed the

point that "the physical accompaniments of the reception of revelation"

1.

Ibid.,

2.

Ibid.

$.5%.

SIRAT AL-NABI

502

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

strongly militate against the theory of intellectual or imaginative locution.

After

whom

the Christian saints and mystics

all,

do not appear

rienced by the Prophet. Hence his case

the saints and mystics.

Whatever

is

The
for

much

from

different

that of

and

be transferred to the Prophet.

instances of the physical accompaniments of the reception of reve-

mentioned

says,

is

it

indeed very few.

in the sources are

most of the time what

Watt

very

the nature of their "interior prayer"

"inspiration", their situation cannot simply

lation

Poulain has chiefly in view

have had the physical accompaniments of revelation expe-

to

is

not understandable

why

recourse to the method of "inducing",

toms and

revelations.

If,

therefore,

wahy was

called intellectual or imaginative locutions as

the Prophet should at

i.e. artificially

The question of inducing

the

all

have had

producing the symp-

symptoms

arises only if

they are a constant feature or concomitant of the coming of wahy. But that
not at

all

the case.

Hence

neither were the

symptoms ever induced by

Prophet nor was the coming of wahy without those symptoms merely

is

the

intel-

lectual or imaginative locutions.

The expression "imaginative

a contradiction

locution" or "intellectual locution"

is in

fact

"Locution" means "style of speech", "way of using

in terms.

words", "phrase or idiom". Poulain says that while "imaginative locution"

is

received by the imaginative sense without the assistance of ear, "intellectual

locution"

is

"a simple communication of thought without words, and con-

sequently without any definite language".

abstract, could be conceived or

Now,

communicated only by means of words and

language, these being their only vehicle.

thoughts and ideas.

his

own

are thus inseparable

from

person, whatever his language, thinks and dreams in

who

set

of words or the same language while expressing them.

Any

has no language can have no idea and no thought. Poulain's def-

inition of "intellectual locution" as "simple

out

Words

language, whether he expresses them vocally or not, or whether he

uses the same

person

Any

thoughts and ideas, however

communication of thought" with-

words and without language thus appears

to

be a high-sounding

nonsense.

Whatever the sense Poulain and Watt assume for

of conceiving

something,

supposes the existence of

concerned.
other at

He must have

some

its

the expressions, the act

whether intellectually or imaginatively, preessence in the sub-conscious mind of the person

obtained

stage or other of his

its

impression, idea or image

life.

somehow

or

In the case of the Prophet, despite all

WAHY:

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

IV.

the theories of his having allegedly learnt a

Nawfal and other people

in the

markets of

503

good deal from Waraqah ibn

Makka and

elsewhere,

it

cannot

be proved that he had previously obtained the ideas and information about
that

mentioned or dealt with

is

Qur'an.

in the

with,

becomes necessary

it

matter.

to

If,

on the other hand,

knowledge or idea

requisite of the existence of subconscious

all

this pre-

dispensed

is

import the role of the "supernatural" in the

Watt of course once says

that the Prophet

might have received com-

munications "supernaturally". In applying the theory of intellectual and ima1

ginative locutions to the case of Qur'anic wahy, however,

all

mention the "supernatural", nor does he identify

its

process of intellectual and imaginative locutions. In

"supernatural"

no need
It

Watt does not

at

relationship with the

fact, if the role

of the

and consistently acknowledged, there would be

is faithfully

to utilize the "equipment" supplied

by Poulain.

should be clear from the above discussion that Watt has attempted to

wahy by
wahy in the

substantiate essentially the views of Bell regarding the Qur'anic

adopting, on the one hand, the

latter's

interpretation of the term

Qur'an and of the Qur'anic passages 53:4-14 and 42:50-52 and, on the other,

by twisting 'A'ishah's

(r.a.)

and by having recourse

by

to the

Poulain. That Bell

wahy has

narration of the

is

There

Prophet

"equipment" of "intellectual locution" supplied

analysis of

sages wherein this specific term occurs

the Qur'an.

to the

grossly mistaken in his interpretation of the term

shown 2 by an

already been

coming of wahy

in

some of

the Qur'anic pas-

connection with the revelation of

however, a large number of Qur'anic passages that

are,

speak very clearly about the nature of Qur'anic revelation without

employing

the term wahy. Since neither Bell nor Watt has taken into consideration these

passages,
noticing

it

would be worthwhile

round off the present discussion by

some of them.
III.

(1)

to

FURTHER QUR'ANIC EVIDENCE ON THE NATURE

OF THE QUR'ANIC WAHY

There are more than 125 passages

having been "sent don"

(tanzil,

Jij*

in

the Qur'an which speak of

,'anzalnd

Ujii

munazzal

Sy*,

its

etc.),

thereby stressing the fact that what was communicated was a specific text;
for an abstract thought or idea or inspiration

is

not "sent down". In

some of

the passages, for instance 6:93, the expressions 'unzila and 'anzala are very

1.

Ibid., p. 47.

2.

Supra, Chap. XVIII,

sec. IV.

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SIRAT AL-NAB1

504

much

apposition to the expressions 'uhiya and 'awhd.

in

times,

it is

mentioned
Jjii)- 2

and 'anzala

at least

nazzalnd U>).

At

"We

least

been sent down"

yunazzalu Sjn

44 times

'unzila J

cribed as "something sent

remove

doubts about

all

have sent

jJt

it is

And

down"

it,

it

down"

in

the

it

Of

the 125 or so

down" (nazzala

first

'anzaltu cJjii

person
,

at least

'anzalnd

said in the passive voice that

'unzilat cJ jii

tunazzalu Sj*). 4

that Allah "sent

Again, Allah Himself speaks

another 34 times saying

3

34 times

'nuzzila Sj>

(tanzil Jij*

munazzal

has

"it

nuzzilat cJji

14 times the Qur'an

at least

Ujii,

Sy*).

is

des-

Again,

to

Allah Himself bears witness on this point in

unequivocal terms as follows:

(

>1V i )<^U$i aIJU 'JS) OjAji. iSoJdl j

"But Allah bears witness that what

His knowledge

enough

is

(2)

"sent

He

down

has sent

being fully aware of

(i.e.

it);

4y>\

to

dJ\ J jit

Ic

J+ij

<d)t

and the angels bear witness

(to that), but

Allah for a witness." (4:166)

It is

down"

emphasized

similarly
is in

at least

a dozen times that what has been

a specific language, in Arabic. For instance:

(T:>Y)^...Uj*LiUj5 41J

"Surely

"And

We have

certainly

sent

it is

it

195).

The passages

2.

all

\i\

(12:2)

the worlds. ..in the clear Arabic

That which has been sent down

The passage runs

"

down, an Arabic Qur'an

a sent-down of the Lord of

tongue." (26:192
(3)

you He has sent down with

is

collectively as well as severally des-

thus:

are:

Q. 2:29; 2:170; 2:231; 3:4;

3:7; 4:61; 4:113; 4:136; 4:166; 5:4; 5:45;

5:47; 5:48; 5:49 (2 times); 5:104; 6:91; 6:93; 6:114; 9:97; 16:2; 16:24; 16:30; 16:110; 18:1;
25:6; 31:21; 36:15; 42:15; 42:17; 47:9; 57:9; 65:5 and 65:9.

The passages

3.

Q. 2:41; 2:99; 4:105; 4:174; 5:48; 6:92; 6:1 15; 10:94; 12:2; 13:37;

are:

14:1; 16:44; 17:105; 17:106; 20:2; 20:113; 21:10; 21:50; 22:16; 24:1; 24:34; 24:46; 29:47;

29:5 1
4.

38:29; 39:2; 39:41 44:3; 58:5; 59:21

;

These passages

are: J>l

= Q.

64:8; 76:23; 97:

2:4; 2:91; 2:136; 2:185; 2:285; 3:72; 3:84; 3:199; 4:60;

4:162; 5:67; 5:70; 5:71; 5:84; 5:86; 6:156; 6:157; 7:2; 7:3; 7:157; 11:14; 13:1; 13:19; 13:36;
29:46; 34:6; 38:8; 39:55; 46:30. cJ>!
25:32; 43:31; 47:2. cJ>
5.

These passages

9:86; 9:124; 9:127; 28:87; 47:20.

47:20. Syi 2:105; 5:104. Jjs

are:

J> =

15:6; 16:44;

9:64.

Q. 6:114; 17:106; 20:4; 26:192; 32:2; 36:5; 39:1; 40:2; 41:42;

45:2; 46:2; 56:80; 69:43; 76:23.

6.

See also Q. 13:37; 16:103; 19:97; 20:1

13; 39:28; 41:3; 42:7; 43:3;

44:58 and 46:12.

WAHY:

Book

cribed as the

IV.

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

(kitdb) in

more than a score of passages.

505

Some

of these

passages are as follows:

"The sending down of the Book, there

is

no doubt

in

from the Lord of

is

it,

all

the

worlds. (32:2)

"The sending down of the Book

Verily

We Who have sent down

it is

from Allah, the All-Powerful, the All-Wise.

is

the

Book

to
( r

down

"Allah sent
(4)

down

It is

is

to

you

in truth. ..'(39: 1-2)

r r^
:

>

^.jJ-i

ir^\ j ji

*ui ^>

the best speech/text as a Book."(39:23).

be noted

above quoted passage, what has been sent

that in the

also described as

The same

"speech" or "text" (hadith

description occurs in other passages as well. For instance:

(tt:"U)^....vi-!.U-l
"

So leave

Me

and the one

(i.e;

leave

me

to deal with the one)

sjjjjify

who

regards as false

this text...."(68:44)

(rt:T)^.... cs* J_l^

"

So Let them

the

come up

with a text like

(5) Equally significant

is that,

what

is

down

sent

"Decree" (hukm), His "Command/Order ( 'amr

jjX).

(fV:

"And

thus

We have sent

it

down

r)

is

the

Command

of Allah;

(6) Equally significant

i*A#w jjUi
I

described as Allah's

is

For instance:

Wo*

'j>*

'i

^.

as a decree/rescript in Arabic. "( 13:37)

(

"That

ill

they are truthful." (52:34) 2

if

it,

lylS"

He

has sent

is that,

what

it

is

down
"sent

*Ul

to you..." (65:5)

down"

is

specifically called a

surah (chapter). For instance:

"A surah,

We

down

clear signs..." (24:1)

1.

in

it

have sent

it

down and have made

See for instance Q. 2:176; 2:231;

it

incumbent; and

We

have sent

3:3; 3:7; 4:105; 4:113; 4:136; 4:140; 5:48; 6:7; 6:92;

6:114; 6:155; 7:2; 7:196; 14:1; 15:6; 15:9; 16:44; 16:64; 16:89; 17:106; 18:1; 20:2; 21:10;

29:47; 29:51; 38:29; 39:2; 39:41; 42:15; 42:17; 45:2; 46:2; 46:30.
2.

See also Q.

7: 185; 18:6; 45:6; 53:59; 56:81

and 77:50.

SIRAT AL-NABI AND THE ORIENTALISTS

506

"The hypocrites fear

a surah should be sent

lest

Again, that which

(7)

down"

"sent

is

is

3j_^

j^jJLc-

J jJ

down about them".

term dhikr

'

ilj ia

.,

U ji^o

^>

(9:64)'

(citation, account, nar-

reminder, reminiscence). For instance

rative,

"Verily

We Who

is

it

tainly preserve

"And they

say:

have sent down the dhikr, and

verily

it

is

We Who

shall cer-

(15:9)

it".

whom

one on

the

the dhikr has been sent

down, you are indeed

mad". (15:6)

"...

And We have sent down to you the

down to them". (16:44). 2

dhikr, in order that

you explain

to

men what

has been sent

Besides the expression "sending down" there are other terms as well

(8)

used

Qur'an to denote Qur'anic wahy.

in the

is "ilqa

',

meaning

An

delivering, throwing, flinging, dictating,

very early passage, namely, (aivr

soon throw on (deliver

to)

dLU JL~>

^*!U5

(9)

similar import

is

to reach

narrated

sense of 'awhaynd
instance:

( >

> <^

them so

-.

> \
)

2.

in

We

(73:5).

Another

will

Jbj)e

of us?" (54:25)

meaning "We

may

receive admonition". (28:51)

number of passages wherein

and naqussu

(We

narrate

the expressions

/ relate)

bear the

(We communicated) and nuhi (We communicate). For

.

.^ilii

jJi tLit:

j*

"And

messengers..." (11: 120).<

1.

that they

related)

iLU jm,

ments) of which the accounts

\y

used

connection with the delivery of Qur'anic

in

(10) Similarly there are a

(We

all

is

"Verily

^dj/^,^ J^i^ uiU, Ailjfy "And We have caused the

wahy. Thus: (> ya>

qasasna

the expression wassalna (Uloj),

have caused to reach", used

word (saying)

which

<^...i~< y>

is:

>:"Has the dhikr been thrown on him, of

Of

uj^>

you a weighty saying (word)"

very early passage wherein the term occurs

r :

important term in this series

\r-.

We

dbfy: "Those are the towns (settle-

& dU* jaii Kjfy

you of the accounts of the

relate to you... " (7:101).

all that

We

narrate to

^^)^ ...jM^L;

iUe.^ j~^"We

narrate to

you

See also Q. 9:86; 9:127 and 47:20.

See also Q. 7:63; 7:69; 12:104; 21:2; 21:50; 26:5; 36:11; 36:69; 38:1; 38:8; 38:49;
43:5; 43:44; 54:25; 68:51 68:52 and 81:27.

38:49; 38:87; 41 :41

WAHY:

IV.

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

their accounts in truth..." (18:13).'

what

narrated

is

Of

(11)

have

related

is

(VAV) "We
repeat

( >

its

A:

"We have

shall

have

^ *iUj

reading

"So when

b^>:

jj

/ recitation". (75:

is

called

qawl

8).

<

"i

We have
jH
^

"We

**i

recite

dls

it

^>

read/ recited, then

^^

We recite that unto you

(Jji), that is,

"We

unto you; so you shall not forget".

read

in truth..." (45:6).

should be noted that in (8) and (9) above, what

Prophet

'anba').

read" {qara'natfj) and

and 'awhayna. For instance:

(it)

"Those are the signs of Allah;

It

(naba\

reports"

these passages

all

greater significance are the group of expressions that say

(natlu jla) in lieu of nuht

(87:6).

noteworthy that in

termed "accounts

read" (nuqri'ulsjij),

it

It is

507

is

)>;

delivered to the

"saying" or "word" of Allah. 3 This term

has the same signification as those of hadtth (statement, saying) and kalimdt

(words) mentioned

332 times

Besides, the expression qui

earlier.

emphasizing

in the Qur'an, thus

(Ji)

occurs

at least

Messenger of Allah was

that the

given the dictation by Allah.

To sum
Qur'an

in

up, there are at least half a dozen different terms used in the
lieu of

wahy

to denote the delivery of Qur'anic

wahy

to

the

Prophet. These terms, to recapitulate, are:

"We

(a) 'Anjalnd (U>i):

and repeated statements

down",

sent

Qur'an

that the

in various
is

forms of the root word,

something "sent down"

(tanztl,

munazzal).
(b)

Wassalnd

(c)

Nuqri'u

(ul*j):

"We

Qara'nd

(d) Natlu (jh):

"We

(e)

Nulqt (^):

"We

(f)

Naqussu

(jt&>):

(tij

form of

throw

"We

"We have

Is

(it)

read".

deliver".

relate / narrate".

show

specific texts.

these expressions alone.

taining the term

to reach".

recite".

All these terms clearly

in the

caused

that

what was delivered

But the evidence

is

Prophet was

not confined to the import of

The passages containing them

wahy jointly and

to the

as also those con-

severally state unequivocally that

thus delivered to the Prophet was:

1.

See also Q. 4:164,6:57; 11:100;

2.

See also Q. 2:252; 3:28;

3.

See also Q. 18:39; 23:68; 69:40; 81 19 and 86:13.

12:3; 16:118; 18:13; 20:99;

3: 108.
:

and 40:78.

what was

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

SfRATAL-NAB I

508

A Qur'an (Reading Recitation);

(b) A Kitab (Book / Scripture);

(a)

(c)

A surah

(d)

Hadtth (statement

(e)

Qawl

(f)

Kalimat (words) of Allah;

(g)

Hukm

(h)

'Amr (command) of Allah;

(i)

(chapter);

(saying

saying) of Allah;

word) of Allah;

(a decree

order) of Allah;

'Anba (accounts

'

narratives) given

by Allah.

There are of course other terms and expressions

Qur'anic wahy.

It

in the

Qur'an

that refer to

should be clear from the above, however, that the diver-

gence between the Qur'anic evidence on the nature of Qur'anic wahy and the
orientalists'

assumptions about

is

it

irreconcilable. Thus, for instance: (a)

Qur'an says (and authentic reports repeat the same

angel-messenger
lists,

the Prophet

on

with the Qur'anic

(Jibril)

wahy

on the other hand, would have us believe

was "probably" an

his part! (b)

to the Prophet.

that the

"intellectual" or

The Qur'an says

move

The

coming of

an

orienta-

the angel to

even an "imaginary" vision

that in the initial stage

Qur'anic wahy the Prophet used hastily to

The

facts) that Allah sent

his

of the reciept of

toungue to repeat

it;

but

he was asked not to do so and was assured that Allah would enanble him to

remember and

recite the text.

the Prophet's experience

Prophet and that also

insist that the

hadith), a

would say

against this, the orientalists

The Qur'an says

lectual" locution! (c)

His "saying" (qawl

As

was "probably" an

Book

in the "clear

that

it

"exterior" or

even an

was Allah's "words"

(Kitab), that

that

"intel-

(kalimat),

were delivered

to the

Arabic tongue". The orientalists would

Prophet had only an "intellectual locution" "without words"

and even "without any specific language!" Clearly, such assumptions do not
have any support

in the

Qur'an, whatever the "equipments" with which these

might have been framed.

Besides the passages containing the term wahy and
are a

number of

its

equivalents, there

other facts mentioned in the Qur'an that bear clearly on the

nature of Qur'anic wahy.

Thus

(1) the

Qur'an

itself,

and therefore the

Prophet also, strongly and repeatedly deny the allegation

made by

the

unbelievers that it
his own composition. It is stated that none could be a
worse sinner than the one who himself composed a text and then falsely attri-

was

WAHY:
buted

it

IV.

and

to Allah

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

severe punishment for that offence

denial of the allegation

It

(2) Closely

must be noted

times to

all

connected with

come up with a

that this challenge is not

Qur'an

made

itself.

at

This challenge

the time

means

of his having composed

text like that

much

in

the

it

was

remains open; but the very fact that

still

that the

repeated

an item of the so-

subsequently developed Islamic orthodoxy but very

called

this

which the Qur'an (and therefore the

the challenge

is

Prophet) throws to the detractors of

of the Qur'an.

have averted

that if the Prophet did so he could not

1

509

Qur'an and the Prophet denied the allegation

The Qur'an also shows that the unbelievers of

the time indirectly admitted that it was not really the Prophet's own composition; for when they realized that he was incapable of composing it himself

came up with

they

it.

(3)

the alternative allegation that others

him. That allegation too was quickly denied and

admission on their part was

rect

had composed

rebutted. 3

(4)

Another

it

for

indi-

though they asked the Prophet to pro-

that

duce some specified miracles they could not conceal

their surprise at the

extraordinary nature of the Qur'anic text. Thus whenever a surah

or

Qur'anic passage was given out to them they came out with the remark that
it

was "a clear

sorcery", "a magic" ^cxr* j*-*}>. 4 This

shows

that they did not

consider the Qur'anic texts to be like the ordinary speech of the

at all

Prophet, nor did they think them to be

in

any way comparable with the

liter-

ary compositions they were habituated to hearing.

(5)

It is

also noteworhty that the unbelievers repeatedly asked the

senger of Allah to give them a different Qur'an or to change

told

them very

clearly that

it

was

it.

In reply

word. With reference to this demand of the unbelievers the Qur'an

0 ji U J*

*J J_i ji |JL1 jS. i>k ji

CJI UU) 0yrji V

( \

"And when Our

jtjl\ JlS

^1

\;j

1.

LjUU

who do

clear signs ('ayahs) are recited unto them, those

than this, or change

it.'

Say:

'It

is

not for

me

that

states:

jd

bt j

U 111 J? Jj ^ii ^Lil5 j Jjui

any hope of meeting Us say: 'Bring us a Qur'Sn (Reading

tain

he

power to change even a word

he was himself to follow it to the

not within his

of what was wahy-ied to him and that

0i

Mes-

can change

it

not enter-

Recitation) other

from myself (on

my

Q. 3:94; 6:21; 6:93; 6:144; 7:37; 10:17; 10:37-38; 10:69; 11:13; 11:18; 11:35; 16:116;

18:15; 21:5; 25:4; 29:68; 32:3; 42:24; 46:8; 61:7 and 69:44-47.
2.

Q. 2:23; 11:13; 52:34.

3.

Q. 16:103. See also supra, Ch. XI,

sec. IV.

See for instance Q. 5:110; 6:7; 10:76;

52:2; 6:16 and 74:24.
4.

11:7; 21:3; 27:13; 34:43; 37:15; 43:30; 46:7;

SIRA T AL-NABl AND

510

own

accord).

The

last

that the

of

follow naught but what

sentence

to me.'" (10:15)

also very significant.

is

Not only

Prophet did not compose the Qur'an nor was free to change a word

home

bringing

dictates

its

Again, the pre-prophetic

(6)

wahy-kd

above passage

in the

he himself was subject to

it,

is

THE ORIENTALISTS

and injunctions.

of the Messenger of Allah

life

was none of

the fact that the Qur'an

is

cited in

his composition.

Thus

the 'ayah that immediately follows the one quoted above states:

"Say:

( >

'If

Allah had so willed,

have made

Do you

>

it

0 jUm %i\ <di j>

> <^

known

to you.

pj cii

Jii

>jii

<u

should not have recited

js.

whole

life-time before this

*>|

it

j pj-

up U AiiULi jl Ji

unto you; nor would

have

He

spent amongst you.

not then understand?" (10:16)

This passage actually calls attention to three important matters.

refers

^>

to

previous character and conduct in general,

his

acknowledged truthfulness and

not the sort of a person

munity with a

who

years of his

life

it

he was

of a sudden, appear before his com-

all

false claim about himslef

giving out to them. Second,

it

his

specially

integrity, thus stressing the fact that

would,

First,

and also about the teachings he was

draws attention

prior to his call he had never

to the fact that for at least forty

shown any

desire to be a leader

of his people nor had expressed any intention to carry out a socio-religious

reform of his society. Third and most important of all, he had never exhibited

any

literary skill or

him composed a
it

is

ambition and had never before the coming of wahy to

single sentence of literary Arabic. This fact

common knowledge

that

a person

training cannot all of a sudden produce

erary compositions even

if

he

is

who

is

decisive; for

has no literary experience or

first class,

or rather incomparable

lit-

supplied with the ideas and facts from

another source.

The Qur'an also contains a number of statements about scientific facts

meaning and significance of which are becoming clear with the progress

(7)

the

of scientific knowledge in recent times. 2 This shows that the Prophet or any

one of his alleged

assistants could not

have composed the

texts.

(8) Last but not least, the fact of the fatrah or pause in the

wahy, as mentioned

earlier,

demonstrates clearly that

emanate from the Prophet's personality nor was

ness.

Had

it

been

so, there

did not in any

way

a product of his conscious-

would have been no fatrah and no cause for the

1.

See also Q. 6:106; 7:203 and 46:9.

2.

Supra. Ch. XII, sec.

II.

it

it

coming of

WAHY:

IV.

THE THEORY OF INTELLECTUAL LOCUTION

511

Prophet's restlessness and sadness on that account.

Thus the Qur'an

Qur'anic wahy was

and

strongly

in the nature

in

ways

various

contradicts

the

that

of "suggestion" or "intellectual locution"

without any words or any definite language. In fact the orientalist's approach

seems

to the subject

to suffer

fess himself a believer in

messages

to the

in dealing with

from

a basic contradiction.

God, angels and

He

appears to pro-

coming with His words and

their

New Testament Prophets and other personages;

Muhammad (4|f) and the Qur'an he slips away from

Old and

but
the

position of a believer and takes a secularist stance in that he in effect argues

phenomena of an

that since the

angel's

coming with God's word

or God's communicating His words to him

in

accord with ordinary

and Muhammad's

in other

human understanding and

to a Prophet

ways do not appear

statements to such effects should be interpreted with

the help of "mystic", psychological and "philosophical" equipments.

then, the

modern

be

to

experience, the Qur'an's

orientalist appears to be

aware

that

Even

what he adduces as the

evidences of the Qur'an and traditions about the nature of Qur'anic wahy

is

mostly forced, unnatural and "tendential shaping" of the texts and facts and
that there
tions.

still

Hence,

remains much
to

make up

in

both the sources that contradicts his assump-

the deficiency, he has had recourse to the adver-

tisemnet of the Prophet's sincerity

The Prophet was

he

said, but

sincere,

is said,

order to deny the truth of what he says.

and he conscientiously believed

he was nonetheless mistaken

said the Qur'anic

The

it

in

wahy was

orientalist says:

what he believed and

what

said.

He

a verbal communication of the texts in Arabic.

"No, the Prophet only sincerely believed and thought

to be so; but actually

he received some ideas and thoughts

own mind and

matter of his

in

in

intellect,

it

it

was only a

an aspect of his special consciousness,

an imaginative or intellectual locution.

He even

at times 'induced' the receipt

of such suggestions and ideas". The statements of the Qur'an and of

Muhammad

on the one hand, and those of the modern

the other, are thus poles apart.

way

It is

difficult to see

how

orientalist,

on

these views are in any

different from what the Quraysh unbelievers used

to say before their

acceptance of Islam that the Qur'anic wahy was the Prophet's "medleys of

dreams" {'a^ghath 'ahlam),

or what William

Muir

Prophet's "trance utterances" or what Bell said that

sion

1.

which comes
Q.21:5.

into one's

mind

after

it

said that

was

it

was the

the natural conclu-

prolonged deliberation and con-

512

SIRAT AL-NABI

AND THE ORIENTALISTS

sideration over a certain matter. In their views regarding the Qur'an

Qur'anic wahy, thus, the modern orientalists stand

plane where the

Makkan

unbelievers stood

in effect

and the

on the same

some fourteen hundred years ago

and where William Muir and his contemporaries stood a century and a half
ago.

The Ministry

of Islamic Affairs,

Endowments, Da'wah and Guidance

of the

Kingdom

of Saudi Arabia

which supervises King Fahd Complex For The

Printing of The Holy Qur'an,

while expressing

by the Complex
of

its

Madinah Munawwarah

great pleasure at the publication

in collaboration

with IslamicUniversity

Madinah Munawwarah,

Sirat al-Nabi

of this edition of

H and the Orientalists

prays to Allah

to

make

the Custodian of the

King Fahd ibn 'Abd

it

Two

Period)

and

grant

useful

to

Holy Mosques

al-'Aziz Al

rewards for his ceaseless

(Makkan

Sa'ud the best of

efforts to disseminate the

Noble Book of Allah, and the Sunnah and Sirah of

His Messenger

And

Allah

is

the Bestower of guidance.

(O)(0 )( >

<m.-vv.-vv-x

r r-v/>^..)

With

and guidance
book was accomplished

Allah's help

the printing of this

at

King Fahd Complex For The Printing

Of The Holy Qur'an

Madinah Munawwarah
under the auspices of

The Ministry of Islamic Affairs, Endowments,

Da'wah and Guidance
in the year

1417AH / 1997CE.

(11000/Y2-3-V.1) (5) (01)

ISBN: 9960-770-68-0

(set)

9960-770-77-X

(v.l)