Vol.

II (LXIV)
No. 1/2012

10 - 18

Academic attributions and school achievement among

Romanian children left behind by migrant parents
Nicoleta Laura Popa*
Romanian Academy, Ia i Branch, Bdul Carol I, nr. 8, 700505 Ia i, Romania

Abstract
Given the limited research-based information available about Romanian students left behind by migrant
parents, the present study focuses on academic attributions and school achievement among this group.
Students' responsibility beliefs in academic situations were measured with a later form of Intellectual
Achievement Responsibility questionnaire (Crandall et al., 1965). The average grade for a semester
was taken into account as an indicator of school achievement level. One hundred seventy-four
secondary school students participated in the study, out of which ninety-two with migrant parents.
Instruments were self-administered and classroom teachers reported average grades. Results indicate
that parents absence has significant effects on students school achievement and academic attributions
are significantly more negative and rather external for children left behind.
Keywords: academic attributions; school achievement; migration; children left behind

1. Introduction
A large part of the research on European migration strives to clarify socioeconomic effects, focusing mainly on remittances and their impact on economies of
sending and receiving countries, changes in social capital or integration of newcomers
in the labour market, effects of returning migrant on dynamics of social capital
(Markova 2006; Katseli, Lucas & Xenogiani, 2006; Badescu & Sum, 2009), while
educational outcomes draw far less attention. A number of reports for Eastern
European countries suggest that social effects of migration include changes in family
composition (mainly through separation or divorce), the abandonment of elderly and
children (Markova, 2006). Generally, migration has invasive effects on families
determining transformations of households from nuclear to transnational structures,
challenging traditional gender roles, and imposing intergenerational barriers caused
by geographical distances. The problem of family members left behind in the country
of origin emerges especially as a result of circular migration: migrants leave their
countries temporarily, mainly because of economic reasons and do not intend to build
an entirely new social life in the country of destination. Therefore, their families
remain in the home-country, and exchanges of social practices as well as close ties
kept throughout a temporary migration episode indicate transnational orientations.
Although the phenomenon of children left behind is largely spread in Eastern
European countries, most of the available studies document the situation of children
from migrant households in Latin American, Caribbean or Asian countries (AguileraGuzman, 2004; Borges et al., 2007; Borges et al. 2009; Parrenas, 2005; Asis, 2006).
Cultural differences and dissimilarities may harden the transfer of results in
approaching the situation of children left behind in Eastern European countries, but
nevertheless they are valuable in understanding the phenomenon and plan future
research studies.

* Corresponding author:
E-mail address: npopa@psih.uaic.ro

Nicoleta Laura Popa /Journal of Educational Sciences & Psychology

A review of available literature on the issue proposed by B. Yeoh and Lam (2006)
draws attention towards difficulties in establishing the facts and figures of the
immobile members of migrant households: national as well as international
statistics are rather unreliable sources of information, given different criteria and
calculation methods employed. The paper outlines different implications for children
left behind, varying by the migrant parent (mother, father or both) and by the type of
care provided in the home-country. Surprisingly, migrant mothers and fathers
intensify their communication with children, via mobile phones and on-line
applications and improve childrens access to health and social services through
generous remittances. This may be the so-called care-chain described by A. RusselHochschild (2000 cited by Lutz, 2004): migrant parents, especially mothers, keep in
touch with their children left behind in the country of origin or their carers, and
childrearing responsibilities are fulfilled over geographical distances, thus facilitating
the emergence of transnational motherhood or parenthood.
In spite of constant communication between parents and children left behind,
youngsters education is affected by parents migration, although the results of the
studies are mixed: some researchers indicate how parents remittances improve
childrens educational prospects and school enrolment (Hugo, 2002; Kuhn, 2006),
while others uncover a depressive picture of falling educational enrolment and
attainment within rural communities marked by work migration (Jampaklay, 2006).
Other studies report that parents migration may not necessarily lead to serious
emotional disturbances or delinquent behaviours among children left behind, and age
seems to be a relevant variable in explaining their tolerance to migration episodes of
adults in the family: younger children interpret parents migration as abandonment,
while adolescents are able to observe and report the associated material benefits, but
also emotional troubles. Regardless perceived material benefits, children left behind,
especially by their migrant mother, experience migration as a form of parental
abandonment (Parrenas, 2005). A study conducted by Battistella and Conaco (1998)
reveals that parental absence produces emotions reported by children left behind as
results of loneliness. Children affected by parents migration seem to be less socially
adjusted, if compared with their classmates living within a non-migrant family.
Some studies focused on young female adults who have been affected as children
by mothers migration: participants reported that they replaced fathers in caring for
other members of their families, and therefore their educational attainment suffered
(Parrenas, 2005; Asis, 2006).
Several research reports are also available for the situation of children left behind in
Eastern European (Bulgaria, Poland, Lithuania etc.) and ex-Soviet Union countries (as
Ukraine and Moldova). A survey conducted by Guentcheva et al. (2003) on Bulgarian
children reported high dropout rates among children with migrant parents, who are
left behind in the sending country. Further inquiries on dropout causes of children left
behind indicated that joining families abroad, as shorter or longer-term migrants, may
be an important stressor. In addition, Bulgarian children left in the care of their
extended family develop discipline problems in school and eventually decide to
interrupt their school track (Iliev and Kabakchieva, 2002 apud Markova, 2006). Data
from qualitative studies show that some migrant families invest their savings in
providing better education for their children, but dropout figures are the highest for
Bulgarian children of short or longer-term migrants.
A. Rosinska-Kordasiewicz and S. Urbanska (2006) mention negative consequences
for Polish children left behind by their migrating parents, appearing after a separation
longer than three months. The authors review several studies on the issue, revealing
lower school performance of these children and a certain vulnerability to deviant
behaviours. As in the case of other countries, there are Polish children with a
migration background who perform better in school settings, as a result of higher
implication of family members in their care, education and further social guidance.
A more negative picture is offered by researchers for Ukrainian children suffering
effects of their parents circular migration (Ponomareva, 2010): the number of the socalled social orphans resulting from work migration is extremely high and children

11

Nicoleta Laura Popa /Journal of Educational Sciences & Psychology

lacking parental attention, guidance and control develop behavioural problems

(Tolstokorova, 2009).
Children living in Moldova in the absence of their migrant parents are similarly
described: they have better life conditions than their peers, but are more vulnerable to
risks such as drug abuse, school dropout and socially undesirable behaviours.
Emotional development, social relations and school performance are also negatively
modified as a result of parents absence (Molodikova, 2008).
Beyond advantages of children left behind by their migrant parents, resulting from
a better financial situation of the families, the negative effects of parents absence are
obviously proved to be rather diverse and deep.
The research on Romanian children affected by parental migration is rather scarce,
but some data and results are already available as background for further studies.
Quantitative and qualitative studies conducted in Romania depicted effects of circular
migration on children left behind, who manage their daily lives alone or with the help
of their relatives (Irimescu & Lupu, 2006; Toth et al, 2007; Luca & Gulei, 2007; Toth
et al, 2008).
The numbers and figures available on the phenomenon are tentative, and provided
through various institutions and organizations. According to a survey conducted by
Soros Foundation Romania (Toth et al., 2007), about 35,000 lower secondary school
students have both parents working abroad, 55,000 have migrant mothers and 80,000
have migrant fathers. In terms of geographic location, statistical data shows that the
regions mostly affected by circular migration are in the Western regions of the
country (Banat, Cri ana, Maramure ), where 27% of the lower secondary school
students have at least one migrant parent, and Moldova, where the percentage of
children affected by parents migration is 25%. Most of the migrant parents work in
Italy and Spain, and embrace complicated migration paths, with changes in
destinations and returns.
The same study shows that parents work migration has both positive and negative
effects on children left back home (Toth et al., 2007). The main positive effects are
related to general life conditions (better living conditions, mobile phones, computers
etc). Also, 34% of the children with both parents working abroad have travelled
outside the country, in comparison with just 14% of the children from non-migrant
families; moreover, 20% of children with both parents working abroad regularly
spend their holidays abroad with their parents. Among the most frequent negative
effects, the study presents the deterioration of the childrens relations with the parent
who remained at home. The data confirm the existence of a significant association
between the absence of either the mother or both parents and the incidence of
depressive symptoms among children. Although no significant differences between
children from migrant and non-migrant families in terms of deviant behaviour could
be proved, parents temporary migration clearly represents a risk factor. The authors
of the study concluded that children whose parents temporarily migrate have a similar
psychological profile as those living in mono-parental families, resulting from
parents divorce or the death of one parent.
High levels of depression have been also reported in a study coordinated by M.
Robila (2011), aiming to examine the influences of parental migration on childrens
psychosocial functioning and education in Romania. Besides increased incidence of
depressive thoughts, the study indicates that higher parental support produces
beneficial effects on students academic achievement, and improved parental
monitoring reduces childrens behavioural problems.
There is empirical evidence that parents migration affects childrens self-esteem,
but different patterns are described for children living in rural and urban areas:
children from urban environments show lower levels of self-esteem when both parents
work abroad, while children from rural areas are mostly affected by mothers absence
(Ghergut, 2007).
A recent study using data obtained from a sample of adolescents living in an urban
area from the Western part of Romania (Sava, 2010) analysed some facets of social
inclusion/exclusion of children left at home by their migrant parents. Results
emphasize that teenagers in the target group tend to internalize their psychological

12

Nicoleta Laura Popa /Journal of Educational Sciences & Psychology

problems, increasing potential risks (anxiety, depression and a lower level of selfesteem) for their psychological health. Other risks usually associated with children
left behind are presented as overestimated, because no significant differences were to
be reported in terms of educational, social or economical difficulties after controlling
for confounding variables.
2. Methodology
2.1. Objective
The present study focuses on responsibility beliefs for academic success and failure
among children affected by parents migration, in relation with their level of school
achievement. Based on previous literature, we advanced no research hypotheses, but
rather research questions on variations in academic attributions and educational
attainment according to families migration history.
2.2. Participants
The study is based on data collected from a convenience sample. Two hundred sets
of instruments have been applied, but those missing relevant biographic information
or containing incomplete data were excluded from further analysis. One hundred
seventy-four secondary Romanian high-school students offered complete information
for the study, out of which ninety-two have parents (mother, father or both) who
temporary work and live abroad (See also Table 1). Participants are aged between 15
and 18 years, and are enrolled in public schools from the historical region of
Moldavia, one of the poorest and seriously affected by several circular migration
waves towards Spain and Italy in the last decade (Sandu, 2010).
Table 1. The structure of the sample according to parents migration history
Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Valid None of the parents works abroad
82
47.1
47.1
Mother works abroad
28
16.1
63.2
Father works abroad
32
18.4
81.6
Both parents work abroad
32
18.4
100.0
Total
174
100.0

In terms of gender, the sample is rather unbalanced, including one hundred twentynine girls and forty-five boys. Most of students come from families with two or more
children and eighty-two of them are the oldest siblings; thirty-seven participants
reported the divorce of their parents and eight mentioned a deceased parent.
2.3. Instrument
Academic explanatory style was investigated with a well-known instrument
focusing on locus of control (internal and external) in attributions for success and
failure in school settings, the Intellectual Achievement Responsibility questionnaire
(IAR; Crandall et al., 1965). The scale includes thirty-four items describing positive
and negative school events (items being grouped in two corresponding subscales), and
subjects are asked to choose either an external or an internal cause. External options
are scored with 0.00 and internal attributions are scored 1.00. Separate scores are
computed for causal attributions in positive and negative school events, by summing
results for each item of the two subscales. IAR scores can range between 0 and 17 for
each of the two subscales, higher scores indicating a more internal locus of control.
Authors reported moderately high reliability and validity coefficients for this
research instrument and a large number of early and more recent studies rely on IAR
and its revised versions, for measuring childrens causal attribution beliefs (Ryckman

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Nicoleta Laura Popa /Journal of Educational Sciences & Psychology

& Rallo, 1986; Post, 1999; Kitsantas & Zimmerman, 2009). Reliability coefficients of
the version applied within is study is satisfactory, .65 for the subscale of positive
events and .62 for the subscale of negative events.
The average grade for the previous semester was taken into account as an indicator
of school achievement level. School assessment in Romanian educational system
consists in grades from 1 to 10 (1 is the lowest and 10 is the highest). The average
grade for each of the two semesters in a school year is computed as mean of average
results for all school subjects, either compulsory or electives. Our analysis included
the average grade for the first semester of the school year 2010/2011.
2.4. Procedure
Instruments have been self-administered at the end of the second semester of the
school year 2010/2011, and classroom teachers indicated average grades for the
previous semester. Informed consent has been obtained from students volunteering to
provide the requested information, and anonymity of their answers has been
guaranteed by the researcher.
2.5. Data analysis
One-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) and t tests were used to examine
differences in terms of academic attributions and the level of academic achievement
between children with migrant parents and children from non-migrant families.
Pearson correlations have been computed for IAR scores (for success and failure
situations) and the level of school achievement. Split file for research data was used
whenever only the situation of children with a migration background in relation with a
second variable was in focus. Descriptive statistical data are also presented, as support
for reported tests results.
3. Results
Generally, means for locus of control in positive school events are higher than
those computed for negative events, and lower average scores are obtained by highschool students with both parents working and living abroad (See also Table 2).
Parents migration significantly influences the causal attributions made by children
left behind for positive school events [F(3; 170)= 3.07; p< 0.05], while the impact on
attributions for negative school events is less important [F(3; 170)= 0.34; p> 0.05].
The effect of parents migration on students academic attributions for positive events
is explained by significant differences between children benefiting from the presence
of both parents and children left behind by both migrant parents [t(112)= 2.41; p<
0.05], respectively between children affected by the absence of their mothers and
children with both parents working abroad [t(58)= 2.36; p< 0.05].
Table 2. Means (M) and standard deviations (SD) for IAR scores in positive and negative school
events, according to parents migration history
IAR Positive school events
No migration history
Migrant mother
Migrant father
Migrant parents
M
13.04
13.42
12.31
11.81
SD
2.33
2.53
2.23
2.74
IAR Negative school events
11.84
11.93
M
12.28
12.14
2.99
2.39
SD
1.95
2.49

Gender influences significantly students causal attributions for positive [t(62.80)=

2.16; p< 0.05] and negative school events [t(57.79)= 3.13; p< 0.05]: girls explain
successes and failures based on internal reasons, while boys are rather externalists. If

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Nicoleta Laura Popa /Journal of Educational Sciences & Psychology

parents migration history is considered, significant differences generated by gender

are also computed: girls with migrant mothers (M= 13.33; SD= 2.00) tend to express
more internal attributions than boys (M= 10.00; SD= 1.76) experiencing the same
family situation [t(26)= 4.39; p= 0.00]; girls with migrant fathers (M= 13.47; SD=
1.32) make more internal attributions than boys (M= 11.00; SD= 2.36) affected by
mothers absence [t(21.45)= 3.70; p< 0.01]. Gender produces no significant variations
in terms of locus of academic attributions among children living with both parents or
missing both migrant parents.
The structure of brotherhood has a significant impact on students responsibility
beliefs, regardless the history of parents migration and the nature of school event
F(3; 170)= 17.54; p= 0.00 for positive events and F(3; 170)= 4.85; p< 0.01 for
negative events. Mean scores for attributions in positive and negative school events of
students from families with two or more children, especially of the participants
reporting that they are the oldest sibling, are more internal than those obtained by
single children, but differences are not statistically significant.
Children living in urban households and affected by migrant mothers absence
reported more external responsibility beliefs for failure in school settings (M= 12.77;
SD= 2.73) than children coming from rural families (M= 14.60; SD= 1.64) - t(26)= 2.98; p< 0.01. Academic attributions for positive school events are not significantly
influenced by the residence environment, though children living in urban settings
develop a more external explanatory style.
Parents migration also influences significantly the level of students school
achievement [F(3; 170)= 2.91; p< 0.05], and this effect is explained by the differences
between children living with both parents (M= 8.08; SD= 0.72) and children left
behind by both migrant parent (M= 7.75; SD= 0.86) - t(112)= 2.62; p= 0.01 (see also
Table 3). Children with migrant parents obtained the lowest average school grades.
Table 3. Means (M) and standard deviations (SD) for average school grades according to parents
migration history
Average school grades
No migration history
Migrant mother
Migrant father
Migrant parents
8.16
7.88
8.08
7.75
M
0.70
0.60
0.72
0.86
SD

Girls have better school results (M=8.16; SD= 0.70) than boys (M= 7.64; SD=
0.70), regardless parents migration history. If parents migration history is
considered, mothers absence produces the most radical difference in girls favor
[t(24.34)= 4.06; p= 0.00].
No relevant variations have been accounted for students average grades across
groups of children determined by the structure of brotherhood, but children living in
urban families have significantly lower levels of school achievement (M= 7.57; SD=
0.32) than children from rural areas (M= 8.44; SD= 0.60) - t(11.87)= -4.99; p= 0.00.
Correlation coefficients between IAR scores for positive and negative school events
and the average school grades indicate significant, but week to moderate relations,
although they are stronger for academic attributions corresponding to favorable
episodes in school settings (r= 0.43, p< 0.01, respectively r= 0.22, p< 0.01).
4. Discussions and conclusions
The present study attempts to identify potential effects of parents migration on
academic attributions and the level of school achievement among adolescents.
Overall, results indicate more internal responsibility beliefs among children with
migrant parents left in the home-country, especially in the case of positive school
events, although scores for negative situations are also indicate more internal
orientations in explaining failure. Moreover, girls with migrant mothers or migrant
fathers, and oldest siblings in the families affected by temporary/circular migration
tend to make more internal attributions for their successes and failures. Children from

15

Nicoleta Laura Popa /Journal of Educational Sciences & Psychology

rural families also express rather internal beliefs regarding their success or failure in
school settings.
Explanatory style of participants affected by parental migration can be described as
rather depressive and pessimistic, as children internalize causes of academic success
and failure. These results are consistent with studies reporting depressive thoughts
among this group of children (Sava, 2010; Robila, 2011).
The significant relations between academic attributions and the level of school
achievement is also consistent with a part of previous research on these connections:
the more internal is the explanatory style, the higher is the level of school
achievement (Khodayarifard, Brinthaupt & Anshel, 2010). For clarifying these
findings, further studies should also consider other variables which may interact in
explaining academic achievement, such as school, parental or peers support, as
suggested by current research (Stewart, 2008).
Previous studies presenting findings about the level of school achievement among
Romanian children with migrant parents do not support the idea of real educational
difficulties, even if they report higher truancy and dropout (Irimescu & Lupu, 2007;
Toth et al., 2007; Luca & Gulei, 2007; Sava, 2010). Participants in the present study
affected by the absence of both migrant parents, especially from urban areas, obtained
significantly lower average school grades. Even if school grades may be interpreted as
subjectively influenced by teachers views and perceptions they remain an important
variable for comparative analysis. An important note should also be made on schools
where participants are enrolled: they are either vocational or industrial high-schools,
which traditionally receive former lower secondary school students with modest
school achievement. Local educational authorities indicate these institutions as
including most of the children coming from families with migration history. However,
as most of the similar studies on children with migrant parents, we used a crosssectional approach and a convenience sample, which may weak the value of our
findings. The results do not enlighten the situation of the group in question and must
be interpreted with caution given the research limits already mentioned, but offer
additional insights about characteristics associated with well-being among children
troubled by the absence of their migrant parents. Future approaches may consider
longitudinal designs, larger and more representative samples and other important
variables.
Beyond the need of further research on the topic, we may suggest some educational
implications of the findings: children with migrant parents who are in the care of the
extended family and develop a rather pessimistic explanatory style should be
encouraged through special training programs to express more adaptive, specific and
balanced attributions for both success and failure situations, and their school
achievement should remain a serious concern for teachers, parents and caretakers.
Moreover, transnational parenthood practices are to be encouraged, in order to
compensate the natural family practices in monitoring, advising and supporting
children, even if they are mediated by available technologies.
Acknowledgements
This paper is supported by the Sectoral Operational Programme Human Resources
Development (SOP HRD), financed from the European Social Fund and by the
Romanian Government under the contract number POSDRU/89/1.5/S/56815
[Knowledge based society: research, debates, perspectives].
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