1

Mark N. Orzech
Jewish Spiritual Practices
Mystical Dance as Practiced by the Jewish Mystics and the Muslim Sufis
From festive celebration to spontaneous ecstasy and theurgic ritual,
dance and ecstatic movement have been expressions of human spirituality in
nearly every society since time immemorial. For believers, dance can be a
powerful experience of intense intimacy or joyous communality, while for
anthropologists and psychologists of religion the study of such practices are
valued for the light that they shed upon the phenomenon of religious
experience. Aside from the common participant, for whom cultural customs
of dancing in weddings or other joyous occasions offer opportunities for
social merriment, the utilization and study of movement and dance as a
means of growing closer to the divine is commonly the domain of mystics
and shamans, for whom such movement has the potential to put the
individual in contact with layers of existence beyond the apparent reality,
and this is true also of the esoteric traditions of Judaism and Islam. While the
orthodoxies of both traditions have at times and for various reasons held
mixed or negative opinions concerning dance, stemming from its association
with idolatrous worship or scandalous free mingling with the opposite sex,
mystical dance flourished among spiritually inclined Jews (particularly the
Hasids) as well as among their counterparts in Islam, the Sufis or Dervishes.
In both traditions such practices were interpreted in terms of the shifting

theological/mystical paradigms of the day, though the juxtaposition between

orthodox legalism and mystical expression is felt most acutely today in
Islam. Such a rift however, should not fool one into thinking figures such as
Rumi, who was a renowned jurist in his day, to be outside of the orthodox
tradition. This paper will assess the position that dance and movement hold
in both Sufi and Jewish spiritual practice, revealing above all striking
commonalities as well as some significant differences in the aims and actions
of their respective practitioners.
While present in varying capacities in the early Jewish (biblical and
talmudic) and Islamic traditions, the relationship between dance and the
juristic legalism of both faiths varied. Due to the construction of orthodoxy
(a considerably less rigid concept in Judaism than in Islam) as well as the
articulation of Jewish and Islamic forms of Aristotelian philosophy, the
practice was generally looked down upon, particularly when among the
opposite gender and outside of an explicitly religious context.1While there
are references to individual expressive dance in the biblical tradition, most
references to dancing occur in the context of religious festivals,
commemoration of battles or historical events, or wedding celebrations (the
latter playing a significant role in the symbolism of dance and sexuality in
later Jewish thought).2 Similarly, there are reports from the formative years of
1 Annemarie Schimmel, Raks (Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition: Brill Online,
2012)
2 Feigue Berman, Hasidic Dance: An Historical and Theological Analysis (NYU: PhD
Thesis, 1999), 86.

Islam of joyous celebrations on festival days, worshipers dancing in the

Prophets mosque, and even narrations of some key companions of
Muhammad dancing in concentric circles around him in ecstatic praise. 3 On
the other hand, both traditions contain texts, such as Exodus 32:19 or the
Prophets recorded criticisms of the music and dancing of the pre-Islamic
pagan ceremonies, in which the practice of song and dance are associated
with idolatry or lewd behavior. While both faiths developed a tolerance of
dance provided it was aimed at the glorification of God, medieval Jewish and
Muslim jurists still varied concerning its legal classification, considering it
everything from prohibited to extolled as a means of cultivating closeness
with God, a plurality of opinions that is preserved amongst the Islamic
scholars to this day. Shared by the faiths in both religious and more secular
celebrations is the traditional segregation of men and women, indicating the
erotic energy that is associated with the practice both within and outside of
an esoteric framework. The Jewish association of dance with weddings, in
particular the tradition of men dancing in front of the bride, became
associated with the yearning for God, and much mystical imagery
surrounding dance uses the wedding party as a metaphor for a joyous event
leading to union or closeness with God.4
Basics of Jewish and Islamic Dance
3 Ahmad Ibn Muhammad Ibn Ajbah Al-Hasan, "The "Dancing" of the Sufis"
(Marifah.org, 2007), Tahir Al-Qadri, "Sahaba Dancing around the Prophet Proven by
the Sunnah from Sahih Hadeeth" (Nashids According to the Muhadithin, 2007)
4 Berman, Hasidic dance, 95-100.

It will be useful now to lay out some of the most common practices of
these traditions, so that they may be analyzed to the fullest extent possible
in such a brief study. In both Jewish and Islamic dance, music plays a role of
paramount importance. This stems in the Jewish faith from the joyous song
and use of musical instruments which are extolled repeatedly in the Book of
Psalms and other biblical texts as means of worshiping God. In Sufi thought,
while instruments certainly play a key role (particularly the reed flute and
drum), many schools of Islamic jurisprudence ban or discourage the use of
stringed instruments for reasons of association with pre-Islamic paganism,
and so the greatest focus is placed on the human voice and the melodious
recitation of the Quran and religious poetry.5 This is also very significant
metaphysically, as the Quran is primarily an oral scripture (its very name
means the recitation), and the human voice is seen as playing a key role in
Gods creative power.6 While music tends to be simpler and less instrumentoriented in the Islamic tradition, its importance with regards to dance is
significant.
In the biblical text the practice of dance comprises both communal
gatherings of praise and festive celebration as well as personal experiences
of ecstasy before God. Both of these manifestations of dance were then
interpreted through the unique kabbalistic lens of the Zohar which
5 Shems Friedlander, Rumi and the Whirling Dervishes (Cairo: The American
University in Cairo Press, 2003), 133-4.
6 Kenneth Avery, The Psychology of Early Sufi Sama (Abingdon: RoutledgeCurzon,
2004), 15

emphasizes the spirituality inherent in physicality to arrive at the deeply

esoteric, yet traditionally Jewish, doctrines of the Hasids, as is most explicitly
articulated by R. Nahman of Bratzlav.7 In Hasidic practice, dance seems to
have been systematized somewhat from its biblical roots into a simple and
loosely-structured practice done in a circle as a common part of regular
gatherings, often paired with wine and a boisterous atmosphere. Such
organized practices also provide context for individual religious experience,
and it seems many gatherings were aimed at precisely such objectives.
Outside of the traditional circle there seems to be very few instances of
structure or choreography in Hasidic dance, and the atmosphere, while
devoutly religious, appears to be more relaxed and informal than comparable
Islamic manifestations of dance.
While dance in Islam also has its roots in individual spontaneous
experience, it was gradually systematized in different ways to meet different
purposes. Raqs, Arabic for dance, is not used by the Muslim mystics to
refer to their devotional practices due to its association with secular frivolity.
Instead, such practices are called by a number of titles depending on the
specific ritual. Broadly, all such acts fall under the umbrella term of dhikr,
or remembrance of God, the entire purpose of religion in Islamic thought.
While there are dances, just as in the Jewish faith, where all participants
dance energetically in a circle, the West is most familiar with the elegantly

7 Berman, Hasidic Dance, 128.

choreographed spinning of the Mevlevi Sufis, or the Whirling Dervishes as

they are popularly known. Such rituals are termed sama meaning
listening, named for the gatherings of song and Quranic recitation within
which they originated.8 Such gatherings, unlike the Jewish tradition,
emphasize the role of the reciter in affecting the spiritual states of the
listeners, and it is from these semi-formal rituals of recitation that early
ecstatic dance first arose, indicating the extreme importance of music and
sound in prompting spontaneous movement.
Movement outside of dance also plays a key role in both religious
traditions, as seen in the swaying of Jews while standing in prayer and the
rocking of Sufis back and forth as they chant the mantric names of God. It is
in their exaggerated swaying that the dance of the Hasids, as well as its
mystical theurgic meanings, has its origins. The prayer as an intensely
focused individual practice involved Jewish mystics not only imagining the
presence of God before them, but seeing themselves engaging in sexual
intercourse with the feminine aspect of the divine, the Shekinah, through
their swaying, a cosmic eroticism that is also embodied in Hasidic dance.9
Similarly, it is in the context of seated gatherings of remembrance that a
Sufi, moved in a moment of inspired yearning and unable to restrain himself,
would abruptly rise (an act called qum) and lose all control of his body in
expressive dance before falling exhausted to the ground, often temporarily
8Avery, a Psychology of Early Sufi Sama, 16.
9 Berman, Hasidic Dance, 153, 185.

losing consciousness.10 It is from this tradition that the characteristic Sufi

dance as an individual practice springs, though subsequent systematization
of dance by certain Sufi orders such as the Mevlevis resulted in a practice
with a different character altogether, a strictly choreographed and highly
symbolic ballet punctuated by bouts of ecstasy. It is significant that the
impetus for the swaying movement in both faiths is complete focus on the
repeated chanting of praises and litanies in a rhythmic or musical manner.
These roots of Hasidic and Sufi dance also reveal significant differences
between the traditions that will be touched on in greater detail, namely the
Hasidic focus on uninhibited expression and the Sufi emphasis on self-control
and holding such ecstasy within ones self as long as possible until if bursts
free uncontrollably. In this respect it is significant that the Jewish swaying
occurs in the context of the mandated prayers, while the five required daily
prayers of the Sufis do not exhibit such a character and are sober and
meditative. While these Islamic prayers also display choreographed and
highly symbolic body positions, it is only in the supererogatory adorations of
remembrance that wilder physical expression is viewed by Sufis as
acceptable.
Dance as both Collective and Personal Experience
One aspect of the practice of dance that is readily evident is its dual
nature as both a collective and intensely personal experience. It must be
acknowledged that both expressions are present in most forms of Jewish and
10 Avery, a Psychology of Early Sufi Sama, 100.

Islamic dance, however the Sufis seem primarily focused on cultivating a

more intimate experience between the individual practitioner and the divine,
while Hasidic dance is an inherently social act in which the participants
profoundly affect each others emotions, having intense personal
experiences within the context of a collective practice. These are
generalizations, but reflect a definite difference in emphasis between the
faiths. Jewish dance and movement are seen by Hasids through the lens of
the teachings of the Zohar, the magnum opus of the kabbalistic movement,
and other related texts. In opposition to medieval theologians such as
Maimonides for whom sexuality was an obstacle to be overcome in the quest
for God, kabbalists saw physicality not as bad, but as a means of spiritual
transformation, provided it is sanctified with the proper intention as a means
of becoming close with God. This intention is of paramount importance
concerning dance among Muslim mystics as well, for whom the prophetic
statement actions are based on their intentions is the ultimate determinant
of the permissibility of a practice. Just as in the case of individual prayer, one
of the dominant Hasidic conceptions of communal dance is based around
sexual symbolism, this time in the collective context of a wedding party.
These symbols are rooted in talmudic traditions such as dancing before the
bride at a wedding and dancing with the Torah, which was generally
personified as feminine. Marriage was traditionally seen as being of
paramount importance because it allowed procreation and the continuation
of the Jewish people, and with the development of Jewish mysticism the

feminine aspect of God, the Shakhinah, became increasingly significant and

weddings became an important symbol of union with the divine.11
2 Samuel 6:14 -22 is a stunning example of the biblical tradition of
spontaneous dance in which the practitioner, in this case King David himself,
is humbled in the wild self-effacement of his joyous ecstasy.12 This disregard
for appearance is well embodied in the bold and emotional practices of the
Hasidim, and while the majority of dance done by such mystics is as a group,
the theurgic and transformative effects of it occur within each individual. An
excerpt from In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov describes one such gathering
in which the Beshts wife witnessed the men in the midst of dance with a
canopy of flame above them.13 This term canopy is a clear reference to the
chuppah, or wedding canopy used in traditional Jewish weddings,
indicating the eroticism of the metaphysics involved. R. Nahman describes
dance as the bridge through which this flame, the Shekinah herself, is
brought down from the heavens upon the sick and yearning soul of man14. He
demonstrates in his writings a very developed and deeply personal
understanding of dance that draws heavily upon the tradition of communal
practice and Jewish scripture. A good idea of Nahmans metaphysical
11 Berman, Hasidic Dance, 119-20, 115-6
12 2 Samuel 6:14 -22, Course Packet pg. 104.
13 The Dance of the Hasidim, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov 61, p. 80. Course
Packet pg. 106.
14 Fishbane, To Jump For Joy, 3.

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teachings is found when he speaks of pulling a depressed individual into the

joyous group dance, transforming this individuals state to one of joy. This is
used not only in a literal sense emphasizing the brotherhood encouraged by
the Hasids, but is used as a metaphor for embracing those parts of the self
that are disconnected and re-integrating them into ones being.15 This is a
very important aspect of the mystical thought of R. Nahman, who viewed
dance as primarily a practice of catharsis and healing, aimed at bringing
about a state of psychic wholeness and completion. He describes dance
not only the arch-act, the ultimate expression of joy that brings all things
together in harmony, but the arch-metaphor or symbol for elevating all
actions from their bases or feet into a state of sanctified union with the
divine.16 This is explained through complicated metaphysical relationships
between the kabbalistic sefirot, yet draws upon earlier talmudic material
concerning the cosmic significance of the mitzvot and human action.
Essentially, Nahman says that all acts must be dance in that they are
sanctified and bring one to completion and connection with God. This gives a
sense that the ultimate goal is a profound awareness of existing in ones
body, and the realization that every motion one makes is the movement of
the universe, and thus the movement of God.

15 Michael Fishbane, To Jump for Joy: The Rites of Dance According to R. Nahman of
Bratzlav (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), 2.
16 Fishbane, To Jump for Joy, 3. , Berman, Hasidic Dance, 198.

11

The Sufi tradition is not lacking in erotic motifs to describe the mystics
yearning for God. One of the most common terms used by Sufis to refer to
Allah is, in fact, The Beloved, and there is a remarkable wealth of poetry
from Islamic civilization working from these motifs, often in ways similar to
those used by Jewish mystics. This eroticism did not, however, manifest
among Sufis as it did among Hasids in the form of communal dance, but
rather as the intimate meeting of lovers. The circular dance of the hadra
(meaning presence, the closest Sufi equivalent to Hasidic dance), in fact,
receives considerably less emphasis among most Sufis than does individual
expression.17 Such hadra practices involve chanting and stomping along with
the orator, often involving the Shaykh of the order conducting the
participants from the middle of the circle, and are done in the context of
dhikr gatherings, thus having more in common with mantra practices than
ecstatic dance. While not dance as it is most commonly practiced in
Sufism, such practices do shed light on the general hierarchical character of
some forms of Sufism as centered around the Shaykh (roughly equivalent to
the Hasidic Rebbe), who plays a critical role as spiritual guide, in contrast to
the Hasids, for whom the circular dance symbolizes complete equality. 18 This
emphasis on the master is due to the perceived negative aspects of dance,
such as overindulgence or lack of correct understanding and intent, and the
Sufi theologian al-Ghazzali even states that one must seek permission from
17 L. Gardet, "Dhikr" (Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition: Brill Online, 2012)
18 Saying attributed to the Besht, Course Packet, 105.

12

ones Shaykh before engaging in dance, as it fans into a flame whatever

love is already dormant in the heart, whether it be earthly and sensual, or
divine and spiritual.19 Ghazzali even recommended days of fasting and
ascetic retreat prior to engaging in dance, showing its highly ritualized
nature when compared with the practices of the Hasids.
In contrast to this organized dance, spontaneous Sufi movement has
traditionally taken place in the context of gatherings in which poetry and
chapters of the Quran were recited, the reciter interacting with the most
spiritually sensitive of those in attendance to bring them into an altered state
in which they felt compelled to express their yearning for God. While this is
still a practice among many Sufi orders today, it is also at the root of the
most recognizable form of Sufi dance, that of the whirling dervishes of the
Mevelevi order, whose teaching derive from the great 13th century Persian
poet Jalal al-Din Rumi. Rumi had been a great jurist of the Islamic scholastic
tradition prior to meeting a wandering dervish named Shams, who
transformed the bookish scholar into one of the greatest lovers of God in
history, moving him to write some 70,000 verses of mystical poetry deeply
rooted in the Islamic scriptures. The most common story of the origins of the
Mevlevis distinctive whirling is that one day Rumi, while walking in the
market, heard the clinking of the goldsmiths hammer, and in that moment
he heard the clinking and (everything else in the universe) repeating Allah,
19 Al-Ghazzali and Claud Field, The Alchemy of Happiness (London: Octagon Press, 1980)
66.

13

Allah. Upon hearing this, he threw his hands into the air and began to spin
in ecstatic joy at the eternal song of the universe praising God.20 While this
was originally a spontaneous act brought about by audial stimulation, it was
subsequently systematized after his death as the central ritual of the order
that Rumi founded.
An elegantly choreographed dance, the whirling involves symbolic
dress such as a tall woolen hat, said to symbolize ones tombstone, and a
dark outer robe that is shed upon commencement of spinning to reveal a
pure white flowing outfit. This elegant ritual shows the practitioners dying to
themselves and being reborn in the practice of dance. Just as R. Nahman
taught that dance is a passionate metaphor for how one should carry out all
actions in this world, Rumi states Dance when you're broken open. Dance if
you've torn the bandage off. Dance in the middle of the fighting. Dance in
your blood. Dance when you're perfectly free21, indicating an equally
powerful emotional aspect of dance not limited to joy as articulated by R.
Nahman. While done in a group, the dancing of the Mevlevis is centered on
the individual, with Rumi describing sama as the witnessing of God through
the heavens of divinity, indicating the rending of some veil between the
dancer and God.22 As opposed to the emotional embodiment of Hasidic
20 Shems Friedlander, Rumi and the Whirling Dervishes (Cairo: The American
University in Cairo Press, 2003), 62.
21 Barks, Rumi: the Book of Love, 138.
22 Shems Friedlander, Rumi and the Whirling Dervishes (Cairo: The American
University in Cairo Press, 2003), 83.

14

dance, Mevlevi whirling is deeply meditative and controlled, the emotion

contained and concealed within the heart. Rather than getting dizzy or going
into a trance, the Sufis say that the whirling puts them into an extremely
focused state in which they become, or realize themselves to be, axes or
poles of the universe itself. In this respect, it is significant that in the intricate
whirling of the Mevlevis each individual has a unique role and position
mirroring the movement of heavenly bodies, with the Shaykh often in the
middle (though this whirling is done in the absence of others as well).23 This
extensive symbolic embodiment of the heavens represents the relationship
between the microcosm of man and the universe, articulated by Rumi in his
statement, What is the body? The shadow of Your love that somehow
contains the entire universe. Due to this symbolic function, the circle of
sama has been called a living mandala.24 The general Sufi view of dance as
accessing some primal part of mans being is most concisely expressed by
al-Ghazzali who writes The heart of man has been so constituted by the
Almighty that, like flint, it contains a hidden fire which is evoked by music
[and dance], and renders man beside himself with ecstasy.25 The use of fire
by both Sufis and Hasids to describe the result of their practices is also
worthy of note, and reflects a shared passionate character.

23 Ibid., 89.
24 Ibid., 87.
25 Al-Ghazzali, The Alchemy of Happiness, 66.

15

Both Sufi and Hasidic conceptions of dance are results of man being seen in
these mystical systems as a microcosm of the universe, and they share the
belief that through ritualized or ecstatic movement one can become an
active participant in in what Rumi calls the dance of existence and realize
the core of the individual as the seat of God himself.26 These beliefs are
articulated, however, through different symbols and with differing end
results. The Jewish tradition emphasizes dance as a courtship of Gods
feminine aspect into the practitioners presence leading to union, whereas
the teachings of Rumi indicate a drawing aside of the veil of this world and
realization of the ultimate union that has always been there. Undoubtedly,
these articulations of religious experience are both found in various parts of
each tradition and mostly represent a semantic difference, especially
considering Hasidisms panentheistic theology, but this seems to be a
difference in emphasis between the faiths. The Hasidic texts tend to describe
the goal of dance as uniting with the divine, implying a sense (or perception)
of separation. Elsewhere, however, R. Nahman indicates that the metaphor
of dance is realizing the divine potential of all actions, articulated by Rumi as
every motion is from the mover, showing two different ways of thinking
about the effects of dance: union and realization.27 While Hasidic dance
clearly contains both, the Islamic concept of the function of dance, at least
as articulated by al-Ghazzali, seems primarily aimed at the realization of the
26 Coleman Barks, Rumi: the Book of Love: Poems of Ecstasy and Longing (New
York: HarperCollins, 2003) 70.
27 Ibid., 90.

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divinity of the self and the cosmic significance of the soul. In addition to the
general inclination of Hasidic and Islamic dance to collective and individual
practice respectively, music also functions differently in the two traditions.
Whereas singing often accompanies the Hasids while they dance, it is the
effect of music or vocal recitation itself that induces the ecstasy of the Sufis.
Mystical Trance and Ecstasy
Both mysticisms have manifestations that are referred to in the Islamic
tradition as sober and intoxicated, namely a contemplative approach to
knowing God and a more wild and ecstatic yearning for experience of the
divine. This is important with regards to dance and movement, as it affects
both the motivation and physical character of the practice. This is plainly
evident in the Jewish tradition with the different approaches of Rabbi
Nahman and his companion R. Yudel who, while contrasting in their
dispositions, are seen as complementary to each other, with Nahmans
prayer triggering within his friend such intense passion as to dance for hours
in a state of partial dress.28 This contrast is remarkably sharp in the Islamic
tradition as well, as is its contagious nature, with one narration describing
Abu l-Husayn al-Nuri, an early Sufi ecstatic, reciting only four lines of love
poetry in a gathering of scholars and them all rising and being driven to
rapture at his words.29 The roots of dance as an experiential spiritual practice
28 The Dance of R. Yudel , In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov 109, p. 134. Course
Packet pg. 105-6.
29 Avery, a Psychology of Early Sufi Sama, 1.

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derive in both traditions from such passion, but the relationship between this
expressiveness and self-control is markedly different in the Hasidic and Sufi
teachings.
The role of trance states and uncontrollable body movement is one of
the most striking aspects of mystical dance. While there are Jewish texts
praising refined dance for its subtlety of expression, the general character of
Hasidic dance in particular is one of wildness and abandon, caring little about
ones appearance before others.30 It is abundantly clear from the writings of
R. Nahman and other Jewish texts that dance is seen as a primarily
emotional and expressive practice, liberating the individual through the
surrender and abandon with which he throws himself into it. The wild
running, gesticulating, and convulsions of the Hasids in their ecstatic
experience is an excellent example of this focus on complete cathartic
embodiment in which everything else ceases to exist and each contraction
is permeated with the glory of the Most High.31 Hasids are described as
crying and flailing in their devotion, and while in prayer gesticulating wildly
like drowning men in order to drive away the distractions that suffocate their
connection with God and stay above the diversions of this world.32 Dance is
described by R. Nahman as an act of unbridled joy, and it seems that the
30 Hayyei Moharan #340, The Greatness of His Books and Teachings, Course Packet
pg. 107.
31 Jiri Langer, Nine Gates pp. 6-8, Course Packet pg. 106.
32 Keter Shem Tov, 215, p. 122-3, Kehot 2004, Course Packet pg. 105.

18

group practices engaged in by such Jewish mystics would, through the

shared experience of dancing, cultivate an atmosphere of free physical and
vocal expression in which ecstatic states and their resultant flailing and
shouting may take place.33 In contrast, the Islamic tradition, due to its strong
emphasis on Adab or manners, discouraged such emotional outbursts,
seeing them as a sign of spiritual immaturity. Spiritual experience was not,
however, discouraged, and many texts indicate individuals having powerful
experiences within themselves and struggling (and often failing) to hide it
from others, as to not show off or boast.34 This struggle to maintain
composure in a moment of powerful spiritual unveiling is seen as
commendable until when one can no longer hold back, at which point wild
and expressive dance is seen as acceptable and, just as in the Jewish
tradition, tales of fainting and even death can be found in the hagiological
accounts.35 This focus on composure also manifests in the controlled
meditative motion of the Mevlevi dervishes, though even this manifestation
of dance is punctuated by the Sufis flinging themselves to the ground in
bouts of wajd or ecstasy, which is viewed very positively among Mevlevis
provided it is genuine and not affected. In contrast to R. Nahmans
characterization of this ecstasy as one of complete cosmic joy, Sufis saw
wajd (meaning what is found, i.e. in the heart) as embodying both
33 Berman, Hasidic Dance, 171.
34 Avery, a Psychology of Early Sufi Sama, 169, 174.
35 Ibid., 89-91.

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happiness and sadness, indicating that all emotions are reflections of God in
some way if used correctly expressing, in a different and seemingly opposite
way, a doctrine of emotional acceptance similar to R. Nahman.36 Both
traditions ultimately see the climax of mystical dance as a state of
annihilation, in which there is nothing left of the individual. This is the sama
of slavery and mastery dancing together, says Rumi of this complete
harmony of man (the slave) and God, This is non-being.37 Similarly, the
Hasids describe this ultimate union as nothingness, the raising of the feet
in dance symbolizing faith and the detachment from evil.38
Conclusion
It is clear that both traditions, despite differences in emphasis and the
descriptive language used, share many foundational beliefs relating to the
nature of man, his relationship with God, and how this is expressed through
the body. While both faiths are vast and varied in both theory and practice,
there are subtle differences in emphasis that can be identified, such as the
Hasidic focus on collective practice in contrast to the individual emphasis of
Sufis. The character of dance also differs greatly between the traditions, with
the Hasids encouraging wild expressiveness in dance, and the Muslims
considering such actions to be acceptable only in the midst of an ecstatic

36 Avery, a Psychology of Early Sufi Sama, 26.

37 Coleman Barks, Essential Rumi, (New York: Harper, 1995) 10.
38 Berman, Hasidic Dance, 198.

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episode when it cannot he held any longer. Because of this, many types of
Islamic dance such as the whirling of the Mevlevi dervishes, are more
ritualized than their Hasidic counterparts. On a metaphysical level, the
Hasidic intention behind dance is described by Rabbi Nahman as healing the
self and bringing about psychic wholeness. Paired with the descriptions of
the Shekhinah being brought into the presence of the dance, this gives an
image of moving from incompletion to completion. The Islamic tradition, in
very subtle contrast, sees dance as the realization of the fundamental
wholeness that is always there, a difference that is not descriptive of both
traditions in their entirety, merely the symbols most commonly used to
articulate the practice of dance by certain sages of these faiths.

References

"Concerning Music and Dance as Aids to the Religious Life." In The

Alchemy of Happiness, translated by Claud Field, by Al-Ghazzali. 1st

ed. London, England: Octagon Press, 1980.

Avery, Kenneth S. Psychology of Early Sufi Sama: Listening and Altered

States. Abingdon, England: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004.

Berman, Feigue. Hasidic Dance: An Historical and Theological Analysis.

PhD Thesis, NYU 1999. Selections.

Fishbane, Michael. To Jump For Joy: The Rites of Dance According to R.
Nahman of Bratzlav. The Exegetical Imagination. Cambridge, MA:

Harvard U. Press, 1998.

Friedlander, Shems, and Nezih Uzel. Rumi and the Whirling Dervishes:
Being an Account of the Sufi Order Known as the Mevlevis and Its
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University in Cairo Press, 2003.

21

Al-Qadri, Tahir. "Sahaba Dancing around the Prophet Proven by the

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Ibn Muhammad Ibn Ajbah Al-Hasan, Ahmad. "The "Dancing" of the
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