DR.

RAM MANOHAR LOHIYA NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY

LUCKNOW

POLITICAL SCIENCE III

FINAL PROJECT ON:
REINVENTION OF INDIAS FOREIGN POLICY UNDER PM MODI
Submitted for the project undertaken in partial fulfillment of B.A. LL.B. (H) III Sem.
5 year integrated course at RMLNLU, Lucknow
SUBMITTED TO:

SUBMITTED BY:

MR. BRAJESH MISHRA

GARIMA NAGPAL and GARIMA PARAKH

VISITING PROFESSOR

B.A.LL.B. (H) III SEM.

Dr. RAM MANOHAR LOHIYA

R. NO. 56 and 57

NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to extend my sincere thanks to
1. My teacher and my mentor Mr. Brajesh Mishra for giving me this wonderful opportunity
to work on this project and for her able guidance and advice,
Vice Chancellor, Mr. Gurdeep Singh Sir and Dean (Academics), Professor C.M. Jariwala for
their encouragement and Enthusiasm;
My seniors for sharing their valuable tips;
And my classmates for their constant support
To make the best possible efforts to complete this project.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

Introduction1
Recent past and present of Indian Foreign Policy..2
Modi for PM: A Hint of Change.2
Current Indian Foreign Policy............4
Country wise analysis.6
Is it reinvention of Indias Global Image..12
Conclusion ...15
Bibliography.16

INTRODUCTION
Idealism has been the basic tenet of Indias foreign policy with non-alignment and noninterference being two important facets. This neutral stance was adopted with a view to protect
national interest of a newly independent India. Independent decision making was, however, not
possible in a bi-polar world divided into two power blocks USA and USSR. After the
disintegration of the USSR, the power dynamics shifted towards the West, with India losing the
superpower veto support of Russia and a significant alteration of its global position. Although a
multi-polar world was beneficial, it led to India losing the bargaining power it previously held.
An economic boom in the 1990s and the opening up of our economy made India a geostrategically important region for trade, but did not result in formulation of a coherent foreign
policy, coalition governments being the prime cause for this phenomenon. The global economic
meltdown resulted in plummeting foreign trade and corruption allegations on the incumbent
Congress government led to rise in anti-accumbency sentiments. Narendra Modi took ample
advantage of this to win the elections by a huge majority and form a non-coalition government
after a very long time. His focus on domestic economic development and elevation of Indias
status to that of a superpower has led to India taking an assertive even aggressive stance on
vital issues. The invitation to all SAARC nations to attend the oath-taking ceremony had
tremendous diplomatic implications. The Modi government has also increased engagements with
our immediate neighbours highlighting the importance of a peaceful neighbourhood for
economic and political development. Improving bilateral ties and frequency of engagements with
each of our neighbours is essential to establish a strong and firm position in South East Asia.
With regard to the United States, India has adopted a far more assertive stance, which had
become evident from the strong reaction the Devyani Khobragade incident elicited and was also
seen recently when Barrack Obama greeted Narendra Modi with Kem Cho, implying that their
relationship was now on an equal platform.
Significant changes have taken place, with some still yet to come; however, if the entire history
of Indian foreign policy is looked at, all that has been done is reassert the previous policies with
certain modifications. The difference between the incumbent government and its predecessors is
that the present government makes optimum use of mass media to inform the public of its moves
and policies. The lesson from the previous government is well learnt.
1

RECENT PAST AND PRESENT OF INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY

Indias position in the foreign policy arena in the last 2-3 decades has evolved due to a variety of
internal and external factors of a fundamental and inter-connected nature. Of them, the main ones
were brought about by the destruction at the end of the cold war of Indias previous foreign (and
partly economic) policy mainstay, namely the USSR, as well as the beginning of the formation of
a new geopolitical game in the mid-90s, the center of gravity of which began to shift from
Europe to Asia. The process of the USA becoming a new world superpower has significantly
affected this change. At the same time, as socialism was purposely and steadfastly discredited in
the 90s in Russia, a sharp decline in the volume of economic connections with a former key ally
couldnt help but disrupt the quasi-socialist status of Indias economy and stimulate the process
of its turning to Western countries.1 The increasing rapport between India and the US has become
a principal component of this drift. The strengthened relations began during Bill Clintons visit to
New Delhi in 2000, at the end of his 8-year presidency. It is noteworthy that the process of
increasing rapport between India and the US has been flowing by no means 100% smoothly but
continuous efforts are being made. For India, the objective nature of this strengthening of ties is
shown as well in the fact that it does not depend on the party affiliation of the countrys
leadership. Begun during Atal Bihari Vajpayees administration, (1998-2004), who represented
the Bharatiya Janata party", it was continued for the next 10 years by the Congress government
of Manmohan Singh. However, fear of incurring Chinese displeasure restricted furtherance of
Indian relations with USA as well as Japan. In the present scenario, the dynamics are such that
overlap is inevitable and no one can be pleased on every single point. Adopting a more pragmatic
and practical approach to diplomacy is essential to maintain a peaceful situation for mutual
benefit.
MODI FOR PM: A HINT OF CHANGE
Predictions about him coming into power and his future policies
Indias 16th general election prompted considerable debate about the impact a change of guard in
Delhi will have on foreign policy and many predicted a sea of change, especially with Narendra
Modi heading the government. According to Sreeram Chaulia, professor and dean at the Jindal
1 Vladimir Terehov, Indias Foreign Policy under Narendra Modi (2014) New Eastern Outlook <http://journalneo.org/2014/06/11/rus-o-vneshnej-politike-indii-pri-narendra-modi/> accessed 18 October 2014

School of International Affairs in Sonipat, India, foreign policy under Modi-led government will
see greater emphasis on commercial diplomacy, more assertive actions in response to [Pakistan
backed] cross-border terrorism, greater attention to long-term policy planning with a view to
formulating grand strategy for scenarios in 2020 and beyond, a bigger role for the military in
shaping Indias national security and formulating doctrines, and a greater say for the states in
the governments formulation and execution of foreign policy2. A controversial and polarizing
figure, Modi has often poured scorn on the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA)
governments soft response to terrorist attacks emanating from Pakistan and to Chinese
incursions into Indian territory. This has contributed to a widely held perception that he will be
tough in his response to Pakistan-backed terrorism and would not baulk at the use of force. As
recent events prove, this has materialized into a tough stand in case of both Pakistan and China.
The recent events offer a direction as to where the Indian foreign policy is heading and Modis
plans are in accordance with the hub-and-spoke model. At the core is the growth and
development of India. This is the paramount principle of his policy. The second concentric circle,
tied closely to the first, is the South Asian neighbourhood. Modi is a believer in the truth, first
articulated by former PM IK Gujral, that India's development will be incomplete if its neighbours
don't tread the same path. The spokes would be the countries India will engage intensively which
would assist the development of his core principles.3
Manifesto
BJP Manifesto explicitly states that the BJP intends to create a web of alliances to further our
interests4 a clear departure from Indias long cherished notions of non-alignment and strategic
2 Sudha Ramachandran, Indian Foreign Policy under Narendra Modi, The Diplomat (6 May
2014)<http://thediplomat.com/2014/05/indian-foreign-policy-under-narendra-modi/>
accessed 18 October 2014

3 Indrani Bagchi, With bricks and mortar, Modi puts a foreign policy in place, TOI (New Delhi 1
September 2014) < http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/With-bricks-and-mortar-Modi-puts-aforeign-policy-in-place/articleshow/41443457.cms> accessed 19 October 2014
4Bhartiya Janta Party Organisation, BJP Election Manifesto 2014 (BJP 2014)
<http://www.bjp.org/images/pdf_2014/full_manifesto_english_07.04.2014.pdf> accessed 18 October
2014
3

autonomy. What exactly lies in the national interest however hasnt been expounded upon not
even in the traditional rhetorical terms. Another statement states that it does not intend to be led
by big power interests and instead shall choose to engage proactively on its own with other
nations5 however reflects the age old Indian concern with maintaining strategic autonomy. The
manifesto also says that states along the territorial borders of India would be given greater say in
formation of foreign policy with that country. Such potentially contradictory statements are
indicative of the wriggle room Modi has created for his government. Given the lack of foreign
policy commitments in the run up to Modis ascension to power such a framing gives him just
the sort of flexibility he needs. In an era where the flag follows the trade this may very well have
been the smart thing to do in the run up to elections6.
CURRENT INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY
Overview of his Policy
Instead of a presumptuous enunciation of a Modi doctrine in foreign policy, the Prime Minister is
allowing his actions, including diplomatic successes and breaks, to define his approach. From the
big bear hug with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe that symbolized the dawn of an IndiaJapan alliance to his scrapping of scheduled foreign secretary level talks with Pakistan after its
high commissioner defiantly met Kashmiri secessionists, Modi has managed to put his stamp on
foreign policy faster than any predecessor, other than Jawaharlal Nehru7.
Indias new governments foreign policy will be carried out in conjunction with the 6 top
priorities, published by the countrys Ministry of Foreign Affairs at the end of May of this year
8
1. India's ties with the US have become lackluster. MEA needs to infuse life into it by making it
more transactional and business-like. The civil nuclear liability law needs to be amended to open
5Bhartiya Janta Party Organisation, BJP Election Manifesto 2014 (BJP 2014)
<http://www.bjp.org/images/pdf_2014/full_manifesto_english_07.04.2014.pdf> accessed 18 October
2014
6 Himanil Raina, Indias Foreign Policy under Modi 2 (2014) International Policy Digest
<http://www.internationalpolicydigest.org/2014/08/06/india-foreign-policy-modi-part-2/> accessed 18
October 2014
7 Brahma Chellaney Narendra Modis Imprint on Foreign Policy Live Mint (2 September 2014)
<http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/Rx9Waq6uNG6yHJaSJMurTL/Narendra-Modis-imprint-on-foreignpolicy.html> accessed 18 October 2014
4

India to nuclear energy industry, fix the retroactive taxes to revive business sentiment in the US
and

explain

India's

stand

on

IPR

in

pharmaceuticals.

2. India's big challenge is China its rise and aggression causes anxiety. These anxieties will
reduce if China is seen to be developing a stake in India. The way to do it is to push Chinese
investment in India and develop a genuine economic partnership with it. MEA has to help the
security

establishment

overcome

its

fear

about

China.

3. India's Look East policy has petered out into a "Glance East" Policy. India's economic and
strategic moorings are in Asia, therefore MEA will have to look at advancing Indian interests in
Asia, including countries like Vietnam, Indonesia, Singapore as well as Australia countries
that

are

also

anxious

about

China's

territorial

moves.

4. Modi has made a terrific start by inviting all neighbours for his swearing-in. It's a gesture to
indicate that he wants better ties with them. India's arrogance as Big Brother in south Asia has
brought these ties to a low from which they can only grow. Pakistan has been told upfront that
terror and trade can't coexist. Nawaz Sharif needs to make it apparent that he is trying to contain
the

terror

operatives

in

Pakistan.

5. SAARC countries look up to India. This needs to be exploited by MEA with a genuine
appreciation of the requirements of our neighbours as well as their political sensitivities. As a
regional bloc, South Asia is the least integrated in the world. Injecting faith and trust by opening
up

trade

and

business

would

change

the

situation.

6. Build trade missions in key embassies to facilitate Indian economic interests. A good way to
approach this would be to absorb the international trade division of Commerce ministry into
MEA.9
8 Vladimir Terehov, Indias Foreign Policy under Narendra Modi (2014) New Eastern Outlook
<http://journal-neo.org/2014/06/11/rus-o-vneshnej-politike-indii-pri-narendra-modi/> accessed 18
October 2014
9 6 Top Priorities of Ministry of External Affairs The Times of India (New Delhi, 26 May 2014) 5.
5

Narendra Modi favours an assertive (if necessary even aggressive) stance towards diplomacy
which was evident in his maiden speech at the sixty-ninth session of the United Nations General
Assembly on 27 September 2014. He called for reform and expansion of United Nations Security
Council including India's long standing demand of a permanent membership. He had also argued
why UN should serve as G-All for global governance instead of several parallel sub-groupings
like G7, G20 etc. In the wake of ISIS threat in West Asia and similar in other parts of the globe
he urged for immediate implementation of 'Comprehensive on International Terrorism' by the
UN and offered India's pro-active role in it citing India as a victim of terrorism for
decades. Ridiculing the possibility of any multilateral intervention, a demand Sharif has made in
his address at the UNGA on 26 September, on Kashmir related mater he stated that his
government is ready for 'bilateral talk' to Pakistan provided Pakistan should cultivate suitable
environment for talks by giving up terrorism policy against India.
Difference
The fact that he represents a government with a majority in the Lok Sabha, capable of taking
difficult decisions, has given Modi an edge over his predecessors of the last three decades.
Modis energy and vigour also stands in contrast to the dysfunction and lack of energy in the
UPA government in its second term10. Moreover, for the first time a nationalist approach to
foreign policy has been taken with economic development being the prime focus. We can see
clarity in planning as well as execution of his diplomatic plans, which was next to non-existent in
the past governments and maybe this clarity of thought and the aura of a different and strong
leader at the helm is attracting countries to develop better bi-lateral ties with India. Further, he
has understood the importance of engaging all major powers without any inhibition. Unlike the
UPA government, which held back on ties with the US and Japan by citing the dangers of
provoking China, Modi has been bold in affirming that India would pursue its relations with all
the major powers, each on its own merit. This has significantly improved Indias leverage with
the US, China, Japan, Russia and Europe. The question is no longer about India being nonaligned between the major powers but about how Delhi can shape the regional and global
balance of power to serve its own interests.
COUNTRYWISE ANALYSIS
10 Himanil Raina, Indias Foreign Policy under Modi 2 (2014) International Policy Digest
<http://www.internationalpolicydigest.org/2014/08/06/india-foreign-policy-modi-part-2/> accessed 18
October 2014
6

SAARC and ASEAN

Even before becoming the Prime Minister Narendra Modi hinted that his foreign policy will
actively focus on improving ties with India's immediate neighbours which is being termed as
Neighbourhood First policy in the media, and he started well by inviting all heads of
state/heads

of

government

of

South Asian Association

for

Regional

Cooperation

(SAARC) nations and Mauritius to attend his governments swearing-in ceremony and on the
second day in office held bilateral talks with all of them individually which was dubbed as a
"mini SAARC summit" by the media.11 Foreign minister Sushma Swaraj has highlighted the
importance not only of Indias Look East policy of materializing it into Engage East or Act
East.12 Later during a launch event at ISRO he had asked Indian scientists to develop a dedicated
SAARC satellite to share the fruits of the technology like tele-medicine, e-learning etc. with the
people across South Asia to complement the currently operating Indian Technical and Economic
Cooperation Programme program in the region. In fact, in its election manifesto the party had
stated, BJP believes that political stability, progress and peace in the region are essential for
South Asia's growth and development. In our neighborhood we will pursue friendly relations.
However, where required we will not hesitate from taking strong stand and steps. We will work
towards strengthening Regional forums like SAARC.13
Modis visits to Bhutan and Nepal were ample evidence of the governments enthusiasm to
engage with SAARC. In Nepal, Modi spoke sincerely about improving economic linkages and
also about granting whatever assistance the country needed. In Bhutan, too, Modi spoke about
the similarities between the two countries while effectively highlighting the point that Bhutan
11Krishna Uppulari, Narendra Modis swearing in offers a new lease of life to SAARC DNA
(New Delhi, 25 May 2014) <http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-narendra-modi-s-swearingin-offers-a-new-lease-of-life-to-saarc-1991170> accessed 21 October 2014

12Sushma tells Indian Envoys to act East and not just look East The Times of India (New Delhi 29
September 2014) <http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Sushma-tells-Indian-envoys-to-act-east-andnot-just-look-east/articleshow/40931866.cms> accessed 21 October 2014
13 Bhartiya Janta Party Organisation, BJP Election Manifesto 2014 (BJP 2014)
<http://www.bjp.org/images/pdf_2014/full_manifesto_english_07.04.2014.pdf> accessed 18 October
2014
7

had made a peaceful transition to democracy. Other important aspects of his foreign policy are
inter-city initiatives, building historical linkages with other parts of the world with the SAARC
countries. The reason behind the SAARC focus is evident from the policy tilt of the Modi
government economic growth and development. Instability in the neighborhood can hinder the
achievement of this goal, not least because it will require a diversion of time, energy and
resources.14 Moreover, even if India finds a way to grow despite its neighborhood, it might find it
harder to play a greater role outside the region if the disparity increases.
While SAARC remains an important area of focus, India has also made it clear that ASEAN is an
important Indian objective and not merely a means to check Chinese influence. There is need for
greater people-to-people contact, a relaxed visa regime, and also a need for improving
connectivity within the region.
China
Modi and his ministers have already had some direct interaction with their Chinese counterparts
and this is likely to increase over the next couple of months. The prime minister sees China,
which he had visited when he had been Gujarat chief minister to attract investment and seek
markets for his state, as having the potential to be a major economic partner for India. He would
also not mind competition between various sources of investment. Modi has broken some new
ground in Indias China policy and has ended Delhis past reluctance to welcome Chinese
investments into India as well as the defensiveness in its approach to the boundary dispute with
Beijing. While extending much personal warmth to the Chinese leadership, Modi and his
government have also been uninhibited in their public criticism of Chinas expansionism.
China, on its part, has been vocal about its hopeful view of Modi as a business-minded and
focused leader, and Xi Jinping will likely take with him economic sweeteners to try to expand
this side of the relationship. 15 Yet, even as economic ties are an opportunity, they have also been
the source of strain with bilateral trade having fallen in the last couple of years even as the trade
deficit has grown to Indias detriment. Moreover, security concerns remainover Chinas rise
14CFR What BJP has to say about foreign policy (CFR Blogs: News Asia 7 April 2014)
<http://blogs.cfr.org/asia/2014/04/07/the-indian-elections-what-the-bjp-has-to-say-about-foreign-policy/?
cid=nlc-public-the_world_this_week-link220140411&sp_mid=45608677&sp_rid=aW5kaW5mMDZAZ21haWwuY29tS0> accessed 19 October
2014
8

and its intentions in general, the border issue, China-Pakistan relations and Chinese activities in
Indias neighborhood in particular. The question here is how Modi will react to incursions by
China, since India has close economic relations with its neighbour and, in spite of some
roadblocks, these ties have seen significant improvement.
United States of America (USA)
The beginning of Indo-US relations with the present government was rather rocky. The US
denied Mr. Modi entrance in 2005 based on the accusations of remaining a silent spectator during
the Gujarat riots of 2002, which continued until his government came to power with a
phenomenal margin. This resulted in a complete turn-around in the position of the US since it
realised that furthering relations with India is imperative. Barrack Obama congratulated Mr.
Modi over the phone on his partys victory and reminded him about the strategic partnership that
binds their countries. He stressed the significance in the modern world of the fact that the US and
India are the largest democracies. The American president expressed hope that, under the
leadership of Narendra Modi, India will play an important role in the solving of global problems.
Furthermore, Barrack Obama invited Mr. Modi to attend a bilateral summit after the inauguration
ceremony in the end of September 2014.
As for PM Modi himself, there were two approaches that Modi could have taken toward the
United States:

Option A: hold the U.S. at arms length to pay it back for its lack of official engagement
with

him

over

the

last

few

years.

Option B: continue to build on the bilateral relationship, recognizing the reality of the
breadth and depth of India-U.S. relations and its potential to help his priorities (including
economic growth, meeting energy needs, managing Chinas rise).
15 Tanvi Madan, Indian Prime Minister Modis Foreign Policy: The First 100 Days, Brookings (29 August 2014)
< http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2014/08/28-modi-100-days-foreign-policy-madan> accessed 19
October 2014

As against the better judgment of some experts from his inner circle, he did not send
disapproving signals to Washington about former discriminatory measures. Moreover, during
his campaign he underscored his lack of personal ill will towards the USA and intention to build
lasting partner relations with Washington based on equality and mutual benefit. Mr. Modi has
taken into consideration the undoubted fact that continuing to develop US relations this way can
offer India much-needed room to maneuver in relations with other world leaders, namely China,
Russia, the EU and Japan.16 Sushma Swaraj said the catchphrase for her tenure was "fast-track
diplomacy" and said it had three faces - proactive, strong and sensitive. "This time a strong
government will be talking to Obama. That will be the main difference." She said a tough
message had also been delivered to the US when John Kerry was told that the US cannot treat
India as a friend and then snoop on it as well.
However, the fact that a minor incident involving Indian diplomat Devyani Khobragade in
December 2013 almost brought catastrophic effects to the entire system of bilateral relations, so
much time and effort in the making, was an absolute shock to both countries.
The major challenge that lies ahead in the India-U.S. relationship will be translating the various
opportunities into outcomes. This will likely involve tackling political and bureaucratic obstacles
in India. It will also likely involve companies rather than the governments, limiting what officials
can achieve on their part. 17
Pakistan
When Modi abruptly called off foreign secretary talks with Pakistan, the government took a lot
of flak on what seems like a see-saw Pakistan policy. But there are several indications that India's
approach to other South Asian neighbours will not be replicated in Pakistan. Nawaz Sharif's
decision to come, despite the strictures against meeting the Hurriyat then did not go down well
16 Vladimir Terehov, Indias Foreign Policy under Narendra Modi (2014) New Eastern Outlook
<http://journal-neo.org/2014/06/11/rus-o-vneshnej-politike-indii-pri-narendra-modi/> accessed 18
October 2014
17 Himanil Raina, Indias Foreign Policy under Modi 2 (2014) International Policy Digest
<http://www.internationalpolicydigest.org/2014/08/06/india-foreign-policy-modi-part-2/> accessed 18
October 2014
10

with

the

Pakistan

army,

but

sent

positive

signal

to

Modi.

What did not, was the ISI-LeT attack on the Indian consulate in Herat, Afghanistan. Coming a
couple of days before his swearing in, the incident showed the dangers that underlay the apparent
bonhomie.
For conversations with many familiar with developments, Modi's approach to Pakistan will
primarily be guided by a tough stand on the border and LOC, which has been evident for the past
few weeks. The sentinels on the border as the MEA calls them, have been ordered to give back
more

than

they

get.

That does not mean Modi will cut off diplomatic contact, though it's very clear Modi's interest in
Pakistan as a nation is minimal, unlike his predecessor. If Nawaz Sharif survives his current
crisis and makes it to New York for the UN general assembly, Modi and Sharif may well sit
down for a chat. India will make trade concessions to Pakistan to sweeten a stalled trade deal, but
that's it. Inside Kashmir, Modi has a very different vision the elections in November will be
the first time Modi-Shah combine will test their policy. A state government, not opposed to the
centre, more nationalistic in tone than before, can alter ground situations more than any
conversation between India and Pakistan.18 In the words of the Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj,
"I do not know why the Pakistan high commissioner invited the separatists for talks and derailed
the foreign-secretary level dialogue. Is it wrong to expect that Pakistan should not interfere in our
internal affairs? It is not." 19
A research paper was commissioned by Melbourne-based think tank Australia India Institute
(AII) on 'Indian Foreign Policy Under (Prime Minister) Modi'. The paper highlighted that Prime
Minister Modi would build on his past record as the Chief Minister of India's fastest growing
state Gujarat and make "India's Look East policy" as his priority. However, for neighbouring
countries like Pakistan and China, he may adopt more "muscular" approach, it said.
18 Indrani Bagchi, With bricks and mortar, Modi puts a foreign policy in place, The Times Of India
(New Delhi 1 September 2014) <http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/With-bricks-and-mortar-Modiputs-a-foreign-policy-in-place/articleshow/41443457.cms> accessed 18 September 2014
19 Editorial, Sushma on Pakistan and China The Economic Times (New Delhi 9 September 2014)
<http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2014-09-09/news/53731019_1_sushma-swaraj-pm-modipakistan-and-china > accessed 18 September 2014
11

Modi may treat Pakistan differently, considering the fact that he is heavily inclined towards
domestic economic development and Pakistan being a rogue state is an inhibiting factor. Unlike
his immediate predecessors, Modi will bolster India's military strength so that it is a credible
deterrent to Pakistani adventurism. He will be less willing to make concessions until and unless
there is an end to what he has called cross border terrorism. Under Modi, steps will be taken to
improve the inadequate military infrastructure along the Indo-China border.20
Japan
There was considerable speculation that given Modis penchant for development and
technology, Japan would play a key role in furthering these ambitious ventures. Modis visits to
Japan during his time as Chief Minister established a personal rapport with the Japanese PM
Shinzo Abe which has resulted in a marked difference in the Indo-Japan bilateral dynamics.
Modis government has stated that India has a special relationship with Japan. The prime
minister sees it as a source of investment and technology (especially in the governments priority
area of infrastructure), potentially defense equipment (a US-2 aircraft sales and co-production
deal might be in the offing) and defense cooperation, as well as a strategic partner. Modi has also
emphasized the (democratic) values-based motivation for the relationshipa factor missing
in relations with the neighbor that India and Japan share: China. Finally, Modis Japan visit is
being spoken of in terms of the investments Japan has promised as well as some important
strategic agreements Modi and Abe signed, with an eye on China.
IS IT REINVENTION OF INDIAS GLOBAL IMAGE
Theres been a fair bit of continuity rather than change in the overall direction of foreign policy,
but we have seen changes, especially in terms of style or approach, which has the potential to
affect substance.

20 Narendra Modi government may have muscular approach towards Pakistan, China:
Australian think tank DNA India (1 September 2014) <http://www.dnaindia.com/india/reportnarendra-modi-government-may-have-muscular-approach-towards-pakistan-chinaaustralian-think-tank-2015319>

12

1.

The intensity of international engagement has increased, with a number of high-level

visits to and from India that have taken place or are on the docket.

2.

There seems to be an emphasis on getting deliverables from these visits and not just
photo ops.

3.

We have seen learning from the previous governments experience. One example: over
the last few years, Indian officials have been criticized for not doing enough, with enough speed,
for the safety of Indians abroad. Faced with the need to evacuate or rescue Indians stuck or being
held hostage in Iraq recently, the new government established a crisis management cell to
monitor the situation and coordinate Indias response, set up a round-the-clock helpline to
provide information and aid and sent a special envoy to Iraq. There was high-level involvement,
including by the prime minister, the foreign minister who met with family members of those
affected multiple times, as well as the national security advisor and intelligence bureau chief who
traveled to Iraq and Saudi Arabia respectively.21

4.

Weve seen this government acknowledge to some extent the role of states in shaping
Indian foreign policythough this official recognition wasnt entirely missing previously.

5.

Finally, weve seen the government use e-diplomacy to a greater degree as an instrument
of engagement, targeting both domestic and foreign audiences.
Contrary Opinion
While agreeing that Modi will appear tough with Pakistan, T P Sreenivasan, a former diplomat
who spent 37 years with the Indian Foreign Service, argues that this toughness will not go
beyond a point as he will realize soon that with war not an option anymore, a tough approach
will go only so far.
In fact, foreign policy under Modi, Sreenivasan says, will not change in any significant way. It
would be continuity rather than change, because former diplomats would be advising Modi,
21NSA Doval want on secret mission to Iraq The Hindu (New Delhi 20 September 2014)
<http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/nsa-doval-went-on-secret-mission-to-iraq/article6187353.ece>
accessed 22 September 2014
13

foreign policy not being his forte. Changes if any will be in nuance and not fundamental in
nature22.
Indeed, a striking feature of Indias foreign policy is its continuity. Certainly there have been
shifts, but as Manjari Chatterjee Miller points out in a recent article in Foreign Affairs, the
broad shape of Indian foreign policy has remained the same for nearly five decades. Even when
shifts do occur, they are not sudden, has rarely, if ever, been political, and has had little to
do with the prime ministers political ideology.23
It is in emphasis and style rather than substance that the Modi governments foreign policy will
differ from that of the UPA. Modi will be less patient with Pakistan and can be expected to base
his relations with all of Indias neighbors (and not just Pakistan and China) on reciprocity.
Opportunities and Challenges Ahead
Both limitations and possibilities lie ahead. A key advantage for India right now is that a number
of countries see it as an opportunity and this moment as the right time to establish or expand
relations with it. The high intensity of the governments external engagement might be
attributable to its recognition of this fact and its desire to capitalize on the interest in India.
However, a question that lies ahead is: can the Modi government effectively seize the
opportunity that this moment offers? For one, how long the magic of Modi wave will last will
depend on Indias performance, especially its economic performance. Thus, in one way a key
foreign policy challenge for the Modi government will be an economic one, with foreign officials
and investors asking the same question that Indian voters are: can it deliver on the promise of
prosperity? The wooing will continue as long as the answer seems to be yes; if the government is

22 Sudha Ramachandran, Indian Foreign Policy Under Narendra Modi, The Diplomat (6 May
2014)<http://thediplomat.com/2014/05/indian-foreign-policy-under-narendra-modi/> accessed 18
October 2014
23 Manjari Chatterjee Foreign Policy- A La Modi Foreign Affairs
<http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/141095/manjari-chatterjee-miller/foreign-policy-a-la-modi>
accessed 20 September 2014
14

not seen as meeting expectations, the whining about India will start again, with countries
exploring other options.
A second challenge is that of implementation. The capacity issues that posed a problem for the
previous government remain. Getting things done will involve not just grappling with limitations
in terms of numbers and expertise available and coordination problems, but also balancing policy
and political imperatives, and making policy in the glare of the media spotlight.
A third challenge will be that of how to calibrate policy toward countries like China and Pakistan
where there is an effort to reach out, but also to lay down red lines. This will be especially
challenging, given that domestic dynamics in both those countries might adversely affect their
approach toward India.
Finally, there are the known unknowns: the crises that this government will no doubt have to
face. These could involve the safety of Indian citizens or facilities abroad, border tension with
China or Pakistan (with the upcoming Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections, security officials
are particularly concerned about the latter) or a terrorist attack in India. They could involve a
significant deterioration of the situation in the Middle East, a region where Indias leverage is
limited. Additionally, it could also involve tension or conflict between Indias partners, leaving
the Modi government with some difficult or awkward decisions to make.

CONCLUSION
One trademark of Modis foreign policy is that it is shorn of ideology, with pragmatism being the
hallmark. The policys overriding objective appears to be to enhance the countrys economic and
military security as rapidly as possible. Of course, it is too early to judge the consistency,
strength or effectiveness of the Modi diplomacy. But after a long era of ad hoc, reactive, weak15

kneed diplomacy, the new clarity and vision represent a welcome change for India. India is
seeing a novel nationalist foreign policy which primarily focuses on economic development and
improving Indias international image. He is ready to take risks and bold decisions for this
purpose and considers emergence of possible conflicts and tension with a nation, for example
China, secondary to having good bilateral relations with a superpower like USA or a nation like
Japan.
Narendra Modis foreign policy will apparently be based on the well-known Gujju principle
strictly business. Those who can offer India that mutually beneficial business in international
politics, economics and defense will succeed in developing partnerships with the country under
the new Prime Minister. Usually 100 days is an insufficient period of time to come to a
conclusion regarding a governments foreign policy, however, the Modi led government has
managed to accomplish so much so that their accomplishments can be contrasted and compared
with that in the past decade and it can be reasonably concluded that the present direction of
Indias foreign policy will have a more positive impact on our international image as well as
international relations.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
ONLINE JOURNALS AND MAGAZINES

16

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modi/>
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<http://www.internationalpolicydigest.org/2014/08/06/india-foreign-policy-modi-part-2/>
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imprint-on-foreign-policy.html>
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3. Editorial, Sushma on Pakistan and China The Economic Times (New Delhi 9 September
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