Hatshepsut

HATSHEPSUT
FROM QUEEN TO PHARAOH

THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART
HATSHEPSUT
Capyrighled maEnal
HATSHEPSUT
FROM QUEEN TO PHARAOH
Edited by Cadiarine H. Roehrig
with Renee Dreyfus
and Cathleen A.
Keller
THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, NEW YORK

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS,
NEW HAVEN AND LONDON
Capyrighled maEnal
This volume
is
Pharaoh," held
2005,
tt>
published in conjunction with the exhibition "Hatshepsut:

at the
February
j,
Fine Arts
2006; at
From Queen
Museums of San Francisco / de Young from October
to
5,
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, from
March 28 to July 9, 2006; and
at the
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any

information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Kimbell Art Musemn, Fort Worth, from August 27 to
New photography of works in the Metropolitan Museiun collection by Bruce Schvarz, the
December 31, 2006.
Photograph Studio^ The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
The
exhibition
is
supported in part by the National
Endowment
for the Humanities,
Typeset in Foumier
a federal agency.
gsm R-400
Printed on 130
The
exhibition at the Fine Arts
part by the National
Museums of San
Francisco / de
Young is made possible
in
Separations by Professional Graphics, Inc., Rockford, IlUnois
Printed and bound
Endowment for the Arts, a federal agency.
by CS Graphics PTE, LTD, Singapore
na 95);
The exhibition at The Metropolitan Museum of Art is made possible by Dorothy and
Jacket/ cover illustrations: (Front) detail, statue of Hatshepsut as female king (cat.
Lewis B. Cullman.
(back) the temples of MentuhotepII and Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahri in 1953, before
restoration
The exhibition catalogue is made possible by The Adelaide Milton de Groot Fund
Metropolitan Museum, in
at the
memory of the de Groot and Hawley families.
Head of a stame of Hatshepsut as reassembled from fragments discovered in
Frontispiece:
western Thebes, 1928 (see
The exhibition was organized by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and
cat.
na 96)
the
Fine Arts Museums of San Francisca
On page xvi;
The exhibition is supported by an indemnity from the Federal Council on the Arts and the
Library of Congress Catalo^g-in-Publication Data
Detail, relief depicting running soldiers (cat.
na
82a)
Humanities.
Hatshepsut: from
Published by
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
P.
from October
Bruce Campbell, Designer
from March 28
Anandaroop Roy, Maps and Genealogy Designer
December 31, 2006.
ISBN
Douglas J. Malicki, Production Manager
S. Tai,
at the
2005, to February
5,
to July 9, 2006;
and
5,
MH de Young Memorial Museum, San Francisco,
2006; at
I.
1-58839-172-8 (hardcover)
Art
Queen of Egypt
Hatshepsut,
Exhibitions.
3.
Pharaohs
2005 The Metrfôlitan Museum of Art, New York
Art Museum, Fort Worth, August 27 to
ÎSBN 1-58839-173-6 (pbk.)
Exhibitions.
Exhibitions.
Renee. IIL Keller, Cathleen A. IV. M.H.
Copyright
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
at the Kimbell
ÎSBN
0-300-11139-8
(Yale University Press)
Picmre Coordinator
Jayne Kuchna, Bibliographic Editor
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Peter Antony, Chief Production Manager
Jane
Pharaoh/edited by Catharine H. Roehr^, withRenee
Keller,
Catalogue to an exhibition
O'Neill, Editor in Chief
Jane Bobko and Ruth Lurie Kozodoy, Editors
Minjee Cho, Desktop Publishing
to
cm.
p.
John
Queen
Dreyfus and Cathleen A.
Museum of Art (New York, N.Y.)
1.
2.
Hatshepsut,
Queen of Egypt
Roehr^, Catharine H.
De Young Memorial Museum.
VI. Kimbell Art Museum.
DT87.15.H378 2005
932'.oi4'o92
dci2
2005020286
11.
Dreyfus,
V. Metropolitan
Contents
Directors'
Foreword
TT.
Acknowledgments
.pndprs to the F.xhihition
Peter F.
Contributors to the Catalogue

List of Maps
Note
to th e.
HATSHF.PSTTT
HATSHEPSUT:
AND HFR COURT
Princess to
Queen
to
Co-Ruler
Dorman
87
THF TOMR of RAMOSF AND HATNEFER
and Plans
Peter F.
Dorman
gi
Reader
THE JOINT REIGN OF HATSHEPSUT AND
INTRODUCTION
THUTMOSE
Catharine H. Roehrig,
III
Cathleen A. Keller
<j6
THF ROYAT. COURT
Cathleen A. Keller
loi
Renee Dreyfus, and Cathleen A. Keller
Chronology: Kingdom, Dynastic, and Regnal Dates
Genealogy of Hatshepsut's Family
The Royal Steward, Senenmut

T.
THE CAREER OF SF.NENMUT
.SFTIINaJHE SCUKE
Peter F.
MODELS OF AUTHORITY:
Dorman
107
Hatshepsut's
Predecessors in Power
Ann Macy Roth
THK
WOMAN AND
SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR TO PRINCESS NEFERURE

Catharine H. Roehrig
OF
BITBIAT.
BOYAI.
CHTI.n
ART
Rise of the Eighteenth
IN TRANSITION: The
Dynasty and the Emergence of the Thutmoside Style

Sculpture and Relief
PATNTINC IN THR
15
THE tombs OF SENENMUT
23
FIGHTF KNTH DYNASTY
44
of Kush
IV.
Conflict with the
Cathleen A. Keller
117
Dorman
13J
Peter F.
HATSHEPSUT'S BUILDING PROJECTS
THF TKMPT.E OF HATSHEPSUT AT DETR

EL-BAHRI
Dieter Arnold
135
FOUNDATTON PFPOSITS FOR THF TFMPT.F OF
Kingdom
Vivian Davies
III.
DiESER-DTESERU
Egypt's Contacts with Neighboring Cultures
EGYPT AND NUBIA:
THE STATUARY OF SENENMUT
in
Edna R. Russmann
F ARTY
112
OF THF
LATE SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY
42
HATSHEPS UT AT DFIR FT.-RAHRT

141
EGYPT AND THE NEAR EAST: Evidence of Contact

in the Material
Record
Christine Lilyquist
60
HATSHEPSUT'S MORTUARY TEMPLE AT DEIR

ET.-RAHRT:
GLASS
TH F
67
TOM B OF M ATHKRPKRT N TH
T
F,
VA T.T. FY OF TH F KIN GS
70
EGYPT AND THE AEGEAN: Cultural Convergence

in a
Thutmoside Palace
at
Avaris
THE ROLE OF AMUN
Manfred Bietak
James
P.
Allen
Architecture as Political Statement
Ann Macy Roth
147
THF STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT

Cathleen A. Keller
THE SHRINES TO HATHOR AT DEIR EL-BAHRI

75
83
Diana Craig Patch
173
FAIENCE BOWLS
Susan J. Allen
176
Peter F.
Betsy M. Bryan
Hatshepsut's Building Activity
The Destruction of
Hatshf.psut's
Memory
THE PROSCRTPTTON OF H ATSHFPSI JT
THE TEMPLE OF MUT: New Evidence on
Dnrman
267
THE DESTRUCTTON OF THE STATUES OF

HATSHFPSIJT FROM DKTR ET-BAHRT
THE TWO TO MBS OF HATSHF.PSUT

Dorothea Arnold
ERASING A REIGN
270
AnnMacyRoth
im
JEWELRY IN THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY

Diana Craig Patch
COSMETIC EQUIPMENT
191
Diana Craig Patch
_2Ij
VI,
THE AFTERMATH
THE TEM PLE OF THUTMOSE

EL-BAH RI
P OTTERY
HATSHEPSUT AND THUTMOSE
III
Susan J. Allen
223
AT DETR
285
A CHRONOLOGY: The Later History and Excavations

of the Temple of Hatshepsut
FIGURE VASES
ANIMAL VASES
Renee Dreyfus
Dornthe.a
_242
at
Deir el-Bahri
Ar nold
Renee Dreyfus
FURNITURE AND CARPENTRY
Thutmose
III
fames
Renee Dreyfus
254
The Military Campaigns of
P. Allen
294
245
tOSCRTPTION
AFTER HATSHEPSUT:
290
HATSHEPSUT'S REPUTATION IN HISTORY

Cathleen A. Keller
METALWORK
VI
ITT
Jadwiga Lipiriska
AN D ST ON F VE SSELS IN TH E R FT GN O F
261
Appendix: Inscriptions of Senenmut
229
Glossary
303
Bibliography
307
Index
23i
Photograph Credits
340
Directors'
While
Foreword
modern Europe has had
women who
nary ruling
one
times
Victoria,
number of extraordi-
shaped the history of their
thinks of England's Elizabeth
and Russia's Catherine the Great
antiquity are rare. In the ancient
and
their counterparts in
Near East, such
figures are con-
spicuously absent (the adventures of the fabled Assyrian queen
Semiramus, although based on

product of Herodotus's
fertile
were primarily
a real individual,
imagination). Egypt's Cleopatra
looms large more for her romantic exploits than her

legacy.
who
One Egyptian queen
ruled Egypt for
fifteenth century B.C.
historical
stands apart, however: Hatshepsut,
some two decades
at the
beginning of the
A strong and effective pharaoh, she oversaw

Egypt for more
a cultural renaissance that influenced the arts in
accompanied by
From Queen to Pharaoh"
tion to trace the story
is
the first major exhibi-
and impact of this remarkable woman, bring-
ing together the most important sculptures and other works of art
media,
among them
The
exhibition
institutions: in
Gate Park; and
in
first
as
and then
III,
officially
acknowl-
edged as a female pharaoh, although in conformity with the

Egyptian ideology of rulership she was often represented in
art as a
man. After her death, Hatshepsut 's monuments were destroyed and
her name omitted from subsequent Egyptian king
lost until the
lists.
All
memory
mid-nineteenth century,
when
Hatshepsut was rediscovered by Egyptologists and her place in history restored. While the obliteration of her
memory was once
brought to
light
who
conceived and organized
Museums of San
CaUfornia, Berkeley.
to the
the
in
Europe and America, and
No major exhibition is possible without significant financial supand we are most gratefiil to those whose important contribu-
port,
tions have allowed diis project to
National
Endowment
come to
Francisco and the Metropolitan
Museum,
Recent archaeological finds and scholarship indicate that
laid the
was
is
artistic
innovation and creativity and
groundwork for the "golden age" of the
to follow. Hatshepsut 's
her mortuary temple
at
New Kingdom that
the
is
made possible by Dorothy
and Lewis B. Cullman. The exhibition
is
supported by an indemnity
from the Federal Council on the Arts and the Humanities. The publication
of
this exhibition catalogue
was made
possible
by
the
Metropolitan Museum's Adelaide Milton de Groot Fund, in memory
of the de Groot and Hawley
families.
most magnificent surviving monument
and land-
Within a few decades of Hatshepsut 's death, however, the
hacked to
At
the exhibition
Harry
Director, Fine Arts Museums
scape combine to form one of the world's greatest architectural mas-
statues that
supported by a grant from
is
for the Arts, a federal agency.
Deir el-Bahri near the Valley of the Kings
in western Thebes. Its terraced architecture, sculpture,
terpieces.
Museums of San
Museum. At the Fine Arts Museums
Metropolitan
impetus for a period of great
A grant from the
fruition.
for the Humanities, a federal agency, sup-
ports, in part, the exhibition at the Fine Arts
damnado memo-
Hatshepsut 's largely peacefijl and prosperous reign provided the
to Dr. Zahi
erously agreed to lend key works to the exhibition.
Endowment
not entirely clear.
at the
Supreme Council of Antiquities of Egypt, who gen-
the National
still
Renee Dreyfus
Keller of the University of
We extend our profound and heartfelt thanks
many museums
Hawass and
this exhibition:
Francisco, Catharine H. Roehrig at the
Museum, and Cathleen A.
of San Francisco, the exhibition
riae are
and excavators
We wish to express our admiration and gratitude to the curators
more current theories propose that the motive was safeguarding the
the reasons for this extraordinary
Museum's Depart-
earliest curators
many of the works on display in the exhibition.
explained as an act of retribution on the part of her successor, and
rojral succession,
for the organizing
New York, the opening in March 2006 celebrates
the hundredth anniversary of the Metropolitan
Metropolitan
of her reign was
marks a double celebration
San Francisco, the opening of "Hatshepsut" in
Museums of San Francisco, of the new de Young museum in Golden
Fine Arts
young stepson-nephew Thutmose
and
of this
October 2005 coincides with the inauguration, by the Fine Arts
have survived from her reign. Complex circumstances, colored
Having achieved kingship, she was
mem-
paintings, jewelry, furniture, stoneware,
important period in Egypt's history.
the intricate rules of royal inheritance and intermarriage,
as co-ruler.
statues reconstruct-
statues representing
pottery, that exemplify the exceptional artistic achievement
that
brought Hatshepsut to power on the death of her husband
number of the
bers of Hatshepsut 's court, and works in a wide range of other
by
co-regent with her
from the temple,
reliefs
ment of Egyptian Art, whose
than a millennium.
"Hatshepsut:
Museum's Egyptian Expedition;
ed from these fragments form the core of this exhibition. They are
S.
Parker
III
of San Francisco
Philippe de Montebello
Director,
The Metropolitan Mttseum ofArt
made up the temple's rich array had been removed and
pieces. In the 1920s
Timothy
and 1930s, thousands of fragments
were uncovered during excavations carried out by the Metropolitan
Director,
Potts
KimbellArt Museum
vii
Acknowledgments
An
exhibition of this scope inevitably involves the
efforts
of a great number of people.
extend our gratitude to the

istrators,
We would like to
directors,
admin-
and department chiefs who have approved loans from
their collections,
merable support
Our
museum
and
staff
thanks go
and innu-
to the curators, conservators,
who have facilitated these loans.
Whitehouse, Chezzy Brownen, and Julie Clements; Musee du

Louvre,
Henri
Paris:
Loyrette,
Christiane
David
Sabloff,
P.
and
Museum
Silverman, Jennifer Houser Wegner, and
Juana Dahlan; Museo Barracco, Rome:
museums
Ziegler,
Christophe Barbotiti; the University of Pennsylvania
of Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia: Jeremy A.
Anna Mura Sommella,
that
Eugenio La Rocca, and Marisita Nota; Agyptische Sammlung
organized the exhibition: Philippe de Montebello of The
der Universitat Tubingen: Karola Zibelius-Chen (retired) and
first
to the directors of the
Museum of Art, New York, and Harry S.
Metropolitan
Parker
of the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. Without
III
their
We
support this enterprise could not have been realized.
also
wish to thank Timothy Potts, Director of the Kimbell Art
Museum, Fort Worth, whose

from
its
interest in the project dates almost
inception.
following
the
at
European and American museums whose assistance
in this
undertaking was essential: Bancroft Library, University of

Berkeley:
California,
Charles
Anthony
Faulhaber,
Bliss,
and Todd Hickey; Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of

Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley: Douglas
and
Sharon
Knudsen;
Joan
Papyrussammlung,
Sapelli Ragni,
Vassilika,
and Elvira d'Amicone.
Loans from Egypt could not have been secured without the
cooperation of Zahi Hawass, Director General of the Supreme
Mahmoud Mabrouk,
Council of Antiquities of Egypt;
thanks go to our colleagues
Special
Museo delle Antichita Egizie, Turin: Marina

Anna Maria Donadoni Roveri (retired), Eleni
Christian Leitz;
Staatliche
Museum
Agyptisches
Museen zu
Berlin:
und
Dietrich
Wildung and Karla Kroeper; Museo Civico Archeologico,

Bologna: Cristiana Morigi Govi and Daniela Picchi;
Museum of
Director
General of Egyptian Museums; and Wafaa El-Saddik, Director of

the Egyptian
Museum,
Cairo.
Our
appreciation
is
extended to the
members of the Permanent Committee of the Supreme Council

of Antiquities and the High Committee for Exhibitions.
We
also like to thank the many staff members at the Egyptian

Museum and in Luxor who have helped facilitate the loans.
would
We would like to
thank Dietrich Wildung in Berlin, Richard
Fazzini in Brooklyn,
Wafaa El-Saddik
Schoske of the Staatliche
in Cairo,
and Sylvia
Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst,

in the catalogue a number of
Munich, for allowing us to include
Fine Arts, Boston: Malcolm Rogers, Rita E. Freed, Lawrence
important works that could not travel to the three exhibition
Berman, and Yvonne Markowitz; Brooklyn Museum: Arnold
venues owing to their
Lehman, Richard
Fazzini,
Edna R. Russmann, Madeleine Cody,
and Kathy Zurek; Musees Royaux d'Art
et d'Histoire, Brussels:
Anne Cahen-Delhaye and Luc Limme;
the
Museum, Cambridge: Duncan Robinson, David
Fitzwilliam
Scrase, Lucilla
Burn, Sally-Ann Ashton, and Thyrza Smith; the Field Museum,

Chicago: Dorren Martin-Ross, Bennet Bronson, and Chapurukha
Kusimba; the National Museums of Scotland, Edinburgh: David

Caldwell, Elizabeth Goring, Lesley-Ann Liddiard, Katherine
Eremin,
and
Michelle
Hannover
(Germany):
Drenkhahn
(retired),
Foster-Davies;
Wolfgang
Kestner-Museum,
Schepers,
Rosemarie
lections.
Arielle Kozloff, Jaromir Malek,
Stephen G.
Bettina
J.
Schmitz;
Rijksmuseum
van
R. Magendans, Maarten Raven, Marianne
Museum
der Universitat Leipzig:
Hans- Wolfgang Fischer-Elfert, Friederike Kampp-Seyfried; the

British
Museum, London: Neil MacGregor, W. Vivian Davies,
J.
Genevieve Pierrat-Bonnefois,
Quirke, Marie-Franjoise de Rosieres, Patricia A.
The photographs of objects
in the
Metropolitan Museum's col-
were taken by Bruce Schwarz of the Museum's Photo-
belonging to the Louvre, in Paris, and
In Paris
director),
col-
graph Studio; he was also allowed to photograph objects
Museum
Oudheden, Leiden:
home
Capriotti Vittozzi.
lection
and Christian Loeben; Roemer- und
(former
importance to their
Spencer, Paul Stanwick, Zbigniew Szafranski, and Giuseppina
Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildesheim: Katja Lembke, Eleni Vassilika
Stauthamer; Agyptisches
fragility or
Other colleagues who deserve our thanks are Joanna
Aksamit, Marc Etienne, Janusz Karkowski, Nanette Kelekian,
that
were shown
we were
five
works from the
British
in a traveling exhibition in Montreal.
greatly assisted
by Christophe Barbotin,
Catherine Bridonneau, and Marie-Fran9oise de Rosieres, and in
Canada by Paul
Tellier of the
Musee des Beaux-Arts de
Montreal; Neal Spencer, Nic Lee, and John

British
Hayman
of the
Museum; and Dotty Canady of the American Federation
of Arts. Special thanks also go to Barbara Bridgers, Susan
Nigel Strudwick, Neal Spencer, and Claire Messenger; the
Melick Bresnan, Robert Goldman, and Teresa Christiansen of
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford: Christopher Brown, Helen
the Metropolitan's Photograph Studio, and to Julie Zeftel,
viii
V.
Deanna D. Cross, and Carol
E.
Lekarew
Photograph and
in the
We
Finally,
Museum
Slide Library.
are also grateful for the cooperation of the photography
departments and photographers of the lending institutions,
of which provided
specific
views of the objects
at
many
our request. Our
go to the following people: Museum of Fine Arts,
special thanks
Boston: Lisbeth Dion, Erin M. A. Sleigh; Brooklyn Museum:
Ruth Janson; Musees Royaux d'Art
et
d'Histoire, Brussels:
our thanks go to our colleagues
of Art.
The Metropolitan
at
We express our appreciation for the
the Director's Office, of
support, in
Mahrukh Tarapor, Associate Director
for Exhibitions/Director for International Affairs,

Office;
Geneva
Martha Deese, Senior Administrator for Exhibitions;
and Heather Woodward, Assistant for Exhibitions.

This handsome catalogue was produced by the Editorial
Department of the Metropolitan Museum. John
P.
O'Neill,
Florence Branquart; the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge: Diane
Editor in Chief and General Manager of Publications, provided
Hudson, Andrew Morris, and the Photography Department; the
essential guidance
Field
Museum, Chicago:
Scotland,
Jerice Barrios; the National
Osmani and
Helen
Edinburgh:
Museums of
Florence;
Leslie
throughout the writing and production of the
book. Jane Bobko and Ruth Lurie Kozodoy shouldered the bulk
of the
with
editing,
considerable
from Carol
assistance
Kestner-Museum, Hannover: Christian Tepper; Rijksmuseum van
Fuerstein as well as the collaboration of Margaret Aspinwall
Oudheden, Leiden: Peter Jan Bomhof and Anneke de Kemp; the
and Emily Walter. Jayne Kuchna edited the formidable bibliog-
British
Museum, London: Sandra
Museum, Oxford:
Aponte Misdea; Museo
Philadelphia: Sharon
Egizie, Turin: Elvira
In San Francisco
and expertise
Ashmolean
Marshall; the
the Photographic Department; the University
Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology,
of Pennsylvania
delle Antichita
raphy, and Robert Palmer prepared the index. Bruce Campbell
designed the catalogue; Peter Antony and Douglas
desktop-publishing specialist; and Jane
images
d'Amicone.
many people
contributed their enthusiasm
to this cooperative venture,
and
we
are pleased to
for
Managing
the
S.
Margaret
publication.
Rennolds
nary dedication, patience, meticulous attention to

tireless
We
Chace,
Editor, solved emergencies large and small. This cat-
alogue could not have been completed without the extraordi-
ably assisted with numerous facets of the exhibition's develop-
much of
Malicki
Tai tracked the
recognize them. Louise Chu, Associate Curator of Ancient Art,
ment, and Jane Nelson, Assistant Curator, carried on
J.
oversaw the production and printing; Minjee Cho served as
We
work of the
would
detail,
and
editorial team.
like to
acknowledge the
of Nina
efforts
McN.
also
Diefenbach, Andrea Kann, Claire Gylphe, Eti Bonn-MuUer,
thank Elisabeth Cornu, Head Objects Conservator, for her
Thomas Reynolds, and Christine Scornavacca in the Development Office; Rebecca Noonan Murray in the Office of the Vice
the ongoing
work of
the Ancient Art Department.
assistance with conservation and
mount making.
Krista Brugnara
Davis, Director of Exhibitions, assisted by Allison Satre, and
Therese Chen, Stephen Lockwood, and
Doug DeFors
in the
Registration Department assumed critical roles in the organization, transportation, insurance,
The
fine efforts
and presentation of the exhibition.
of exhibition designer William White and his
team of technicians; lighting designer William Huggins; graphic

Pennington;
designer Juliana
Urbanelli, and
Ann Heath
Karlstrom,
Elisa
Suzy Peterson of the Publications Department; and
Sheila Pressley,
Renee Baldocchi, and the Education Department
were indispensable
in
the presentation of the exhibition in
President, Secretary and General Counsel;
Deborah Schorsch,
Lawrence Becker,
Jeffrey Perhacs, Frederick
Walcott,
who
meticulously prepared the Metropolitan's objects
for travel to San Francisco and Fort
the
Department of
Worth; Mark T. Wypyski
Scientific Research;
Minora Collins, Joo Yun Isabel Kim, Gerald

Morales, and
Amanda Thompson
P.
tions; Jeanie
if
we
Linda Katona, Director of Advertising
did not mention
Officer.
Abderahman
We
Salaheldin,
the Consul General of Egypt in San Francisco,
whose
support of the exhibition have been invaluable.
We are grateful
to the University
its
efforts in
of California, Berkeley, for allowing us to use
library resources.
M. James
Lunney,
Wayne
in the Registrar's Office;
Media Relations
Officer,
in
Herbert M. Moskowitz,
Willa M. Cox, Nestor R. Montilla, Frances Redding Wallace,
Harold Holzer, Elyse Topalian, and Egle Zygas
would be remiss
Sager, and
Ann Heywood and Alexandra
Conservation, and in particular
California. Gratitude goes also to Barbara Traisman, Senior
and Promotion, and Gerry Chow, Senior Grants
J.
Jenna Wainwright in the Sherman Fairchild Center for Objects
in
Communica-
and Elizabeth Hammer,
in Archives;
Christopher Noey, Stella Paul, Nicholas Ruocco, Teresa Russo,
Nancy Thompson, Edith Watts, Paul H. Caro,

and Vivian Wick
at the
thanks go to Philip T. Venturino,
shops in
Jessica Glass,
in Education.
For the exhibition installation
Facilities
Metropolitan
Thomas
Management. Their
Scally,
efforts
Museum our
and the work-
behind the scene.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ix
and those of the Design Department's production
staff,
have
The
entire
James
Department of Egyptian Art
P.
Allen,
allowed the work of exhibition designers Daniel Kershaw, Sue
Susan
].
Allen, Dieter Arnold,
Dorothea Arnold, William
Koch, Clint CoUer, and Rich Lichte to be realized. Linda M.
Barrette,
Miriam Blieka, Claudia
Farias,
Sylling,
tions,
Manager
coordinated
exhibition
for Special Exhibitions

all
and Gallery
Installa-
aspects of the installation; without her the
would have been impossible.
We
also thank Franz
J.
Marsha
Hill, Julia Jarrett,
Dennis
Kelly,
Diana Craig Patch, and Isidore Salerno

exhibition and the catalogue.
Our
Donald Fortenberry,
special
Adela Oppenheim,
contributed to the
acknowledgment and
work
Schmidt and William Brautigam, both retired from the Buildings
thanks are given for their unstinting hard
Department, for their invaluable advice on moving the large
photographing, documenting, transporting, and organizing the
Hatshepsut statues in the Museum's collection.
Metropolitan's loan of more than i;o objects to the exhibition.
in studying,
Curator,
Department ofEgyptian Art
The Metropolitan
Museum ofArt, New
York
Renee Dreyfus
Curator ofAncient Art and Interpretation
Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco
Cathleen A. Keller
Professor,
Department ofNear Eastern Studies

University
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
of California, Berkeley
Lenders to the Exhibition
ITALY
BELGIUM
Brussels,
Musees Royaux d'Art
Bologna, Museo Civico Archeologico 25
et d'Histoire 84, 173
Rome, Museo Barracco
EGYPT
Turin,
Cairo, Egyptian
Museum
Luxor, Karnak Open-Air
11
Museo delle Antichita Egizie
Museum
NETHERLANDS
j8
Leiden, Rijksmuseum van
FRANCE
Paris,
14, 149b, 149c, iSj
2, 55, 66, 153
Oudheden
95,
nob, in,
112, 136,
149a
Musee du Louvre, Departement des Antiquites
Egyptiennes 7,55,42,65,72,87,161^163^165, 167, 174, 176
UNITED STATES
Berkeley, Bancroft Library, University of California at Berkeley
GERMANY
126
Berlin, Agyptisches
Museen zu
Museum und Papyrussammlung,
Berlin 14, 11, Ti, 79, Sza-c, 88b,
Hannover, Kestner-Museum
Staadiche
iM
Boston,
17, 85, 184
Museum der
Tubingen, Agyptologisches
183,
Museum
of Fine Arts 37, H,
iZ, 2?3
lh
108, 141, 146,
40, 58,
1^90,
138
171, LZ2
Universitat Leipzig 27, loj, 175
Institut
Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology,
University of California at Berkeley 99, 185
Hildesheim, Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum 83

Leipzig, Agyptisches
Berkeley,
der Universitat Tubingen
Brooklyn, Brooklyn
Chicago,
The
Field
Museum
Museum
Fort Worth, Kimbell Art
2QQ
Vy, 33,
61, 138
Museum
ji
New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art
GREAT BRITAIN
Cambridge, The Syndics of the Fitzwilliam
Museum
80, 102
Edinburgh, The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland

2,
i 4,
5,
16, 18-24,
93-98, 100, 104-7, 109, iioa, 113-22, 124-35, 137-4, '4:^-45.

147 , 148,
ilt>-i'i, 159,
i6oa, i6ob, 125,
189, 152, 194,
I95a-d, 197
London, The
l, 8, 13,
ô-i2, 41-47, Soa, lob, 56, 19, 62, 63, 67, 74-77 , 81, 86, 89-91,
Trustees of the British
164, 166, 168, i6q,
1 70,
Museum
12, 26, 34, 60, 64.
The
University of Pennsylvania
Archaeology and Anthropology
180, 191
Oxford, The Visitors of the Ashmolean
Philadelphia,
Museum
172, 182
188, 199
Museum
of
28, 29, 53, 123, 156, 157, Lilj
Contributors to the Catalogue
James
P.
Curator,
Allen
The Metropolitan Museum ofArt,
SJA
Susan
W. Vivian Davies
J.
New
Keeper, Department
York
British
PFD
Allen
Research Associate, Department ofEgyptian An
New
ofEgyptian Antiquities
Museum, London
Peter
F.
Dorman
Chairman and Associate Professor in Egyptology,

Department ofNear Eastern Languages aruL
York
Civilisations
Oriental Institute
Dieter Arnold
Curator,
University
of Chicago
Department ofEgyptian An
New
York
RD
Renee Dreyfus
Curator ofAncient Art
DoA
Dorothea Arnold
and Interpretation
Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco
Lila Acheson Wallau Chairman, Department of
Egyptian An
KE
New
Katherine Eremin
Principal Scientist Emerita, Inorganic Analysis
York
National Museums of Scotland, Edinburgh
Manfred Bietak
Professor
Elizabeth Goring
Principal Curator, Mediterranean Archaeology
Vienna
Betsy M. Bryan
xii
EG
Institut fur Agyptologie der UtUversitdt JVien,
AH
Ann Heywood
Alexander Badawy Professor ofEgyptian An and
Conservator,
Archaeology, Departmera ofNear Eastern Studies
Objects Conservation
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore
Sherman Fcdrchild Centerfor
New
York
CAK
University
AK
AlQ
Cathleen a. Keller
Professor, Departmen-t
Alex Quinn
Loans Conservator
ofNear Eastern Studies
National Museums ofScotland, Edinburgh
of California, Berkeley
AnQ
Andrew Kitchener
Anita Quye
Principal Curator, Birds and Mammals
Principal Scientist, Organic Analysis
CHR
Christine Lilyquist
Wallace Research Curator in Egyptology, Department
Curator,
ofEgyptian Art
New
New
York
York
AMR
Ann Macy Roth
JADWIGA LlPIl^SKA
Clinical Associate Professor ofEgyptology
Professor and Curator Emerita
New
York University
Museum Narodowe, Warsaw
ERR
BM
Brian Melville
Curator,
Ethnographic and Historical Artefacts Conservator
Ancient Middle Eastern Art
Diana Craig Patch

Assistant Curator, Department
JT
ofEgyptian Art
New
York
Department ofEgyptian,
Classical,
and
Brooklyn Museum
DCP
Edna R. Russmann
Jim Tate
Head of Conservation and Analytical Research

Natiorud Museums of Scotland, Edinburgh
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE CATALOGUE
xiii
List of Maps
and Plans
Maps
page
Plans
page
Ancient Egypt
Tomb of Maiherperi (fig. 26)
Western Thebes
"Êzbet
Nubia
(fig. 15)
Egypt and the Near East (fig.

Egypt and the Aegean
"Êzbet
(fig.
21)
28)
Helmy, palace precinct
(fig.
29)
Thebes, temples and procession routes
Tombs in the Valley of the Kings (fig.
(fig.
75)
63)
Helmy, palaces
71
G and F (figs. 30, 31)
77
50
Temple of Hatshepsut
60
Foundation deposits at Hatshepsut 's temple
75
Hatshepsut 's
76
Hatshepsut 's tomb in the Valley of the Kings
148
Three royal temples, Deir el-Bahri
186
Temple of Thutmose
at
cliff tomb,
Deir el-Bahri
(fig.
(fig.
Gabbanat el-Qurud
III at
(fig.
136
57)
62)
(fig.
(fig.
73)
76)
(fig.
185
186
271
89)
Deir el-Bahri
141
105)
286
xiv
Capyrighled maEnal
Note
to the
Reader
Historians are not in agreement
chronology.
on many matters of Egyptian
The chronology on page 6
gives the framework of
dating employed in this volume. While throughout the
Seneimiut can be found in the appendix.
book
dates are given without the modification of "about" or "circa,"

all
Full translations of certain inscriptions associated with the vizier
dates should be understood as approximations.
In the headings of catalogue entries, dimensions are abbreviated

as follows: H., height; W., width; D., depth; L., length; Diam.,
diameter.
In translations of ancient Egyptian

material that
is
texts,
brackets enclose
missing from the original but can be restored.
Parentheses enclose
modern interpolations made for clarity.
All source references are cited in abbreviated form. Complete

citations will
be found in the bibliography.
HATSHEPSUT
Capyrighled maEnal
30E
Mediterranean Sea
M^^B!.
.Tanis
.Tell cl-Daba (A vans)
fl I
Lower Egypt
30N
CAIRO Heliopolis (lunu)

.MEMPHIS
FAYUM
SINAI
.LUht
Medineiel-r.iirob.'L^''""
Sedmeni
..
^, ..
^
.Serabit el-Khadim
,
Meir (Cusae).
\l,ii;li.ira.
Abydos.
.Deirel-Ballas
.Medamud
Armani
Upper Egypt
25''N
(lunei),
*THEBES
Gebelein*
""^
Hierakonpolis,
Ediu'
Gebel
el-Silsila*
.Kom Ombo
ElephantinevAswan
First
Cataract"
Nubia
UNI
2(Xlnii
Kni
Map of Ancient Egypt
21HI kill
Introduction
the time Hatshepsut ascended the throne of
in
Asia
who had
gradually
moved
into the eastern delta rose to
power, becoming the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Dynasties. Called

the Hyksos, "rulers of foreign lands," they ruled the northern
pyramids
B.C., the
passed since the country was
Menes
Egypt
Giza were over a thou-
sand years old, and more than seventeen centuries had
about 1473
By
approximately 3100
in
habitable land of Egypt
first
at
united by the legendary king
B.C. In ancient times, as
was created by
the Nile River,
now, the
which runs
part of
Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period
While the Hyksos reigned
in the north, a family
roughly south to north, cutting through the desert and creating a
the Seventeenth Dynasty, controlled the south.
narrow valley
this
opens into a wide delta before emptying into
that
the Mediterranean Sea.
geographic areas
distinctions
after the unification
Upper Egypt
of these two
(upriver), the valley in the
the
between them remained a defining element
in
Lower Egypt,
south, and
The
Eg5q3tian culture.
the expanse of delta in the north
ruler
Egypt, and Lord of the

deity:
Even
was
Two
called
King of Upper and Lower
Lands. Each region had a tutelary
Nekhbet, the vulture goddess of Upper Egypt, and Wadjet,
the cobra goddess of Lower Egypt. These goddesses

protectors of the king, and their joint epithet
ceded one of the
Egypt were
are often
Lands.
five
names
also represented
shown
by the
tied together to
lotus
kingdom
became
the
Ladies" pre-
Upper and Lower
and the papyrus, which
symbolize the union of the
The white crown of the south
(see cat. no. 93)
crown of the north could be combined

the united
"Two
in the royal titulary.
Two
and the red
into the double
crown of
In the history of ancient Egypt, eras
when
the
two lands were
Menes and Mentuhotep
which usually represented
state disintegrated
distinct families.
This
trolled different areas
stabil-
central
and competing dynasties con-
of the country. Before Hatshepsut 's time,
Egypt had already experienced two extended eras of union. The
Old Kingdom
(ca.
26492100
B.C.), best
pyramids, was a time of unparalleled
known as the
artistic
a source of inspiration for generations of
Middle Kingdom
of the
arts
literature.
and
is
(ca.
also
20301650
known
b.c.)
age of the
endeavor that became

artists to
come. The
saw a second flowering
as the classical period of Egyptian
The Middle Kingdom ended when people from western
and the founder of the
The
cataract of the Nile.
Upper Egypt was
the
was at Aswan, just north of
name given
the Eighteenth
the Delta.
Dynasty
Memphis was
the capital of
Thebes, the capital of Upper Egypt, was the ancestral

the cult center of the
Lower Egypt and
also served as the administrative capital
another Theban ruler, whose reunifi-
begun the Middle Kingdom. Ahmose
is
Dynasty
New Kingdom.
that he
documented.
rulers are not always well
had a son, Amenhotep
who
I,
We know that
Amenhotep's successor, Thutmose
I,
succeeded him. However,
never used the
Son, and his relationship to the ruling family

scholars believe that
Thutmose 's
is
Ahmose
King's
title
unclear.
Many
(see cat. no. 80),
creating a link with the original royal
sister,
family (see the genealogy, page
sition
wife,
7).
Another
possibility
that
is
having no surviving male heirs, chose one of his
I,
Thutmose,
as his successor.
from Amenhotep
tional dynastic
to
Whatever the
Thutmose
case, the tran-
was smooth, but addi-
problems ensued. Thutmose had no surviving
sons with his principal wife Ahmose, only a daughter, Hatshepsut.
His son and
heir,
Mutnofret (see
this
boy
father,
Thutmose
Authority" by
Thutmose
and
heir,
Thutmose
cat. no. 9). It
II,
was born
to a
secondary wife,
was considered expedient
to
marry
to his half-sister, Hatshepsut. After the death of their
II
II
reigned only a few years (see "Models of
Ann Macy Roth in chapter

III,
was born to
untimely death of Thutmose
becoming
i).
During
his short life
had fathered a daughter with Hatshepsut, but
Thutmose
II
a secondary wife,
when
his heir
motion the events that led Hatshepsut
nephew and then
his co-ruler.
first
his
Isis.
was only
son
The
a small
to act as
to take the extraordinary step of
Thus she became
the
Horus Wosretkaw,
Two Ladies Wadjet-renput, Daughter

Two Lands, King of Upper and Lower
Golden Horus Netjeret-khau,

in
of all Egypt.
of Re Maatkare, Lady of the
Eg3^t, Hatshepsut-united-with-Amun.
home of the dynasty and
god Amun-Re. South of Egypt lay Nubia, which the
Egyptians often controlled.
Hyksos
established himself as one of
to the Nile valley
extending upriver (south) from Memphis; Lower Egypt spread north from
Memphis, through
Toward the end of
effort to drive the
succeeded in about 1550 B.C.
family relationships that connected early Eighteenth
Dynasty
regent for her

first
finally
Ahmose I was a descendant of the Seventeenth Dynasty kings and
child set in
Opposite: In ancient times, Egypt's southern border
the
to historians as the first king of the Eighteenth
generals,
was interrupted by "intermediate periods" when the
II,
cation of the coimtry had
known
Amenhotep
dynasties,
1650-
from Thebes,
the greatest of Egyptian kings, to be placed alongside the mythical
achievement. At these times the country was ruled by successive
power of the
Ahmose
By reuniting the Two Lands Ahmose
united were times of prosperity that produced great cultural
ity
made a concerted
time the Thebans
out of Egypt, and
was Amenhotep's
(see cat. no. 74).
(ca.
1550 B.C.).
The
ancient Egyptians understood kingship as the link between
the gods and mankind, achieved through the person of Pharaoh,
who was
mary
that
seen as the physical child of the sun-god Re.
Amun
Dynasty,
pri-
of Thebes had become the principal god of the
Egyptian pantheon.
and, joined with
Amun
Re
as
was seen
as the creator of the universe
Amun-Re, was regarded
source of the sun's life-giving power (see
James
P. Allen,
chapter
Daughter of Re,
(see
The
function of the king was to uphold maat, the cosmic order
had come into being with creation. By the early Eighteenth
i).
For
as the ultimate
"The Role of Amun" by
this reason,
Hatshepsut,
who was
also styled herself the physical child of
Amun
Ann Macy Roth's essay on architecture as political statement,
chapter
As
most
cultures, the
Egyptian throne traditionally passed
from father to son, and the symbolism of kingship was profoundly

masculine
ruler,
a fact that informs
many of which
representations of Hatshepsut as
all
depict her in the guise of a male
Hng (dis-
Hatshepsut quite
as principal ruler of Egypt,
disappeared from history. Sometime
literally
after her death, her co-ruler,
Thutmose
III,
ordered her
name
and images destroyed. Although the process of eliminating

Hatshepsut's
was
memory did not begin immediately after her reign, it

As
a deliberate act carried out with great efficiency.
only a vague idea persisted of a great female

written in the early Ptolemaic Period
by
ruler.
a result,
In the history
the Egyptian priest
Egyptologist Jean-Fran9ois
el-Bahri in western
which he read
as
ChampoUion
French
visited the site of
Deir
Thebes and saw an unfamiliar cartouche,
"Amenenthe" and equated with Manetho's
Amessis (see "Hatshepsut's Reputation
in History"
by Cathleen
Hatshepsut was not the
Keller, chapter 6). Since that time scholarly opinions regarding
Hatshepsut have fluctuated considerably. Nineteenth- and early
the best
known
to
modern
readers
3).
a distinction that indisputably
belongs to the Ptolemaic queen Cleopatra VII
(r.
51-30 B.C.). She
is
twentieth-century Egyptologists often demonized her as a usurper
who
transgressed traditional Egyptian cultural and religious
imdoubtedly the most important, however, in terms of the influence
boundaries, a scheming, manipulative
of her reign on the culture of ancient Egypt.
power and suppressed her nephew
The
early kings of the Eighteenth
their military exploits, in

trol
and
Lilyquist,
in chapter i).
more than two decades
woman in Egypt's history to take on the role of king, nor is she
cussed by Cathleen A. Keller in chapter

first
After
Manetho, she was recorded as "Amessis." In 182829,
3).
in
by Vivian Davies, Christine
(see the essays
Manfred Bietak
Dynasty are known
for
which they reestablished Egyptian con-
over Nubia to the south and led campaigns as far as the
reign.
woman who
for the first
lusted after
twenty years of his
Others saw her as a passive figure under the influence of her
male courtiers and relying on them to remain in power. In the

1920s and 1930s,
when two
great pits filled with
smashed
statues
Euphrates River in western Asia. By contrast, Hatshepsut's
from Hatshepsut's temple were discovered by The MetropoUtan
twenty-year reign, though not without military campaigns (one
Museum of Art,
of which she
may have
led herself),
saw an explosion of artistic
creativity.
During
traditional
forms of art and architecture with an originality that
is
this period
Egyptian
artists reinterpreted the
exemplified in Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri in western
Thebes, one of the great architectural wonders of the ancient
world (see chapter
3).
Lively experimentation introduced
forms of statuary that became prototypes for

artists, as is particularly
statues depicting
new
later generations
of
notable in the unprecedented corpus of
Senenmut, one of Hatshepsut's principal
courtiers (discussed
by Cathleen
Keller in chapter 2). Ties with
the cultures of Nubia, the eastern Mediterranean, and the
Aegean
also led to the introduction of
new
resources and artistic
motifs that Egyptian artists incorporated into their repertoire
it
was easy
tion as an act of revenge
for scholars to interpret the destruc-
by Thutmose
III,
a result of his resent-
ment and hatred of the aunt/ stepmother who had usurped

throne. In the past half-century, significant
gradual shift in cultural attitudes toward
his
new evidence and the
women
in
power have
produced further interpretations of Hatshepsut's reign.

Today, debate continues over what circumstances allowed or
compelled Hatshepsut to become king, what relationship existed
between Hatshepsut and Thutmose
and what motivated him
III
during their joint reign,
to destroy her
years after her death. This catalogue
is
memory some twenty
designed to present recent
research into these issues and varying interpretations of them,
alongside wide-ranging scholarly discussion of the rich artistic
output that marks Hatshepsut's reign.

Renee Dreyfus
Cathleen A. Keller
INTRODUCTION
Map
The
of Western Thebes
ancient Egyptian city of Thebes
bank of the Nile
(see the
(modern Luxor) was located on the
map of Thebes,
fig.
63).
The
ancestral
east
Home of the
Eighteenth Dynasty kings, Thebes was also the seat of Amun-Re, and his cult
center, the temple
of Karnak, was
at the
north end of the
city.
Across the river in
Hatshepsut's king's tomb, and

in the Valley
and that of her much
one-half miles before coming to the edge of the desert and a spectacular expanse
lage of
cliffs.
This area was used as a necropoHs by generations of
Thebans. Theban rulers of the Middle and

temples at the edge of the
Located on
this
cliffs
and
in the desert valleys
map are a number of the
in the following pages.
They
places and
earlier
workmen who
beyond.
the Seventeenth
Dynasty
to the flood plain;
monuments mentioned
made for her
include Hatshepsut's queen's tomb,
tombs; Sheikh
Dra Abu el-Naga,
of Hatshepsut's temple
II;
Abd
Deir el-Medina, a
el-Qurna, a
kings; Asasif, the valley stretching
The
woman and child of the
hill
vil-
with a
the ancestral cemetery of
from Deir el-Bahri
and Lower Asasif and Birabi, two excavation
of the temple causeways.

royal
site
predecessor Mentuhotep
built the royal
large cemetery of nobles' tombs;
New Kingdoms built their tombs and
before she became king; the Qurn, a high point that resembles a pyramid
of the Kings;
Hatshepsut's courtier Senenmut; Deir el-Bahri, the
western Thebes, the cultivated land of the flood plain extends about two and
of limestone
fig. 56, p. 134); KV 20,

KV 34, the tomb of her nephew Thutmose III,
TT 353 and TT 71, the two tombs of
seen from the Valley of the Kings or Deir el-Bahri (see
both located
sites at
the end
queen's tomb at the upper right belonged to a
Seventeenth Dynasty.
when
INTRODUCTION
chronology: Kingdom, Dynastic, and Regnal Dates
From the unification of the land by the mythical

about 3100
B.C., the
history of ancient Egypt
king Menes in
is split
into a suc-
dates
ruling families.
The
outline presented here
is
based on ancient
sources, especially a history of the Egjrptian kings compiled
Manetho, an Egyptian priest of the third century

nearly three thousand years
prosperity
B.C.
was marked by long periods of great
when Egypt was united under a single king
Kingdom, Middle Kingdom,

interspersed
by
This era of
the
Old
New Kingdom, and Late Period
by three intermediate periods, when central power
collapsed and the land
or foreign invaders.
was ruled by competing regional dynasties
The
lengths of the intermediate periods are
not known with certainty.
The Egyptians reckoned their year
ca.
4400 3 100 B.C.
Predynastic Period
ca.
31002649
Archaic Period
First
and Second Dynasties
25
reign (e.g., year 22,
of Thutraose
ones in our modern dating system.
Egypt
is
The chronology of ancient
constantly being debated and revised as scholarly
understanding of the ancient sources changes and as
the dates in
scholars
it
do not necessarily
plicity
all
reflect the
"about" and "circa" (ca.) have generally been omitted
in this catalogue.
LATE SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY

1557-1556 B.C.
Senakhtenre (Tao
ca.
1556-1552 B.C.
Seqenenre (Tao
ca.
1552 1550 B.C.
Kamose
21002030
First Intermediate Period
ca. 1525-
NimhEarly Eleventh Dynasty
ca. 1504- -1492 B.C.
Thutmose
ca. 1492- -1479 B.C.
Thutmose
II
Thutmose
III
ca.
1650-1550
B.C.
ca.
1550 1070
B.C.
Middle Kingdom
I)
II)
EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY
ca. 1550- -1525 B.C.
B.C.
opinions of all the
dates are approximate, for the sake of sim-
ca.
20301650
infor-
the
who have contributed to this catalogue. While it is
understood that
Old Kingdom
ca.
is
one currently used by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, but
2649-2100 B.C.
ThirdEighth Dynasty
new
mation becomes available. The following chronology
ca.
B.C.
month 4 of the
III).
Most ancient Egyptian dates cannot be exactly equated with
ca.
B.C.
anew with each king's
Growing season, day
cession of thirty-one dynasties, usually representing separate
1504 B.C.
ca. 1479- -1425 B.C.
Ahmose
Amenhotep
Late Eleventh Thirteenth Dynasty

ca.
1479- -1473 B.C.
Hatshepsut as regent to Thutmose III
Second Intermediate Period
ca.
14J3- 1458 B.C.
Joint reign
FourteenthSeventeenth Dynasty
ca.
1458- -142$ B.C.
ca. 1427- -1400 B.C.
New Kingdom
1070743
B.C.
Thutmose IV
ca. 1390- -1352 B.C.
Amenhotep III
Third Intermediate Period
ca. 1352- 1349 B.C.
Amenhotep IV
Twenty-firstEarly Tweruy-fifth
ca. 1349- -1336 B.C.
Amenhotep IV
ca.
B.C.
Late Period
Lau
33230
B.C.
30 B.C. A.D. 476
Twenty-fifth Thirty-first Dynasty
Ptolemaic Period
as Akhenaten;
Amarna Period
Dyruisty
743-332
Sole reign of Thutmose III
Amenhotep II
ca. 1400- -1390 B.C.
Eighteenth^Twentieth Dynasty
ca.
ofHatshepsut and Thutmose III
1338 1336
B.C.
Nefemeferuaten
Smenkhkare
ca.
1336 1336
B.C.
ca.
1336 1327
B.C.
ca.
1327-1323 B.C.
Aya
1323 1295
Haremhab
ca.
B.C.
Tutankhamun
Roman Period
EARLY NINETEENTH DYNASTY

ca.
1295-1294
B.C.
Harnesses
ca.
1294 1279
B.C.
Seti
ca.
1279 1213
B.C.
Ramesses
II
Senakhtenre
Tao
Neferu
(21
Ahhotep
(3)
Inhapi
King's Daughter,
King's Wife
(Ahmes)
Henettamehu
named
Alimoic
(Ahmes)
King's Wife,
Kind's
Ahmose
Prince Ahniosc
and three sisters
Sitdjehuti I
Tetisheri
King's IXiLighter,
Kings Gn-M WitV
Mother
Sitdjehuti II
Wadjkheperre
King's Daughter,
Kamose
Ahhotep
Ahmose
II
(Ahmes)
King's Daughter.
King's Djiighter,
King's
King's Sister
Sister,
King's Sister
King's n.uighuT.
King's Great Wife,

King's
SistiT.
King's
Mother
Kiii-"s Wit;-
(1)
Ahmose
Nebpehtire
(Ahmes)-
Ahmose
Nefertari
Seniseneb
Sit kamose
King's Daughter.
King s Daughter,
King's
SLster,
King's Sister.
King's
King's Gre.it Wife
Creat Wife, CkkI's

Wife, King's Mother
(2)
Thutmose
King's Wife.
King's
who
Ahmose
Mother
(Ahmes)-
Djeserkare
died
Amenhotep
young
(Ahmes)
Ahmose
Several pnnei
(1)
Aakheperkare
Mutnofret
Meryetamun
I
King's Daughter,
King's Sister.
King's Sister.
King's Great Wife.

King's
King's Great Wife,
Mother
God's WitV
(11
Two
Maatkare
Aakheperenre
Isis
King's Mothei
Thutmose
Hatshepsut
Nefmbiti
King's Daughter,
King's Iâughter.
princes
who
died
young
II
King's Sister,
King's Great Wife.
God's Wife.
King
Menkheperre
Thutmose
III
Meryetre
Hatshepsut
King's Daugiiter,
King's Wife.
God's Wife
Kin-'s
Neferure
Mother
Genealogy of Hatshepsut's Family

CAHiipiled by
Ann Maey Roth
^^=:
Names of wontett
Aakheperure
Amenhotep
are iu
italics.
denotes marriage.
Multiple wives of a king are
numbered;
(1)
is
principal wife.
II
Family relationships connecting the kings of the

Eighteenth Dynasties are not
a
fiilly
number of ways. This genealogy
late
Seventeenth and early
documented and have been interpreted in

one widely accepted interpretation.
presents
CoiWfjghioO maurjl
I.
SETTING THE SCENE
MODELS OF AUTHORITY
Hatshepsut's Predecessors in Power
Ann Macy Roth
Sometime
before the seventh regnal year of her young
nephew King Thutmose

ter,
III,
Queen Hatshepsut,
wife, and probably granddaughter of kings,
crowned king, assuming
explicitly the
power
also
had physiques markedly different
from the trim, youthful bodies represented

Egyptian
herself
had been
that she
wielding unofficially since his accession.' In conceiving her kingly
and presenting herself to her people, she took three groups
role
and older male kings surely
the daugh-
was
models: male kings, Kings' Mothers, ind queens regnant.
as
relief representations
in
their
reliefs.
of kings in essence functioned as
hieroglyphic determinatives, the pictures that occur at the end of a
word
to indicate the category to
which the word belongs
in this
case that of a generic (and therefore adult male) king.'
From her
Relief scenes of Hatshepsut
show her undertaking
the ritual
association with each of these groups, Hatshepsut derived her legiti-
duties that kings
had
macy as a female pharaoh. These models illuminate the nature of her
making offerings
to the gods, spearing fish in the marshes,
kingship and the reasons for her apparently unorthodox coronation.
ing in the heads of foreign captives or, in the form of a sphinx, tram-
fulfilled for centuries:
pUng on them. The venerable
it
and bash-
form of the sphinx may have
royal
appealed to Hatshepsut because
Kings
celebrating festivals,
had been adopted by queens
during the Middle Kingdom. Hatshepsut's sphinxes are kingly,
when Hatshepsut took the throne in the early fifteenth century B.C.,
the institution of the Egyptian kingship
and a half old.
were well
Its
was over a millennium
ideology, iconography, and social conventions
by
established. Hatshepsut bolstered her legitimacy
however, showing her face framed by the striped nemes headcloth
wig
or a lion's mane, not the feminine
tripartite
88a, 88b, 89). Historical associations
may have made this image
a powerful feline especially appropriate to a
(see cat. nos.
woman
of
claiming
royal power."
adopting them.
Traditionally, a king
was male,
Kingship in Egypt entailed more than simply looking and acting
identified as a manifestation
however. The Egyptian king was a god on earth,
of a male god, the falcon-headed Horus. Publicly, therefore,
like a king,
Hatshepsut was most often depicted as a male king in the prime of
the communicating link between Egyptians and their gods.
life.
She rarely appears as a
carving.'
Some of
woman
in either statuary or relief
seem
the early representations
to
have been
Representations of the king functioned magically as stand-ins,
ensuring the perpetuation of that link.
It
was thus important
for
2).'
images of Hatshepsut to identify her correcdy. Her femininity was
Wearing the traditional kilts of a king and a variety of crowns, she
an essential part of her idendty, and images that showed a fictional,
changed from female to male
is
shown
in
her
reliefs striding
later in
her reign (see
fig.
forward and reaching out, where a
nonexistent
dress, usually
with her arms
at
her sides or
bent back toward her body.*" In representing herself as male,
Hatshepsut was not being deceitful; she was simply conforming to

the conventions of royal representation.
Thutmose
sented the same way, despite the fact that he
III
was repre-
was a young
child;
man named
Hatshepsut would not be
effective.
To attach her own female identity to the generic depictions of a
female figure would have stood passively, feet held close together
by an ankle-length
male king, Hatshepsut used the hieroglyphic labels that were normally placed adjacent to relief images or on the sides and back of
statues.
Here the
traditional
male royal names,
titles,
and epithets
were replaced by feminine
variants, liberally sprinkled with femi-
nine endings (see
91-96). This rather schizophrenic pro-
cat. nos.
jection of her gender has
been interpreted
as
an assertion of
androgyny, a characteristic of fertility gods and creator gods.' But

Opposite: Fig.
Thutmose
and
his mother.
Anubis chapel of Hatshepsut's temple

the inscription,
Thutmose
and
"Good Goddess"
is
called the
is
at
Wall painting from the upper
Deir el-Bahri, early i8th Dynasty. In
said to be acting "so that she

nfr). Facsimilies
may be given life"
by Howard Carter
it
was
also a
way of insuring that both
kingly identity and femi-
nine gender were attached to the images, allowing them to function as intermediaries with the gods, just as Hatshepsut herself did.
Fig. 2.
at
Drawing of decoration from
Buhen, 1479-1458
B.C.
At
the temple
traces of
left,
erased fortns indicate that Hatshepsut was ini-
represented as female, with a relatively
tially
narrow
stride
and wearing a dress, of which the
hemline remains
reign, the stride
erased to
make
visible. Possibly in
was widened and
the
Hatshepsut (the figure

originally she
both a
kilt
her later
the hemline
image male. In the second
scene, the line at the front of the kilt

at the left)
may have been
worn by
was moved;
depicted wearing
and a dress, as was done by an
earlier
female ruler, Nefrusobek. Drawings by Ricardo
Caminos
Of the two genders associated with representations of Hatshepsut,
unusual, however, in that the younger king had held the throne
was clearly the more obvious. Like modern museum
prior to the older king's accession. Nonetheless, Hatshepsut
the generic male

visitors
who assume
that an
king until they read the
would have seen
image of Hatshepsut represents a male

Egyptians entering the temple
label, illiterate
male king and missed the radical implications of
the accompanying inscriptions.
Even
for the literate elite, dealing
with the contradictory gender information must have been a challenge.
It is at just this
period that the grammatically male term pr-"^?,
"great house" (which has

is first
come down
attested as a periphrastic
to us in the
term "pharaoh"),
way to refer to the king.*
including representations of
so standard that even Hatshepsut's father, husband, and
Thutmose
III in
throughout Egypt and Nubia, and even

temple
at
tional for
Deir el-Bahri. His position
is
at
her
monuments
own mortuary
her
secondary, as was tradi-
younger co-regents. The iconography
is
consistent with
the supposition that Hatshepsut intended to bolster the legitimacy
of Thutmose
Ill's
kingship and allow a smooth transition to his
sole rule after her death.
Oddly, the use of a feminine royal titulary seems to have
become
adopted the standard iconography of joint kingship, aggressively
However, by depicting herself
in the
two simultaneously reigning
kings,
familiar role of the older of
she reinforced not only her nephew's legitimacy but her own.
stepson were sometimes associated with feminine epithets and
feminine pronouns (see
fig. i).'
These might be explained
dental results of confusion with Hatshepsut's
own
as acci-
A number of women had ruled Egypt before
but their frequency suggests that they were intentional.'"
As one of two kings existing at the same

senior co-regent to her
time, Hatshepsut
nephew Thutmose
III."
Kings' Mothers
inscriptions,
For
was a
a reigning
them ruled
as
Hatshepsut. Most of
mwt nswt, "King's Mother," an important
title
from
the very beginning of Egyptian history. Kings often died young,
young sons
king to take a younger co-regent was a well-established tradition,
leaving very
dating back at least to the Middle Kingdom. Hatshepsut's case was
serving as regent might be tempted to seize power for himself
as successors,"
Fig.
3.
and because an adult
Hatshepsut as a male king (shown
twice, at the right) presenting offerings before
the barque of
the
first
Amun. The cartouche above
figure contains her throne
name,
Maatkare; the one above the second figure

reads "Hatshepsut united with
semicircular
Amun." The
hieroglyph, denoting feminine
gender, has been inserted in
many of her tides.
Block from the Chapelle Rouge, Karnak,

Thebes, early i8th Dynasty. Quartzite
to the
the war.
Ahmose memorialized
young king's mother, who would presumably gladly yield power to
Ahhotep
II, in
before the child
her
came of age,
soon assigned the role
tradition
own son.'' There is no separate
Egyptian
Clearly these
title
important and powerful.
of
and position
whom
Dynasty
to those of the other First
that their roles as regents entitled

fig. 4).''
shown
Pepi
II,
who
at a smaller scale
them
in
rulers, all
that suggests
title
to call themselves kings
ascended the throne
at
age
five, is
than his mother, seated on her
Kings' Mothers of the Old
Kingdom were
In the Middle
Kingdom,
status
a King's
of royal
ful
because of the peace and
may
also
stability
kings to reign long enough for their heirs to

In
no other
autonomy and power
have become
become
it
assumed
power-
Ahmose
Mother take
it,
army, having
gathering up
I,
was buried with
Nefertari," as King's Mother,
became regent
B.C.). She, too,
1525-1504
(r.
at
Abydos. Amenhotep
Amenhotep's
It
sister
1504-1492
I (r.
for their
B.C.),
who had married
of his predecessor.'^
has been argued that Ahmes, Hatshepsut's mother, was not a
Ahmose
daughter of King
King's Daughter. However,
New Kingdom
upon marriage
forfeited that title
Ahmes seems to have done

was not
because she did not hold the
a King's Son.
man who was
to a
when
so
her coimection to Amenhotep
also
have ruled the
title
King's Sister, underlining
and the royal family.
Her half brother and eventual husband, Thutmose
1492 1479
Thutmose
II
thus
Hyksos occupiers. The conqueror of the Hyksos, Ahmose I
Thutmose
1525 B.C.),
honored
with a cenotaph
at
his
1550-
grandmother, the King's Mother Tetisheri,
Abydos, presumably because of her role
in
who
subsequently took the
Hatshepsut herself was probably born before her father's

accession.'""
country during the military forays of their adult sons against the
(r.
not a king.*'
she married Thutmose,
When her husband
title
princesses apparently
was born
still
B.C.),
II
young
after his father
own
at his
accession.
at
a time, so
became king and
On
early stelae,
and Hatshepsut are shown with Ahmes, who was
Thutmose 's stepmother and
may
to a
was probably born
quite
II
secondary queen, Mutnofret.
(r.
may
young son
Ahmes and who was probably himself a distant
Normally, only kings could have more than one wife
throne at a young age, and Kings' Mothers
several
Ahmes-
received a special
princes of this period seem to have ascended the
its
defy
had no surviving sons, and the
reconstruction of the royal genealogy, see the introduction, above.)
number of
who
himself died in his mid-twenties, and his wife
Amenhotep
in Hatshepsut's family in the late
Seventeenth and early Eighteenth Dynasties. (For one possible
fled
its
fly-pendant necklaces, which are decorations for military valor.
throne, she stressed the secondary
adults.
period, however, did the role of King's
on the importance
less
Great King's Wife Ahhotep
relative, the
throne passed to Thutmose
of the period, which allowed
who
mother,
described as "one
is
having quieted the South, subduing those
temple
declined during this
which she
having brought back those
it,
own
the regency of his

in
her."" Other queens may have also taken on this role: another older
Mother was accorded a tomb
period, paralleling an overall decline in the
of women generally.'' Queens
guarded
relative
women
Karnak
even
near her son's pyramid, often one larger than that of his principal
However, the
a stela at
pulled Egypt together, having cared for
lap.''
listed in the royal
annals preserved on the Palermo Stone."
wife.'*
who
deserters,
The first
were male. Two Old Kingdom queens, both named
Khentkawes, bore the same enigmatic double
(see
trans-
had a tomb comparable
attested King's Mother, Merneith,

size
be
young sons.
to act as regents for their
women were
that can
Mother apparently allowed
lated as "regent,"'*' but the title King's
the holders of this
title
mother-in-law.'' Although Mutnofret
have nominally been regent for her son, apparently Queen
Ahmes
which may have been ceded to
truly held the power,
Hatshepsut herself, as she grew older. Thutmose

the reins only a few years before his
own
II
probably took
death.
Thus, of the early kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty, probably

only Thutmose
Amenhotep
Fig. 4.
ally,
These hieroglyphs
Egypt, Mother
[of]." (In
that their
given prece-
matic titulary was held by two Old
Kingdom
queens.
It is
came
Ahmose,
to the throne as an adult.

II
seem
mothers or other female
Egyptian
is
dence as a sign of respect.) This enig-
whether each
and Thutmose
to
have been quite young
their accessions, perhaps averaging five years old,
Egypt, King of Upper and Lower
writing, the king's tide
I,
at
read, liter-
"King of Upper and Lower
years before they
came of
age.
which means
relatives ruled for ten to twelve
As
a result,
women
effectively
ruled Egypt for almost half of the approximately seventy years
preceding Hatshepsut's accession.
The acceptance of
these
not clear
woman was the mother
of two kings, or whether each was
act-
women's
rule
and
their veneration after death surely helped legit-
imize Hatshepsut's kingship.
Her
courtiers
were accustomed
to
ing as regent (Mother of the King of
Upper and Lower Egypt)
for her son
and thus could add the king's
title
dealing with powerful
(King of Upper and Lower Egypt) to
own titulary. Drawing by Ann

Macy Roth
women, and
the Egyptian populace
had
long accepted their role as effective rulers of the country.

Hatshepsut's support of Thutmose
her
in
which a mother ruled
in the
III
mimicked the
tradition
name of her young son. However,
MODELS OF AUTHORITY
II
like
her mother,
Queen Ahmes, Hatshepsut was not
the
young king
for
whom
the
mother of
she ruled. Unlike the other powerful
regents, going back to the time of the First Dynasty, neither Ahmes
nor Hatshepsut held the important
Ahmes managed
to rule without
it,
Tawosret,
of King's Mother.^'
ceeded by Siptah, the young son of a secondary wife. Her reign
was less successful than Hatshepsut 's, probably because Siptah did
title
not live to succeed her. Tawosret outlived him by about four
and her reign was followed by a new dynasty. Her monu-
years,
ments, in which she was invariably shown as female, were usurped
King
as
by her
In the history of Egypt, only a few
women ruled as king,
on the divinity of kingship and grappling,

a gender role in conflict with their
possible examples of such
two
ruled after Hatshepsut at the end of the Nine-
Tawosret was not a King's Mother; her husband was suc-
but Hatshepsut apparently
could not, making the assumption of another role necessary.
Women Who Ruled
who
teenth Dynasty, continued the patterns associated with female

kings.''
taking
as Hatshepsut did, with
own identities. There
are three
women known before Hatshepsut and
after her; all six female kings will here
be considered briefly
to
successor, Sethnakht,
changed
Cleopatra VII, the
last
the throne following a different model, the Ptolemaic tradition of
strong king's wives. Like the earlier queens regnant, she had no
young son
the throne later, even for her
Izezi
of these queens regnant was the wife of Djedkare-
of the Fifth Dynasty,
pyramid next to
his.
who
is
known from
her unusually large
Her mortuary temple was excavated by
Ahmed Fakhry in the 1950s, but never published.

assisted Fakhry, described the scenes as
altered: stereotyped texts
Klaus Baer,
who
having been "secondarily
above the queen's figure had been erased
and replaced by vultures and other royal
was "badly destroyed," he noted, so
insignia."''
the excavators
The temple
were imable
to
determine her name. Elements from her monument were apparently

incorporated into the
to
monument of Unis, her successor. She seems
have had no young son for
Mother.
The
whom
she might have been King's
monu-
royal insignia and the violence with which her
ment was attacked
after her death suggest that this
female king and was thus Hatshepsut 's
queen ruled as a
Iqerti (in
Greek, Nitocris),
sources for that period.
who seems
Her name
is
is
to have ruled at the
end of
no mention of her
in the
succeeded her brother, avenging his death

all
in
an elaborate under-
his traitorous oiHcials. If this
existed (and serious doubts have
been
of her coronation, and she did not abandon
characteristic
own sons.
rule as King's Mother. Their rule in

line
raised),''
end of her dynasty, a position shared by the
the end of a dynasty).
Kings' Mothers,
monuments
ated, their
her position
later
queen
at the
queens regnant
a daughter of Amenemhat III,
was appar-
Amenemhat IV, whose reign was very
After his death, she assumed the throne as the
may have
final
king of
served as a direct model for
Hatshepsut in her claims of co-regency with her
father'"
and her
combination of female dress with that of a male king. Again, she
seems to have had no son for
monuments
12
that
whom
she acted as regent and
have survived undamaged.
SETTING THE SCENE
whom
for
to
marked the end of a
reigns. In contrast to
for generations afterward,
reinscribed for other rulers, and their
images destroyed. This was not necessarily because the Egyptians

foimd
it
inappropriate for a
woman to hold power
Kings' Mothers
ruled successfully and with honor for long periods.

tion
more probably
resulted because these
The
destruc-
women were succeeded
not by sons but by kings of less legitimacy, whose
the pre-
ties to
would be strengthened by the obliteration of its memory."
Hatshepsut's Coronation and Reign

Upon
the death of her husband, Hatshepsut quickly installed his
son on the throne as Thutmose III.

of the vizier
Ineni,'''
no
To judge from the inscription
she exercised her authority openly from
the beginning, initially citing only her
title
God's Wife, which
referred to her important function in the temple of
priests.
the Twelfth Dynasty. She
cases
Most had very short
who were honored
and may have assured her the
brief.
all
queens regnant were persecuted after death: their names obliter-
the throne in the absence of a male heir.'
Queen Nefrusobek,
Their common
of kings in direct father- son succession (though not always
Nefrusobek and Tawosret, supports the assumption that she took
ently married to her brother
role.
was apparently the lack of a young son
recorded in later histories,
however, both Egyptian and Greek.'* Herodotus wrote that she
water suicide that drowned
at the time
Egyptian queens regnant had a thatikless
ceding royal line were tenuous or nonexistent and whose position
earliest predecessor.
The second such queen regnant may have been Queen Neith-
the Sixth Dynasty, although there
had been
queen of the Ptolemaic Dynasty, took
them to assume the kingship.

first
her image
earlier.
determine the commonalities in their circumstances that impelled
The
who sometimes changed
into a table of offerings, just as images of Hatshepsut
political
Amun-Re
support of that god's
Indeed, given her husband's probable youth,
unlikely that she had already been ruling Egypt in his
it is
not
name
for
some years.
It is
not clear at exactly what point Hatshepsut was crowned
king (see n.
rule in the
below). While apparently her
name of Thutmose
III,
because she was not his mother. That
named
Isis,
a secondary wife
initial instinct
was
to
she could not do this officially

title
belonged to a
woman
who did not have independent ties to
the royal family as Hatshepsut did.
At some point
to take
on
titles
it
must have become imperative
that officially justified her rule
guard the throne for Thutmose
III.
coronation might have been the death of
Isis,
shoulders, are foimd only in the
for Hatshepsut
tuaries
perhaps to safe-
A precipitating factor for her

whose position
3.
attempted a compromise. She appeared as a
as
macy might
A threat to Hatshepsut's legiti-
not known.
is
tions,
(narrow
tion,
Ahmes had some
Mother and her own
authority through her role of Queen's
ties to
the
importance of that authority
main
line
(pi.
II
and Hatshepsut in the same
their royal sons. Hatshepsut herself would
and
of these early figures as Hatshepsut
49) where the
See Ricardo
conjectural. In
is
77
one case
preserved to a greater height than elsewhere, the
reliefs are
it is
altered representa-
further.
skirt), pis. 49, 61,
kilt
was extended out
farther in front.
possible that Hatshepsut, like her predecessor Nefrusobek
wore a male king's
kilt
over a dress, since
it is
unlikely that the upper part of her female
body was shown nude.
4.
For an example of this distinction from an
earlier period, see
5.
A former King's Wife with a markedly female name (meaning "foremost of
perhaps have acquired similar power through the marriage of

her
accompanying these
have been separated
68 (feet together). Caminos stresses that the
(discussed later in this essay),
way that Kings' Mothers such as Ahhotep I and Ahmes-Nefertari

had been shown behind
III)
feet
shoulders were also widened, and the
was
the fact that she
stride only), pis. 65,
identification
of the royal family. The
shown by
is
Thutmose
woman in a dress that reached
1974, vol. 2, pis. 74, 82 (narrow stride
In these reliefs
depicted standing behind
Thutmose
and in the revision her
Caminos
Mother until Hatshepsut's corona-
a King's
Deir el-Bahri, the sanc-
but two examples. Her stride was less wide than that of the male
all
figures (presumably
from the death of her own mother,
also have arisen
at
Buhen were clearly altered.
her lower calf, but her feet were separated, not together as a woman's would
be, in
date of her death
at
Traces underneath the fmal version si^gest that Hatshepsut originally
King's Mother perhaps gave cover for Hatshepsut 's regency; the
Ahmes. Although not
most sacred areas
of Amun-Re and of Hathor (Gilbert i9;3).
Scenes on the walls of the temple of Horns
A. M. Roth 2002.
noblewomen"), Hatshepsut was clearly known by her people to be female.
own daughter Neferure to Thutmose III; however, there is no
It is
thus unlikely that she presented herself as male in her public appear-
ances, although the
evidence this marriage ever occurred." Perhaps Neferure and
many relief depicting her processions invariably show
her as a male king.
Thutmose
III
were too young to contract such a marriage when it
was needed to
bolster Hatshepsut's authority.
son, Hatshepsut took
on the
Whatever the
6.
this
That she did not step down
co-regent was of age has
after her
been taken as a sign of Hatshepsut's ambition, but

to imagine
how
she could have done
in fact
it is
be a king.
transformed the
new king into
the result of the domestication of cats during the course of the First
Intermediate Period, even in the
Old Kingdom queens and princesses had
which appear on sedan chairs and thrones
lions,
example, the sedan chairs of Princess Watetkhethor (Wreszinski 1936,
and Queen Meresankh
III
(Dunham and Simpson
fig. 8).
1974,
for
pi. 11)
(Female
cats
and lionesses were associated mythologically with goddesses, the "eye of
A coronation in ancient Egypt was no mere ceremo-
nial occasion:'* its rituals literally
was
been associated with
hard
She was not a King's
so.
Mother but a king, and once crowned, no known king ever ceased
to
of princesses
qualities
of die sphinx form in the statues of queens. While one might speculate that
of king.
role
During the Middle Kingdom, the catlike and lionlike
and queens were emphasized, as shown by the cat-claw anklets and the use
rea-
Re himself.)
Re," while male cats were sometimes linked with the sun god
7.
See Troy 1986, pp. 13944, for a discussion of the
way
several queens reg-
nant combined male and female iconography to create an androgynous
god.
Once Hatshepsut took
the steps to
make
hence also a god, both she and Thutmose
III
herself a king, and
were committed
of this lifelong com-
joint rule until her death. Indeed, the prospect
kingship that replaced the traditional kingship defined
8.
Catharine H. Roehrig has suggested to
Hatshepsut and Thutmose
mitment may explain Hatshepsut's hesitation to take on the burden of kingship during the early years of Thutmose
While Hatshepsut used the
roles of
Ill's
reign."
by a king and a queen.
In Troy's view, Hatshepsut assumed both roles herself.
to
III
tional advantage of obscuring

9.
Examples
at
me that the use of the term when
were reigning together would have the addiwhich of the two kings was
Deir el-Bahri in which the male
acting.
officiant is said to act "that
she
may be ^ven life" are the most common. Representations of male kings that
male kings and of Kings'
were part of Hatshepsut's ori^nal decoration occasionally have feminine titles
Mothers as models for her own expression and exercise of political
and epithets; these include representations of Thutmose I
power, as a queen regnant she belonged to neither category. She

belonged instead to a very
ruled Egypt in their
elite
minority of Egyptian
own right
cb^(trtn^/yrj<^'*njinNaville 1894-1908,
Thutmose III (Amim calls him
women who
10.
as Daughters of Re, Ladies of the
Two Lands.
in the upper Anubis
pt. i, pi. xiv;fig.
in Naville 1894-1908, pt. 4,
above) and of
pi.
CLxrv).
may be that Hatshepsut saw the pattern of representation with a male

body and female tides as a new model for kings of either sex and had it
It
applied to
Thutmose
III
and, retrospectively, to her husband and father.
has been suggested that Hatshepsut was paving the
way
for a line
It
of female
pharaohs that would continue with her daughter Neferure (Redford 1967,
1.
The
date of Hatshepsut's coronation remains a subject of debate.
clear that she

that she
was not yet a king in year
Thutmose
sion.
of Thutmose
was crowned before the end of his year
reign independendy, instead dating her

Ill's,
own
7.
Ill's
pp. 8485).
It is
reign and
fig.
She did not date her
reign from the beginning of
so her year dates give no clue to the date of her acces-
The year 7 terminus was argued by Lansing and Hayes
1937. See
based on an inscription in Sinai in year
making
offerings to
epithets.
The
Hathor
Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord

nr),
(Lady.') of the Ritual (see
fig. 38,
below, and
and Luc Gabolde and Vincent Rondot (1996, p. 182)
Karnak was originally female.
Relieis in
which she
1 1
(see
preroga-
Murnane
12.
A different system, followed in the southern kingdom of Nubia in later
1977, pp. 3244.
on
the throne.
claims the god Seth makes for his brother's throne in the Osiris
The
myth may
allude to this pattern of succession.
suggest that a masculine depiction of Hatshepsut on a dismantled building

at
(a kingly
application of female gender
11.
A block at
Kamak shows her as a woman with an aufcrown and the titles King of
Chevrier 1934, pL
is
periods, called for a king's brothers to precede his sons
The few exceptions to this rule mostly occur early in her reign.
of her early reign
suggestion
and also gives her kingly
markers to male kings could support this theory.
also Tefnin 1973.

2.
The
46) that shows Neferure
tive)
is
shown with a feminized male body, with clear breasts and narrow, rounded
13.
Such women
may have also had religious authority. By virtue of their sons'
accession, they held, in the
Old Kingdom period,
the
title
nfr,
"Daughter
of the God," indicating that they were the source of some of the king's
divmity. S.
Roth (2001) has argued that
this retroactive status reinforced the
legitimacy of their sons' kingship.
MODELS OF AUTHORITY
I3
14.
The question
McCarter Jr.
bition
study day devoted to Hatshepsut held at the National
is
2002
crucial to understanding Hatshepsut 's actions,
The
"regent"
when
women who
tus
occurs in the
it
p. 88);
clearly
titles
however, as
were not
and
that
title
is
regents,
tide has three elements, (i)
it
(3)
Brooklyn Museum, 39.119; Fazzini et al. 19S9,
See Lehner 1997, pp. 16883,
^^"^
of this period. The architectural

of tombs of royal
na
tablet identifying a
likely to indicate a sta-
predate
resent a
first
proposed
that
Nefertari, or
their
21, W.
In the Middle
The name Thutmose

tion
(a
I as
in Egyptian (in
which
modem compromise between the Greek transcrip-
caimot rep-
anjiynv at the time that Amun-
1974, pi. 34), but this
title
seems to have been
Ahmes- Nefertari with her son Amenhotep I and
11,
his wives.
God's Wife, before her coronation Hatshepsut often
title,
King's
Sister.
While she was
one wonders whether
this
elasticity
clearly the (half) sister
might not also mean "King's
of Egyptian kingship terms, in a
"brother." For example, Urkunden 4, p. 464,
While the spellings of Ahmose and Ahmes are identical
might have been Inserted
Thutmose
27.
Baer i960, pp. 29899.
28.
Newberry 1943
cites references in the
11.
III.
After her
Thutmose
coronation, Hatshepsut's inscriptions occasionally call
own tombs.
10 16.
it
reference to her relationship to the ruling king,
in the
women of the period are
and male names as Ahmose to add some clarity to discussions of this family.
III
her
78.
Turin papyrus, Maneiho, and
Herodotus.
29.
Ryholtzooo.
30. It
of the name and the Egyptian form, Djehutimes) makes reference to a
is
also conceivable that Nitocris
was actually Djedkare's queen, erro-
neously moved to a later dynasty in the temple records.
moon deity, Thoth (Egyptian Djehuti). Two queens of the Seventeenth
31.
Murnane
Dynasty also have names based upon Djehud, and the god lah honored by
32.
For a recent compilation of the evidence for the reign of Tawosret, see
the
name AhmoseAhmes (lahmes) is also a moon god.
Thutmose
I,
a high official
It
seems
under his brother-in-law Amenhotep
I,
was
title.
This
(The genealogy
is
in the introduction omits several.)
in striking contrast to
particularly those of viziers,
Old Kingdom
officials'
her monuments, too, were attacked after her death,
However,
mine whether
women inherited their rank,
Strippii^ Kings* Daughters of their tides would have
made
that Nefertiti, like
sense in bodi
The frequency of broAer-sister marriage
in the royal
to take
Urkunden
35.
It is
Isis.
had to abandon that tide,
If Kings* Daughters
their
4, pp.
impossible to deter-
Her
situation probably
who played
role
it is
an
possible
59-60.
Dorman
36. Several writers
divinities like Geb

who did not marry kings
huânds could not use their status to
it is
queen regnant or because of her
Ahmes, was able to use diis authority and never required
often assumed that
example,
an imitation of the brother- sister marriages of important
and Nut or Osiris and
that of Ahmes, Hatshepsut's mother,
on a more kingly role.
34.
family can be seen both as a political attempt to ensure the purity of royal
blood by preventing more distant relatives from claiming the throne, and as
own right, at
important political role as the mother of the King's Wife, and
and they were
the political and the theological contexts of the late Seventeenth and early
was because she was
most closely paralleled
given the tide King's Son even though their fathers were not kings.
Eighteenth Dynasties.
this
association with Akhenaten's religious innovations.
tombs,
which often depict wives who were Kings'
Daughters. The sons of these
as king in her
Her situation mirrors diat of Hatsh^sut,
Tawosret, and perhaps other queens regnant, in that she had no son. While
in royal families in
among all the known tombs of high officials, none depicts a wife who holds
the
Akhenaton 's queen, may have ruled
33. Nefertiti,
the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty.
Many Kings' Daughters are known in this family and

later periods.
1977, pp. 115 16.
Callender 2004.
likely that
related to the royal family.
Thutmose
III
was married
1988, p. 79), but there
have assumed
is
no
to
Neferure
(see, for
clear evidence for this marriage.
that Hatshepsut's
assumption of the kingly
was an incremental process, based on her apparendy gradual adoption
of male iconography. Gabolde and Rondot (1996, p. 214) describe the coronation as "progressif "; Peter Dorman (2005) speaks of "[t]he gradual incre-
chal-
lenge the ruling kii^ and their sons would not be Kings' Sons who might
ments in which Hatshepsut assumed her kingship," statit^ that hence "the
challenge the designated heir. Thus, the state avoided the creation of rivals
question of her precise accession or coronation date
to the king like that brought about by the Seth-Nephthys pairing of mythol-
moot." This seems to
ogy, which created a dangerous, illegitimate alternative to Osiris and
either king or not king; the role could not be played in a limited way.
Isis.
A slighdy later example of the abandonment of the tide of King's Daughter

can be seen with Tia, the sister of Ramesses
daughter of Seti
I.
II,
who was presumably also the
Like Ahmes, however, she used only the tide King's
Sister.
(See Martin 1997, passim; the single shawabti fragment, his no. 105, where the
sStnswt is said to be present, seems to
14
Wildung
used her mother's
vowels are not written), in this essay I have transcribed female names as Ahmes
23.
built (although
of Thutmose
Urkunden 4jT^.
SETTING THE SCENE
me very problematic.) The rule would
if
altered from King's Sister after Hatshepsut became king. The depiction of
Ahmes behind the young couple Is reminiscent of the manner that Ahhotep
II was sometimes shown with her son Ahmose and her daughter Ahmes-
2002, pp. 55-87,
and
not be used
later); that
Re took Thutmose *s form and visited his wife, Hatehepsut implies that she
roles in temple hierar-
p. 45.
much
Ahmes is called "Kii^s Mother" in die stela in the Agyptisches Museum,

Berlin (i 5699;
to be depicted alongside kings in statues
clearly
of Thutmose IV when he was dxijnpw must
and that Tutankhamun would not have used a
Aunt," given the generational
known only from
22.
was
is
in retrospect.
could also be used of a
name would
scene referring to Akhenaton as an
state;
argued more generally by, for example, Fischer 2000,
of tombs and temples. Most royal
throne
was born (or at least conceived) prior to his accession.
and the comparative ranking
women's
as that
chies decreased in status during this period; however, the point has been
relief decoration
21.
the house
Amarna
an
pre-Amarna
26. In addition to her title
Kingdom, queens cease
20.
house
shaved heads). By describing Thutmose
25.
15.
women are discussed in Dieter Arnold
Marianne Galvin (1981)
I's
razor before his coronation at age nine (although Egyptian princes had
title
summary treatment of the queen's tombs
diiferentiation
when
later); that
(2)
11718, 120022.
19.
is
he were not yet king (although the inscription
p. 21;
earlier periods to
^King of Upper and Lower Egypt and Mother of the King of Upper
Schafer 1902.
Amun that Thutmose I
normally used
argument are questionable.
and Lower Egypt" or as "Mother of two Kings of Upper and Lower Egypt."
18.
tells
seems to describe a king dur-
title
the assumptions underlying her
For example, she claims that Thutmose
ing (a phenomenon called "honoriJic transposition"), this tide can be read
17.
This
it
"Mother of." Because the
16.
4).
young king, but
to
of king would precede everything else in die conventions of Egyptian writ-
either as
1.
Erika Feucht (1995, pp- 50312) has argued that
was given in
seems more
own birth, Anubis
am very grateful
sometimes been translated
"King of Upper and Lower Egypt,"
"King of Upper and Lower Egypt," and
of her
4, p. 219,
ing the period before his coronation and thus
conveyed by Tawosret 's birth than her function as regent.
The
an Jnpw {Urkunden
believe that this issue
of Tawosret (Altenmiiller 1983b,

this tide
specially favored daughters to retain the tide.
24. In Hatshepsut's account
it.
tide jrjt-p't, "Hereditary Princess," has
Callender 2004,
that the only
some kings of this period married dieir own dau^ters, which
would have allowed
connection with the exhi-
in
mwt nswt, "King's Mother."
Professor McCarter for raising
1 5.
fall
"Quest for Immortality." Participants agreed
could be so translated
is
also explain why
of an Egyptian eqtiivalent for "regent" was raised by P. Kyle

at a
Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., in
37.
is
to
some extent
me highly unlikely. An ancient Egyptian ruler was
to Dorman 2005, "[no one could] have had foreknowledge of the

many years that she would yet share the throne with her young nephew."
According
On the contrary, Hatshepsut and her court seem likely to have been well
aware that once she was crowned, the kingship would be shared for the
remainder of her
life.
I. Grips from a Dagger Handle

of Thutmose I
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose
(r.
1504-1492
B.C.)
Wood
cm (4% in.) and 6.3 cm (2/1 in.)
The MetropoHtan Museum of Art, New York,
L. 12. 1
Rogers Fund and Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1922
22.3.753,
Inscribed for Hatshepsut's father,
wood
these two
grips
were
Thutmose
fixed to either side
I,
of
the handle of a dagger. In the case of earlier
Egyptian knives, a blade was hafted to a handle
of a different material, but knives of the early
made
Eighteenth Dynasty were sometimes
using a technique
known from
the Levant: the
bronze knife blade and handle were made in a

single piece,
and wood grips were crimped
place on either side of the

rims.
The wood
inserts
flat
made
in
handle by raised
the dagger handle
rounder and easier to hold, and the contours of

the relief inscription prevented the handle
from
slipping in the owner's hand.
The decoration on both of
these
dominant orientation for
faces to the right, the
Egyptian writing and
art.
The end of each
carved with a depiction of a falcon,

bent to
fit
grips
the curve of the
its
pommel and
its
The more complete of
is
wings
claws
inscribed with
two grips
the
given
life."
Provenance: Western
is
Thutmose 's prenomen "The
Good God, Aakheperkare,
tery,
found
Museum
The
Thebes, "Sankhkare" ceme-
in debris near pit
tomb
1013;
MetropoHtan
of Art excavations, 1921-22, acquired in the
division of finds
grasping shen hieroglyphs, which symbolize

eternity.
The
falcon represents Horus, a god
personified on earth
by the king; here, Horus
may be seen as holding eternity himself and perhaps also extending
it
to the
king named below.
part of the grip adjacent to the blade

rated with a stylized plant motif.
is
broken
at the
The
is
deco-
other grip
halfway point. Only the
Son of Re and the beginning of

nomen, Thutmose,
Bibliography: Wainwright
title
1959. PP-
1925, p. 136;
Hayes
76-77
the king's
are preserved.
AMR
THE BURIAL OF A ROYAL WOMAN AND CHILD OF THE LATE

SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY
In
December
1908, the British Egyptologist
covered the intact burial of a
woman
W. M.
Flinders Petrie dis-
and child while excavating in west-
a cofKn decorated with a
Thebes
ern Thebes, opposite the modern city of Luxor.' Petrie had been
example
systematically exploring a small valley north of the road that leads to the
foil
Valley of the Kings (see
The grave was
map
of western Thebes in the introduction).*
not elaborate, just a shallow trench cut into the rock
below an overhang and masked from view by
group of boulders.
wing pattern
in the Seventeenth
is
unusual both for
its size''
was generously used over the
and
pottery, including
fruit,
and closed
for
its
common
at
decoration, in which gold
face and chest, in the stripes of the
headcloth, and in the feather pattern.
by
(a rishi coffin), a type
and very early Eighteenth Dynasties.' This
The
coffin
was found surrounded
bowls containing food offerings of bread and dried
jars for liquid.
Many
of the small jars were enclosed in
Considering the simplicity of the burial place, the contents were of
remarkably well-preserved pot slings and string bags, which had been
mummy was enclosed in
used to suspend them from a long pole for transport to the grave.'
unexpected richness and quality. The woman's
15
Among the pots were Egyptian forms that surest a date late in the
Sev-
enteenth Dynasty*^ and six beakers of Kerma ware, an exceptionally fine

type of Nubian pottery (cat. no.
The woman was

linens,
5).
also provided with three stools, a
The woman's body had been decked
na
(cat.
and four bracelets.
3),
The assemblage
119, is
Found on
is
more
of objects brought
own, the girdle of pocket and
its
would probably be dated
while the anhydrite bowl
ring
of electrum.'
significant for the variety
is
together in the same tomb.

barrel beads
out in a rich array of gold jew-
made of four strands of small
A girdle of pocket beads and barrel
number
beads, similar in style to catalogue
Dynasty.
bowl decorated with monkeys
An exquisite inlaid headrest (cat. no. 6) was inside the coffin.
(cat. no. 4).
elry that included earrings, a necklace
beads
wood box of
and a basket that held, among other things, an unusually fine horn
container (cat. no. 2) and an anhydrite
mid-Eighteenth Dynasty,
to the
in keeping with the late Thirteenth
The Kerma beakers were certainly manufacmred in Nubia, and
some of the other objects have counterparts in
the cemeteries at Kerma;
however, most of the grave goods appear to be of Egyptian manufacture
and conform to Egyptian

skeletal
taste
and custom. Recent examination of the
remains and determination of their mineral content have demon-
woman spent her childhood in Egypt, ttdiatever her conmay have been.*
strated that the
nection to Nubia
The
richness of the burial indicates a level of wealth that
notable in any period and suggests that the

link with the ruling family of Thebes.'
group of objects
belies the conventional
Second Intermediate Period
with
conflict at that time
Thebes into a
that
They
until relatively recently.
its
woman
Taken
as a
would be
and child had a close
whole,
this exceptional
wisdom about Thebes
in the
was accepted by many Egyptologists
believed that an almost constant state of
neighbors to the south and north
made
relatively isolated provincial center, cut off from the trade
and resources needed to acquire or manufacture luxury items of the type

that this burial reveals.
CHR
1.
Petrie 1909, pp. 6-10.
woman was in
(Eremin
et al.
Examination of the
remains indicates that the
skeletal
her late teens or early twenties and the child was a toddler
2000, p.
35).
Though the
child
was
far too
young
for
its
sex to be
determined from the skeletal remains, the type and distribution of the jewelry,
which included
2.
spiral earrings
the grave but not

3.
and a bead
girdle, suggest a girl.
and map are detailed enough
Petrie 's description

its
to
idendfy the general area of
exact location.
The word riski is Arabic
for "feather." Feather-design coffins are peculiar to
Thebes.
4.
Eremin
By
contrast, the largest of the Metropolitan Museiun's rishi coffins
under
5.
(2000) record the length of the coffin as 2.3 meters (ca. 7/2 feet).
et al.
1.9^
Slings for
Hayes
meters
paintings
fig.
(Newberry
bags were found
measures just
(ca. 6'A feet).
much larger pots have been found
1937, p. 33,
at
39;
Roehrig 2002,
in
Egyptian tombs (Lansing and
p. 37, fig.
49) and are depicted in wall
1893, pi. xil), but the best-preserved pot slings
Kerma
(Reisner 1923, pp. 301-3,
pis. 64, 65, 67),
and string
where only
one or two were present in a single grave.

6.
See Bourriau 1981a,
7.
Analysis of the jewelry

Scotland
p. 35.
is
being conducted by the National Museums of
Mummy Project.
Preliminary results were published in Eremin
et al.
2000, pp. 37-39.

8.
Fig.
her
5.
The burial of a
royal
woman,
rishi coffin (A), the coffin
pended from
of a child (B), numerous pots sus-
a long carrying pole (C), several stools (D), a
and a stone bowl decorated with monkeys

by W. M. Flinders Petrie
SETTING THE SCENE
17th Dynasty. Included are
of linen (E), and a basket (F) holding a horn container

(cat.
box
(cat. no. 2)
na 4). Drawing
Reported
9.
in
"A
Mummy Island," May
Discovery Channel
Eremin
et al.
14,
2005, an episode of
Mummy Autopsy^
series.
(2000) suggest that the
woman was a queen of the Seventeenth

women of the
Dynasty, an idea supported by the fact that a number of royal

late
Seventeenth and early Eighteenth Dynasties seem to have been buried in
isolated
tombs
in the hills
and desert wadis of western Thebes.
Horn Container
2.
horn similar to the one
in figure 6. It has
been
suggested that the vessels contained medication

Late 17th Dynasty (before 1550 B.C.)
used for gynecological purposes (see the discus-
Cow's horn, wood, ivory

L. 20
The
cm (7%
sion of figure vases in chapter 4).
However, the
in.)
evidence of actual horns does not support
Trustees of the National
Museums of Scotland,
hypothesis.
The
this
documented
ten horns with
Edinburgh A. 1909. 527. 32
provenance are associated with four men, four
women, and
Most Egyptian horn containers
are quite sitnple,
with the pointed end carved into a spout or

fitted
with a
wood spout and

wood disk (fig.
plugged with a
burgh example
is
much more
the large end
The Edin-
6).
elaborate.
The
tip
has an ivory fitting carved in the shape of a
bird's head topped with a spoon.
small hole
allowed the contents to flow into the spoon
when
the horn
was
tipped.
An
a child.""
have contained
oil,"
Three horns appear to
and two others held a pow-
der thought to be kohl." Five horns were found

inside coffins that also contained various
a lute.
tools;
One horn was
combi-
jars,
weapons, and
in a basket
of carpenter's
nations of pottery and stone
another was in a basket of cosmetic jars
and sewing implements; a third was in a basket

of
jars, jewelry,
and writing supplies; and one

2, detail
ivory disk deco-
rated with an incised and inlaid rosette plugs the
was set out with
was found
large end of the horn.'
Seven other horn containers or
their
remains
small jars containing wax, honey,
and some fatty substance. The Edinburgh horn

in a basket
with an anhydrite bowl, a
bronze cutting tool or razor,
have been found in Theban tombs dating from
flints,
the late Seventeenth to the early Eighteenth
of objects might suggest that
whetstone, two
and a ball of thread. The motley grouping

this
horn was part
Dynasty.' Another example was uncovered in
an early Eighteenth Dynasty tomb
at Saqqara.'
Fig. 6.
Of
these eight, five had been almost entirely
with a
destroyed by dampness or insects," a circumstance that

vessel.
At
may explain the
least five other
rarity
Horn container
wood disk stopper,
probably early i8th

Dynasty. Excavated from
of this type of
burial
horns are known: one
R2 E3
in
Lower
Asasif, western Thebes,
from Thebes;' one from Saqqara;" and three

without provenance.'
Two bone
stoppers that were probably

tainers have also
by the Metropolitan
or ivory spoon
made
for
Museum. Egyptian
Museum, Cairo (JE 45701)
horn con-
been recorded, one found
at
Thebes,* the other unprovenanced.'
There are pottery figure vases of the early

Eighteenth Dynasty
resent a kneeling
(cat. nos. 164, 165) that
rep-
woman holding an unadorned
ROYAL BURIAL
I7
of a
on
may
the other hand, the basket
Benedite 1920, pi.
simply
have been a convenient place to store unrelated
(CG 45201); see
Saqqara and is now in Cairo
belonging to an apothecary or a mid-
kit
wife;
i,
He
1.
red leather (the leather no longer survives).
the Petrie Musetmi, London: Petrie 1927, p. 37,
This rather disparate evidence suggests
objects.
that
pi.
horn containers were used for a variety of
The horn itself probably came from a domes-
Two similar vessels are in the
17.
661 1 (Brunner-Traut 19703,
Found by Bruyere
8.
of the owner.
xxxin,
Louvre: 1485 (Benedite 1920,
whim or profession
purposes, depending on the
p. 82, pi.
i)
i,
and AF
mus
JE ^893), this stopper is carved in the shape of a
Egyptian horn containers have been likened
bovine native to Egypt.
ticated
The mountings
made from hippopota-
are almost certainly
pi. 7, c).
Deir el-Medina (Cairo,
at
had been
also noted that the bird's neck
cracked in antiquity and bound with a strip of
A simple horn vessel similar to that in figure 6 is in
7.
ivory.
X-radiography shows
that the
horn was
fairly
head wearing a nemes headcloth with a disk-
from western Asia that are depicted in
to vessels
Eighteenth Dynasty Theban tombs from the

time of Thutmose
onward
III
9.
the
(fig. 22),'^
roughly cleaned out and that there
shaped spoon on top.
This stopper
is
head with a disk-shaped spoon on top and closely

Saqqara (Cairo,
theory being that Egyptian horns derived from
resembles the one excavated
Near Eastern
JE 47783). It is now in the Merseyside County

Museums, Liverpool (1977.109.20): Susan K. Doll
However, the Asian
prototypes.''*
more elaborate
vessels are of tusk, not horn, are
in
than most Egyptian horn vessels, and rst
listing
appear in wall paintings made eighty to one
hundred years
In
horn belongs
this
fact,
later than the
Thebes seems
to have
had
little
a multiple burial dating
Dynasty
Near
access to
10.
Eastern luxury items.'^
then, that
It is possible,
of examples is limited to actual horn vessels
of faience that was found by Petrie
when
time
na 403. This
p. 293,
dently from the Asian variety.
from the Eighteenth
(Petrie 1891, pi. xxvi, 50).
The identification of the
notes
material as cow's horn
was made by Andrew Kitchener, Curator of
Mammals and Birds at the Royal Museum,

Edinburgh. He has provisionally identified the
Bruyere 1937, pp. 8486.
Benîte 1920,
one of these
ivory as from a hippopotamus.

2.
JE 45701) was found
Cairc^
in the coffin
of a
13.
been
in
of Baki (male), and one
may have
horn stored
a
at
woman named Madja (tomb
horn (Cairo, JE 63753) with
15.
A pottery horn-shaped vessel with a cow's head
xlh.
i, pi.
in a Predynastic
makes
grave
this
Gerza
at
Wainwright, and Mackay 1912,
p. 23, pi. vii)
p.
28 and n.
2,
where Steindorff suggests
horn may be modern,
on
ill.
p.
1382);
and a horn (Musee du
Louvre, Paris, E 14469) similar

figure 6 that
was
in the
to the
one
1937, pp. 84-86,
fig.
found
in a child's coffin
container. See Firth and
They were
the
horn found
Now in the
British
J.
of a
man
1,
MMA tomb
tomb
tomb
at
1389,
fig.
79.
Saqqara.
6037):
According to
p. 401, this
horn was
of carpenter's tools found in the tomb
in
that the
29) indicate that
have come from the Serapeum
SETTING THE SCENE
wax
sides of the
wood
textile,
socket retain clear
which was found to be
cellulosic
and probably baste
hemp or
flax) rather
fibers (for
example,
than cotton, impregnated
with an organic material. Resinous material was

detected on the edge of the end-plate.
on the wood-and-ivory
holes in the end of the horn.
Thebes; W. M. Flinders
Petrie excavations for the British School of Archaeology
Egypt, December
9,
1908 February
Bibliography:
8,
plate
Two
fit
into
The presence of
the resin, fabric, and pegs confirms Petrie 's
observation that the horn was intended to be
1909
Petrie 1909, p. 7, no. 15, pi. xxv;
Bruyere 1937, p. 86; Eremin
when
et al. 2000, p. 39
The
contents were presumably decanted
(now missing) plug was removed from
the spoon end.

EG, JT, AnQ, A,
AlQ
Technical Study
1.
Among
the rich grave goods of the burial
the horn (cat. no. 2) that
W. M.
is
Flinders Petrie
found in a basket together with an anhydrite
at
2.
Petrie 1909, p. 7.
By
bowl
(cat. no. 4),
stone,
two
a bronze cutting tool, a whet-
flints,
and a
of thread.
ball
He
noted that the horn's broader end was "covered with a plate of ivory
and
cemented on,
therefore .... permanently closed."'
Fourier transform infrared microspectroscopy.
Additional analysis by a technique such as gas-
chromatography-mass spectrometry
for
western Thebes.
cow's head with a disk-shaped spoon at the top.
18
around the eye.
traces of various colored oil or
fully identified.
The
and
This horn has an ivory stopper carved into a
It is said to
brown
most prob-
1926, p. 68, pi. 45, F.
Museum, London (EA
1975, p. 213,
G. Wilkinson 1878, vol.
in a basket
6.
in the child's
British
Museum
also used for decoration
with traces of the horn
the three horns found in
729, the horn in Deir el-Medina
5.
was
sealed.
Gunn
light
ably come from a wax soiu:ce. Black-colored wax
impressions of a
42.
In this case a human-headed stopper with a disk-
shaped spoon on the top (Cairo, JE 47783) was
4.
as a socket into the
fit
decorated with inlays that
in
tomb of a man (tomb
For these three examples, see Bruyere
1389).
is
and the remaining sections with a
small pegs
Provenance: Western
in
3.
ivory
and a
1901,
disk-shaped spoon, which was in the cofRn of a
woman (tomb
of wood shaped to
The
One ancient segment is wood, probably ebony;
been
the type had a long history in Egypt.
carved in the shape of a right hand holding a
at
X-ray den-
The round ivory end-plate was mounted on

horn.
(Petrie,
goods of Henui from Gebelein (SteindorfF
stopper
a different
residues within the horn, but tîese have not yet
connection.
horn associated with the Middle Kingdom burial
1370); a complete
horn have
some of these are modem repairs.
There are
in particular
fragmentary
wood
42, 84,
Amiran 1962
probably belonged to
by Petrie.
these areas were found by analysis^ to
The most elaborate example is in a fragment

in the British Museum: Nina de G.
found
The beak
as noted
substance. Samples of the organic material from
86, 90, and
14.
Deir el-Medina by
They were
in a basket that
(CG 45201) contained oil
Theban tombs
vol.
Neferkhawat (male). Three others were discov-
the French Institute.
in
Davies 1936,
two were
a basket associated with the burial of
ered in the eastern cemetery
Cairo
that
of wall painting
Metropolitan Museum, and evidence of three
in the cofHn
They occur
100.
woman in the Lower Asasif (burial R2 E3) by the

729;
in
surest
p. 224,
finished.
some areas are filled with a black waxy material
but results published in
rather than kohl.
A horn container (fig. 6; Egyptian Museum,
more were found in MMA tomb
p. 81;
Hassanein and Iskander 2003,
and
made of horn,
have been partially restored in recent times.
on the burial identify the mimuny as female.
11.
12.
sity;
a block
keeping with the burial
of a man. However, the very cursory excavation

1.
finely carved
into a deeply carved socket that does not
the end of the
some cosmetic equipment, and two throw sticks,

in
different in
connect with the passageway. Several areas
British Museum horn (see n. 5

The horn found by the Metropolitan
Museum was in a coffin that also contained a lute,
more
These are
in.
The spoon itself and the decorated bird's
head are
These include the
the latter seeming
CHR
bored.
It is set
above).
Egyptian horn containers developed indepen-
several deep scratches, as if a
appearance from marks where the hole was
appears to be
Kahun in
at
The opening has
plug had been pushed
and does not include a horn-^ped vessel made
Edinburgh horn.
to
Eypgt s Golden Age 1982,
at
a continu-
is
ous passage to the opening in the "spoon."
carved in the shape of a woman's
more specific identification.
is
necessary
Ring-Bead Necklace
3-
Gold
cm
L. 38
The
(15 in.)
Edinburgh A. 1909. 527.19
This necklace, which was found

described above,
is
in the burial
made of four strands of gold
ring beads, strung with an ingeniously fash-
ioned clasp that
described in the technical
is
study below. Chokers of similar ring beads date
back as the Eleventh Dynasty
as far
one example was discovered

a
in the
young girl who was buried
plex of Mentuhotep
Two chokers
II (r.
temple com-
20512000
B.C.).'
(see cat. no. 121) and a double-
strand necklace,
made of gold
all
similar in size to those in the
and dating from the
lace
Thebes;
at
tomb of Mayet,
in the
ring beads
Edinburgh neckSeventeenth or
late
early Eighteenth Dynasty, were excavated
the Metropolitan
section of the
laces
Theban
were found
none of
Museum
whom
necropolis.'
in the graves
by
Lower Asasif
in the
The neckwomen,
of three
was buried with many grave
goods or any inscriptions identifying
While these women were
certainly not
her.'
mem-
bers of the royal family, the presence of gold
jewelry in their burials suggests a certain level
of prosperity.
The Edinburgh
necklace has often been
described as the earliest skehiu collar, a type of
jewelry that the king gave to his officials as a
reward (see
collar
cat. nos. 52, 54).'
was made of
and was
tied
However, a sheHu
large, thick, lentoid
beads
around the neck, whereas the

1.
Edinburgh example
is
of narrow ring beads and
The tomb of Mayet was excavated by

Metropolitan
its
strands are brought together in a clasp. Both
lentoid-bead chokers
made of
pp. 5253,
faience (similar
in design to later gold shebiu collars)
and gold
to
2.
late
Seventeenth and early Eighteenth Dynasties
in Asasif, suggesting that these are
two
different
3.
types that existed simultaneously.'
The same two

remained
more than
4.
5.
1040992
B.C.) that
was discovered
at
necklace.
two
distinct types
of
While both may well have been used
reward jewelry, only one should be given
9,
1908 February
Bibliography:
pp. 197-98, pi. 48;
Petrie 1909, p. 9;
Andrews
8,
1909
Ziegler 2002a, p. 431, no. 109
Eremin
et al.
Aldred 1971,
1990, pp. 23,
82;
2000, p. 37; Adel
fig. 14b,
181
Mahmoud in
burial also contained a pair of gold
For a discussion of the shebiu
name shehiu.
collar, see the section
The
6.
Metropolitan
The necklace
Museum found two
during
its
faience
these
is
in the Metropolitan
other
is
in the
woman
1916 excavation season at Asasif.
Museum
One of
(16.10.272); the
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 45676).
Psusennes's shebiu collar (Egyptian
JE 85753; Montet
Museum,
1951, no. 482)
of large lentoid beads.
is
made of
Two other neck-
laces have, respectively, five strands
CHR, DCP
Technical Study
in chapter 4, especially the entry for
five strands
the precise
MetropoHtan Museum. The second
Each woman's
Cairo,
as
Egypt, December
(JE 45661) went to the Egyptian Museum, Cairo.
lentoid-bead necklaces in the tomb of a
Tanis
in the early twentieth century," a further indi-
cation that they represent
to the
(cat. no. 121)
catalogue no. 109.
rich jewelry
of the Twenty-first Dynasty king Psusennes

(r.
in
choker (JE 45691) and the double-strand necklace
on jewelry
five centuries.
Both varieties were found among the
came
earrings.
types of beaded necklace
in use for
1921,
the necklace (22.3.322)
In the division of finds, one choker
went
ring-bead chokers were found in tombs of the
Provenance: Western
the
Museum of Art (Winlock
fig. 30);
New York in the division of finds.
(cat.
no. 3)
was found
in situ
around the neck of a mummified woman. W. M.

Flinders Petrie tinwrapped the
mummy
at
the
time of its excavation, carefully recording everything he found.'
He measured and weighed
the necklace elements and described

struction in detail.
He
strung in four rows.
its
all
con-
counted 1,653 "^"g beads,
The rows
are linked
by
of large ring
beads (Cairo, JE 85751; Montet 1951, no. 483) and
a pair of terminals, each terminal consisting
seven strands of large ring beads (Cairo, JE 85752;
of four tubes made of eight rings soldered
Montet
together.
1951, no. 484).
Each terminal has four cups,
to
ROYAL BURIAL
hold
It)
the knotted ends of the strings, and four horizontal wire loops.
from the two
When
juxtaposed, the loops
Bowl Decorated with

Monkeys
together by a locking pin. Petrie found that the
13th Dynasty, reign
of Sebekhotep IV-late 17th
Dynasty (1731 1550
and thus the necklace was not closed properly.
Anhydrite
are usually
made from wire
rings
soldered closed, but very few of the beads on

this
necklace have a visible join.
the
workmanship
optical
is
The
quality of
H. 4 cm
The
on
joins are not detected
the outer surface.
(r'/g in.),
Diam.
drite
was
that they are very regular,
with a diameter between 4.2 and
3,
two
mm across.
4.5
mm and a
One weighs
55
mg.
clasp
mg. Analysis* gives an approxi-
mate composition of 87 percent gold,

silver,
1 1
percent
and 2 percent copper. The locking pin
made of a harder alloy
is
(72 percent gold, 22 per-
cent silver, and 6 percent copper).
The
outer, beveled faces of the ring beads
are polished, while the
flat
sides
and inner sur-
faces are rougher, as if cast and worked.
Under
magnification, various tool marks can be seen
on the surfaces where

rings the metal
after
being formed into
was shaped and burnished. The
method by which the ring beads were constructed
is
The
study.
the subject of a current technical
smaller ring beads of a necklace
found with the accompanying burial of a
have very obvious joins and are much
form
in size
and surface
EG,
1.
2.
child'
less uni-
finish.
JT,
KE,
Energy Dispersive X-ray
SEM
examination.
The
analysis
surface
(EDX)
during
was cleaned and
lighdy abraded but not polished. Approximate
compositions are from standardless analysis.

3.
BM
Petrie 1909, pp. 810.
Petrie 1909, p. 10.
20
SETTING THE SGENE
known
as
anhy-
Dynasty (1802 1550
this distinctive
group of luxury vessels
homogeneous
were probably
all
made
in
in the
graves of both
women
at
but
so
they
one location during
anhydrite vase
the Thirteenth
Dynasty king Sebekhotep IV
was found
is
An
inscribed with the
Kingdom. Hundreds of examples
e.g.),'
in style that
name of
very brief time period.'
and men.' However, anhydrite vessels carved
animal vases are
a date range of the Thirteenth to
the Seventeenth
Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties of
have been found
the other 60
now assigned
a popular material for cosmetic ves-
the Middle
surface. Detailed study of
showed
in.)
Museums of Scodand,
beautiful pale blue stone
has revealed that some have traces of a soldered
central hole 3.5
cm (5
until the 1980s, the
small and so
beads removed from the string for conservation
ring beads
12.8
The
come from well-documented
archaeological contexts.' Dated to the Middle
sels in the
on the inner
example, are quite rare. Fewer
hardly any of these
Kingdom
However, close examination of individual ring
join
B.C.)
remarkable; even under
and scanning electron microscopy (SEM),
animal form or decorated with animals,
like the present
than three dozen have been published," and
pin had been erroneously inserted from below
Ring beads
in
4.
and are held
sides interweave
(r.
1731 1719
B.G.)
Dendera,' and the animal vessels
of known provenance come from Abydos and
Thebes.'
may
It
as luxurious as the anhydrite vessels. In 1910,
well be, therefore, that the
Patch suggests that objects found
of Upper Egypt. Sebekhotep's vase, though not
at
Abydos would
probably have been taken to Girga for

in
animal form,
elaborately carved and
is
fits
also observes that this
sale.
She
group (which includes ves-
well with the type. Since the preponderance
sels in the
of anhydrite cosmetic vessels dates from the
both animals sacred to Abydos) seems
Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties,
temple hoard, although that does not preclude
likely that the

this period,
animal vases come from
an heirloom from
The
The
arms
their
Edinburgh
in
bowl
in
forming
their tails
bowl,
smaller
a ring
similar,
two
decorated with
monkeys, was excavated
El-Arabah, near
at
Abydos,' and a third bowl, also decorated with
two monkeys and probably from

eral area, is in the
the
long snouts are more suggestive of baboons.
a contrary view, see
The bowl
is
now
in the
Bourriau 1988,
Terrace 1966 and Fay 1998a together
except the bowl and he did not state that the
was undisturbed. Tomb E 237
context
is
provides only the date
when
the
bowl was
one of the duck
and
tomb, albeit one containing
pottery consistent with the Seventeenth Dynasty.
In Fay 1998a, pp. 29-33, ^^^^^ ^ I'^^g discussion

the author ultimately dates the anhydrite
duck
Seventeenth Dynasty, but a number of
flasks to the
her examples, notably the Metropolitan Museum's
Girga group (see
n. 7)
and the so-called Terrace
Group, do not come from archaeological contexts.

She
cites the
Edinburgh monkey bowl but makes
no mention of an excavated monkey bowl from

El-Arabah that dates to the Middle Kingdom (see
n. 10
below). At least two anhydrite kohl jars dec-
orated with
monkeys have
also
been dated to the
Middle Kingdom (Bourriau 1988,

5.
As is
also pointed out in
p. 142).
Fay 1998a, pp. 2930.
6.
Weigall 1908, p. 107; Fay 1998a,
7.
A group of anhydrite vessels at the Metropolitan

Museum was purchased
group
is
said to
in
p. 28.
Cairo in 1910. This
have come from
Dynasty cemetery
at Girga, a
Twelfth
town about
ten
miles north of Abydos. However, Diana Craig
Patch has pointed out to
me that
tery of that date at Girga,

plain near the river.
across the river at
first
in the burial,
three pot slings at one
end of the carrying pole. While the
from
pottery
tomb
the
rest
locally, these
beakers must have been manufactured around
Kerma, the
tomb
near tombs that
which lay
what
is
capital
just
of the kingdom of Kush,
south of the Third Cataract in
now Sudan
(see
map,
fig.
15).
which roughly corresponds
to the
Second
Intermediate Period and the very early

Thebes;
W. M.
Kingdom
9,
in
Egypt.^
The presence
in this
New
grave
Flinders
Petrie excavations for the British School of Archae-
Egypt, December
They
belong to the Classic Kerma Period (1750 1550
later date is possible.
B.C.),
in
of the
recognizably
is
was probably made
Egyptian' and
1908-February
8,
1909
of
Kerma
the
pottery has led to the suggestion that
Bibliography:
Terrace 1966,
The
Naga
which
there
is
is
no ceme-
in the flood
ancient cemeteries are
ed-Deir. There
dence of a royal workshop

Girga a noted pilgrimage
in the area,
site,
Petrie 1909, p. 7, pis. xxii, xxv;
p. 59, sect.
fig.
25
A,
pt. 1, no. 9, pi.
xvni; Fay
woman was a Nubian who had been largely
However,
in the light
of current knowledge of
Nubian and Egyptian
seems equally possible
vessel) has a published archaeological context,
4.
Kerma beakers were found
stacked in twos in the
during the
relations
Nubia" by W. Vivian Davies
common variety of zoomorphic
a disturbed
Six
an undis-
clearly late
to Bourriau 1988, p. 141, only
from
(5 in.)
Second Intermediate Period (see "Egypt and
buried, not the date of its manufacture. According
vases (the most
cm
12.7
the only
Seventeenth Dynasty, but one must remember that
this is
is
Garstang dated from the Thirteenth to the

Seventeenth Dynasty, so a
1998a, p. 31,
present bowl,
The
Diam.
acculturated into a high level of Theban society.

thirty-
list
now in Edinburgh, is
excavated example known to come from
it
top
John
p. 142.
of zoomorphic form.
turbed tomb.
(4 in.),
who was an expert on Middle Kingdom
same gen-
four examples of vessels with animal decoration or
The
pi. ix,
237; Terrace 1966, p. 59, pi. xxvn.
of "known types," but he illustrated nothing
ology
1.
3.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo
(JE 46403): Garstang 1901, pp. 78,

right,
Provenance: Western
2.
cm
Fay 1998a.
animals have been described as monkeys, but
their
Metropolitan Museum.
CHR
10.2
pieces being found in tombs.
The
material, described the associated objects as being
and
H.
The
animals squat, facing right, with
raised
Pottery
fish
For
Garstang,
base on which the bowl balances.

slightly
deco-
is
like a
8.
10.
monkeys or baboons carved
forms of a seated baboon and a
9.
in fact,
is,
this period.^
surface of the Edinburgh
rated with four

relief.'
some
late in
about the time of Sebekhotep, and
example now
that the
seems
it
Kerma Beaker
5.
Girga was the largest town near Abydos, and
source of anhydrite was somewhere in this part
is
no
evi-
nor was
and the cemeteries
from pharaonic times have never produced anything
Upper Egyptian family
in this
that she
that
volume),
it
was from an
through connections
with Nubia, either as traders or in miHtary serv-
had developed
ice,
Classic
a taste for
Kerma
Nubian
Headrest
6.
crafts.
beakers, a form of black-
topped red ceramic, were made by hand with-
Acacia
out use of a wheel. They have thin walls with
ebony
sharp rims and are very lightweight, although
made
quite resilient. Egyptians too
a type
of
H.
14
wood
inlaid
1.
2.
cm
(5/1 in.), L. 30.5
cm
(12 in.)
fig.
The
in

a
mastery of firing techniques equal
analysis of the materials

et al.
was published
in
2000.
This headrest and another from Thebes are published in the typology in Reisner 1923, p. 233,
of this type was found
221, nos. 19, 20; another
Lower Asasif by Lord Carnarvon and
the Metropolitan
black-topped red ware, but they never devel-
oped
Modern
Eremin
with ivory and East African
Museum,
is
now
New York (14.10.9).
in
At
Kerma, Reisner found headrests of a similar type
to that
but with with even longer bases (Reisner 1923,
of the Kerma potters. Producing the lustrous
This headrest was made in three pieces fastened
black and deep red surfaces of the Classic
together with tenons.
Kerma
an octagonal neck and long, narrow base,
one
more than
pots seems to have required
firing.'
light-colored, variegated
band
of
typical
the
The
period
pp. 236-39).
graceful design, with
bridging
the
is
late
Provenance: Western
separating the black and red zones
is
specific to
Seventeenth and early Eighteenth Dynasties.

in Egypt,
this
phase of Kerma pottery. Taken together,
the form, delicacy, and surface treatment of
Classic
finest
Kerma beakers
ceramic
art
place
them among the
forms ever created.
The
wood.
Its inlaid
decoration
Bourriau 1981a,
Though
tusk,
and ebony, which was imported into
where
p. 35.
Kerma beakers
the vast majority of Classic
have been found in tombs, a few examples have also
been found
in habitation sites at
(Gratien 1978,
3. Ibid.,
Kerma and
in
Bibliography:
8,
1909
Petrie 1909, p. 8, pis. xxii, xxv;
Reisner 1923, pp. 23233,

2000,
p.
fig.
221, no. 19;
Eremin
et
al.
39
south.' Headrests of
been found
else-
western Thebes, though none com-
pares in beauty with this example.^
CHR
Sal
204).
p.
pp. 210-11.
Provenance: Western Thebes; W. M.

Petrie excavations for the British School
in
of ivory, either
hippopotamus tusk or imported elephant
similar type and date have

1.
is
local
Egypt from areas farther
2.
December 9, 1908 February
headrest was carved from acacia, a local
Egypt, December
Bibliography:
9,
Petrie 1909, p. 6;
Flinders
of Archaeology
1908-February
8,
1909
Eremin
et al.
2000, p. 39
SETTING THE SCENE
CoiWfjgnioOmaiarjl
ART
The
TRANSITION
IN
Rise of the Eighteenth Dynasty and the Emergence of
Thutmoside Style
the
and Relief
in Sculpture
Edna R. Russmann
the history of pharaonic Egypt, no artistic style
all
In
Dynasty
was more
than the Thutmoside style of the early Eighteenth
itiiluential
which Hatshepsut, Thutmose
in
diate kingly predecessors
sculpture and rehef.
The
III,
it
's
was owing
to the
which these rulers
prominence of
monuments, many of which stood for generations
Thutmoside
II
at
Thutmose
III
to pre-
Seti
of the Nineteenth Dynasty,' by the kings of the
Third Intermediate Period,' and,
The
Twenty-sixth Dynasty.
later
statues
formed the basis for the royal
and
style
still,
by
reliefs
the kings of the
of these pharaohs
of the Thirtieth Dynasty,
which was subsequently adopted by the Ptolemaic
rulers.'
In
its
many
manifestations over the centuries, the Thutmoside style
came
to
Egyptian
be regarded by many foreigners as the quintessential

style,
and to some extent
it
remains so today.
It
seems
we know so little about the ori-
particularly ironic, therefore, that
gins of this style.
was an
Archaism
periods
the emulation or imitation of works from earlier
important component of ancient Egypt's con-
It is
Ahmose
I (r.
first
two kings of the Eighteenth
15501525 B.C.) and
1504 B.C.), were strongly influenced by

particular by
new dynasty
not surprising, therefore, that most of the sur-
viving representations of the
Dynasty,
is
not found in the

litde
was
images of the
1840
B.C.),
that the influence
reliefs
of Ahmose
Amenhotep
works of the early Middle Kingdom
should be cautious, however,
when
I (r.
monuments of the
at
1525-
past, in
Thebes.'
We
trying to identify specific
instances of borrowing." Artists could imitate only
what they
could see, so only visible monuments could serve as prototypes.
has often been observed that the
Dynasty king Senwosret
I (r.
reliefs at
1961-1917
sources for representations of
Ahmose
It
Karnak of the Twelfth
b.c.)
were the principal
and Amenhotep
I. It is
of Senwosret
and Amenhotep
images
I's
at
Abydos,
to be seen of the earlier king's works, or that the
late
whose
Twelfth Dynasty king Senwosret

reliefs
and
statues
were
1878
III (r.
plentiful at temples near
Thebes,' were not emulated by the early Eighteenth Dynasty

kings, perhaps because they looked so somber. Generalizations
based on a failure to consider

to
all
such available evidence can lead
unsound conclusions.'
Although much has been written about archaism,
relatively litde
attention has been given to evidence of the uninterrupted con-
tinuation in the early Eighteenth
from the immediate
Dynasty of
artistic traditions
past, perhaps because the evidence is harder
and evaluate. W. Vivian Davies established
to recognize
that a statue
of a seated royal figure in the British Museum, long identified

as a depiction of the Thirteenth
(r.
1748-1741
Dynasty king Sebekhotep

King Sebekemsaf I
B.C.), in fact represents
1616 B.C.), of the Seventeenth Dynasty.' This discovery

siderable significance, not only because
statues of Seventeenth
statue
it
large, carved in
(r.
is
also because
it
list
of
indi-
Dynasty type of important royal temple

dark stone, showing the king seated and
wearing a nemes headcloth and shendyt kilt, his face and form
tinctively idealized
III
1632
of con-
adds to our short
Dynasty kings, ' but
cates that this Thirteenth
servative culture,'' particularly at the beginning of a
or poUtical era.
seldom noted, however,
where
played a
was emulated by
style. It
their
Karnak and
among later kings
sent themselves in the guise of the great
and Ramesses
in
appeal lay perhaps in the generic
other major temples. Certainly, a desire
role in perpetuating the
imme-
their
and successors were represented
style
quality of the elegant, impersonal features with
were depicted; perhaps
and
dis-
persisted into the Seventeenth Dynasty.
A chronological examination of the surviving statues of seated

kings reveals a progressive exaggeration of the idealized royal features.
The
earliest
known example,
Dynasty king Amenemhat

ralistic:
long-limbed, small-waisted
is
B.C.)," is fairly natu-
quite athletic. In succeeding
more and more,
his smile
becomes
pronounced, and his waist continues to narrow. By the time of
Sebekemsaf
I,
the royal face, seen from the front, resembles an
inverted triangle.
still
a figure of the Thirteenth
1795 1792
body
statues, the king's face tapers

less
(r.
the long, smiling face tapers to a rounded chin, and the
The
expression
is
neutral.
The
king's figure
long of limb, but a markedly pinched waist makes
it
is
seem
^3
broader, rounder faces characteristic of depictions of women (see
but with rather pointed chins. Features similar to
cat. no. 11),
those of the large statues of seated kings are also found on lime-
women, from
stone statuettes, predominantly of
period at
this
Thebes. Most represent nonroyal persons.'" The bodies are usu-
The heads
ally slender, with little anatomical detail.
what overlarge and emphasized by heavy wigs
only surviving link between sculptural style at
significant, as the
Dynasty and the shawabti of Ahmose
the end of the Seventeenth

the
attractive little
sometimes dismissed as dry or naive," are historically
figures,
I,
some-
frame smiling
that
These
faces with large, bright-looking eyes.
are
first
Thutmoside
royal forerunner of true
unfor-
style. It is
tunate that almost none of the statuettes can be dated with any
precision, either
by
by archaeological
inscription or
context.'*
The most remarkable feamre of Ahmose 's shawabti

12) is the small face,
which begins
below eye
to taper just
The lips
pointed chin.
(cat. no.
carved rather summarily yet expertly,
turn up a
bit.
and ends
level
The
in a
very
eyes are slightly slanted,
under rounded
with elongated corners and arched upper
lids,
brow
be related to those of
ridges.
Most of these
characteristics can
the limestone stattiettes discussed above. In the shape of the face,
Ahmose
the shawabti of
Museum of Sebekemsaf
recalls the large statue in the British
seated. All the facial features of the
shawabti approximate those of later depictions of kings in the
Thutmoside
The
found
style.
Egypt
is
a slightly over-lifesize limestone
king wearing the white crown of Upper Egypt

is
Fig. 7. Lifesize
head of Ahmose
wearing the white crown, early i8th
Ahmose
sole identifiable fragment of a large statue of
in
broad, with
flat,
unmodulated planes and
head of the
(fig. 7).''
The
a taut, smiling
face
mouth.
The
misleading naive quality of this finely worked head suggests
that
its
features derive probably
from representations of the
Dynasty. Limestone. Private collection
Eleventh Dynasty king Mentuhotep
rather willowy."
Though
Museum does not

many
at all
the statue of Sebekemsaf
We have no
early Eighteenth.
The
the Seventeenth
was
fully
Thutmoside"
developed.''
into the
III,
The
when
the
persistence
Thebes during
Karnak. However, no statue of
Mentuhotep
has such large, protuberant eyes, nor
or Senwosret
II
do any have both
irises
at
and pupils delineated
as incised circles, as
this head. In raised or incised reliefs, the iris
Kingdom. Even
cated as early as the Middle

the detail
The
was unusual, and
figures
on
a stela
it
was extremely
of Ahmose
Thutmoside
Queen
of
those on the limestone head of
"proto-
such
on
Dynasty and
B.C.),
certain statues of Senwosret
began
to
in reliefs,
rare
on
be indi-
however,
sculpture.'"
honoring his grandmother
Tetisheri (cat. no. 10) have large, bulging eyes similar to
Ahmose, though without
the
period can be
incised details." In size and shape, they resemble the eyes in relief
representations of the Seventeenth Dynasty king Sebekemsaf I at
many of them
Dynasty royal
quite crude, depicted
coffins.'"'
Two
of a princess or queen
this
on Seventeenth
female faces, one on the gilded
who seems
to
have lived
mask of a lady-in-waiting
SETTING THE SCENE
at the
court of
Ahmose
I,''
Medamud, near Thebes." Both
Ahmose
stela
the Sebekemsaf reliefs and the
adhere closely to Twelfth Dynasty models, except
for the exaggeration of the figures' eyes.
This shared departure
mummy
from precedent may suggest
and the
have the
how related.
at the start
of the Eighteenth Dynasty and the other the gilded
24
exhibits
2051-2000
Deir el-Bahri, or possibly from
from the long, tapering jaws of some male
facial features at
inferred, nonetheless,
faces,
it
next surviving examples date from the
time of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
coffin
in the British
evidence whether this type of statue continued to
be produced throughout
style
resemble Thutmoside sculpture,
core features of the Thutmoside style.
II (r.
as those in his funerary temple at
that the reliefs
stela are
some-
The single complete large
statue
of Ahmose
known is a seated
probably a work of the early Eighteenth Dynasty, but one hesi-
figure in painted sandstone, found at a temple that he established
tates to identify either
on the
the
island of Sai in
Nubia (now Sudan). The king wears the
white crown with the uraeus, the

Sed-festival cloak,
royal beard, and a short
and holds a crook and
Amenhotep
sentation of
artificial
was
flail/'
similar repre-
later erected at the
same
site
Describing the two figures, W. Vivian Davies stressed
(fig. i6).
the quality of their modeling and the differences between the very
battered
faces.^*"
Unfortunately, one can discern
lished photographs of the statues.
appear so blocky that one
Mentuhotep
it is
II in
as
little
in the
pub-
The round heads and bodies
reminded of the seated figure of
Sed-festival garb
more probable,
found
Deir
at
though
el-Bahri,''
Davies suggested, that the figures were made
by local, Nubian sculptors,

kind were
is
in
whose work exaggerated forms of this
other
known
representations of
dimensions are the heads of two
little
is
in three
may
Ahmose
Amenhotep
ing of these details on the head of Ahmose and the modeling of
heads of Amenhotep
The
discussed below (cat. no.
I,
eyebrow
sphinx's long
One
and cosmetic
strips
raised relief, are also absent
from surviving
feature, nonetheless, suggests that the sphinx
Ahmose: the
represent
on
no.
(cat.
on the large
eyes,
plump
(fig. 7).
works
One
that are
uninscribed
however, merits consideration: a sphinx in yellow lime-
style
far
from Ahmose 's
stela
Another statue has these big
10).
Ahmose.'' The identity of the prince has been debated, but the
not otherwise identifiable seems foolhardy.
was found not
rendered in
does indeed
which resemble
large, protuberant eyes,
the limestone head and
Abydos complex
from Ahmose 's
cult center at
Abydos
of the broad, smiling face indicates that
this is
no
available evidence suggests that he lived
provisional identification of the sphinx as
The
13; figs. 9, 11).
lines,
statues of both kings.
Queen Ahhotep."' The
summary, but the large
that attempting to recognize "his" features in
8)."
articula-
bulging eyes, a seated figure, in limestone, of a certain Prince
So few surviving representations are inscribed with Ahmose 's
(fig.
rep-
summary model-
quite unlike both the
limestone head of Ahmose discussed above
stone that
is
head of
However, the detailed
(fig. 7).
is
Ahmose
statue,
continued
face and the
the full cheeks, the folds beside the nostrils, and
the round, fleshy chin
cheeks, and upturned lips are in keeping with the features of the
name
who
I,
The breadth of the
relate the sphinx to the limestone
discussed above
tion of the face
or
monument at Abydos and who
gold sphinxes flanking his
cartouche on a bracelet from the burial of
modeling of the tiny heads
Ahmose
Ahmose
his late father's
slight smile
those
typical.
The only
work on
resented there, as the subject.'*
I.
stela
These three representations, few
from Karnak
in raised relief
King
later than
as they are, support a
Ahmose.
shows Ahmose
with his
queen, Ahmose-Nefertari, and a small prince before the god
Amun-Re.' Both the bodies and the faces of the

those on the
reliefs
numerous
of Amenhotep
of Senwosret
reliefs
on structures
also imitated those of Senwosret
examples of which are today both
many museums,
to their
at
reliefs,
Karnak and
at
Karnak. The
had erected
at
Karnak
numerous
(as fragments) in
are remarkable not only for their overall fidelity
models but also for the way
tures of Senwosret
which, with
that he
Amenhotep's
I.
figures follow
were adapted
in
which the carved
facial fea-
to create a quite different visage,
long, slightly retrousse nose, flared nostril, short
its
philtrum, and slightly pursed
of Amenhotep
I.''
instantly recognizable as that
lips, is
This group of representations of Amenhotep
often has other distinctive details as well, such as thick, elongated
eyebrows and cosmetic
lines in raised relief
and an indication of
seldom depicted in
the indentation in the philtrum
Egyptian
(fig. 7),
cally.''
reliefs.
the
iris
As on
a detail
the limestone statue head of
of the eye (but not the pupil)
Another group of reliefs
at
is
Ahmose
indicated plasti-
Karnak shows Amenhotep with
similar but fleshier, older-looking features.
resentations" have natural, rounded
brow
The
eyes in these rep-
ridges in
most cases and
lack cosmetic lines.
The
existence of such distinctive features in depictions of
Amenhotep
at diff'erent stages
of his
life, it
seems
raises the
question whether these depictions are portrait likenesses of the

king. In yet another set of reliefs at Karnak,
Fig. 8.
Head of a
Ahmose I, early 18th

small sphinx, possibly representing
Dynasty. Limestone.
The
Edinburgh (A. 1900. 212. 10)
alabaster chapel, the king
sagging chin.
The
rest
is
on Amenhotep's
again shown as an aging
of his
profile,
however,
is
man
with a
quite different
THE THUTMOSIDE STYLE
Z'j
from
on other images of him: the fore-
that
seems to have overseen the
Dreyer reported finding the inscribed base
images of Amenhotep
in
his
of a
may have been carved
reliefs,
not the
figure,
Amenhotep
Deir el-Bahri (see
at
I:
Amenhotep
the series of Osiride statues that
rulers
(r.
1504 1492
B.C.)
and Thutmose
imacy and
strategies to gain

in
the
political
II (r.
1492
As
ment
II
which
were made
been produced during
to
was
still
early
text has
is
been
lost.
regent. In that
be posthumous,
While Dreyer's argu-
so.
not conclusive,
is
it
seems to be sup-
rounder and shorter than the Osiride
is
head of Thutmose
artificial-looking
have
and
their lifetimes,
As on other
ported by the old-fashioned look of the face,
posthumously. There are few representa-
we know
would
but only sUghtly
instru-
of Thutmose
II.
small but crucial part
case, the statue
power of both
III.
and Thutmose
as Hatshepsut, while she
maneuvering of
many images
Thutmose
as
in the Osiride
nal dedicator of the statue could be identified
Hatshepsut and her successor,
tions of either king that
identifies the sub-
Nonetheless, Dreyer believed that the origi-
1479 B.C.), was central to the claims of legit-
ments
flail
manner. The inscription
Thutmoside monuments, the
kingship of the third and fourth
The
clad in a short Sed-festival robe
is
altered;
of the Eighteenth Dynasty, Thutmose
carved in
and holds the crook and
ject
figs. 9, ii)'*^
and a small sphinx from Karnak."
The
man
wearing the white crown with the
uraeus,
to the only statues securely
any resemblance
identifiable as depictions of
of a seated
turning up at Elephantine for years.*'
or even posthumously."
life,
Moreover, only the alabaster
lifesize statue
II
rose granite, pieces of which had been
more numerous limestone examples, bear
had erected
Thutmose
had survived. In 1984, however, Giinter
still
curve.'''
completion of the alabaster chapel, these
late
no contempo-
that
rary statues of the short-lived
downward
has a decided
Thutmose
was long believed
It
long,
Since
head bulges and the nose, though
and which has broad,

strips
and cosmetic
on the pre-
Thutmoside sphinx from Abydos
(fig. S).*'
The
almost no such examples in sculpture.
I,
eyebrow
lines in raised relief, like those
tomb
small
statues
made
for
non-
A well-preserved statue of a seated figure,
royal people of the late Seventeenth and
today in Turin, has long been considered the
early Eighteenth Dynasties have been cited
primary representation of Thutmose
I,'*
above as precursors of the Thutmoside
even
Fig. 9. Lifesize statue of Amenhotep
though the inscription on the stame indicates

that
it
was dedicated by
was made posthumously. Moreover,
as Osiris,
style.*"* It is
early i8th Dynasty. Limestone. Excavated at
Deir
a successor and, thus,
el-Baiiri,
Exploration Fund.
a recent
The
women
Museum, London (EA 683)
reexamination of the inscription, which was
sent
Thutmose
tation of
The only
made
for
II." In
Thutmose
any
it is
still
in fact repre-
not a contemporary represen-
that
we know
to
have been
had erected
at
Those
(fig. 12).''
badly mutilated, but the well-preserved face of one
in situ are
nearby.''
with the
left
New Kingdom
first
foot advanced (see cat. no. 18) and of
Although the face
is
somewhat broader and
In contrast to the traditional female pose
and hands open and

at the
flat (cat.
no. 7)
women were
the poses of statuettes
and even, perhaps, a degree of control. Both the number of
ingly prominent roles for Egyptian
the elegantly contoured eyes, the sweeping
brows
in raised relief, and the pleasant expression of the well-shaped
New Kingdom,
mouth
enhanced
are stylistically close to the features
from
may be
style.
this Osiride
on
statues of his suc-
the earliest surviving example of the true
head
group.
now
in
Turin
(cat. no. 14)
may
also be
por-
made
beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty suggest movement,
activity,
Thutmose
Thutmoside
They
stand-
trayed as utterly passive, with feet together, arms at their sides,
these statues and the changes they incorporated
cessors. This
women
ing or sitting with one arm bent across the chest and the hand
rounder than that in most representations of Hatshepsut or

III,
the poses of
sculpture.
depictions of women standing
either fisted (see cat. no. 17) or holding a flower (see cat. no. 18).
Thutmose
are the sandstone Osiride statues he
Karnak, between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons
was found
may
I.
statues of
him
case,
in
were the
altered at least once, suggested that the statue
noteworthy how the statuettes of
women among them prefigured
western Thebes, by the Egypt
analogous
status of
to,
and possibly connected with, the
Egyptian queens.
They were
dard for statues of women throughout the
Throughout Egyptian
may reflect increas-
women at the beginning of the
change had a direct influence on
art,
to
become
stan-
New Kingdom.
history, periods of
major
political
permitting and perhaps even
encouraging innovations that would largely have been unthink-
more
able in
settled times. Surviving statues
and
reliefs that
few
regrettably,
many
in
number, and, partly for that reason, they
in
questions to which
this art
and early Eighteenth Djrnasties
we
19.
facial features, for example,
Sebekemsaf I
Museum and
in the British
that
we
we seldom
on
I,
21.
na
detect in the formal images of Egyptian kings and
to the realities of a
changing
society. It
women,
was from these varied
pp.
23.
de
la
all its
See Sourouzian 1998,

Mysliwiec 1988,
For the evolution of this
pis.
25.
pis.
28.
style
from the Twenty-sixth
to the Thirtieth
Ptolemaic Dynasties, see Edna R. Russmann in Russmann et

44.
Examples are
fig.
illustrated in
Aldred
et al. 1980, pp.
287 (Twenty-sixth Dynasty), and
Russmann
in
14345,
et al.
2001, pp. 43
al.
figs.
4.
Romano
et al. 2001,
Russmann
in
Russmann
Romano
1976.
Medamud (and today in the
example, statues of this king from
Louvre, Paris) in Delange 1987, pp. 24-29.

8. See, for
example, Baines 1989,
p. 142: ''In
i2th dynasty, the early i8th evaded
the country whose rule did not
[sic]
last.**
31.
modelling itself on [the art of] the
had
of himself erected
statues
V. Davies 1981.
at the site
than
life,
11.
on
list
of red granite and slighdy laiêr
it
was acquired by the
of statues (including other types)
p. 22, no. 3.
more
12.
W.
V. Davies 1981, pis.
13.
Museo
I, is
Museum, Vienna, AS
Wildung 2000, pp.
in ibid., pp.
37), see
138, 184,
5,
21;
(cat. no. 7),
3, 5.
Large eyes are
which may be a
litde
pi. 1.
14, 15.
On this detail, see n. 20 above.
very well
illustrated in
K. Lange and Hirmer 1961,
statues, see the entry for cat.
CG 42033; Lindblad
1989, pp. 8182, 217,
na
pis.
16,
17.
13.
1984, pp. 3738, pi. zo, a-d;
na 36. The same features, slightly femuiized,

sister, Ahmose Meryetamun,
appear in a depiction of Amenhotep's wife and
on her wood
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 53140
coffin:
1984, pp. 30-31, pi. 15,

38.
Museo
a c; Saleh and Sourouzian
(fig.
72); Lindblad
1987, no. 127.
Egizio, Turin, 1374; Lindblad 1984, pp. 56-57, pis. 35, 36,
a-c (with
bibliography); Elisa Fiore Marocdietti in Ziegler 2002a, p. 395, no. 24
39.
Tefhin 1979, pp. 62-65,
posthumous; see
b.
pl-
identity of the subject, Tefiiin
21-
Thutmose
Egyptian Museum, Cairo,
42.
Aswan Museum,
1086;
king Merneptah were

43.
Despite introducing
this
doubt about the
seems to believe that the stame probably rep-
I.
41.
Fay 1988;
na 63.
pl. 29.
CG 42051; ibid., p.
50, pl. 30, a-c.
Drcyer 1984. Cartouches of the Nineteenth Dynasty
later incised
on the
figure's lap.
These observations should not be construed
to support the thesis
of
Lindblad 1988 that the statue was made for Ahmose and usurped under
Hatshepsut. Lindblad's use of the stela of Ahmose
n. 38 below.
tive representation
Museum, London, EA 29770), see Russmann in Russmann et al. 2001,

na 106. The face on the coffin of Queen Ahhotep, however,
rather long and has a rounded chin (Egyptian
Museum,
of Ahmose
comparative representations
fig. 14.
The former (Staadiche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst, Munich, AS, 7163) is

the principal subject of Grimm and Schoske 1999b. For the mask (British
pp. 204-6,
16.
408.
p.
1976, p. 102.
Russmann
714.
See the remarks of Vandier 1958, pp. 291 92,
Daressy 1909, pis.
8-11,
figs.
Egizio, Turin, 1374. This statue of a seated figure, inscribed for
Thutmose
pi. 10,
one hopes, expand
will,
well illustrated in Vandersleyen 1971,
37.
British
For the join of the base (Aswan Museum,
recent bibliography, see

i,
14 (with bibli-
of both kings; Harvey 2004, pp. 56.
15682; Vandier 1958, pi. xcvr,
p. 73;
40. Lindblad 1984, pp. 49-50,
1318) to the bust (Kunsthistorisches
15.
Mysliwiec 1976,
resents
for
14.
and Moss 1972,
For further discussion of these
1907.
31; this statue is
Paris,
art
found on a statue of Princess Ahhotep
Romano
of the funerary temple of Mentuhotep,
871),
29-31, nos. 44-53-
See the chronological
see also Lindblad 1984, p. 16.
(with bibliography).
The statue (EA
probably comes from Karnak;
Museum in
10. Ibid., pp.
Miiller 1989, pp.
ic;
(with bibliography); on the provenance, see Harvey 1998,
Musee du Louvre,
67.
W.
35.
the "previous reuniter.**
W.
na
52642; H.
36.
his assertion is also contradicted
by the homage paid to Mentuhotep II by Amenhotep I, who, like Senwosret III,
9.
pi. i; detail
CG
of one head on pi.
Museum, Cairo,
34. Ibid., figs.
the iith, the previous reuniters of
II;
na 76 in
I,
have not had the opportunity to see
earlier than the statues discussed here.
Baines not only disregards the likeli-
Dynasty king Mentuhotep
102. 1
Harvey's current reexcavation of the cult complex
also
hood that representations of Ahmose were indeed influenced by statues of

the Elleventh
on p.
illustrated
33. Ibid., figs. 7, 12, 13.
et al. 2001, p. 42.
For a masterly discussionof some of the problems involved, see
7. See, for
is
32. Ibid., figs. II, 22, 23.
1976;
1;
recendy discussed by Eder 2002,
Royal Museum, Edinburgh, 1900.212.10; Lindblad 1984, pp. 23-24,
30. Porter
pp. 40-445.
6.
29.
12527, p. 285,
2001, pp. 24647,
For a brief discussion of archaism, see Russmann in Russmann
and 7,
our knowledge of the history and
and the
no. 155 (Thirtieth Dynasty), pp. 250-51, nos. 138, 139 (Ptolemaic).
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, J 36195; Saleh and Sourouzian 1987,
a d
40, 41, 46, 47.
15-25.
1930, pis.
103, fig. 79 (upper half only).

102-3 (with bibliography). The statue of Amenhotep
ography),
1.
by
2 (with incorrect identification; see the entry for cat.
these statues.
27.
3.
116-17,
10-11.
26. Egyptian
2.
non-
fine, large
Welsby and Anderson 2004b, p.
24. Ibid., pp.
elegant
strength and impersonal beauty.
from an extremely
detail, see Fazzini 1997, pp.
are clearly visible in details of the stela published
figs, i,
Roque
the catalogue,
beginnings that the Thutmoside style emerged, in
a face
and pupil are discussed in Fazzini forth-
10).
22. Bisson
we seem to see artistic conventions in the process of being adapted
on
iris
n. 12.
The bulging eyes

Mysliwiec 1976,
can sense an interest in experiment and change
nobles. In the introduction of new, less passive poses for
Ahmose's name is par-
preserved in an inscription on the back pillar of the statue.
plastically delineated irises
nn. 32-39; indications of both
to
the heads of Osiride statues of
1976, pp. 1035, pls* 28, 29.
royal statue of the early Nineteenth Dynasty, see Sotheby's 2004, lot 306.
coming,
the distinctively detailed, as
Amenhotep I
Romano
For a summary of occurrences of this
for the seated statue of
the head of Ahmose
For
also the entries for
1720.
Published in
tially
20.
of kings'
tomb statuettes are discussed further below. See
Nonroyiil
cat. nos.
have no answers. Yet in much of
still
in the representation
marmers ranging from the schematic,
Îdung in Vandersleyen
1975, p. 240-
are,
raise
example, Matthias Seidel and Dietrich
17. See, for
can be
18.
attributed to the Seventeenth
Cairo^
odier changes
tions of their
44.
is
CG 61006;
viii, ix).
These
is
is
limited to depic-
and Thutmose
II.
and the small funerary stelae of the same period, deserve
ther consideration for their impact

lae
compara-
not valid, and the identity of her other
supposition. Moreover, the usurpations and
made by Hatshepsut and Thutmose III were
immediate predecessors, Thutmose
statues,
(cat. no. 10) as a
on the
art
of the
fur-
New Kingdom. The ste-
borrowed extensively from Middle Kingdom prototypes and in so doing
(see cat.
na
15) transmitted
such mannerisms as the atremely attenuated
For the limestone bust of a queen in the collection of Nanette Kelekian, see
figures that are so striking a feature
Russmann forthcoming.
pare
of the Chapelle Rouge
at
Kamak (com-
fig. 3).
IJ
feet together
and has
and hands open against the
a small-waisted, full-hipped
sides
body
exaggerations of the passive stance and anatomical traits that characterize statues
the Middle
of women in
Kingdom. In some examples, such
an Eleventh Dynasty
wood
statuette
as
of Aashit
from Thebes, the figure wears a similar highwaisted skirt and rather ostentatious jewelry
(fig- lo)-'
Although she was

7-
Princess
Ahhotep
tus.
Late lyth-early i8th Dynasty, reign of Tao II

reign of Ahmose
(1560 1525
cm
(2'/^ in.),
D. 10.5
cm
Paris
N 446 (formerly AE
late
at
best,
clip."*
stiff,
dis-
her "Hathor wig."' This headdress, which originated in the Middle
Kingdom, was worn by
common women
must have
royal and
I,
Middle Kingdom representations of the wig
in several representations has similarly
could be quite elaborate, detailing the texture of
figure.' It
later than the reign of
prominent eyes
(cat. no. 10; fig. 7).
Unlike statuettes of women
made only
later (cat. nos. 17, 18), this figure is
28
only a modest wig
by the elaborate binding of
Ahmose
square-shouldered female
large,
of the Old and
royal headdress.'
However, Ahhotep's royalty may here be
Seventeenth or incipient
Eighteenth Dynasty seem as archaic as this
been made no
who
signs of royal sta-
Middle Kingdom princess might be repre-
regalia
2958)
creetly alluded to
Few works of the
King's Daughter,
in the tradition
sented as a sphinx, but she wore no royal
(4'A in.)
Musee du Louvre,
is
shown wearing the uraeus or a
cm (10% in.), W.
27.5
This
Middle Kingdoms, when only queens were
B.C.)
Painted limestone
H.
Ahhotep bears no obvious
SETTING THE SCENE
slightly
posed with
alike.
the hair and jeweled decorations,
those
worn by queens
Although
it is
only on
that ribbonlike bindings
appear." Ahhotep's hair binding, with
its
back
Fig. 10.
Queen
Aashit.
Wood statuette,
iith Dynasty.
Excavated in the temple complex of Mentuhotep
II at
Deir el-Bahri, western Thebes, by the Metropolitan
Museum. Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 36538)
more conspicuous than those of
not only
tie, is
Middle Kingdom queens but also was painted
Modest
yellow, undoubtedly to simulate gold.

in artistry as this figure
may
seem,
it
was
clearly
intended to portray a great lady.
ERR
See the works cited
1.
bibliography; for early
in the
features in the inscription, see Christophe Barbotin

in
Pharaonen and Fremde 1994,
266.
p.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 36538. Vandier 1958,
2.
3.
Dorothea Arnold 1991, p. 27, fig. 36.

For royal women in the Old Kingdom, see Fay
4.
Respectively,
xcv,
pi.
2;
1998b.
Musee du Louvre,
and Brooklyn Museum,

nos.
5.
3, 4, pis.
56.85.
Paris,
AO
13075,
Fay 1996, pp. 2832,
55-60.
A misnomer; see Sourouzian 1981, p. 446, n. 8.
6. Ibid., pp.
44950,
Dynasty queens,
figs.
68,
the tresses
pi.
71b.
On Eighteenth
were no longer ren-
dered as verdcal (or zigzag, as here) incisions;
was divided
rather, the hair
into horizontal sections
that Sourouzian (ibid., p. 451) considers
of the Middle
remnants
Kingdom bindings.
Provenance: Unknown, presumably from

unlocated tomb of Ahhotep
at
the
Thebes; formerly
Salt
collection; purchased in 1826
Bibliography: Vandier
pi.
1958, pp. 294, 636,
xcvi, 2; Matthias Seidel and Dietrich
Vandersleyen 1975,
p. 243, no. 172;
no. 368, color
pp. 299-300;
ill.
on
p. 78;
Malek 1999,
Wildung
in
Christophe
Barbotin in Pharaonen und Fremde 1994,
p.
266,
Winterhalter 1998, no. 33,

p.
479, no. 801-557-000
Bust of a Queen
(Ahmose-Nefertari?)
8.
Early i8th Dynasty, probably reign of Ahmose

(r.
1 5
50-1 525 B-C.)
Indurated limestone with traces of paint
H. 28
The
cm
W.
(11 in.),
Metropolitan
17.8
cm
Museum
(7 in.), D. 10
of Art,
cm (4 in.)
New York,
Rogers Fund, 1916 16.10.224
This arresting female image, carved
in
hard,
Ahmose
On the bust of the queen, however,
ture
statue of a royal couple seated against a broad
crisp outlines
back
slab.
The
queen's bent
her lap; her right arm
sculpture
left
arm
rested
may have been
embrace her husband. The
entire
on
raised to
back of the
was chiseled away when the
slab
was
removed, perhaps for reuse.
The
vulture headdress of a queen,
over a heavy braided wig," frames a broad face

with strong features.
The
queen's wide, slightly
slanted eyes and the taut curve of her
mouth
resemble those on an archaizing head of King
(fig. 7).
around the eye rims and eyebrows
been
lost,
and when the bust was excavated
in
the Asasif in western Thebes, by the Metropolitan
Museum,
was not
it
in its original loca-
and pronounced modeling of the low-set cheek-
tion.''
In the much-disturbed ground of this area
and small, round
in the
Theban necropolis, which was continually
bones, slightly everted
lips,
chin indicate that the sculptor, while similarly
reused for centuries, the only surviving struc-
borrowing from Middle Kingdom
ture
his
worn
Middle Kingdom sculp-
that emulates
marblelike limestone, probably comes from a
work on more
based
sophisticated examples
that era." Details of style
made very
statues,
show that
early in the Eighteenth Dynasty.
statues that
comparable
may
represent
from
the bust
Ahmose
was
Two
display
Dynasty
name of
this
queen has
is
Many years
to date
from
the early Eighteenth
a chapel erected
later
it
became
who had been deified, and

mother, the deified
The
features.'
Unfortunately, the
known
by Amenhotep
I.
a shrine to that king,
also, especially, to his
Queen Ahmose-Nefertari.'
introduction of her cult was probably due
to her original
prominence
in the area, since
her
tomb was almost
certainly nearby," together with
related structures
now lost.
Although
later statues
original decoration, only fragments of a
Ramesside, the
6.
Nefertari exist, no contemporary figures of the
great queen are known. While there
is a
and
we
in
latest
dating to Harnesses IX.
For the tomb tentatively assigned to her and associated finds, see Porter and
good
possibility that this bust represented her
was made
doorway
survive; the votive statuettes and reliefs are
of the deified Ahmose-
The most recent

in
Moss
1964, pp. 599600.
discussion of the tomb's owner(s),
Reeves 2003, pp. 7172,
is
inconclusive.
her lifetime or shortly thereafter,
are unlikely ever to
know
for sure.
ERR
Provenance: Western Thebes, Asasif;

Museum of Art excavations,
Metropolitan
1915-16,
acquired in the division of finds

1.
This type of wig
women:
2.
Such
is
more
shown on nonroyal
see cat. nos. 17, 18.
as the royal
New
B tBLio GRAPH Y: Porter and Moss
head of the
early Twelfth Dynasty,
of Art,
often
late
Eleventh or very
The Metropolitan Museum
York, 66.99.3: Dorothea Arnold 1991,
p. 30, fig. 42.
One
3.
is
(fig. 8)
with even
lines like those
this
7.
Also
colossal sandstone head of unknown provenance,
which Lindblad believes
pp. 1920,
pi. 6,
CG
is
Porter and
Of
recesses of the necklace,
fig. 2.
1972, pp. 42223.
Van
face of the bust (cat. no. 8)
on
the sur-
it is
viewed
visible
when
special interest are
remains of a blue pigment found within the
The
sparse
of several early excavations are collected

in
Minute traces of pigments are
Ahmose (Egyptian
ac).
Lansing 1917, pp. 78,
and analyzed
Schoske 1999b, fron-
Technical Study
under magnification.
5.
Moss
Grimm and
48 (with bibliography)
1224; Lindblad 1984,
4.
results
p. 109, no.
queen's features are the facial
modeling and the shapes of eyes and mouth on
Cairo,
and
on the
head of Ahmose discussed above; see figure

very similar to
tis.
features, as well as thick,
brows and cosmetic
Museum,
Catharine Roehrig in Pharaonen und Fremde 1994,
(with bibliography);
from Abydos
a sphinx
more strongly modeled

plastic
1964, p. 622;
Seipel 1992, pp. 226-28, no. 76 (with bibliography);
pp. 26667, no. 369; Winterhalter 1998, p. 307, no. 46
Siclen 1980.
Of Amenhotep's
which was found
to be
natural ultramarine (ground lapis lazuli).
by polarizing
initial identification
copy was confirmed using X-ray

Lapis
lazuli, a
The
light microsdiffraction.
semiprecious stone, was exported
from Afghanistan
Egypt
to
as early as the
Predynastic Period and there fashioned into

beads, inlays, amulets, and small statuary;
ever, this
is
the
first
how-
reported occurrence of
its
use as a pigment in ancient Egypt, or elsewhere

in the Mediterranean world, before the sixth
century a.d. Except for a cobalt-based pigment
9.
Queen Mutnofret Seated
used for postfired painting on pottery that

briefly
appeared during the
New Kingdom,
Egyptian blue, a synthetic copper- calcium
been used
paint
ties
sili-
only blue pigment thought to have
cate, is the
in ancient
Egypt. Analyses of blue
on other provenanced Egyptian antiqui-
known
to
be
II (r.
1492
1479 B.C.)
Painted sandstone
H.
165
cm
(65 in.)
CG
572
in as-excavated condition
might help to establish whether
this
represents an isolated experiment or
of an ongoing, but
still
occurrence
This statue of the King's Wife and King's
evidence
Mother Mutnofret was dedicated by her son,
is
unrecognized, tradition.
AH
Thutmose
II.
It
was found
in the chapel of
Prince Wadjmose, one of two sons born to the

king's principal wife,
Ahmose, who prede-
ceased him. Mutnofret must have begun her
queenly career as a junior wife or successor to
Queen Ahmose, but when her son became
the
reigning king, she rose to a rank above
the
other royal
all
women. She wears a queen's vulture
headdress; the vulture's wings are spread over
her wig, and
its
damaged head
hood of a uraeus cobra)

Mutnofret 's
8, profile
30
SETTING THE SCENE
is
at
(or perhaps the
her brow.
facial features,
enormous
ears,
simple three-part wig, youthful-looking bosom,
and narrow white dress are very similar
to cor-
responding features on a statue from the early
Middle Kingdom that represents a princess or
minor queen of Mentuhotep
The
II.'
was
statue
found among the remains of that king's funerary temple at Deir el-Bahri, not far from the
findspot of Mutnofret's statue.
The resemblance
between the two works, widely separated

time,
almost disconcertingly close.
is
It is
in
inter-
esting that so faithful an imitation of the Middle
Kingdom
was produced
royal style
Thutmose
reign of
Thutmoside
since
II,
New Kingdom,
in the
by
as late as the
that time the
was well developed." Later on
style
however, parents were
sometimes portrayed as looking more oldfashioned than their children;' perhaps this
young-looking image of the dowager queen
was fashioned
in the archaizing style that pre-
err
vailed in her youth.
The
1.
statue
is
now
in the
Geneva, 4766; best
Musee d'Art
illustration in
For a comparison of the two

1984, p. 62, with reference.
rank
is
indicated
Thutmose
2.
Evers 1929,
statues, see
14.
An example is the statue of Sennefer and
3.
pi. 11.
Lindblad
The woman's junior
lack of queenly regalia.
depicted in the Thutmoside style in
I is
catalogue no.
by her
at d'Histoire,
(Egyptian Museum, Cairo,
his family
CG 42126), in which his
wife, Senay, wears a very old-fashioned wig, while

their daughter,
Mumofret, sports the
latest style.
See Saleh and Sourouzian 1987, no. 140.
Provenance: Western
Thebes, chapel of Prince
Wadjmose, 1887
Bibliography: Lindblad
bibliography),
pi.
1984, pp.
6263 (with
38
decorated front panel and a bull's

behind.
Stela
10.
of Ahmose
Honoring Tetisheri
or
later,
late reign
of Ahmose
2.25
D. 23
cm
ft. 4'/b
W.
in.),
1.06
m (41K in.),
on the
left
he wears the white crown,
CG
in
Middle Kingdom royal
prominent
large,
reliefs,
but the figures'
may
eyes
hieroglyphic text below purports
between Ahmose and
queen, Ahmose-Nefertari, in which he
Tetisheri in his
own
34002
there that the stela
derive
from
scenes are not mirror
the offering tables, and on both sides the figures
hold their implements in their
left hand.''
The
contours of the figures were carved in sunk

relief
with fine precision, but they lack details,
Abydos.
It is
and smooth surfaces, such as skin, are unpol-
in 1902, in
two
ished.' In
cult center at
was found
The two
images; different foods are heaped on and under
right the double crown.
The long
declared his intention to build a shrine for
(9 in.)
Not
attached
compositions.'
his
m (7
tail
stuck in his belt, and he
to record a conversation
Limestone
H.
is
scene on the
(year 17
1534-1525 B.C.)
dagger
Seventeenth Dynasty versions of those earlier
that
Early i8th Dynasty,
grasps a staff and a mace in one hand. In the
Egyptian carving such defects were
in exhibition
often hidden
pieces but almost complete.'
When Ahmose commissioned

in his reign,'
cobras are two scenes back to back, each depict-
both a new dynasty and a new
Ahmose
presenting offerings to his
grandmother Queen
headdress,
tall
Tetisheri.
Her vulture
plumed crown, and elegant
era.
all
queenly regalia. The king,
father's sides!)
from
and
his
Tetisheri, the matriarch of
the Seventeenth Dynasty, he proclaimed his
stands facing her, wears a short
kilt
with a
own
was apparERR
1.
Harvey 1998, pp. io6~io, 425-26. Harvey is currently reexcavating this structure: Harvey 2004,
pp.
fiy
who
paint, but this stela
By empha-
sizing his descent (on both his mother's
2.
whisk are
by
ently never painted.'''
he knew that he had inaugurated
Beneath a winged sun disk with two pendant
ing King
this stela, late
right to the throne.
The prototypes
for the double scene
3.
were
(with a photo of the stela in situ), 56.
Vandersleyen 1971,
p. 194.
For the eyes, see Mysliwiec 1976,
number is mistakenly given
as
figs, i, 2
CG
(the
34001 and the
3I
provenance as Karnak). For similar eyes on

of Sebekemsaf I in the temple
Thebes, see Bisson de
The eyes on this
1930, pis. 6, 2 and
by Eder
stela also
from a statue of Ahmose

4. Traditionally,
reliefs
Medamud, near
at
Roque
la
recently discussed
7, 2;
110 11.
2cx52, pp.
resemble those on a head
(fig. 7).
on the other hand, two-dimensional
were shown holding large implements or
figures
gesturing with the limb farther from the viewer, so

as not to obscure a
5.
6.
view of the body.
As noted by Mysliwiec
1976, p. 25, and visible in his
figs. I,
2 (incorrectly identified; see n. 3 above).
There
are,
in red;
Klug 2002,
however, traces of preliminary drawing

p. 15.
Provenance: Abydos,
by Ahmose I, 1902
Bibliography:
in the Tetisheri shrine built
Saleh and Sourouzian 1987, no. 118
(with bibliography); Klug 2002, pp. 15-21
Sphinx of a Queen of
II.
Thutmose
III
1479-
III (r.
1429 B.C.)
Gray granite
H. 54 cm (n'Ain.), W.
29.5
cm {iiVn
in,),
cm
D. 77
(305/8 in.)
Museo
BarraccQ,
Rome
13
The only major damage

loss of its forelegs
well.
that she
was
the
is
base
its
name of the owner
Her "Hathor wig"' shows
woman, and
that she
as
was a
the vulture headdress indicates

a queen. ^
had been represented

the
to this sphinx
and the front of
and, unfortunately, the
(Queens and princesses

in
sphinx form during
Old and Middle Kingdoms, but,
as
was
also
true in the Eighteenth Dynasty, most sphinxes
were male and depicted the king; see

nos. 8890.)
identify this
also cat.
There have been attempts
queen
incorrect. Since the
to
as Hatshepsut, but they are
name Thutmose
III
on the
in the surviving inscription
appears
chest, the
now-anonymous queen must have been one of

his wives.'
The queen's stylized features closely resemble

those on statues of her husband, but with a win-
some expression due mosdy

face
is
rounder and
portrayed.
of
women
fuller
to the fact that her
than his
is
generally
The convention of depicting the
faces
as similar to those of their menfolk,
but broader or plumper, was established

as early as the Fourth Dynasty.^
sentations of
32
Thutmose
Ill's
SETTING THE SCENE
at least
On other repre-
female relatives,
n,
profile
the custom
is
even more noticeable.
statue
shows her with
moon
of his mother,
face,'
Isis,
and the cheeks on
plump
quartzite are so
queenly head
in
that they appear almost
dimpled/ Compared with the narrower visage

of Hatshepsut as shown on most of her statues,
on
the faces
statues of Thutmose 's queens, per-
haps deliberately, emphasize their traditional
womanly
roles.
After the
Romans conquered Egypt,
this
sphinx was taken to Rome, where a copy was
made. The two were
Roman
temple of Isis, near the place where they
were found,
1.
2.
See
installed as a pair at the
still
erk
together, in 1856.''
cat. no. 7, n. 5.
Representations of this wig and headdress on
queens of the Eighteenth Dynasty are discussed by

Sourouzian 1981, pp. 45054, and the head of this
sphinx
3.
is
illustrated, pi. 73, c, d.
Arguments
that she represents
Hatshepsut are sum-
marized and conclusively refuted by Tefnin 1979,

pp. 153-55 (with bibliography).
4.
The practice
is
notable on statues of Mycerinus
with a queen and with goddesses (Age of the
Pyramids 1999, pp. 26873, "os. 67, 68) and, from
companion
the beginning of the dynasty, the
stat-
ues of Rahotep and his wife Nofret (Saleh and
Sourouzian 1987, no. 27).

5.
Sourouzian 1987, no.

6.
Brooklyn Museum,
the Middle
CG 42072: Saleh and
137.
65.134.3, previously dated to
Kingdom;
tion will be published
the reasons for
by
Biri Fay.
examples, see Sourouzian 1981,

7.
Roullet 1972,
raphy).
fig.
p. 133, no. 278,
its
reattribu-
For further
7274.
pis.
fig.
290 (with bibliog-
The Roman copy is on pp.
13233, no. 277,
289.
Provenance: Found
Bibliography:
in
Rome in
1856
Lollio Barberi, Parola, and Toti
1995, pp. 156-57, no. 17 (with bibliography); Sist
1996, pp.
48-50
Shawabti of Ahmose
12.
Early 18th Dynasty, reign of Ahmose
I (r.
1550
1525 B.C.)
Limestone
H. 28.7
D.
5.8
The
cm (11/4 in.), W.
8.3
cm
(3/, in.),
cm (2'/, in.)
Museum, London
EA 32191
shawabti
is
funerary figurine that was
intended to serve as a substitute for the deceased
owner and perform
certain types of labor for
him
found in
in the afterUfe. Shawabtis are
graves from the Middle
Kingdom
on.
This remarkably well-preserved figure of
King Ahmose
shawabti."
The
is
the oldest
text inscribed
Kingdom
known
royal
on the front gives
the so-called shawabti spell in
its early,
Middle
version rather than the later formula-
tion
found on many
and
in the
Book of
New Kingdom
shawabtis
the Dead. Otherwise the
statuette resembles the royal shawabtis that will
follow
in the
it,
being mummiform, with arms crossed
pose of Osiris, and wearing a royal head-
dress and uraeus. Unlike
many
but not
all
later
examples, this one shows the king with a rectangular royal beard and his closed hands
empty of symbolic
crook and
flail.
deposited in
to
objects such as the Osiride
The
statuette
was probably
Ahmose 's tomb, which
have been
in
is
believed
western Thebes but has not
been located.
The figure 's most
striking feature
is
the face,
which, although small in scale and with a mini-
mum
of
alertness
perhaps,
and
is
intensity.'
the
way
Even more remarkable,
the tapering shape of the
face, the almost hieroglyphic contours of the
small but rather prominent eyes, and the arched
of the brows above herald features of the
lines
Thutmoside
Fragmentary Head of
13.
Amenhotep
conveys a vivid impression of
detail,
style that otherwise
seem not
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Amenhotep
1525
I (r.
1504 B.C.)
Painted sandstone
cm (7% in.), W.
H. 20
14
cm
D. 25
(5/i in.),
cm
{c,%m.)
The
Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York,
to
Rogers Fund, 1926 26.3.30a
have emerged for
Even
(r.
Ahmose
1525 1504
would
still
at least
another generation.
shawabti was
if this
the reign of
be our
This fragmentary face

I
has been suggested,'
it
B.C.), as
emerging royal
made not during
but under Amenhotep
earliest
style that
seem
evidence of the
was
distinctive.
The
may
and
thin,
row
nostrils
unsmiling
not at
features
naturalistic: puffy cheeks, a
it
ERR
of makeup,
lips; a fleshy
and a downturned
set close
Aubert and L. Aubert 1974, p. 32.

As noted by Vandersleyen 1971, p. 204, among
By Vandersleyen
no
on
few other royal heads.
Mentuhotep
II, at
Deir el-Bahri,
tered these features,
on
stone that bears the
acquired in 1899
depicts
al.
R.
Russmann
in
Russmann
2001, pp. 2io-ri, no. 110 (with bibliography)
Museum
first
encoun-
a statue of painted sand-
name Amenhotep
him standing
(fig. 11).'
Bibliography: Edna
mor-
tuary temple of the Eleventh Dynasty king
Provenance: Unknown, presumably from Thebes;
et
all
combination of features occurs only here and
In 1905, archaeologists excavating the

1995, p. 232 (he provides
evidence).
12, profile detail
an eye bare
this particular
J.-F.
others.
3.
nose with nar-
tip;
under the brow bone. In
of Egyptian sculpture, however,
2.
glance
to transform
Egyptian sculpture.
1.
first
presents appear
very round chin,
Later, at the
in the pose
same
site.
and
of Osiris
Metropolitan
excavators found the present head and
part of another. Eight such heads are
now
of him." Even more curi-
relief representations
ous
the use of such individual-looking fea-
is
on Osiride
tures as these
images of the ruler
which, being
statues,
in the guise
of the god, were
normally among the most formal and stylized

royal works in any reign (see, for example, cat.
nos. 14, 74).
some of
been
may
It
therefore be significant that
these statues and statue fragments
show unusual
removed from another
entirely
the
face had
full-length
and has not been found.'
statue in the series
The
The
signs of alteration.
present head and at least two others retain
marks of ancient
repairs.^
ERR
British
1.
Museum, London,
EA 683: Romano
1976,
pp. 97-98; Lindblad 1984, pp. [6-27.
Seven are discussed by Romano 1976, pp. 98100,
2.
by Lindblad
pis.
26, 27; followed
pis.
17-19. For an eighth head, formerly in the
Bastis collection, see

Collection
pp. 7-13, no.

3.
lacks
its
1987, frontis. and
3.
For the most recent addition
to the series,
which
face, see n. 7 below.
Karnak Cachette
4.
1984, pp. 3437,
Bernard V. Bothmer in
of Christos G. Bastis
to a space
name given
the
is
in
modern times
beneath a courtyard in the temple of
Amun at Karnak, where, in andquity, many statues

and obsolete temple implements were buried.
13, profile
now in
The
sphinx,
(CG
42003),
is
pi.
5.
20;
Cairo,
Russmann
JE
the Egyptian
Museum, Cairo
generally accepted as a representa-
tion of Amenhotep
I:
Lindblad 1984, pp. 3738,
1989, pp. 8182, 217, no. 36.
53140: Saleh and Sourouzian 1987,
no. 127; also Lindblad 1984, pp. 30-31, pi. 15.

6.
Some resemblance
alabaster chapel
7.
The
statue
inscription
is
to
Amenhotep's
pillar
in figure 9, above.
26162) that
The
this statue
III,
The
I
Museum
excavator sug-
was buried dur-
ing construction by Hatshepsul or,
Thutmose
his
p. 102.
naming Amenhotep
almost identical to that on the British
gests (pp.
on
in 1982: Szafranski 1985.
on the back
example seen
more probably,
but does not speculate about the date
of the mutilation or the reason for

8.
reliefs
was noted by Romano 1976,
was found
The partially preserved

side of this face
it.
rectangular hole
on
the left
may have been cut, as has been

made ear could be
suggested, so that a separately

attached.
The
sides of
two of the heads
in
have large cramp holes indicating major
Cairo
repairs,
such as attachment of the face, and on one of these,
CG 966, there are two such holes, one on either

Romano
side:
Fig. II.
fig. 9).
Amenhotep I as Osiris, front and profile views of the head of a

The Trustees of the British Museum, London (EA 683)
Ufesize statue, early i8th
Dynasty
(see
1976, p. 99.
Provenance; Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri;

Metropolitan Museum of Art excavations, 192526,
Bibliography; Lindblad
1984, pp. 36-37, pi. 19
(with bibliography); Catharine Roehrig in Pharaonen
known/
all
Amenhotep
belonging to Osiride statues that

erected at Deir el-Bahri.'
The same
feminine version, on a cofHn
lid
of his queen,
Ahmose Meryetamun.'
und Fremde 1994, p. 267, no. 370 (with bibliography);

Grimm and Schoske 1999b, p. 108, no, 49, color ill.
on
face can be seen
the
on an alabaster sphinx from
Karnak CachettC and,
in a softer,
more
If this
is
was Amenhotep's
curious that
it
actual appearance,
it
does not resemble the numerous
p.
77
14- Colossal Head of a King,

Probably Thutmose I
I (r.
1504-
1492 B.C.)
Painted sandstone
H. 144
cm (56^4 in.)
Museo
Egizio, Turin 1387
This colossal head has plausibly been identified

as a representation of
depicting
known
to
him
as
Thutmose
frotn a statue
The only
Osiris.'
statues
have been made during Thutmose
lifetime' are a series
I's
of colossal standing Osiride
figures that lined the walls of a colonnaded hall

at
Karnak.'
Many
of them are
still
in situ,
but
all
have had their faces mutilated or destroyed."

Fortunately, a well-preserved head from one of
them was found nearby

painted sandstone, and
same
12).'
It
too
is
almost exactly the
detailed comparison of the
hampered by
tion.
(fig.
it is
size as this one.
On
two pieces
is
differences in their present condi-
the head found at Karnak, such carved
of the nose and the rendering
elements as the
tip
Fig. 12. Colossal
head of Thutmose
I.
Sandstone,
Karnak temple by
early i8th Dynasty. Excavated at
the Egyptian Antiquities Service. Egyptian
Cairo
(CG
36
SETTING THE SCENE
42051)
Museum,
of the eyebrows
found,
now
is
This head,
when
was
it
first
so faded as to be unnoticeable.
enlivened by
in contrast, is still
However, the
its
on and around
original color, especially

eyes.
but
in relief are well preserved,
the paint, apparently bright
the
on the
original surface
brows and upper eyelids has been abraded, and

although the loss
small,
is
it
has subtly altered
the expression, imparting qualities of softness
and openness not present
in the other
who published
Lindblad,
work.'
Karnak
the
series,
pointed to other differences between these two

heads, which led her to conclude that the present
work
is
not from the Karnak series, although
she accepted
its
Thutmose
identification as
1.'
But the differences she noted are so minor that

they
fall
well within the range of variation to
be expected when several sculptors work on
one large project,

Osiride statues.
would have
as they
series, especially since
nothing suggests that Thutmose

statues of the
for the
probable that this
It is in fact
head was part of that
same type and
erected other
size.
ERR
1.
For the history of this attribution, see Lindblad

1984, p. 53.
2.
The seated
statue inscribed for
Egizio, Turin, 1374)
is
Thutmose
(Museo
posthumous work;
see
my
essay "Art in Transition" in this volume, n. 38.

3.
Porter and Moss 1972, p. 80; for a description and

texts, see
4.
5.
Lindblad 1984,
Photographs are
p. 49.
Lindblad 1984,
in
Now in the Egyptian Museum,

See Lindblad 1984,
6.
The
7.
Lindblad 1984,
face
is
pi. 29.
Cairo,
CG 42051.
p. 50, pi. 30, a, c.
very well described by
Maya
Miiller
As
early as the First Dynasty,
1979, pp. 28-29.
stelae
were made with
Provenance; Unknown
Malek 1999, pp. 108-9,
1984, pp. 52-53, pi. 31;
the deceased with the eternal
stelae this
On
Middle King-
upper space was often
Various commodities needed in the
afterlife,
including other foods, drink, and linen cloth,
were
which was
also believed
to
be magically provided for the deceased
that
of Middle Kingdom
As
stela
was revived
Eighteenth Dynasty.
On
relief,
worn by
the
present
many
details,
kilt
side
or
of
(1550-1504 B.C.)
on
a lion
feet are
W.
21. i
cm
cm
(8/^ in.),
D. 4.2
cm
(3!^ in.)
Brooklyn Museum, Museum Collection Fund 07.420
sit
broad seat with legs shaped
and
to share this eternal
makes
is
the information
bounty
stela for Senres.
clear,
she expected
in their joint
tomb.
ERR
side
like
a low, cloth-draped back.
1.
The fundamental work on round-topped

their decoration
is still
stelae
Westendorf 1966, chaps.

a
drawing of a
and
3
First
by
those
Provenance: Unknown
Their
supported by a rectangular footrest.
Bibliography: James
Senres holds to his nose a large blossom of the
pi.
fragrant blue lotus, a symbol of rebirth into the
78, no. 34
afterlife.
Also inscribed
and 4 (and see pi. 8, fig. 15, for

Dynasty stela in the Louvre).
Kingdom.
Senres and his wife, Hormose,
Limestone
stela.
Hormose commissioned the
the carved image
and wig, the
the figures, and the fleshy
detailed reliefs of the early Middle
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Ahmose
in the
planes of their faces, derive from elaborately
of Senres and
Hormose
Senres by the prayer inscribed on the lower part
of the
to have powerful protective qualities." This type
jewelry
in.),
with
sign signifying solar encirclement and, singly or
such as the texture of the man's
originally 8.2
filled
additional cosmic symbols, such as the round
example, carved in sunk
(I'/s in.),
offering stand before
bundle of green onions.
early
H. 42.9 cm
An
way connecting
in pairs, the wedjat eye,
conventional gesture of wifely
"O- 800-732-400 (with
bibliography)
Amenhotep
in a
affection and support.
the couple holds different kinds of breads and a
dom
Stela
both hands
ing the course of the sun through the sky, in that
cycle of sunrise and rebirth.
Bibliography: Lindblad
15.
some funerary
rounded top symboliz-
p. 53.
XLiv; Fazzini,
1974, pp. 7071, no. 164,
Romano, and Cody 1999, pp.
22, 27,
Hormose embraces her husband with
37
Shawabti of Seniu
i6.
1525
I (r.
1504 B.C.) or later
Glazed
steatite
H. 28 cm
The
W.
(11 in.),
Metropolitan
cm (2'4 in.), D. 6.5 cm (2/2
Museum of Art, New
in.)
York,
Rogers Fund, 1919 19.3.206
Seniu's high-quality, unusually large shawabti
has been described as "spectacular."'

sents a continuation of the Middle
tradition in
It
repre-
Kingdom
which a burial was provided with
single finely fashioned shawabti statuette. In

fact, so
much
making
in
care and labor had been invested
this figure that
when
it
broke in two
during manufacture, the pieces were painstakingly rejoined with three steatite dowels.^ Like
most Eighteenth Dynasty shawabti

one presents
and
in the
its
subject in the
figures, this
form of a
mummy
pose of Osiris, with crossed arms
and closed hands. Like King Ahmose

shawabti
in his
and other, nonroyal
(cat. no. 12)
viduals early in the dynasty, Seniu
is
indi-
shown
with his hands empty.'
The
inscription
on
his shawabti says that
Seniu was a scribe and a Chief Steward.

latter title, also held
powerful
of the Eighteenth Dynasty,
officials
was often amplified by adding

royal person or
The
by Senenmut and other
god whose
administered." Seniu's
the
name of the
estates the steward
tomb has not been located
and was probably destroyed. The shawabti was

found
in a section of the necropolis in
western
5.
Thebes not
far
el-Bahri cache
from the
of the famous Deir
site
many New Kingdom
kings and queens,
find
its
in
nonroyal
also called the Royal Cache.
6.
of these reused
inscription,
coffins,
according to
had originally been made early
the Eighteenth Dynasty for a scribe
Seniu whose other

the
God's Wife
would have been
office
its
in
story
CG 61010:
woman, perhaps
CG
Porter and
1964, p. 659, no. 8 (with bibliography).
coffins.'
coffin contained the
One
The
1996, pp. 194-97-
Moss
rehousing most of them
is
discovery, in 1881, has often been told; for a
recent account, see Reeves and R. H. Wilkinson
Dynasty had hidden the plundered mummies

of
The
of
where priests of the Twenty- first
badly damaged
Princess Meryetamun, which
(the queen).
This shawabti
suitable for a royal official of
ERR
Provenance: Western Thebes; Metropolitan

Museum of Art excavations, 191819, acquired in
division of finds
Bibliography: Lansing
Hayes
Aubert and L. Aubert 1974,
I.
J.-F.
Lansing 1920,
3. J.-F.
4.
p. 45.
p. 8.
Aubert and L. Aubert 1974,
Senenmut, for example,

Steward, had the
titles
Amun," "of the God's
p. 46.
in addition to
being Chief
of Chief Steward "of

Wife, Hatshepsut," "of the
King," and "of the King's Daughter, Neferure,"
among numerous others.
38
is
61052: G. E. Smith 1912, pp. 6-8, pi. iv.
named
was Chief Steward of
that high rank.
2.
The
mummy of a
SETTING THE SCENE
1959, pp. 58-59,
fig.
1920, pp. 6,
29
fig. 2, 8;
the
17-
The
Tetiseneb Seated
face
Amenhotep
or
as locks of her
her wig.'
W.
(12/8 in.),
8.5
cm
off by
two
1.
A less organic handling of the same hairdo on the

statuette of
short, asymmetrical tresses
Taweret
Taweret's statue
may be meant
(cat. no. 18)
may
suggests that
be slightly earlier than
Tetiseneb's.
(1550-1504 B.C.)
Painted limestone
H. 30.8 cm
braided hairdo that frames Tetiseneb's
is set
descending from the temples that
(3^! in.),
D. 22.2
cm
own
hair, teased out
The same
from under
Museum, London, EA 29770: Edna R.

Russmann in Russmann et al. 2001, pp. 2046,
2. British
attention to small but
rather sophisticated details
may be
seen on the
no. 106 (with bibliography).
(8y,in.)
round
face.
Despite
its
sprightly, almost ingen-
Kestner-Museum, Hannover 1935.200.106
uous expression, there are subtle cosmetic

lines
This tomb
statuette,
which was commissioned
by the son of Tetiseneb, shows her

her right hand
flat
on her
hand held against her
women with
a bent
New Kingdom
with
and her closed
lap
torso.
arm and
sitting
The
left
depiction of
a fisted
hand was
extending the large eyes, and the eye-
brows are elegantly arched. Similar
features
on
the
mummy mask of a noblewoman at the court
of
Ahmose
suggest that the two images,
I'
although differing in material and
made
at
size,
were
about the same time, and thus that the
Provenance: Unknown, presumably from

Hissing
Bibliography: Das Menschenhild im

Agypten 1982, pp. 42-43, no.
Rosemarie Drenkhahn
p.
innovation and represents a sig-
nificant departure
from the
far
more
of earlier female statues (see also
passive poses
cat. no. i8).
present statue
is
New Kingdom
one of the
earliest
products of
sculptors.
Thebes;
acquired in 1935 from the collection of Baron von
no,
Grimm and
on
in
11
alten
Agyptens Aufsdeg 1987,
no. 9; Winterhalter 1998, p. 307, no. 47;
Schoske 1999b,
p.
in, no.
58, color
ill.
p. 85
ERR
39
Taweret
i8.
Amenhotep
or
(1550-1504 B.C.)
Painted limestone
H.
17.3
cm (6%
in.),
W.
4.6
cm (1^ in.),
D.
7.5
cm
(3 in.)

Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
Taweret stands with her
Gift, 1926 26.7.1404
left
foot very slightly
forward, her right hand open at her side. In her

left
hand she
breasts."
Her
clasps a lotus
rather stocky
bud between her
form
is
clad in the
usual narrow white dress, the shoulder straps of
which were indicated
The
in paint.
front part of Taweret 's hairdo
is
a mass
of braids. Brought forward over her shoulders
and embellished by a twisted
form
side of the face, they
tress
heavy frame for
her plump, pleasant features.
almost the
first
along either
We
see here for
time a hairstyle that was to
remain extremely popular for four generations

or more.'
The arrangement of Taweret 's back
hair resembles that of an earlier style:
been divided into three thick
drawn
it
has
plaits that are
together, exposing parts of her neck
and
scalp.
first
appeared on nude
Versions of this skin-baring hairdo

fertility figures
of the
Middle Kingdom, but by the beginning of the

Eighteenth Dynasty
priate for the clothed
it
was considered appro-
tomb image of a woman.
In both cases, presumably, the hairdo identified

its
wearer as an unmarried young
woman
of
childbearing age.^
The
inscription
on
this statue states that
was dedicated by Taweret 's

that
Taweret
still
lived at
it
mother,"* suggesting
home. Her hairdo
seems to indicate that she was unmarried, and

the lotus
bud held
more poignantly
to her breast
to her youth.
unopened flower found on
40
SETTING THE SCENE
may
refer
So rarely
statues that
even
is
this
one can
only guess
seems
symbolism, but here,
at its
Amenemhab
the statuette of
on
as
(cat. no. 19),
be one of several indications of a
to
it
life
ended young.
ERR
Both these features are early instances of New
Kingdom
innovations in the sculptural representa-
tion of women. Previously,
women were
depicted
with their feet together and both hands open.

2.
work made during the
In one
wears
reign of Amenhotep
II
CG 42126), a mother
this hairstyle in contrast to her daughter's
more modish
hairdo: Saleh and Sourouzian 1987,
no. 140.
3.
For the history and meaning of this hairdo, see
Russmann forthcoming.
4.
Others, including Seipel 1992, p. 306, concur; but

as translated
by Hayes
and Moss 1964,
1959, p. 61, and Porter
the dedication
p. 619,
by her
is
daughter.
Provenance: Western
Thebes, Asasif, Pit tomb
51;
Carnarvon excavations, acquired by Lord Carnarvon

of finds; formerly Carnarvon collec-
in the division
purchased in 1926
tion,
Moss
Porter and
1958, pp. 438, 488-89,
Hayes
500, 504, 678, pi. cxLi, 4;

fig. 31;
1959, pp. 6j, 62,
1964, p. 619; Seipel 1992,
pp. 306-7, no. 117
19. The
Nude
Child
Amenemhab
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Ahmose I reign of
Thutmose
II
(1550 1479 B.C.)
Copper-silver
H.
cm (5/s
13
The
alloy, silver;
W.
in.),
Metropolitan
4.9
wood
base
cm (1% in.), D.
cm (3/2 in.)
Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1926 26.7.1413
often said that the Egyptians portrayed
It is
children as miniature adults, but this small
boy
figure of a
effectively
tummy and gangly

still
conveys the
soft
limbs of a young child
who
Plump cheeks and
snub
ran about naked.'
nose make the tiny face look almost babyish. As
was customary
for children in ancient Egypt,
Amenemhab's head was shaved. Standing with

his left leg
side,
forward and right hand open
he clasps to his chest in his
long-stemmed
The
enough
figure
was
cast in
silver to give
the intended effect.
at his
hand
lily,
copper alloyed with
a silvery color, surely
it
The
rately of a purer silver.^
grant water
left
lotus bud.
lotus
The
was made sepa-
lotus flower, a fra-
symbolized rebirth; from the
Old Kingdom on, funerary
reliefs
conventionally
The Youth Huwebenef
20.
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Ahmose I-reign of
Thutmosell (1550-1479
Painted
H.
The
b.c.)
wood
cm
35
D. 19.2
W.
(13 K in.),
cm
cm
6.6
(2/8 in.),
% in.)
(7
Metropolitan
Purchase,
Edward
Like the
little
Museum of Art, New

S.
Harkness
York,
Gift, 1926 26.7. 1414
naked figure of the boy
emhab with which
was found,
it
this
Amen-
wood
stat-
"somewhat crude"' wood
uette has a separate,
base with a funerary inscription by their father,
who presumably
Djehuti,
found (see
fig. 13).
Huwebenef,
kilt,*
is
The youth
shown
Not only
brother.
placed the statuettes
of their mother, where they were
in the coffin
is
at
seen here,
named
an older age than his
he clothed,
in a pleated
but also his formal, square-shouldered
stance
of an adult. However, his shaven
that
is
head^ and the lack of any reference to a profession indicate that he had not yet entered the
adult world.
may
It
mised,"* that the
well be, as
some have
sur-
presence of these two youth-
funerary figures
ful
evidence of an ancient
is
family tragedy.
This statue lacks the artistry so apparent in

of
the metal figure
Amenemhab, but
is
it
undoubtedly the work of a competent sculptor.

Since the great majority of nonroyal
19,
back and
uettes
profile
from Thebes
early Eighteenth
is
som
the deceased sniffing an
(see cat. no. 15).
open lotus blos-
Unopened buds were
also
As was observed
p. 75,
"The
but anyone
depicted, in bouquets and other floral composi-
will at
tions.
However,
a single
bud
is
very unusual
.
much
so
appearance here and on another statue
in
accessory for a freestanding statue, so

that
its
this exhibition (cat. no. 18),
young people, suggests
both representing
that the
symbolism was
thought especially appropriate for a young
life
had never flowered.
The wood
of the larger
which
it
Amenemhab.
wood
was found
statuette at first
who knows
once recognize
It
The two
(cat. no. 20).
modeling of
at the
same
this figure
was produced
in a royal
Egypt
It
time.
it
The
frequendy represented
However,
all
lotus,
way
to a
I.
Hayes
2.
Instead of the usual allover pleating, the pleats
known figures
1959, p. 61, describing both bases.
this kilt are
and
grouped
in vertical
bands separated by
bands of unpleated cloth. This unusual pattern

paralleled
of Nefertem in
on a granite
is
statue of a grandee of the
mid-Twelfth Dynasty (Museo Egizio, Turin, suppl.
New Kingdom.
4267): Evers 1929, p. 30,
Howard
on
fig. 6.
3.
The new growth of hair is
4.
For example, Hayes 1959,
indicated in black paint.

p- 6j.
exca-
Carter, 1910
stat-
exquisite
likely that
it
workshop, perhaps as
more modest
deli-
cate facial features and large eyes.
n. 46; see also p. 48,
Provenance: Western Thebes, Lower Asasif;
or 1911, formerly Carnarvon collection, acquired in
the division of finds
vations of Lord Carnarvon and
resting place.
ERR
Howard
exca-
Carter, 1910
or 1911, formerly Carnarvon collection, acquired in
Bibliography: Carnarvon and

frontis., pp.
7475,
pi. lxvii, i, 2;
pp. 436, 481, 489, 678, pi. cxxxix,

pp. 6061,
fig.
30; Porter
(with bibliography)
its
it
figure,
and has a somewhat oversized head with
was
in silver: Becker, Pilosi,
Schorsch 1994, pp. 54-55,

22.
a coin-
god associated
both with youth and with the fragrant
vations of Lord Carnarvon and
an image of a deceased prince, before somehow

finding
male
slender, lacks anatomical details,
ERR
may not be
cidence, therefore, that Nefertem, a
nam-
one may wonder
makes
is
attenuated,
whether they were originally made for the same

purpose or even
them,
truth."
matches the base
figure of his brother, with
uettes are so different that
may seem
1912,
the youth of modern
its
have not been fully explained.
silver postdate the
base carries an inscription
ing the boy as
Carnarvon and Carter
be attributed to the
Like gold, silver had symbolic meanings, which
fig.
that
in
stat-
Dynasty represent women,
interesting to observe that this
like
show
that can
tomb
Carter 1912,
the division of finds
Vandier 1958,
i;
Hayes
and Moss 1964,
p.
1959,
616
75, pi. LXVII, 2, 3;
Porter and
Moss
Hayes
Carter 1912, pp. 74
1959, pp. 60-61,
fig.
30;
1964, p. 616 (with bibliography)
20
43
The
Scarab
21.
Thutmose
The
cm
11
(1550 1479
(i in.),
W.
Metropolitan
B.C.)
cm
mold-made, with
carved before the
(Ys in.),
H.
cm (Ys in.).
the
The
S.
material appears to be
Harkness
in the
contained the statuettes of

(cat. nos.
low copper content.
hole was
Gift, 1926 26.7.575
drilled
Huwebenef
closely related
blue) appears to be due to
through the scarab, and a gold tube was
passed through the hole.
This scarab was found
frit
overall green color (rather than
more common

a relatively
Purchase, Edward
The
Egyptian blue, a synthetic

to glass.'
1.7
skillfully
scarab was fired.
Egyptian blue, gold

L. 2,5
was
detail apparently
scarab
some of the
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Ahmose I reign of
same
coffin that
Amenemhab and
wire would have
been threaded through the tube and attached

to a ring.
CHR, DCP
19, 20). Its interesting
mixture of designs indicates the lively individuality
of artworks made during this transitional
period.
The
the beetle's
I.
back, which has no indication of
wing
The material was identified at the Metropolitan

Museum by Mark T. Wypiski, Research Scientist,
Department of Scientific Research, and Ann
cases,
is
typical of
Second
Heywood, Conservator, Sherman Fairchild Center
Intermediate Period scarabs found in the Nile
for Objects Conservation.
Delta, and the rope pattern framing the design
on
the base had been used since the Middle
Kingdom; both of these designs continued

employed
into the early Eighteenth Dynasty.
winged scarab on the base
more common
Thutmose
III.
is
in the reigns
The
fully delineated
be
The
new and becomes

of Hatshepsut and
Provenance: Western Thebes, Lower

Asasif, Tomb 37, burial 24; excavations of Lord
Carnarvon and Howard Carter, 1910 or
formerly Carnarvon collection, acquired in the
division of finds
notches on the beetle's care-
wing
cases are a characteristic
feature on the backs of scarabs dating

joint reign (see cat. nos. 75c, e, g,
21,
to
from the
Ribliography: Carnarvon and

pi.
Carter 1912,
p. 69,
Lxxn, 24
m).
base
PAINTING IN THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY

The best-known Egyptian
the accession of
paintings that can be dated to the period from
King Ahmose
through the reign of Hatshesput are
found in the nobles' tombs of the Theban necropoHs. Unfortunately,

because of the
fragility
of the
medium
times a very unstable wall surface
painted plaster on what
is
some-
the decoration in these tombs
is
often in extremely poor condition, with large sections missing and the
colors badly faded. Fortunately for us, Egyptian painters did not restrict
themselves to the decoration of tomb walls.

ples of their art
One
can find superb exam-
on beautifully decorated furniture
(see cat. no. 25),
on
votive offerings (see cat. no. 24), and on the ubiquitous limestone chips
that
were a by-product of carving tombs into bedrock (see
23).
These
chips, called ostraca, provided a
smooth surface
cat. nos. 22,
that could be
used to create templates, to practice drawing hieroglyphs, to write

accounts, or simply for amusement. Ostraca were often discarded soon
after they
were used, and they were quickly buried under layers of
debris, a circumstance that has preserved
many of them
in
almost perfect
condition.
Three of the four objects
Thebes and almost
that follow
certainly date
were excavated
may
in
western
from the early Eighteenth Dynasty,
perhaps even from the time of Hatshepsut. The exquisite
wood
chest
date a bit later, from the end of the reign of Hatshepsut 's co-ruler
and successor, Thutmose
III,
but the painting style
examples that date from her reign and
is
in
keeping with
earlier.
CHS
Ostracon with a Painting

of a Hippopotamus
beast,
23.
its
and the Egyptians had great respect for
power. In
its
was a stand-in
destructive aspect, the hippo
for Seth, the
god of chaos, and
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
scenes of the king, or the god Horus, or even a
Thutmose
deceased tomb owner harpooning a hippopota-
III
(1479-1458
B.C.)
Painted limestone
H. 12
cm
(4/4 in.),
mus can be
W.
10.5
cm
(4^8 in.)
read as depictions of the triumph of
order over chaos. In this small painting, how-
ever, the animal,
Rogers Fund, 1923 23.3.6
in the water,
is
which seems
not
shown
In this case the image
This painting of
hippopotamus
is
less
formal
in
to
be on land, not
an aggressive pose.
may simply be what meets
the eye: a representation of a hippopotamus.'
CHR
than the scaled drawing of hieroglyphs discussed above
(cat.
The animal was
no. 22).
painted with the sure hand of a skilled
who had no need of a
artist
I.
For other interpretations, see the bibliography

below.
grid.
Broadly speaking, the Egyptians viewed the
22
world
in terms
of the opposing forces of order
and chaos, and they recognized these forces

the creatures around them. In
Ostracon with a Scaled
22.
the hippo, standing upright,
Drawing of Hieroglyphs
its
in
benign aspect,
was used
Provenance: Western
Bibliography: Winlock
sent the goddess
Taweret
(see cat. no. 197), the

1959, p. 174, fig. 95;
women. But
protector of children and pregnant
Thutmose
the hippo could also be a dangerous, destructive
(1479-1458 B.C.)
Painted limestone
H.
14
The
cm (;/ in.), W.
Metropolitan
t6
cm
(&/, in.)
grid
was drawn on
this limestone flake, or
ostracon, and three hieroglyphs, representing

the
words
"life," "stability,"
were drawn
and "dominion,"
in red within the grid.
then finished in black ink.
The
They were
ostracon
may
have been used to teach a young scribe the

proper proportions of the hieroglyphs, and the
gridded sketch could then have allowed the stu-
dent to transfer the images to a larger surface.
These hieroglyphs occur frequently

texts,
mula
following the pharaoh's
name
in royal
as a for-
to ensure his (or her) well-being.
This
ostracon
was
found
during
the
Metropolitan Museum's excavations at Deir

el-Bahri, in a large depression
dubbed the
Hatshepsut Hole by the excavators. Hundreds of

other ostraca were found here, mixed with frag-
ments of statues from Hatshepsut's temple (see
"The Destruction of
the Statues of Hatshepsut
from Deir el-Bahri" by Dorothea Arnold
in this
CHR
publication).
Provenance: Western
Thebes, Deir el-Bahri,
Hatshepsut Hole; Metropolitan
Museum of Art
exca-
vations, 1922-23, acquired in the division of finds
1959, P- I74,fig-9<S
1923, p. 34,
fig. 32;
Hayes
Museum of Art
exca-
vations, 192223, acquired in the division of finds
to repre-

III
1923, p. 34,
fig.
Dorothea Arnold 1995,
29;
Hayes
p. 33
Hanging (?)
24.
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Ahmose I-joint reign
of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
550-1458
III (i
B.C.)
Painted leather
H. 16 cm
(6/4 in.),
The Metropolitan
cm {fA in.)
W.
18
Rogers Fund, 1931 (31.3.98)
This fragment of painted leather was found in

debris during the clearance of a Middle King-
dom tomb some two hundred

Hatshepsut 's temple
New Kingdom
yards east of
Deir el-Bahri.
at
was found
material
No other
tomb,
in this
but the hairstyle of the harpist,' her clothing
and jewelry,' and her willowy, long-waisted

figure date the piece to the early part of the
Eighteenth Dynasty.
The
erotic nature of the scene, with
naked male dancer, suggests
its
was
that this piece
intended for the shrine of the goddess Hathor at
Deir el-Bahri. ^ In her aspect
god who was depicted

(on Bes, see
worn
as part
cat. no. 190).
mask and played
god-
a fertility
human, part
The nude
lion
may
figure
mummer who would have
be either a priest or a
tival
as a fertility
Hathor was associated with Bes,
dess,
the part of Bes at a fes-
honoring the goddess/ The dancer and the
man
partially preserved
above
in the register
both carry an object with multiple brown

strands.
These have been described
as scourges,
but they could as easily be some sort of percussion instrument used to
and
accompany
by Ann Heywood,
microscopy. Although azurite was an important
Conservator, in the Sherman Fairchild Center
pigment of ancient wall paintings of the Sung
The
was
material
identified
for Objects Conservation at
Museum
The Metropolitan
and Ming Dynasties
The
was
material
painted.
Egyptian objects.
probably goat hide.'
is
Two
Provenance: Western
in debris
China, there are few
confirmed occurrences of azurite on ancient
the music
The lower left corner has been
in
of Art.
to placate the goddess.
holes in the leather were patched before the surface
5.
Thebes, Asasif, found
palette has
MMA tomb 815;
availability
during clearance of
Metropolitan
1930-31,
and
Its
absence from the Egyptian
been a mystery, considering the

of azurite sources both
in the Sinai
in the Eastern Desert, as well as the use
of
reinforced with a patch of red-dyed leather that
holds a leather
was attached
tie.
This suggests that the piece
to an item
of furniture or
tied to
malachite,
Bibliography:
92;
fig.
1959, p. 167,
Fischer 1974, p. 10,
fig. 8;
Pinch 1993, pp. 24041,
texts, as a
54
The
a pole.
Technical Study
.
Amenemhat (TT
82,
Gardiner 1915,
xvn).
in the
pi.
III,
A stela painted on a wall
is
fragmentary condition of
Despite the
dated to year 28 of
Her anklets
on
it
are well preserved and unadulterated.
3.
skin color
is
Silvia
is
significant, the
on jewelry
decoration on the vertical column was found to
in chapter 4.
was considered too
and the phallus was painted
is
currently displayed in
its
original form.
Pinch 1993, pp. 24041, discusses the possible

pretation of this piece.
46
in
most
Egypt and
analysis
was performed by
Centeno, Associate Research Scientist,
Department of Scientific Research,
at the
be azurite, a natural pigment derived from the

copper-carbonate mineral of the same name.
The
This doctoring was reversed in 1970, and the
piece
4.
red ocher, and the corner tab
blue-green pigment used for the grapes and the
In the 1930s the subject matter
both
AH
Raman spectroscopy
orpiment, the red pigment outlining

is
dyed pink with madder. Most
Eighteenth Dynasty. See Diana Craig Patch's essay
out.
identified blue
throughout the ancient Mediterranean world.
I.
the figures
women after the very early
erotic for public display,
commonly
The
are particularly noteworthy, for they
were not worn by
green pigment on Egyptian objects.
bright white was found to be huntite, the yellow
only a few years after the disappear-
ance of Hatshepsut.
2.
this
painted leather object (cat. no. 24), the pigments
Nina de G. Davies and
back of the tomb
Thutmose
tomb of
con-
use of azurite appears to have been super-
synthetic copper-calcium silicate and the
Similar braided locks can be seen on a female

harpist depicted in a wall painting in the
in geological
seded by the employment of Egyptian blue, a
CHR
green copper carbonate often
found associated with azurite
Hayes
pi.
inter-
pale blue-green of the leaves
with huntite.
The
spectroscopy'
is
azurite
initial identification
mixed
by Raman
was confirmed by polarizing
light
SETTING THE SCENE
CoiWfjghioOniflBrjl
25-
Linen Chest of Perpauti
wife seated at the

dren.
Probably
ist
half of the i8th
Dynasty (1^50-
1425 B.C.)
Painted
An
left,
facing three of their chil-
column of
offering text begins in the
two of the women

reign of
from
part of the dynasty.'
right to
left:
(i4'/r in.),
W.
32.5
cm
{iiV^ in.),
D. 48
A royal offering ofAmurt-Re,
cm
On
king of the gods;
a royal offering of Osiris, the great god, who
(i8'/s in.)
Museo Civico Archeologico, Bologna KS 1970
rules forever,
may he give
one, a singer
number of other
documented
III,
known
the early nineteenth century.'
ofhis god, Perpauti,
two of
their daughters,
located
somewhere
in the
thought to have been
Theban
who
columns of text
are
as "his
and beloved daughter Qedut." The inscription
his bodily
on
this side
invokes the goddess Mut, whose
temple, Isheru,
Perpauti have been
These pieces were probably among the furnishis
of
the back of the box, the couple are

facing
identified in the last four
beloved wife, the housemistress ladi.
man named
ings of his tomb, which
mid-
style
and pure
ofthe uniquely accomplished
objects
belonging to a
since
in the
and the simple
bodily and beloved daughter Tjaua; his bodily

things to the ka
This chest and
all good
shown
is
is
also in keeping with the early
the clothing
wood
H. 37 cm
Thutmose
hieroglyphs above the son's head and reads
necropolis.^
The
six
columns of text
at the right identify the
children as "his bodily beloved son, Niwenenef;

his
daughter Takhat; his daughter Tay-tay.""
Although most of the names are uncommon,
Hathor,
lies just
south of Karnak, and
who had long been
associated with the
area around Deir el-Bahri (the Valley);
A royal offering ofMut,
lady ofIsheru, and
Hathor, lady ofthe Valley, a royal offering of
with
they are
linen sheets and clothing, have been found in
Perpauti
Chests of similar size and shape,
filled
all
Egyptian, not foreign in form.'

Osiris, the
is
a theophoric
name
that can
from
Theban tombs dating from
the Eighteenth
lated "the primeval
god has emerged";
Many of these
are undecorated,
some
name, Niwenenef, can be interpreted
are painted with geometric patterns, and a few
have scenes on one side that depict the owner
who
and
his family.' Perpauti's chest is exceptional
quantity of decoration, which covers every surface with either scenes or geometric patterns.
The
principal scene
shows Perpauti and
his
as
"he
is
born
late);
name
and Tay-tay, which
nickname for the youngest
might be translated as
The
is
perhaps
in the family,
long-waisted, slim form of the figures
Eighteenth Dynasty.
of the
The
first
housemistress ladi.
for a child
"this one's mine."'
in this scene is typical
need for
ha of the singer ofAmun-Re, Perpauti,
and the
takes his time" (an appropriate
both for the quality of the painting and for the
their offering table as the daily
his son's
the
Dynasty.
Great God, giving all that comes
be trans-
half of the
braided hairstyle of
The ends of
the chest are decorated with
almost identical scenes depicting two mother

gazelles rearing
up
to nibble the leaves of a
composite plant while suckling their fawns.
The
plant
is
made up of elements
that betray
the influence of the art of western Asia (see
PAINTING
47
surprising that
many Near Eastern motifs had

way into Egyptian art, though
already found their
9.
10.
they
may
The
pattern
not yet have been

is
common.
Dziobek 1994,
illustrated in
2d.
pi.
A second box inscribed with Perpauti's name

(Oriental
Museum, University of Durham [United
Kingdom], N. 1460) seems

one.
The
more
in
style
to
be a copy of this
of the painting on
this
second box
is
keeping with that of the second half of the
As Arielle Kozloffhas sug-
Eighteenth Dynasty.
gested (Kozloffand Bryan 1992, pp. 28687), one

chest
may have been made
and one
at the
early in Perpauti's
to the reign of Amenhotep 11
box
to the reign
them slighdy
of Amenhotep
and the Durham
III. I
earlier, to the reign
would date
of Thutmose
and between the reigns of Amenhotep
Thutmose
life,
end. She would date the Bologna
box
11
III
and
IV, respectively.
Provenance: Unknown, probably from
Thebes;
formerly Palagi collection (Nizzoli 1827); acquired by

the
Comune
di
Bologna
in 1861
Bibliography: Maria
Cristina Guidotti in Arte
nell'antico Egitto 1990, pp.
9495, no. 43; Museo
Civico Archeologico di Bologna 1994,

25,
Christine Lilyquist's essay "Egypt and the
Near
1.
adapted by the Egyptian
artist
Other objects belonging
Durham
East" in this publication), but the plant has been
to this
addition of a papyrus umbel at the center top.
Though
it
originated and
ancient Near Eastern
is
more common
in
it
was used
3.
the
Kingdom
fig. 14).
(see
in
at the
the
son, Perpauti's
Amenhotep's
1390 1352
B.C.).
For
this rea-
box has generally been dated
reign.
However,
all
7.
III,
and related designs appear on
scarabs dating from early in the reign of
even
earlier,
The
lily
with pendant buds occurs
Tay-tay
on the dagger of King Ahmose
the sloping lid of the box

tion
For
P.
volutes are also present in a scene in
III
pattern on
11.
vizier early in
Thutmose
who was vizier
depicting Rekhmire 's boat in port and again under

sail,
the boat
is
decorated with composite plants
de G. Davies 1943,
61),'
100),
and lived into the reign of his son
In a section of wall decoration
similar to the ones
(TT
who was
is
fully
on
Perpauti's
pis. lxviii,
box (Norman
lxix).
The motif
developed and has been executed with
great ease, suggesting that
it
had become
a well-
Ill's sole reign. All
established element in the artist's decorative
this
evidence supports a date in the reign of
this
king for Perpauti's box in Bologna. '
CHR
SETTING THE SCENE
is
by
similar to decora-
such as that of Useramun
are
I.
tomb of Rekhmire (TT
of Thutmose
52658-9), from
The
implying that she
this hairstyle, see also the entry for catalogue
The in-turned
the
line,
The name translations
Allen.
found on the ceilings of Theban tombs,
is
normal
direction that
p. 286.
depicted last in
Amenhotep
CG
the beginning of the dynasty.
is
no. 24, n.
8.
same
to right, rather than the reverse).
junior to the others.
inte-
James
Hatshepsut.^
left
Arielle Kozloff suggests otherwise in Kozloffand
Bryan 1992,
6.
the opposite of the
is
these signs read in the
they face, from

5.
grated into Egyptian art by late in the reign of
Thutmose
The word "bod-
usually used to iden-
The six columns of text that identify the children are

the order of signs
to
of the ele-
ments of the composite plant had been
is
written in retrograde hieroglyphs (in other words,
bottom, becomes
second half of the
Eighteenth Dynasty, especially in the reign of

III (r.
"of his body")
only a man's biological children, not his wife.
tify
order
Amenhotep
p. 71.
from
1927, pp. 123-28).
with inward-turning volutes and with pendant
common
dates
The inscription is unusual both in its wording and in

the orientation of the hieroglyphs.
This type of composite plant, particularly
quite
tomb of a man named Kha, which
ily" (literally,
buds on the Hly element
Bologna 1994,
di
early in the reign of Amenhotep III (Schiaparelli
4.
paintings from the early Middle
Museum,
A number of gable-topped boxes were found in
in
Theban tomb
now in the
(Kozloff and
Museo Civico Archeologico
flanking a tree had been present in Egyptian art

since Predynastic times, and
are
British
1964, pp. 838, 842, 843).
2.
the motif of animals
art,
man
Museum
University Oriental
Bryan 1992, pp. 28587) and the
through the
London (Porter and Moss
48
p. 71
back
repertoire.
By
the joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III,
the Egyptians had been visiting
western Asia for three generations, and
it is
not
Fig. 14.
Men gathering sycamore figs from a tree
by two spotted goats. Detail of a scene in

Theban tomb of Djari (TT 366), nth Dynasty.
flanked
Drawing by Linsley
F. Hall
the
Egypt's contacts with neighboring cultures
EGYPT AND NUBIA

Conflict with the
Kingdom of Kush
W. Vivian Davies
Toward the end of the Thirteenth Dynasty (1640

Egypt and a new
political
and
pres-
of the central government in
sures, led to the collapse
valley.'
B.C.),
by external
internal political weakness, exacerbated
territorial disposition in the
Only Upper (southern) Egypt remained under
Nile
Seventeenth Dynasty, 1635 1550

in the
(modern
ally
b.c.).^
Hyksos
the so-called
To
extended as far as Cusae in Middle Egypt.
fiefdom,
fell
Wawat (Lower
a century
Kamose
monument,
B.C.), last
first
just south
Avaris
there
is
who
of the Third Nile
which
situation,
in the
lasted for
complaint of
king of the Seventeenth Dynasty,
Kamose
of Karnak: "To what purpose do
when
scale has
now come to light
(see below).
The Kingdom of Kush

"Wretched Kush" had for centuries been a thorn
both territory and resources.' Especially
at issue
stela,
I
during Egypt's Middle Kingdom,
ary
at the
commemorative
fortresses
personnel
it,
this
my
one chief in Avaris and another in Kush,
the kings of the Twelfth
their
were ceded to the Kushites, who kept on to run them the
who had
served
the
previous
Nubian context through marriage and other
records five generations of one family
(in ret-
rospect) the beginning of an extraordinarily determined drive

to recover
what had been
expand and conquer
Egypt on a previously unparalleled

Taking
them
the
their cue
lost
but
by
also, in
to extend the boundaries of
texts
among
well-known inscription of Queen Hatshepsut from the
temple of Speos Artemidos, with
its
this
stela
contacts."
At Buhen,
group of private
fortresses, a
who
from the same
site
stelae
served as senior
the Egyptians and then for the Kushites."
A royal
appears to depict a king of Kush with both
Egyptian and Nubian accoutrements (white crown, uraeus, mace
on the one hand, bow and arrows on the
other),'' possibly to sig-
hegemony over a territory that had recently been pan
of Egypt.
Kush was
at its zenith
during
this period, the so-called Classic
reference to the destructive
Kerma Period. The power and prosperity it enjoyed then are still
most
manifest today in the impressive remains of its fortified capital at
time of "the Asiatics in the midst of the Delta
commentators on
officials first for
nify Kushite
scale.*
from the surviving Egyptian
administration
Egyptians in origin but no doubt long acculturated to their
one of the most important
of Egypt's period of humiliation, these bitter words mark
conquest with a chain
and the Egyptian withdrawal from Wawat, the
here united with an Asiatic and a Nubian, each possessing
to
access to the
of massive fortresses." With the subsequent collapse of Egypt as a

unified state
erected in the temple
contemplate
when
Second Cataract, defending
of Egypt, dividing the land with me.^"' Presaging the end
Thebans not only
was
Dynasty annexed Wawat and established a new southern bound-
I sit
the
in Egypt's side, a
trading partner but also competitor, contesting Egypt's control of
his slice
due course,
inconclusive,"'
Nubian Desert.' The relationship became increasingly fraught
to his council are recorded in a
the so-called
and
luxury goods of sub-Saharan Africa* and the gold mines of the
famously summed up
is
1552-1550
whose words
strength,
at
into the hands of the powerful kings of Kush,
and more,
(r.
slight
the south, the
(now in northern Sudan). The
Cataract
however, evidence for Hyksos pen-
Nubia), long part of Egypt's
were based at Kerma in Upper Nubia,
and
based
Tell el-Daba) in the eastern Delta; their control eventu-
gold-rich land of
fact,
Theban realm remains
Lower (northern) Egypt
same period by the Fifteenth Dynasty, a dynasty
of Canaanite origin
etration of the
while testimony to hostility from the Kushites on a significant
native
Egyptian control, that of a dynasty of kings from Thebes (the
was ruled
border at Elephantine. In
(in) Avaris"'
period have tended to concentrate on the
Thebans' power struggle with the Hyksos to the north, regarding
Kerma
the earliest and largest city in Africa outside Egypt
and the associated cemetery containing over twenty thousand
The
Kushites have been viewed as
burials, including gigantic royal tumulus-tombs.'''
Hyksos but
essentially secondary players
of Kush were buried, accompanied by hundreds of sacrificed
content simply to hold the territory as far as Egypt's southern
retainers, and with substantial quantities of luxury goods including
them
as the
dominant
potential allies of the
threat.
Here the kings
49
vulnerable Egypt.
The primary purpose of the
have been
on a large
attack appears to
35E
.THEBES
pillage,
scale. In the inscription the
forces are referred to as "looters,"
Egypt
ally driven
The
Edfii.*
away through
who,
it is
Kushite
reported, were eventu-
a counterattack led
by the Egyptian king.

be seen among the
results of such pillage are surely to
Egyptian material deposited in the royal tumuli and cult chapels
Kerma. This mass of

Elephuniine
First
Âswan
includes statues both royal and private, stone vessels, and stelae,
many of them
Cataract^
Upper
in
Egypt.'*
had the statues buried with them

Aniba (Mi'am).
tion over
from
inscribed and a proportion clearly originating
tombs and temples
,U B
at
(now mostly fragmentary)
fine objects
Egypt
(if so, this
The
Kushite kings
to symbolize their
may have
own domina-
would represent a remarkable appro-
Toshka,
Kerma span
great tumuli at
Buhen*
several generations, and
the earliest, contain Egyptian trophies.
Askul.*^tffoW Cataract
Semna*
The
priation and reversal of the traditional Egyptian worldview).
W A W AT
Dcbeini West. Ôebeira East
Kumma
fore, that the
It
all,
including
seems possible, there-
Egyptians were subjected to periodic raids through-
*Tangiir
**
W Cataract
out the period and that the attack described in the El-Kab tomb,
Sai,
ilnngaa 'Amara West
although perhaps unusually large, was not the only one.''
Soleb*
Torobos,
rW Cawroa
**
20''N
K U S H
Dokki Gel
Kerma
Tabo
Egypt Resurgent
,Abu Hammad
By
Fourth Cataract^
Kurgus'
*Kawa
Dynasty the
the end of the Seventeenth
to turn, with the
Gebel Barkal.
had clearly begun
tide
Thebans successfully engaging
both the south and the north. There
is
their
enemies in
evidence that by Kamose's
had recovered most of Wawat,
third regnal year the Egjrptians

FiftA Cataract^
I
IK
penetrating as far as Buhen, and had ranged even farther, creating
nil
a buffer
1011 kll
Fig. 15.
zone
in the south, before
three great stelae set
ceding page (and see
of a
letter
refers to the
high-prestige Egyptian objects.

the
Even before
kingdom had encompassed
archaeological
huge
its
occupation of
territory.
Recent
work has uncovered hundreds of so-called Kerma-
culture sites in an area stretching southward through the
Reach along the Nile valley and adjacent
Dongola
deserts to the Fourth
The
extent of the kingdom's influence
itary coalition
it
was
is
evident from the mil-
able to direct against
Upper Egypt,
as
reported in an Egyptian inscription recently discovered in the
tomb of the governor Sebeknakht

from the
first
at
El-Kab that probably dates
half of the Seventeenth Dynasty.'"
The
force
is
in
n. 3
Karnak." The
below).
first is
The second
Ipepi
it
their
his Kushite "brother" to attack
Kamose from the south while he himself

"we
north. In this way, Ipepi says,
distracts
shall share the
him
in the
towns of
this
Egypt."" One can only speculate about what such a coordinated

response might have achieved
the
if it
Theban dynasty and
very different from the one

alized,
and events proved
had been successful, probably

a course of Egyptian history
we know. But no such response materiHyksos and eventually
fatal for the
for
kingdom of Kush.
The Hyksos dynasty was
finally
brought to an end by
Kamose's younger brother and successor, Ahmose
New Kingdom.^' Capturing Avaris sometime

year
11,
Ahmose
expelled the
(r.
1550
Dynasty and founder of the
1525 B.C.), first king of the Eighteenth
not only from the tribes of Wawat and riverine Upper Nubia but
from the Medja bedouin of the desert and even the exotic
agents. In
unprovoked violence perpetrated against both
described as of unparalleled size and consisting of troops drawn
also
in at least
quoted on the pre-
records the contents
was intercepted by Kamose's
by Kamose and urges
lands
the end of the
Cataract and well beyond.''
up
addressed to the ruler of Kush from the Hyksos over-
lord Ipepi that
Wawat,
they turned north to harass the
Hyksos." Kamose's achievements are commemorated
Map of Nubia showing New Kingdom sites
Hyksos
rulers,
during or after his
pursued them, and
land of Punt'' (one day to be visited by a famous expedition sent
defeated them in Palestine, thus securing his northern front,
by Queen Hatshepsut),
before turning his attention southward to Nubia. Here the
all
perhaps seizing their chance against a
imperial strategy, designed from the outset to meet goals both
economic and flowing from the Egyptian ideology of kingship,
was one of military advance and
consolidation, together with the
assimilation and acculturation of the native population and the

ruthless suppression of opposition.'*
Ahmose's conquests, along
with those of his successors Amenhotep
Thutmose
I (r.
504-1492
B.C.), are
tomb
phical inscription in another
Ahmose son of Ibana, who
went south
men. His majesty made
to
army of all
slain the
Nubia
1525-1504 B.C.) and
El-Kab, that of the soldier
at
served in the
(Ahmose) had
"After his majesty

the Hyksos), he
I (r.
chronicled in a long biogra-
a great slaughter
three kings:
nomads of Asia
to destroy the
Nubian
among them.
(i.e.,
tribes.
His
majesty journeyed northward joyful, in strength and victory, for
he had taken the southerners and the northerners."'' Building rapidly
on
his predecessor's achievements,
Ahmose extended
Egypt's
southern border beyond Buhen to Sai Island, north of the Third

Cataract,
where he
and
built a fortress
a temple in
erected a lifesize statue of himself."* His successor

also set
up
of himself there
a statue
(fig. 16);''
military and cultural reappropriation of

set to
Amenhotep
both works carry
dedications to the chief god of the Egj^ptian state,
under way and
which he
Amun-Re. The
Nubia was by now well
advance, with Sai fortress serving as a
bridgehead into Kush proper and a secure launching pad for further campaigns.
Thutmose
Beyond
and Hatshepsut
the Third Cataract lay the ultimate military goal:
Kerma,
Fig. 16.
the capital of
"Wretched Kush" and source of much of Egypt's
The
recent humiliation.
Thutmose
decisive
reign. After ordering his boats to be
Cataract to reach the

chief,
Ibana,
city,
against
Queen Hatshepsut,
the father of
I,
move
he
won
whose body, according
it
and warning
to
five large stelae
sailed
all
back
to
to the account of
potential enemies.'*
on
Ahmose son of
the
prow of the
The victory was marked by
Tombos
(fig. 17)'' at
the
huge boulder, records the massacre
detail.'"
That the Kushites suffered a
seri-
ous defeat appears confirmed by archaeological evidence of

destruction within
Kerma
itself at that time,
strongly suggesting
that the Egyptians succeeded in storming the

that following his victory
Thutmose
city.'' It is
built at least
two
known
fortresses
to deter rebellions. Their location has yet to be identified,''
although
it is
now
of Amenhotep
become
clear
II (r.
from recent excavations that by the reign
1427 1400
Sudan
in year 2 of his
Thebes, a gruesome act of revenge
carved into the rocks at
of the Kushites in vivid
early 18th Dynasty.
dragged around the Third
southern end of the Third Cataract, not far north of Kerma; the
principal one, inscribed
Amenhotep I. Statue from Sai Island,

Museum, Khartoum (63/4/5)
National
was made by
major battle, slaying a Kushite
was displayed hanging upside down from
royal boat as
it
B.C.), if
not before,
the site of a major colonial settlement."
Tombos had
Bent on encompassing Kush ideologically as well as

ally,
the Egyptians
point beyond the
Kurgus.
the
The
now struck deep
into
Upper Nubia,
Abu Hammad bend of the
target
was an enormous quartz rock (known today
Hagr el-Merwa;
fig. 18),
a conspicuous
lished with native rock drawings
stela carved, obliterating
and marking the
site as
as
landmark then embel-
and probably of great
significance for the indigenous population.
an impressive
territori-
to a remote
Nile at modern-day
spiritual
Here Thutmose
much of the
had
native matter
both the new southern boundary of the
Egyptian empire and one end of the ordered cosmos as ordained
by Amun-Re; the
inscription threatened dire consequences for
any
Nubian who violated the monument.''' In due course, Thutmose

set
up
a corresponding stela
marking the empire 's northern end,
the country of Naharin in Syro-Palestine.
grandson Thutmose
III (r.
1479 1425
and southern boundaries established by
in
Some fifty years later his
B.C.)
renewed the northern
his great predecessor.
EGYPT AND NUBIA
5I
achieved unprecedented success. Nevertheless, Egyptian control
of Upper Nubia (as opposed to Wawat) was by no means totally
The
secure.
resilient.
Kushites proved to be both uncooperative and
They
rebuilt
Kerma,
raising
great central temple (the
its
eastern "deffufa") to a height of over sixty feet, and the city
may
well have continued to serve as a node of resistance. According to
an inscription of Thutmose
II (r.
1492-1479 B.C.)," Thutmose
divided Kush into three parts, two of which were placed under the
of native princes, sons of the slain ruler,
rule
slaughter
commemorated
of Thutmose
II
(probably based
and plundering
cattle.
punitive expedition
rock
stela
of Thutmose
at
Tombos, early
i8th
at
was
sent to
with his family
Other inscriptions on the Hagr el-Merwa show
that
Thutmose
traveled to Kurgus with a large entourage of followers."
It
comprised not only military personnel but priests, scribes,
members of
elite
clumsily carved and
the court, including, remarkably,
Queen Ahmose,
mose, and, intriguingly,
a princess.''^
his
crown
prince,
Amen-
Although her name, rather
now somewhat
effaced,
is
of uncertain
Wawat
final
no male was
left alive
the foundation of a
nearby Dokki
Thutmose
and Ahmose).
in the
If
Hatshepsut par-
Kurgus expedition, the
experience would have stood her in excellent stead for her
own
The
Gel,'''
After a campaign in Nubia of
Thutmose
the
known as
Hagr el-Merwa,
Kurgus
seven months' duration,
returned to Egypt in his third regnal year,'* having
Fig. 18. Colossal
quartz rock
at least
to
enemy
deployed in
have coincided with
new pharaonic complex
possibly under
Thutmose
old idea that Hatshepsut 's reign
III
to the north at
appropriately.
the
first
settled
well wide of the mark.''^ Confronted with the
was on several occasions, she acted
Thutmose
was directed against Kush and
inscription at Tangur.'"
lier
deliberately peaceful
At least two southern campaigns
the period of her co-regency with

12,
was
as opposed, for example, to that of the "warlike"
III, is
forces of disorder, as she
year
future campaigning in Kush.
the
Egyptian presence in the area.
Thutmose
young princess
among
who was brought to Egypt
abandonment now appears
and conciliatory,
for
On
(see below). Nevertheless, rebellions continued to occur.
Kerma's
shepsut" than with "Nefrubiti" (the two daughters currently
ticipated as a
Egyptians
possibly for "reeducation" and eventual return,'"'
a policy of enforced assimilation already successfully
reading," the traces are perhaps more compatible with "Hat-
documented
killing
Kush and crushed the uprising.
except for one son of the Kushite chief,
the king's chief wife.
I,
The response was uncompromising.
Dynasty
the orders of the king,
and even
escaped the
after the accession
Kerma) and attacked
had been erected by Thutmose
fortresses that
Tombos. Shortly
they joined forces with "a chief in the north of
wretched Kush"
Fig. 17.
at
who had
The
other,
is
are attested during

III.
One, dated
to
recorded in a rock
undated but probably the ear-
of the two, was led by Hatshepsut herself.
It is
described in a
biographical inscription at Sehel belonging to the royal chancellor

Ty,
who bears witness to
in slaying the
It
may be
by
the active role played
queen/king
the
Nubian tribesmen and ravaging the land of Nubia.**
commemorated
this expedition that is
in an important
but fragmentary inscription from Deir el-Bahri in which the great
Thutmose
victory campaign of her father,

inspiration for a successful
I, is
presented as the
Nubian campaign by Hatshepsut.*"
reference, probably generic, to her defeat of enemies
new
served in the
is
also pre-
(southern) temple of Horus at Buhen, where an
now
important scene,
incomplete, shows her coronation
at the
hands of the god, while the inscription proclaims her universal

rule.""
The
one of
number
Wawat during
built in
the high standard of

for
queen attached to
special significance the
workmanship
her reign,
in the
is
this temple,
reflected in
main building
(the part
which she was largely responsible). The quality of the painted
relief,
which
particularly well preserved in the inner
is
sanctum
quite remarkable.'"
(fig. 19), is
Colonial Nubia
Following
its
conquest,
Wawat was
administered as a province of
Egypt, with a centrally controlled bureaucracy manned
at the
very highest level by Egyptians but otherwise largely by local personnel based in important population centers (mainly the old military strongholds,
Egyptian
titles
now
fortified settlements)."*
new
They were given
and sometimes assumed Egyptian names. The sys-
tem was gradually extended

were
colonial centers
to cover
Kush, where a number of
established."'
However,
it is
doubtful
Fig. 19. Painted relief decoration in Hatshepsut's teinple of Horus,
1479-1458
that the level of close control that obtained in
achieved or even attempted in Kush, where,

chiefs, particularly those
Wawat was
it is
thought, native
operating in more remote areas, contin-
of autonomy and independence.'" The colo-
ued
to enjoy a degree
nial
regime, which appears not to have been unduly exploitative,
proved pragmatic and

to the king
effective,
and maintaining
sending the desired products back
a viable
intermittent setbacks) for nearly five
The
government
hundred
senior official of the administration
nated King's Son, or viceroy, and
Thutmose
IV, King's
later,
with
(albeit
was
beginning
initially desig-
in the reign
Son of Kush." He was not an
variant of
title
it.
of
actual son of
who
Overseer of the Southern Foreign Lands or a
The
viceroy's authority extended south from
Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt to the outermost boundary of
Egyptian ambition
in
Upper Nubia
(as far as
Kurgus
in the early
Eighteenth Dynasty; pulled back to Gebel Barkal later

duties of his administration
building program,
manage
were
on).'^
The
to carry out the king's appointed
the tax regime and trade in exotic goods,
and organize the extraction and delivery of gold from Nubia's

ern desert.
The viceroy was also
situation
responsible for security, and,
eastif
the
were serious enough, he might accompany the king on
military or punitive expeditions or lead such expeditions himself.
Exactly
when
the office
was
instituted
is
not known.
Sons, Teti and Djehuti, dating from the reigns of
Ahmose
years.
the king but a close confidant and direct royal appointee,

also held the
Buhen,
B.C.
ever
I,
respectively,
may have been
the
first
Two
Kings'
Kamose and
two viceroys; but
the earliest attested bearer of the full titulary King's Son, Overseer
of the Southern Foreign Lands was a certain Ahmose-Satayt,

perhaps straddled the reigns of
He
is
known
to
known Ahmose-Turi, who was

Amenhotep
Seni,
who
Ahmose
who
and Amenhotep
I.
have been succeeded by his son, the well-
to year 3 of
viceroy from
Thutmose
I.
He
at least
year 7 of
was replaced by
in turn
served through the reign of Thutmose
II
and possibly
into the early years of Hatshepsut."
There has been considerable debate over the number and

identity of Hatshepsut's viceroys." In fact, only one viceroy,
Amenemnekhu,
regency.
He
is
is
attested with certainty for the period of the co-
well documented from a
inscriptions, at Sehel, Shalfak,
Kumma,
number of Nubian rock
Tangur, Dal, and possibly
EGYPT AND NUBIA
53
also
Tombos." At
least
one context
at
Tangur
the one at Shalfak to year 18, and that at

the advent of
Thutmose
Ill's sole
is
dated to year 12,
Tombos to
new
viceroy,
Nehi, was appointed.'' In due course, Amenemnekhu's name,

that of his mistress,
was
one of the co-regency's senior military
like
has been suggested
officially excised. It
Nubian Acculturation
year 20. With
reign in year 22, a
The
case of Ruiu highlights an important element in Egypt's colo-
nial policy already referred to
officials, the
King's
the assimilation of
Son, Troop-Commander, Overseer of Weaponry, Inebni,
known
young
that
from a
fine statue in the British
viceroy
is
at
some time during
Museum
(cat. no. 26),
is
also a
title
King's Son
open
to diff'ering
the period," but the
not conclusive in this case and the evidence
was
The
Nubian
routine governance of the province
deputy whose
the later Eighteenth
full title
was delegated
to an
was Deputy of the King's Son. By
province."^'
for both parties, appears to
Dynasty there was one deputy
(based at Aniba) and one for Kush (based
Wawat
for
example
is
part
Wawat
not
The policy, which held
their
clear benefits
have been especially successful among
surprisingly, perhaps, given the region's

ethnicity.'*
A conspicuous
provided by the family of another Ruiu, the hereditary
chief of the region of Teh-khet (covering
which
Serra),
through
by educating
and subsequently incorporating them into the
in Egypt,
governance of the
the elite of
floruit: pacification
elite families, in
long history of acculturation and mixed
interpretations.'*
official
above and particularly well docu-
mented during Queen Hatshepsut 's
is
modern Debeira-
traceable in the Egyptian record over several gen-
initially at Soleb, later at
erations during the early Eighteenth Dynasty,'' most prominently
was the Deputy of
during Hatshepsut 's ascendancy. Especially well documented are
the King's Son, Ruiu, also identified as First Royal Confidant of the
Ruiu's two sons, both of whom had Egyptian names: Djehutihotep,
King's Son, possibly pointing to a connection with the Egyptian
the elder son (also called
Amara
court.
West).
The
first
holder of the
A native Nubian, as indicated by his name, Ruiu was buried
in a fine Egyptian-style
tomb
were found two remarkable

tle
full title
at
Toshka, near Aniba." In the tomb
statues, also
Egyptian in form
if
lit-
provincial in style, one showing Ruiu seated, the other squat-
name and
titles.""
nowhere named, but the

grounds
The viceroy under whom he served

statues have
been dated on
is
stylistic
to the reign of Hatshepsut.
Nubian name
his
Paitsi),
and
Each son
called Hatshepsut.
inherited the chiefdom in turn, and both served during the
period of the co-regency, running their region as part of the

colonial administration.
Djehutihotep
ting (cat. no. 27); both are decorated with Egyptian hieroglyphs
giving his
by
Amenemhat, whose wife was
is
famous
for his
decorated with scenes of daily

artists'*
at
Buhen not
to
have had a strong connection).
West was
large
far to the south, a site
at
Debeira East, which
is
by Egyptian
clearly painted
with which the family appears
Amenemhat 's tomb
undecorated,'' but he
left
is
group of statues
no. 29),''
very
after education
and training
to
tomb
fine
(cat. no. 28; fig.
where he appears
at
Debeira
otherwise attested from a
number of monuments again wholly Egyptian
and execution, including
is
tomb
life
(perhaps recruited from the work on Hatshepsut 's temple
stela"
in
appearance
and an important
20) and stelae from
Buhen
(cat.
have been posted, very possibly
at the
Egyptian court (one of his
titles
True Royal Confidant). These Buhen pieces help to document
the earlier stages in his career,
from
probably under Thutmose
through subsequent promotions
under Thutmose
Amenemhat
series
of
titles.
II
is
I,
and Hatshepsut
his first posting as a scribe,
herself.
directly associated with Hatshepsut
Vigilant
Agent of the God's Wife, and Vigilant Agent of the
Two Lands
rise to
"in
power.
Wawat"),
a sequence that mirrors Hatshepsut 's
He
as
is
also entided Valiant
was
through a
Agent of the King's Daughter, Vigilant
his brother before
Lady of the Two Lands),
title
Lady of the
own
gradual
Agent ("of the King" or
him
(Valiant
Agent of the
that hints at military duties, prob-
ably including the policing of the routes and mines of Nubia's

Fig. 20. Statuette of
Amenemhat from
Buhen, 1479- 1458
the last chief of Teh-khet of his line.
Khartoum (92)
SETTING THE SCENE
Amenemhat was
He probably died toward
the
B.C.
Sudan National Museum,
54
eastern desert." Childless and lacking an heir,
end of Hatshepsut's reign,
after
which the family,
dom, disappears from the archaeological record.
if
not the chief-
I.
This period
is
often called the Second Intermediate Period (1640-1550 b.c.).
For a recent overview with previous bibliography, see Bourriau 2000; on the
New Kingdom, see Bryan 2000. References cited below are selective
early
and wei^ted toward recent

I.
The chronological scheme followed in this catalogue appears
in the intro-
First
On the Fifteenth Dynasty, see T.
stela, line 3
fig.
29, 48;
Helck 1975b, pp. 83-84; H.
p. 142, fig.
i;
The major military
Bedford 2003, pp.
S.
Smith and A. Smith 1976,
Hammad,
21.
a British
iSjfT.;
O'Connor
390,
11.
pi. vi,
1.
3;
Bedford
22.
p. 170;
Manzo
pp. 8-9.
92!?.; Valbelle
Troy
S.
1999, pp. 6-8;
S.
T. Smith 2003, pp.

S.
25.
Manzo
1999,
Smith 1995, pp. 22-28,
fig. 1.6,
7476; Vogel 2004, pp. 164-67.
Smith 1976,
Anderson 2004b,
p. 41; S. T.
Smith 1995,
p. 100,
p.
W.
no;
S.
30.
na 73. For evidence of similar continuity of occu-
2004, p. 28, no. 19;
W.
pis. iii, 2, lviii, 4;
Anderson
31.
32.
34.
V. Davies in Welsby and Anderson 2004b, p. 101,
Smith and A. Smith
Hein 2001.
1978a, pp. 21-43; Morfcot 1987; Zibelius-Chen 1988,

1991; Save-Sdderbergh 1991;
F.
8, 56fF.;
Kemp
SSve-Sdderbei^ and
1997;
Torok
35.
Edwards 2004, pp. 4-7.

Welsby 2001, pp. 57289; Kolosowska, el-Tayeb, and Paner 2003; Paner
Welsby 2004.
W.V. Davies
Friedman 1998, pp. 120-21.
V. Davies in
Urkunden
fig.
69;
Geus 2004; W. V. Davies in Welsby and
p. 103, fig. 79.
Welsby and Anderson 2004b, pp. 102-3,
4, p. 9,
p. 17; see also

11.
3-5;
W.
Urkunden
4, pp.
82-88;
S.
Urkunden
4, pp.
8286;
W.
Boimet 2004c, p.
Urkunden
"o* 7^>
Welsby and
Klug 2002, pp. 53-54.
V. Davies and R. F. Friedman 1998, p. 131, right.
T. Smith 2003, pp. 84-85,
fig. 4.10.
V. Davies and R. F. Friedman 1998, p. 131,

pi. 7;
left;
Redford
115; Valbelle 2004, p. 96.
4, p. 138,
11.
16-17; Klug 2002,
p. 76;
Valbelle 2004, p- 96.
T. Smith 2003, pp. 136-38; D. N. Edwards 2004, p. 103.
W.
W.
V. Davies 2001, pp. 46-53;
W.
V. Davies 2003a, pp. 2429;
V. Davies 2003b;
W.
V. Davies 2003d, pp. 5254,
20036, pp. 5-6; Anderson 2004, p. 28, no. 20;
W.
fig. 2;
W.
V. Davies in
2003c;
On the Medja bedouin, see el-Sayed 2004, p.

T. Schneider 2003a, pp.
92fF.
For the
W-
fig- 15;
of much -debated
W. V. Davies
V. Davies 2004; Valbelle 2004,
V. Davies 2003a, pp. 32-37;
V. Davies 2004, pp. 15457, 160.
stelae, see
"official tours,
On the importance of the king's
accompanied by court and family" (includ-
(Bryan 1991, pp. 5051,
iii, 198,
W.
38.
Gasse and Rondot 2003,
39.
Urkunden
(11.
40.
V. Davies 2001, pp. 5357;
4, p. 139,
33536; see also
W.
Klug 2002,
p. 85;
Gabolde 2004,
5-15), 139-43, 148.
Morkot 1987,
p. 32.
41.
Bonnet and Valbelle 2004; Valbelle 2004, pp. 96-97.
42.
Redford 1967, pp. 57-63; Redford 2003,
W.
V. Davies 2003b, pp. 4344, n.
pp. 5354, n. 11;
Anderson 2004,
2004, p. 94; Veibovsek 2004;
p. 28, no. 20;
11;
On the origin of the

W.
V. Davies 2003d,
Bedford 2004,
p. 34; Valbelle
na 75.
Seventeenth Dynasty (those of
at Elephantine, Isi at Edfti; see Franke 1994, p. 86) may perhaps be

rela^ to such assaults, as may, at least in part, the ruination of Egyptian
monuments described on the "Tempest Stela** of Ahmose I (Byholt 1997,
Heqaib
n. 593;
1894-1908,
fig. 6;
pt. 6, pi.
Redford 2003,
p. 190, n. 28;
Redford 2004,
p. 38.
p. 172, no. 562, pi. 239.
Habachi 1957, pp. 99104,
45. Naville
W. V. Davies in Welsby and Anderson 2004b,
The demise of certain local cults during the
and Reineke 1989,
43. Hintze
44.
fig. 17.
p. 137.
Gabolde 2004, pp. 13134
western shores"; see also T. Schneider 2003a, pp. 100-104; Dixon 1004,
objects, see
pp. 34556).
V. Davies 2003a, pp. 3536,
p. 41, pi. 3; see also
67; Klug 2002,
11.
PP- 33-34-
For the inscriptions, see Reisner 1923, pp. 50531.
W. V. Davies
Liverani 2001, pp. 34-37.
Thutmose IV's
37.
Punt, see Kitchen 2004, which argues for a location "on balance ... in east-
em Africa, well south of Egypt, conveniendy accessible from the Red Sea's
W.
ing his wife and young princes), as recorded in rock inscriptions at Konosso
V. Davies
361, n. 68; see also
latest discussion
W.
of such
Welsby and
p. loi, no. 75.
V. Davies 2001, pp. 53-57;
physical presence in defining the cosmic frontiers and the symbolic function
36. See
Anderson 2004b,
p. loi,
1997, p. 95;
Redford 2004, pp. 44-45, 49-53-
2003c; Baines 2004, pp. 39-41,
2003, pp. 1618; S. T. Smith 2003, pp. 87-94; Welsby 2003, pp. 30-32;
19.
S.
pp. 94-95.
T. Smith 2003, pp. 76-77, 8283; Boimet 2004a; Bonnet 2004b; D. N.
W.
at
2004, pp. 37, 170-^1, n. 61.
na 74.
14. S.
W.
33. S.
I 12, no. 691, 84, 246,
A third
On the archaeological evidence
Beylage 2002, pp. 209-19, 679-83; Klug 2002, pp. 71-78,
Welsby and
pp, 90-106, i09ff., 176-^8,
Smi^ 1976, pp.
28.
T. Smith 2003, p. 80;
V. Davies in
pation in other fortresses, such as the one at A&kut, see S. T. Smith 1995,
S.
H.
p. 94;
4-14. For a photograph of the inscription, see
5, 11.
Anderson 2004b,
27.
29.
T. Smith 2003, pp. 7883, 114; Vogel 2004, p. 167.
Valbelle 2004, p. 94; Vogel 2004, p. 167;
iMiaiden^,^.
Anderson 2004a,
T. Smidi 2003, pp. 56-57,
S.
Kemp
Morkot
1991, pp. 6-7; S. T. Smith 1995;
26. Valbelle 2004, pp. 94-95,
Nubia's eastern deserts, see
3950;
22.
94-99-
T. Smith 2003, pp.
and R.
8, 73, 79.
T. Smith 1995, pp. 22-28;
On the gold mines of Egypt's and
T. Smith 1995,
S.
p. 52).
and
a paper entitled
from Karnak," delivered
On die much-debated nature of Egyptian imperialism and colonial policy

pp. xi-xxii;
Muir 2002; Angelo Castiglioni and Alfredo Castiglioni 2004.
H.
Habachi 1972, pp. 3940; Helck 1975b,
in Nubia, see
2004; Vogel 2004;
D. D. Klemm, R. Klemm, and Murr 2001; D. D. Klemm, R. Klemm, and
S.
III in
Steia
1976, p. 61; Redford 1997, pp. 14-15, no. 69.
1997, pp. 56-57; Polz 1998; Bennett 2002, pp. 146-47; Darnell
Zibelius-Chen 1988, pp. 73-80;
H.
Kamose
conference on the Second Intermediate Period (July 2004),
23. Valbelle 2004, pp.

24.
Zibelius-Chen 1988, pp. 91-114; Morkot 1995, pp- 181-82;
S.
Museum
Helck
1997, p. 45;
to be published in forthcoming conference proceedings.
Bietak 2004a; Marcus Miiller 2004; T. Schneider
6-8; Gardiner 1946, pp. 47-48,
Zibelius-Chen 1988; Torok 1997, pp.
10. S. T.
O'Connor
Nile Reach upstream of Abu
see references in notes
events and campaigns in Nubia are usefully summarized
Zibelius-Chen 2004.
18.
11, i,
The Egyptians
including the area of Kurgus (W. V. Davies 2001,
Two of the stelae are well known;

"Preliminary Report on the Third
2002a, p. 151; Darnell 2002b, pp. 42-43, 115, 118-19.
17.
above).
Ryholt 1997, pp. 182-83; Baines 2004, pp. 38-39).
at least partly located in the
T. Schneider 2004.
1997, p. 17.
16.
Klug
54, n. 14)
9*1 pl- '^"^J
(or lack of it) for contacts between Avaris and Kerma, see
Urhmden 4, p.
15.
85, 609;
W. V Davies 2003d, p.
has recently been identified by C. Van Siclen
2004.
13.
14;
(Cerny 1969, pp. 8889,
lines 12-13
p. 12, no. 6;
That land can be
(= Carnarvon Tablet, line 3); see Gardiner 1916,
Morkot 1987; Zibelius-Chen 1988, pp. 192-97; Save-Soderbergh and

Troy 1991, pp. 1-6. On the Theban/Egyptian expansion in the north, see
II.
Beyla^ 2002, pp.
p. 20;
Smith 1976, pp. 8-9, 206, pis.
1975b, pp. 97-98, no. 20; Baines 1986, pp. 4243;
Schneider 1998,
Bedford 1997,
Kamose
in
12.
S.
reached as far south as the land of Miu, according to the inscription of the
2004a,
9.
H.
T. Smith 1995, pp. 138-39; Valbelle 2004, p. 94.
LVIII, i; S.
pp. 54, 59; S. T. Smith 1995, pp. 179-80; Radford 1997, p. 13, no. 68; Bietak
8.
see
drummer Emhab,
pp. 46,
7.
Allen 1998,
P.
period are listed and discussed in Bennett 2002. See also Polz and Seiler
pp. 99-109; Lacau 1939, pp. 251-p, pis. xxxvii, xxxviii; Habachi 1972,
6.
W. V. Davies 2003b, p. 44, n,
duction. Various alternative chronologies for die Seventeenth Dynasty
2003, pp. 44-47, 6568.
4,
Wiener and J.
2002, p. 45;
and later in die Speos Artemidos inscription of Hatêpsut (see n.
pp. 57-98.
3.
pp. 14447;
2a On the recovery of Wawat,
literature.
Gasse and Rondot 2003, pp. 4143,
fig. 3.
clxv; Redford 1967, pp. 5S-59; Kli^ 2002, p. 75,
p. 190, n. 28;
Redford 2004,
p. 38.
46.
Caminos
47.
The quality of the work is commented upon by Caminos (ibid., pp.
1974, vol. 2, pp. 44-50, pi. 46.

87, 93),
?Aio notes its superiority to the later repaindng carried out under Thutmose
48. S. T.
Smith 1995, pp. 8-ro, 18-24, 166-74; Torok 1997,
p. 96; S. T.
III.
Smith
2003, pp. 85-87, 98-99.
EGYPT AND NUBIA
55
Capyrighled maEnal
These were,
49-
in the
Eighteenth Dynasty,
Tombos, Dokki Gel, Tabo

Dynasty,
Amara
(Caminos 1998,
Sedeinga, Soleb, Sesebi,
Sai,
Kawa, and Gebel Barkal;
(?),
in the
Nineteenth
S. T.
chiefs, see
On the considerable potential
Torok
Torok
p. 34, fig. 15;
W.
Note the
62. S. T.
Kurgus (W. V.
attested at
is
V. Davies 2003c, p. 56,
recent, important discovery
Hierakonpolis, the northernmost
Torok
at
known attestation of the C-Group in Egypt
Pamminger
55.
For Sehe!, Gasse and Rondot 2003,
53,
Reineke 1989,
p. 43, fig. 4; for Shelfak,
Hintze and
Kumma,
Hintze and
pi. 122; for
p. 116, no. 419, pi. 154; for
p. 171, no. 558, pi. 237,
and
609,
pi.
Tombos, Urkunden 4,
Pamminger
most recendy D. N. Edwards 2004, pp. 1034,
Anderson 2004, pp. 30-31,
tifying his
name (only a
if
is
brown
III
(1479 1458
52
{ifA
The
EA
cm
W.
cm
28.5
(11/4 in.),
D. 44.5
cm
activity
Castiglioni and
was part of a chiefdom's
Angelo Castiglioni 2003,
Angelo
Damiano-Appia
initial
was then covered with
eyes and arching brows,
is
layer of red
black.
its
The
tri-
wide-open
typical of the period.
Inebni served as a troop
commander and
overseer of weaponry during the joint reign of

title
named
made
Inebni,
to allow
festivals
was probably
its
owner
a temple sculpture
to benefit
and receive offerings
the afterlife.
The block
from temple
in perpetuity in
statue, a
form
that dates
from the Middle Kingdom, represents

ting
man enveloped
in a cloak.
veys humility, making
it
a squat-
The pose con-
appropriate for a
III.
He also had
the
King's Son, which has led to the suggestion
that he served as viceroy of Kush, but this can-
not be verified.'
He
certainly
campaigned
Nubia, however, for his inscription
in
states that
he "followed his lord" on expeditions into the

foreign lands both south and north of Egypt.
The
statue
was dedicated

appear in the
first
to Inebni
III,
and second
by both
whose names
lines
of the
temple setting, and the shape offers large sur-
inscription. In the text, Hatshepsut 's royal epi-
faces for inscription.
thets are given feminine gender, "the
Inebni's statue
is
striking for
which draws attention
to
elements: the inscription,

the head,
on which
painted black.
its
its
use of color,
two most important
filled in
with blue, and
the hair, eyes, and
The
brows are
treatment of the eyes
is
Goddess, Lady of the
and Thutmose
is
Two
Good
Lands, Maatkare,"
called "her brother, the
Good
God, Lord of Action, Menkheperre." As one
would expect,
at
p. ro8.
Welsby and Anderson
Welsby and Anderson 2004b,
official brief is
Korosko road
now confirmed
in the eastern desert
p. 48, pis. i, 2).
some
later time the
Other inscriptions
famous "chief of Mi'âm (Aniba),
and Vercoutter 1995, pp. 26, 118 19;
1999, pp. 51317,
Museum, London
statue, dedicated to a military officer
Castiglioni,
fig. i,
Angelo Castiglioni 2003, pp. 5051,
inscription
113
This block
Edwards 2004,
who served under Huy, Tutankhamun's viceroy (Alfredo
Heqanefer,"
in.)
V. Davies in
similarly record the presence there of the
p. 1375,
angular shape of the face, with
(20/2 in.),
W.
^- Davies in
inscriptions discovered along the
rather than the usual black. This effect
paint that
T. Smith 1995, pp. 152-53;
that record the presence there of the "chief of Tehkhet, Paitsi" (Alfredo
was achieved by applying an
B.C.)
Painted limestone
H.
by rock
correct in iden-
Semna
S.
no. 77.
Castiglioni,
Caminos
no. 22;
Smith 1976, pp. 2089;
particularly noteworthy because they appear as
Thutmose
S.
That such
68.
1992, p. 100; and see
small vestige remains) in the year 2
Block Statue of Inebni
26.
H.
p. 104,
fig. 4.11.
Or perhaps (somewhat improbably) re-appointed,
56.
p. 105.
On issues
Egypt, see
3i6E'.
1997, p. 100; S. T. Smith 2003, pp. 8586, 173; D. N.
66.
240; for Dal, Hintze and
264; for
no. 416, Save-Soderbergh 1941, pp. 207-9,
T. Smith 2003, p. 85.
Save-Soderbergh and Troy 1991, pp. 182-90.
Tangur, Hintze and Reineke 1989,
p. 173, no. 564, pi.
Reineke 1989, pp. 182-83,
S.
65.
Dziobek 1993; Bacs 2002, pp. 57-58.
Reineke 1989, pp. 9091, nos. 365, 366,
176-78;
in relation to foreigners within
Save-Soderbergh i960.
67.
1992; el-Sabbahy 1992;
p. 188;
T. Smith 2003, pp. 84-86;
2004b, pp. 104-5, "O- 78-
56 58.
Bacs 2002, pp.
54.
I48ff., 173,
S-
64.
(R. F. Friedman 2001, 2004a, and 2004b; see also T. Schneider 2003a, p. 180).
53.
5859; Dietrich
pis.
Welsby and Anderson 2004b,
in
Save-Soderbergh and Troy 1991, pp. 190-207;
63.
in the
of a Nubian C-Group cemetery
Smith 1995, pp.
T. Schneider 2003a, pp.
The viceroy's
fig. 4).
Nubian population, possibly long settled,
Krauspe 1997a, pp. 81-83,
Smith 1995, pp. 1824, 175-88; Torok
Morkot 2000, pp. 81-83;
of ethnicity and acculturation
between Hierakonpolis and Aswan may be regarded
as indicative of a significant
region.
1997, pp. 97-101;
III if not
in
1991, pp. 298-99; Save-Soderbergh 1991,
Redford 2004, pp. 4445; W. V. Davies
from the nome of Nekhen (the third
Upper Egyptian nome) southward. Nehi's name
jurisdiction over the area
the
1998, pp. 62, 64, pis. 30-
confirming that as early as the sole reign of Thutmose
Davies 2003a,
p. 33;
Morkot
pp. 128-29.
O 'Connor 1993, pp. 61-65;
Smith 1995, pp. 18083.
Caminos
see
before, the viceroy's authority extended
Morkot 1987,
p. 95.
p. 6; S. T.
Semna inscription of the viceroy Nehi,
Renate Krauspe
6667; Krauspe 1997b, pp. 64-67, nos. 11718,
Wildung in Wildung 1997b,

61.
el-Sabbahy 1992;
Smith 1995, pp. 166-67.
1951, p. 79; S. T.
60. Schulz 1992, pp. 357-58, pi. 92c;

pis.
p. 6;
38, 171, n. 8.
Dziobek 1993; Bacs 2002, pp. 5758.
1992;
Moss
Porter and
59.
by such
1997, pp. 95-96; Bacs 2002; Gasse and Rondot 2003;
Save-Soderbergh and Troy 1991,
31, col. 12,
D. N. Edwards 2004,
for resistance offered
Pamminger
58.
25ofF.;
Redford 2004, pp. 40-43; Valbelle 2004,

52.
170, 195;
Redford 2004, pp.
1997, pp. 1023.
Habachi 1980; Bryan 1991, pp.

pp. 6-7;
Bryan 1991, pp. 6-9; Save-Soderbergh and Troy 1991,
57.
Smith 2003, pp. 60-61, 8687, 9496,
pp. 105, III.
51.
pp. 4344, n. 2, pis. 23, 25, col. 2; Bacs 2002, pp. 5758,
n. 30).
West.
Morkot 1987, pp. 40, 42; Morkot 1991, pp. 295, 299; O'Connor 1993, p. 65;
S. T. Smith 1995, pp. 9-10; Torok 1997, p. 103; Morkot 2000, pp. 135-36;
50.
cartouche
of Hatshepsut was erased by the agents of
no.
fig. 2;
i;
Alfredo Castiglioni and
D. N. Edwards 2004, p. 108).
Thutmose
were
left.'
III;
however, the feminine epithets
The fact that the
unharmed suggests
27.
Block Statue of Ruiu
had done noth-
ing to incur the wrath of Thutmose, unlike
Thutmose
some of Hatshepsut's
Limestone
officials,
whose monu-
H. 47.8
ments were destroyed.'
CHR
III
cm
See "Egypt and Nubia" by W. Vivian Davies in
(18V& in.),
the
name of the god Amun,
third line of the text,
Amarna
3. It is
in the
was not erased during the
was not of sufficient
rank to prompt such destruction, or that he had no
and
W. 30 cm (11%
in.),
D. 39
cm
I
Museum der Universitat Leipzig 6020
who were perceived as a
expedition, 1912
threat to the king
lived at Mi'âm
istrative center
(modern Aniba), the admin-
of Lower Nubia (known to the
pl- 59-
Aniba,
Thebes, according to Athanasi
no. 26),
Ruiu chose
form of
a block statue, but in this
feet project
Porter and
Moss
1964, p. 788 (with
in
Russmann et al.
to
be represented
Tomb
S66; Ernst von Sieglin
it
his
SteindorfF 1935-37, vol. 2, pp. 70,
189, pl. xxxvil, c, d; Porter

in
and Moss
1951, p. 79;
Agyptens Aufstieg 1987, pp. 2089,
no. 131; Schulz 1992, pp. 357-58, 575, no. 205, pl. 92c;
Renate Krauspe
(cat.
in the
example
in
Krauspe 1997a, pp. 81-83,
Krauspe 1997b, pp. 6466,
pl. 58
no. 66;
Jean Leclant in Wildung 1997b, pp. 12829, "o- i^9)
and
frontis.
beneath the edge of the cloak.
Although the proportions of Ruiu's
bibliography); Schulz 1992, pp. 379-80, no. 219,
Edna R. Russmann
Bibliography:
Renate Krauspe
Egyptians as Wawat), and he served as deputy
1836, p. 247; formerly Salt collection; acquired in 1835
pp. 12122, no. 45
1997b, pp. 6667,
Provenance:
He
Like his Egyptian contemporary Inebni
Provenance: From
98c, d;
For multiple views of the seated statue, see Krauspe
who had become Egyptianized over generations
his heirs.
Bibliography:
Ruiu was one of the large number of Nubians
to the Egyptian viceroy, or King's Son.
pi.
Steindorff's excavations at
Aniba.
of close contact with their Egyptian overlords.
period.
also possible that Inebni
children
B.C.)
this
volume.
2. Interestingly,
(1479 1458
tomb during Georg
(15'/! in.)
Agyptisches
1.
This statue and another depicting Ruiu in

the standard seated pose' were found in his
statue itself survives
that Inebni
statue give
a provincial aspect, the shape of the face, the
2001,
wide-open eyes, and the arching brows compare well with other sculpture dating from the
time of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
III.
EGYPT AND NUBIA
57
CoiWfjghioOniflBrjl
28
Amenemhat
28.
south of Mi'âm.
He was
and
a scribe
is
here
given the epithet "Valiant Agent of the King."

From
other
Thutmose
know
that
III,
(1479-1473
period of Hatshepsut 's regency
B.C.)
after
Diorite
H. 37
The
cm
W.
23
cm
(9/g in.)
Amenemhat
"God's Wife,"
Neferure
after
that the statue

still
title
of king.'
she ceded to her daughter
becoming
is
Egyptian, was a
son of the prince of Teh-khet," an area
SETTING THE SCENE
just
Amenemhat,
was
king. This suggests
was made while Hatshepsut was
regent for her nephew, and that "King"
refers here to the child
58
titles
Unlike the block statue of Ruiu
which
is
(cat. no. 27),
distinctly provincial in style, this piece
looks entirely
seated pose,
Egyptian.
first
the end of the
The asymmetrical
used by Egyptian sculptors at
Old Kingdom,
is
not
use in this context suggests that
an Egyptian sculptor
it
common;
its
was made by
who was
resident in
Museum of
10980
Amenemhat, whose name
we
in this inscription she is referred to as
Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia
no. 29),
served into the time
Hatshepsut had taken on the
However,
(14/8 in.),
monuments (such as cat.
Thutmose III.
Nubia. This
is
was excavated
Egyptian
quite possible, since the statue

at
fortress,
Buhen, the
site
of a large
which probably included a
number of artists among its Egyptian
residents.
contemporary Ruiu,
Judging from the inscription, which has a
Nubian who served the Egyptian king.
dedication to Horus, Lord of Buhen, this image
like his
of Amenemhat probably was placed in that god's

temple.
was discovered with two other
It
fig. 20)'
city.
The
8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
findplace has led to a suggestion that
(1479-1473
removed from the temple dur-
monuments
ing the destruction of Hatshepsut's
by Thutmose
III.''
The
statues of
Amenemhat
image of the god Horus, Lord of Buhen,
probably appeared
Early
outside the fortifications of the inner
the statues were
An
of Amenemhat
Stela
29.
stat-
ues (one inscribed for the same Amenemhat; see
III,
short
period of Hatshepsut's regency
B.C.)
at the far left.
Amenemhat wears
Over
his
a long, translu-
Although the man's figure has been carved with
Limestone
assurance, the proportions are
H.
63.5
cm
(25 in.),
D.
16.5
cm
(6
The
kilt
cent, fringed skirt that reveals his legs beneath.
W. 66 cm
(26
in.),
the limbs
awkward, with
becoming absurdly narrow where
'A in.)
they are carved entirely in sunk
relief.
Museum of
are in perfect condition, however, and the fem-
Sometime
in the reign
of Amenhotep
son
II,
Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia

inine royal epithets of Hatsheput have not
been defaced.
It is
monuments from damage
Thutmose 's
and successor of Thutmose
at the
hands of
stela
CHR
of Buhen. In
its
(cat. no. 28), this stela
to
For more information on
this family, see
and Nubia" by W. Vivian Davies

2.
in this
"Egypt
choice cuts of meat,
volume.
as the
describes
Agent
for the
offers a
and fowl,
good and pure

all
than as a personal attack on

his
favor, love,
wisdom
that precede his
in all
name
him
in
Wawat"; see H. O. Lange
and Schafer 1908, pp. 403-5; Save-Soderbergh

and Troy 1991, pp. 194-96, no. B4.
3.
WooUey i9ii,p. no, pi.

now no. 92 in the National
Randall-Maclver and
left.
This statue
is
37,
life,
as "the
Ranke
5. It is
who does what
rate
of heart and without
steadfast of heart,
who
listens to
what
libel,
were removed
sut before she
for a reason entirely unrelated to
On
the
Amenemhat
became
1.
who
expedition, 190910
is
Bibliography: Randall-Maclver
1910, pp. 2728;
Randall-Maclver and Woolley i9ii,pp. 108 9,
Ranke 1940; Porter and Moss

pp. 450, 679;
pp. 19394, no. B2;
Donald
1997, pp. 134-35, no. 39;
N.
Thomas
1951;
pi. 36;
Vandier 1958,

B.
Redford
in
Gerry D. Scott
Silverman
III in
1995, p. 181, no. 82
29
Randall-Maclver and Woolley 1911,
p. 112, pi. 34;
Save-Soderbergh and Troy 1991, pp. 19394,
Randall-Maclver and Woolley 1911,
p. 112;
Ranke
much
Agent of the King's
king.'
remaining surface of the

is
his
no. B3.
is
stela,
depicted at the right, presenting
burnt offerings of birds and pouring a libation.
Provenance: Buhen; Coxe
since
accu-
Daughter," a phrase that must refer to Hatshep-
1940.
Hatshepsut.
Amenemhat,
were not erased and
1940, p. 29.
satisfies the officials,
esting for us, "the Vigilant
also possible that the statues
from the temple
is
said,
epithets
largely preserved.
CHR
one
admired among the subjects," and, most inter-
Museum, Khartoum.
4.
who
is
things,
work." The epithets
describe
name and
figure
2.
and "Valiant Agent
and
the gods
of Nubia." In return he asks for "good
Lady of the Two Lands,"
Amenemhat's
cut into a roughly circular shape
This was probably done for expediency rather
Amenemhat
"True Royal Acquaintance of His Lord,"
"Vigilant
cattle
and everything fresh "to the ka of
A large sandstone stela, now in the Egyptian

Museum, Cairo (CG 20775),
all
Horus, Lord
Amenemhat
inscription
thousand portions of incense,

1.
was
reused as a column base in a private house.*

Like the preceding statue
was dedicated by Amenemhat
agents.'
III,
10982
Amenem-
Hatshepsut's cartouche helped save

hat's
possible that the absence of
Provenance: Buhen; Coxe
expedition, 1909-10
Bibliography: Randall-Maclver and Woolley

1911, p. 112, pi. 34 (bottom)
EGYPT AND THE NEAR EAST

Evidence of Contact in the Material Record
Christine Lilyquist
had a long and extensive relationship with
Egypt
Eastern
New Kingdom,
with the Eighteenth Dynasty about 1550

reached a
The
its
Egypt from the Nile Delta southward
Near
from about 1650 to 1550
neighbors that was evident even in Predynastic
times, before 3000 B.C. In the
the south also gave
beginning
B.C., this relationship
its
new level.
B.C.
to
Cusae
in
Middle Egypt
Borders and domination of areas to
way; a Kushite kingdom
in the
Sudan extended
authority northward to Elephantine, thus depriving Egypt
of its traditional influence in Nubia (see "Egypt and Nubia" by
on interchange
increase in contact built
that
in the late
Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period
(1800 1550
B.C.),
when
central authority
decHned
W. Vivian Davis
had occurred
in
Ahmose
Egypt and
(r.
in this
1550 1525
volume). Eventually, the Theban leader

B.C.)
both chased the Hyksos from their
Delta capital Avaris (Tell el-Daba) and regained control of
Ahmose
also
Sharuhen, near Gaza, perhaps the
last
her borders were no longer maintained. That breakdown allowed
Nubia, thereby reestablishing united rule in Egypt.
peoples speaking primarily West Semitic languages from the
marched north
Eastern Desert, the Sinai, and areas north of it (see map,
stronghold of the Hyksos. His successor two reigns later
move
into
Egypt
them were
in far greater
numbers than heretofore.
"rulers of foreign lands" (Hyksos)
3nE
J5E
TT
fig.
who
21) to
Among
to capture
Hatshepsut's father, Thutmose
went north into Syria and set
an inscription within Naharin (Mitanni).
controlled
4E
45'E
TES
.^'^'^
Mitt AN
Cyprus
Mediterranean Sea
Megiddo,
Gaza
I
Tell el-Daba,
Shanilien'*^*
(Avaris)
MEMPHIS.
Lahun. *Lisht
SINAI
ARABIAN
peninsula
Egypt
"S-
R.J
Sea
.THEBES
,
I
"
2<>iHuii
Fig. 21
eariy
Map of Egypt and
New Kingdom
the
Near
East,
Hatshepsut did not undertake campaigns to the northeast
when
she came to power, although she complained in an inscription that

she needed to rebuild temples in Middle Egypt because Hyksos
rulers
had not followed Re and had allowed wanderers
"what had been made."'
Megiddo about
nephew Thutmose
queen's death, her
III
this
to
of his fifty-four-year reign he dominated Palestine and
coastal Syria, penetrating

Syria.
new threat
He marched north-
with a newly professional and equipped army, and
in year 23
for the rest
the time of the
perceived a
Egypt, as well as a chance for glory and reward.
ward
to destroy
When the ruler of Qadesh in northwestern
Syria convened Levantine leaders at
even the Mitannian territory of central
Winning control of Nubia and
the
Sudan
at the
same time,
vigorous pharaoh created the Egyptian empire.^
As
the result
New Kingdom
of Egypt's
expansion into west-
ern Asia, large quantities of goods and people began to flow

into the country through booty, taxes,
and "benevolences," a
donor's expected fulfillment of obligation

to temple inscriptions, for example, the
the following:
(fig. 22).
According
Megiddo campaign yielded
'
340 prisoners of war;

more than 43 maryannu
2,5oo people, including 3
chiefs,
Asiatic warriors) , various
women and 8y children, and i,yg6male
(elite
andfemale servants servicing their children;

gems and gold;
much raw silver;
a statue ofsilver and another with head ofgold;
a statue ofebony and gold,
much
its
head of lapis;
clothing;
a large mixing cauldron ofHurrian workmanship;
and great cauldrons;
various drinking vessels
ivory
and wood chairs and footstools;
a wood and gold bed
in the form
of a krkr
Fig. 22. Syrians bringing gifts. Wall painting

.
worked in gold
Thebes, mid-i8th Dynasty. The

his right hand.
The
man at
from the tomb of Sebekhotep,
the top right holds a tusk container in
Museum, London (EA 37991)
all over;
924
chariots, including
202
bron:ê suits
two wrought in gold;
of its stone structures, and the sheer sweep of time that the
ofmail;
tion endured
may prejudice our judgment. We know
that
civiliza-
Egyptian
502 bows;
officials
of the
New Kingdom
were sent
to the Levant.'
For
J poles of mry-wood and silver, for tents;

instance, a fragmentary statue of the "Royal Scribe,
staves with
human
Overseer of
heads;
Northern Foreign Lands, Djehuti," with an inscription invoking

2,041 mares, 19 1 foals,
and 6 stallions;
Hathor, Lady of Byblos, was purchased in Beirut." But
it
does not
1,929 cattle;
follow that everything of Egyptian style found in the Near East

2,
000 goats;
was made
in Egypt.' In fact,
even scholars of the very
earliest,
20, 5oo sheep
Predynastic Period of contact between Egypt and the eastern
How did
the presence of such goods and people affect Egypt.''
And, conversely, did Egyptian goods and culture penetrate the
east-
ern Mediterranean, Cyprus, and inland Syria.' Answering these

questions
is
not easy, partly because information from texts and
material culture
is
not only incomplete but often contradictory.^
Further, the authoritative voice of Egypt's texts, the monumentality
Mediterranean disagree on the characterization and meaning of

"Egyptian" material found north of the
As
Sinai.'
for the question of western Asiatic influence
of Egypt during the
on
the culture
New Kingdom, much work needs to be done
from the material record.' Currently, scholars are scrutinizing the
Hyksos period
to determine the true nature of relations
between
6l
number of
Egyptians on the one hand and Semites and Hurrians on the other.'"
other king. However, a
Likewise, they are beginning to assess the interchange of Egyptian,
leather quivers, decorated arms, stone
New Kingdom," and the
Nubian, and Kushite cultures in the early

role of
Aegean peoples
in the
Aegean" by Manfred Bietak

and
same period
(see
in this volume). But, although textual
pictorial material reveal
Near Eastern contributions
New
still
Thutmose
III
To be
Maiherperi to that era: pottery to the

the reign of Amenhotep
Amenhotep
who became mer-
brought back thousands of people
come
to light,
reflect
And among
do not some
that
many
small objects
we have assumed
to be
Near Eastern workmanship and inspiration.'
sure, there are difficulties
from noninscribed
and builders,'' where
the
when
by which
a true import
trying to parse answers
archaeologists can assess the
and a locally made version
challenge;'' determining the date
because the
life
Near
East,
due
of a type
span of a style or form
object's manufacture
may not at all be
to the vagaries
is
is
a formidable
problematic, pardy
variable;"* the date
is
the date of
its
CG
earring
Eighteenth Dynasty form.
Were
24066
of Thutmose
clearer."'
III
or
to the reign
of
of a mid- to
also
is
a greater
of an
deposition; the
of climate and population change,
titles
and
grew up with
rior,
his
the dating of Maiherperi's
tomb
that information, the
late in
tomb show that he was
Thutmose
favored.
Ill's
The young
He
probably
the king's children and, as a hunter and likely a war-
could have accompanied the king in the
campaigns.
late
Several of Maiherperi's royal gifts are Asiatic in style, if not in
workmanship;
tory,
they have a closer
is,
affinity,
over a longer his-
with Near Eastern objects and technology than they do with
Egyptian ones.
the
that
more
itself is
Of two pink leather quivers with embossed patterns,
elaborate example
is
illustrated in figure 25 (the quiver
an Asiatic form).'' The papyrus and sedge chain depicted on
has some relation to motifs on items in Egypt of the late Hyksos
often lacks relevant comparative material; and the equipment and
it
expertise of those undertaking technological studies are not imiform.
period and early Eighteenth Dynasty," although this form
Nevertheless, the time has
come
to look
more
Asiatic contributions to the cultural record of
Kingdom. In
wish to
this essay,
call attention to
closely for specific
Egypt
in the
New
drawing on many years of observation,
three groups of small objects that provide
evidence about Egypt's contact with her northeastern neighbors.
fancier.
The band of spirals, here
a series of individual units
is
one
next to the other, occurs throughout the eastern Mediterranean at

this time.
But the two palmettes
with pendant buds
composed
are a motif
on a headdress believed
to
new
of fronds and a sedge
to Egypt.
The
fronds occur
come from the tomb of Thutmose
Ill's
common on Mitannian
seals
foreign wives,'* and the entire motif is
contemporary with the Thutmoside period (see below).
Maiherperi's Quivers and Flask
Most telling is the

Maiherperi was a Child of the Nursery and royal Fanbearer on the
King's Right" (see
of
late
number of luxury items
Without
best solution seems to be to place the
man's
11,^'
coffins to the late reign
tomb preserved,
Ill's
tomb would no doubt be
completeness of a tomb's assemblage are lacking differentiating
between
The
II.'''
late reign
Book of the Dead
the
II;*'
and the various
II;''
from Thutmose
glass vessels, the Osiris
tomb of Amenhotep
reign, just prior to the proscription of Hatshepsut.
material. Skeletal remains resist apportionment to
ethnic groups;''' standards
and
have dated other significant belongings of
specialists
questions to be asked of the material record. If
are they in the cemeteries.'
"Egyptian"
and
Maiherperi's possessions
are similar to objects found in the
Amenhotep
cenaries, domestics, quarry workers, artisans,
that have
in lan-
Kingdom,"
guage, music, warfare, and religion during the

there are
"Egypt and the
bed
"The Tomb of Maiherperi in the Valley of the
on the quiver and

buds
its
that alternate
large "volute tree" that appears in three places
cap.
It is
made up of two sedges -with pendant
with two heart-shaped volutes to form a multi-
Kings" by Catharine H. Roehrig below). Genetically he belonged
branched
with the sub-Saharan populations rather than the Nilotic Egyptian
simple volute with pointed inner petals occurred in Egjrpt during the
and Nubian ones, and he died in
his mid-twenties.''
He was given
a rich burial in the Valley of the Kings, a necropolis normally
reserved for royalty; his gold sandals and Osiris bed were royal
prerogatives."' In essence, Maiherperi's
tomb
illustrates the per-
date of Maiherperi's
Hyksos period and the

sion of the volute tree
(cat. no. 25),'
it is
early
stalks spring
was depicted about
in the
Near East
iconographical history (the tree
is
tomb has been widely discussed. His
for the motifs
tomb carrying
the
name of Hatshepsut."
Roehrig argues that Maiherperi's burial must have taken place

III
began destroying
his aunt's
monuments
about year 42, and she also observes that the tomb's location connects Maiherperi to
62
Thutmose
SETTING THE SCENE
III
more
have a long
Maiherperi's palmettes and volute trees, Mitannian seals and wall

paintings at Nuzi, Alalakh, and elsewhere
Thutmose
While
the time of Amenhotep II
that tree motifs
CG 24003) favor an early date; recendy Roehrig has called attention to a sheet in the
top.
often referred to as "sacred").
canopic jars and at least one coffin (Egyptian Museum, Cairo,
before
from the
E^teenth Dynasty,"* and a crude ver-
Even though exact parallels have not been found in the Near East for
meability of Egypt's culture to outsiders.
The
papyrus
tree; three
plausibly than to any
of Tutankhamun over a century
were very elaborate,
in
later,
depictions of the volute tree
made in either western Asia
or Egypt, but, except for the papyri,
The
inspiration
Egypt as well as Syria.''
Maiherperi's quiver may have been
Asiatic.
show that the
on his quiver came from the east (fig. 13).'' By the time
its
basic iconography
is
design's formality and the papyrus motif speak for
many
Egypt," while the tree 's

late rather
volutes and branches speak for a
than an earlier date.
Another object of Maiherperi's, a

tern,
is
compared
to a bottle
parallel
now known from
is
Although found there

bottle
family
glass flask with trailed pat-
probably an actual import. This vessel was previously
was with
from Middle Assyrian
(r.
1400-1336
B.C.).''
it
IV,
The Brak
almost forty years later than Thutmose
hand,
of about 1300
B.C., this
of Tushratta and his older brother, whose
members were wives of Thutmose
Akhenaten
but a closer
the Mitannian period at Tell Brak."
in a destruction layer
tablets
Assur,'*'
Ill's
Amenhotep
III,
and
and
also at
as
shown
Nuzi" and the Mitannian-
advanced
like Maiherperi's flask, quite
Thutmose
Thutmose
in
CG
24068 bis E),
comparison with
late in the reign
of
III (see cat. no. 33)." It is clear that vitreous vessels
were making
way
their
III.
to
in shape, pattern,
Egypt from the Near East
at the
time of
button-base goblet believed to come from the
tomb of his foreign wives
early in the king's reign (cat. no. 32)
and ware similar
more, the isotopic
ratio
to items
of its lead
falls
found
at
is
Nuzi; further-
within the range of Near
Eastern samples of ore rather than Egyptian
ones."*"
By what means and in what year Maiherperi's glass flask reached

Egypt
is
not known.
of a campaign
or
it
It
could have been obtained in the course
not necessarily
Of
burials)*'' are
at the place
of manufacture
could have arrived in some other manner.*'
instance
is
where Egyptian contact with Near Eastern
manifest
is
wood
game
all
board,'''^
an oryx-shaped pottery
(cat. nos. i6oa, b),
combs, a massive cast mirror, and
in slightly later
scoop
woven
saddle,
latest burial
at
in graves of middle -class inhabitants
life
are
new
in
tombs (those of Senenmut's
family)'" are a lute, a tambourine, the
The
an
lid,'"
vessel,"" a
handled metal ves-
but the mirror are of Levantine or Cypriot type.
Noteworthy
colored
a compass-
kohl container with a hinged
a glass pin,"" rectangular
Egypt, and
body of a horse with
and arrows and
group (tomb
wood
a multi-
javelins.
contained horns with a
729)''
one end and a decorated plug
incised legs,'' a lyre, a
at the other, a stool
with
pyxis with a compass-drawn design,
metal juglets, quantities of ointment in various containers, and,

also,
weapons.
Who were the people buried in these tombs.'' The earliest group
of burials contained virtually no canopic
few
inscriptions.
At
the
jars or shawabties,
same time, some
objects found in
and
them
have associations with Kerma and Nubian culture: pottery, coffins
and a mask ofrisAi type, a heart scarab with a face, and a shebiu collar (cat. no. 3).
unlikely, in
Donald Redford
view of the heavy
stated
influx
some years
large admixture of Nubian blood.""
ago, "It
Could some of the individuals
group have been people from the
kingdom of Kerma now thought
Eighteenth Dynasty,"
to the south
it is
not
Dynasty could boast of a
south.'
Nubian and Kushite objects become part of Egyptian

the
is
of Nubians into Upper Egypt,
that the [royal] family of the Seventeenth
With
The second
painted pottery jug and jar
in this first burial
Possessions in Theban Burials
material culture
compass-drawn design
cow horn equipped with a spoon and
plug,''''
incised ivory
III.
tombs (Ambrose Lansing's Asasif
a lyre, an ivory pyxis with a
(cat. no. 144),'"
decorated
from the end of the
of Thutmose
late in the reign
interest in the earliest
impressive weapons. All of these objects of daily
chrome "eye" bead (Egyptian Museum, Cairo,

is,
Seventeenth Dynasty to
sels,''*
dominated Alalakh.'* Another glass object of Maiherperi's, a poly-
products of Egypt's glass industry dating
to present research, these span
bottle could thus be
cated glass vessels in fifteenth-century levels at Brak

et al.
at
year 42; on the other
could be an heirloom, as there were certainly sophisti-
by David Oates
Thebes by The Metropolitan Museum of Art.
excavated
According
Or had
culture?'''
to have lasted into the
time to look for contributions that people
might have made to early
New Kingdom Egypt.
Indeed, there
is
much we do
not
women from
Three
in Egypt.
know about population groups
the Levant were taken into the
tron activation analysis or petrography
Janine Bourriau believes that the
is
comparatively large.
ware of some
silt
vessels
is
Nile
harem of Thutmose III;'* their ethnic identity would not have been
clay and that the pink ware of others is Marl A2 in the Vienna system
learned had their West Semitic names not been written on their
of Egyptian pottery
fiinerary goods.
However, immigrants often took Egjfptian names,
or their names were not recorded at
all,
leaving us only their bod-
ies,
possessions, and possibly grave types to
are
we
make, for instance, of the
to
their story.
tell
women
What
with braided hair
Particularly intriguing in the
Near Eastern
that reflect
Theban burials are the small objects
culture.
Where
did they originate and
that polished red

earli-
and that there are no exact parallels for the vases outside
est times,
Egypt." She considers the vessels wholly Egyptian and focuses on

manufacture as a means of grouping them.''
To
buried quite simply in the tomb of Senenmut's parents.''"
She points out
and anthropomorphic vessels existed in Egypt from
-wares
silt
classification.
the present author, however, both the wares and the per-
sonal character of the best of these vessels are unusual
among
Egyptian products. Clay was not a medium often used by Egyptian
how did they come to be deposited in graves of Upper Egypti' Were
sculptors,
they booty from the sack of Avaris, imports from informal trade, or
burnished ware, seems similarly unusual." That the vases were
items made by Asiatics living in Egypt.'' Hatshepsut might

the
Hyksos
by
chieftains
for neglecting temples
Near Eastern
and Thutmose
III feel
rail
against
threatened
of the Levant, but an integration of Egyptian and

cultures
was taking place in Egypt on
the ground.
and a
fine canopic jar
frequently found in Egypt in association with imported pottery
noteworthy, as
is
the visual similarity of the
is
examples to Red
silt
Lustrous wheel-made pottery, a contemporary ware with very

specific shapes that is
Also notable
is
thought to originate in northern
the fact that in the
vases of kneeling
Sculptured Pottery Vessels
head of Senenmut, made of red-
first
millennium
Cjrprus.''''
B.C., figure
women with children and horned animals were
very popular in the eastern Mediterranean."
The most
Figurative pottery vases are a third area where Near Eastern ele-
ments
These vessels are
in Egypt's material culture are evident.
interesting characteristic of these
sculptural pottery vessels, however,
ments in
Amenhotep
south of Egypt, such as a pink clay vessel
Ill's,
although one example
Intermediate Period.'* Their most
is
common
woman in a shawl who usually holds
seated
(cat. nos.
161-165);" a standing
or an animal
as late as the
Third
women:
subjects are
their subject matter.
depicts a standing
Nubian woman with
shawl and dress are of Asiatic type, and horn-shaped receptacles
woman with elab-
a kneeling
flat
on her thighs;* a
But there are other types: a standing
fat
woman
of this sort apparently originated in the Levant. Further, the

figures of
women
with a child or a horn most often have an
unusual hairstyle, with the hair pulled to the back except for a lock
(dwarf or
falling
forward on each side of the neck.
while on other
Brutmer-Traut
vases crescent and disk are combined."
at the
fnut.''
spout
a head of the dwarf god
171-174); a flask, with or without a
(cat. no. 158);''
human
a ring-shaped vessel;** and perhaps
For some years the vessels shaped as seated
women have been
considered receptacles for mother's milk, to be used as medicine

(especially
when the women wear a shawl and hold one breast);** all
other types have generally been considered
believed that the hairstyle and crescent identified the

resented as mothers or nurses
monthly
cycles.'*
whose
However, hair
tied
The vessels are either of a silt clay with a burnished red surface
back and long frontal locks
occur on a nude female figure that forms the handle of a mirror
where there
is
no feature suggesting a mother or a nurse."
Many
are well
hairstyle in 1920,* and, in fact, Asiatic
the
Thutmoside and
later periods
women are represented in
with curl(s)
Even more
down the back and
made, although some are summary. Those representing lineeling
locks falling forward.'"
women with
and crescent pendants, which have a long history
flowing hair,
who
often of silt ware; those that

styles,
appear to be of a lower
class, are
show women with more formal
hair-
who appear to be more elite, are often of marl clay and con-
tinue to a later date.
with some authors favoring foreign manufacture.'" Unfortunately,

the size of sample needed for investigating clay provenance
SETTING THE SCENE
East.*' In
by neu-
tomb decorations they
specifically Asiatic are the disk
are depicted
back from the campaigns of Thutmose

nel,*'
The provenance of these unusual vessels has long been discussed,
64
women rep-
were governed by
lives
Georges Benedite raised the question of a foreign origin for the
oil containers.''
or of a light pink desert (marl) clay, also polished.
such figure has a
Emma
necklace of disks framing a crescent
male (dwarf or Nubian) carrying a
vessel;''
One
(fig. 24),''
NiJDian) wearing jewelry, in one case holding a wine service;"^ a nude
head
Many more,
however, have features that refer to the Near East. The fringed
(cat. nos. 166, 167, 169);
(cat. nos.
a basket.
a child and/or a horn
standing woman similarly attired, carrying a bird or basket.'"
fauna
now in the Louvre that
woman who holds a lute, vessels,
orate hairstyle and jewelry, her hands held
Bes;'""
New Kingdom
the presence of foreign ele-
is
Some show a coimection with areas
generally dated to the era extending from Hatshepsut 's reign to
and on
on
III to
visiting Levantine chiefs.**
As
in the
Near
Asiatics brought
be temple personfor the
more
elite
women represented who do not hold children, they have elaborate

hairstyles
and unusual markings on the body (jewelry.^
Although we may recognize these females
dress.'').
as "Egyptian," their
created
by immigrants
in
Egypt responding
with Egyptians. Less likely to the author

vases were
made by Egyptian
potters
is
to their interaction
the possibility that the
who were
stimulated
goods and practices they observed entering Egypt
The Mitannian
Eighteenth Dynasty.
above
in
seals
by
the
in the early
and wall paintings
cited
connection with Maiherperi's quiver contain ankh signs
and "Hathor" heads,

have originated
as well as bucrania (bulls' heads) that
must
Aegean; the presence of these motifs
in the
Mitannian art does show that
artists
in
could be inspired by foreign
goods that reached them.
The
sculptured vases of Egypt deserve further study. Zero
radiography could be helpful
determining provenance,''' as
in
could residue analyses. More importantly, the purposes of these

vessels
and
need new scrutiny. Other authors
their subject matter
have suggested that the contents had healing or rejuvenating powers." This author sees
many
foreign elements in the vessels, and
these could reveal information about their contents, their makers,
and the way foreigners were perceived
in Egypt.'''
All of the objects surveyed above date to the beginning of Egypt's
period of empire and demonstrate an intermingling of western

Asiatic and Egyptian cultures. Goods, motifs, and materials
were
imported into Egypt; Egypt undoubtedly sent objects and cultural

Fig. 24. Figure vase representing a
woman,
early
New Kingdom.
information abroad
She wears a Near Eastern fringed shawl, a cord necklace with

crescent pendant, and rows of beads with disk pendants; her hair
changed through contact with the
is
pulled back, with a large braid falling forward on each side of the
neck. Egyptian
same time. The culture of each area
at the
other's.
Anthony Leahy and John Baines have
Museum, Cairo (JdE 28554)
recently stressed the
importance of ethnic contributions to Egypt's health and long-
term
attributes
do not comply with
intentionally
The
shown
the Egyptian canon.*'
They
are
sculptured vessels have additional Near Eastern associa-
tions in their subject matter or forms.
A highly interesting group
of four in the Antikenmuseum Basel includes a bearded male

with a pointed head or helmet."
Museum,
A round flask in the Agyptisches
Berlin, has relief figures
of one
if
not two male Asiatics.*'
A vessel in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, shows a

bearded kneeling
man
first
appeared
Yahudiyeh ware,*' a type of pottery
ually refigured
in
Egypt
as a
way Egypt
continfit
The
god was introduced
small objects described above
Egypt
into the
Ill's
son
show
that
as well.
understood to
form
1.
Redford 1997,
2.
Redford 1992, pp. 11858; Redford 1997, pp. 2122; Bryan 2000; Redford
in Tell el-
phic vessels were consistently used in the Near East and Cyprus.''
p. 17.
2003, pp. 18594; A. Spalinger 2005, pp. 1159.

3.
5.
This
list is
Compare
extracted
S.
was not great:

6.
British
from passages
translated in
Redford 2003, pp. 34-38.
T. Smith 2003, pp. 202-6.
Lilyquist 1988.
Through
see
Museum
the time of Thutmose
III,
however,
their presence
Redford 2003, pp. 25657.
69863; incrustations on the stone could be the result of sea-
water. Catalogue no. 149 also belongs to this man.
these vases, then, contain references to the
Near
7.
must ask whether
Cypriot or Asiatic.'^ Carol
their
makers
in
Egypt could have been
West Semitic
culture
formed
in the
Lilyquist,
Delta during the

9.
Hyksos period;"
similarly, the sculpted vases could
have been
Scandone Matthiae 1995 and 1997; Bietak 1998; Yon 2003, pp. 45-46. For an
alternate view, see Lilyquist 1993a, 1994, 1996, 1998,
Redmount and John HoUaday believe

8.
that a hybrid
II."
material culture penetrated
Levant during the Middle Bronze Age,' and anthropomor-
many of
in this
analyses of these scholars
Egyptian pantheon during the reign of Thutraose
Amenhotep
4.
If
cultural contact as a stimulus to
and that
The broad
itself.'*
here. Texts reveal that an Asiatic
foreign or foreign-based pottery, ring-shaped flasks were present
East, one
Schneider has further suggested that
civilization"
with the material record of Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt discussed
that originated in the Levant.
Further, sculptured vases have often been found in Egypt with
in the
its
with his hands tied behind his back, clearly
a foreigner.** Fish-shaped spouted flasks, although
represent Nile perch,
Thomas
stability."
Egypt "promoted and enhanced

the progress of
as "other."
and 1999; Barbieri,
and Testa 2002.
Van den Brink and Levy 2002.

Pierre Montet did basic
work
(1937),
and William Stevenson Smith pre-
sented a mass of material that asks for chronological scrutiny (1965b).
65
10.
Museum
T. Schneider 2003a; London, British
2004. See also James 1973,
38. Lilyquist 1993a, p. 56; personal
pp. 29596, 302; Baines 1996, p. 376; Bourriau 1997; Holladay 1997,
Gates,
pp. 187209; Bourriau 2000.

11.
Merrillees 1970; Bourriau 1981a and 1991; Save-Soderbergh

pp. 710,
by
12.
39.
205 211; Bourriau 1999 and 2000;
S.
and Troy
T. Smith 2003. Often
has been
41.
the absence of "Egyptian" goods that ethnicity has been determined.
43. See
39, 42, 81, 84, 86, 100,
Among the items brought back to Egypt from central
Amenhotep
234; Redford 2003, p. 159.
b.c. royal
side pointing to
cemetery
Porat and Goren 2002a and 2002b).
problem in studying pre New Kingdom
in
an Asiatic ori-
other to an Egyptian (Hartung 2002,
objects, see Lilyquist 1979,
Theban tomb
Amiran
45.
See Killen 1980,
Miron 1990,
Woolley
48. Merrillees 1982.
18.
Personal communication, James E. Harris, March
p. 40.
mummy in February
1984,
4,
2005. Harris X-rayed
when he was studying mummies
Egyptian Museum, Cairo. His judgment
based on a study of ancient
is
and modern Nubian populations as well as Americans of African and
European ancestry; compare Shehata 1982, Richardson
1991,
19.
Lilyquist 2003, p. 133.
20.
"The Tomb of Maiherperi in the Valley of the
Seller,
January
6,
Mimro
24.
Dodson
25.
On the tomb's date, see also S. T. Smith 1992, p. 223.
51,
that has
See
WboUey
p. 445);
that this quiver
had
George A. Reisner
in the
1955, p. 264,
and passim,
p. 11
65.
necklace (Bourriau 1987,
pi.
xxx,
2).
Museum, London, 29935 (Bourriau 1987, pi. xxix, 4).

Museum, Cairo, JdE 46996 (Bourriau 1982, p. loi, fig.
Agyptisches Museum, Berlin,
na
84)
13
31).
56 (Janine Bourriau in Egypt's Golden
and 14422 (Bourriau 1987,
pi. xxviii); British
Age
Museum,
pi. xxviii, 3, 4).
66. University Museiun, Philadelphia, E. 6761 (Janine Bourriau in Egypt's
Golden Age 1982, pp. 104-5,

67. Fitzwilliam
CG 24144 in the
CG 24124
1997, pp.
3,
81-82, 237-38 (botde
i).
and personal communication from Joan Oates,
Lilyquist 1993a, pp. 56-57.
88).
Museum, Cambridge, E.29.1982 (Boiuriau 1987, pi. xxx, 3). See
also Patch 1990,

68.
na 37.
Garnot 1949; Desroches-Noblecourt 1952; Brunner-Traut 1970b, 1971,

and 1972. Homblower (1929, p. 46) thought the vase figures were mother-
69. Bourriau 1982, p. loi, suggests they contained cosmetics for
V as Late Bronze I
date the Mitannian period as ca. 1500-1350 B.C.;
(corresponding to Mitannian levels at Tell
IV and Nuzi
II as
contemporary
in part
SETTING THE SCENE
with Thutmose III,
everyday use.
70.
Von
71.
Bourriau 1981b, pp. 34-37; Bourriau 1982; Bourriau in Egypt's Golden Age
Bissing 1898a and 1898b;
1902, pp. 7275;

1
himself a contemporary of Alalakh's ruler Niqmepa.
66
fiy(.^)
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, E 2427, wearing a bead girdle
London, 29936 and 29937 (Bourriau 1987,
24, 2004.
Brak); and Alalakh
in Egypt's Golden
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JdE 34403 {La femme dans I'Egypte des pharaons
goddesses.
McDonald
36. Ibid., pp. 28, 35, 143-54,
Alalakh
i).
1982, pp. 1056, no. 90).
1982, p. 102,
na 383. For the paintings, see
Barag 1962, pp. 1516.

Gates, and
175.
1987, pi. xxix, 2, 3).
64. Egyptian
(Daressy 1902).
37.
and
and Markoe 1996, pp. 145-47, no. 72.
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, E 2431 (Janine Bourriau
63. British
Treasures ofTutankkamun 1976, pi. 14; Vogelsang-Eastwood 1995, pp. 98-100;
J.
in Capel
Museum, London, 6671 1 and 30724 (Bourriau

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, E 2432 (ibid., pi. xxix,
British
1985, no. 7);
on date, pis. 5153 with drawings;
Compare the horse blinkers of Amenhotep II, particularly
D. Oates,
Woman
Valbelle.
Glenn E. Markoe
and
tomb of Kenamun, an
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, and the design on a wood model,
November
137-38,
See n. 50 above.
59.
stalks at the top.
Norman de G. Davies 1930, pp. 23-24, pi. xiv.

na 69, pi. 63; Porada 1947, nos. 370, 474, 477, 651,
Vogelsang-Eastwood 1999, pp. 80-86.
35.
Quma, discussed in Lilyquist 2003, pp.
See the entries for catalogue nos. 30-32, 50b, 106a, 109, iioa, 113-118, i2od,
Age ring
Starr 1939, pp. 143-44, pis. 128, 129.
34.
at
Museum 2004, papers by Daniel Polz and Charles Bonnet
57.
Age
II's:
Salje 1990, pi. 19, nos. 322, 327, 329, pi. 22,
33.
British
56.
62.
of a gold bowl
and Der
p. 342.
58.
na 37.
Lilyquist 1993a, p. 46, for a Middle Bronze
pendant buds but no
653, 743, 794, 865, 910,
32.
London,
and Dominique
2005.
Gaston Maspero suggested
and Lilyquist 1995,
30. See also the representation
31.
See also Lilyquist 1997,
132a, 132b, i33-i3<S i43a-d, 147, i5o> i5ia-d,
pi. 2;
of Amenhotep
p. 68.
and Child of the Late Seventeenth Century** and oitries for cat nos. 2-6).
28. Lilyquist 2003, pp. 16467.
from Ebla
1965, pp. 405, 457. See also Killen 1980, pp. 4849,
and by Cadiarine H. Roehrig in this volume (*'The Burial of a Royal
61.
official
1935b.
See the burial of a woman
60.
Bissing 1900,
see also pp. 35052.
54.
(Reisner 1923, p. 19).
Von
f;
Brill 1993, p. 24.
53.
considered the leatherwork in die tomb to be of Nubian manufacture
Lilyquist 1993a, p. 54,
and
Redford 1967,
55.
278.
been made from a Syrian model (Maspero 1910,
29.
Hayes
Kenyon
1998, p. 334.
26. A. Spalinger 2005, pp. 1516.
27.
p. 11.
no. 520.
Lansing and Hayes 1937.
51.
52.
Kings.** Lecture at the
23.
1988,
50.
New York University, March 5, 2004.
communication from Atme
and note also the disk pendants worn by various Syrian
Manuelian 1981.
Compare, in Daressy 1902, pp. i61, with pp. 63279.
22. Personal
162,
1955, pi. 101,
49. Lilyquist
and G. R.
Scott and 'Himer 1997.
of Fine Arte,
Compass work can
1962.
47.
Institute
2004).
males (Norman de G. Davies and Faulkner 1947, p. 46).

44.
46.
21.
i,
on wood cases for balance scales fotmd in New Kingdom Egypt
Feucht 1985,
in the
Donnelly
18, 2004,
DoU in JE^t*s Golden j4ge 1982, p. 61, na 32). Balances would have
(Susan K.
pp. 10242, and Lilyquist 1993b.
the skull of the
Wood boxes from Middle Bronze
1965, pp. 272, 311, 365. Paul
San Antonio; personal communicaticm, December

also be seen
17.
this
Kenyon
which he dates to Late Bronze Age I (Annual
been usefiil items for traders; see the paintii^ of Syrians and Egyptians trading
Abydos come to different conclusions, one
For
November 8, 2004).
gin (Hartimg 2002, pp. 6263),

p. 63;
if
may give little information due to damage or incomplete-
Recent studies of pottery from a late-fourth-millennium

at
at Pella,
Meeting of the American Schools of Oriental Research, November
Grossschmidt is presently studying the question (personal com-
munication,
no. 88; Lilyquist 1994, p. 215.
could be precursors:
recendy observed that a compass was used to draw circles on a Chocolate -on-
White ware bowl
See R5sing 1990, pp. 176-214, 226; Winkler and Wilfing 1991. Even
exists, it
Miron 1990,
Age Jericho
year 7 campaign were 272 female singers and their
II's
Leahy 1995, p.
See, for example,
sample
16.
a "benevolence [expected gift] of the chief of Alalakh"
Dynasty: see Porter and Moss i960, Theban tombs
ness. Karl
15.
record of the year 38 campaign mentions "vessels of all sorts of Djah[i]
(Redford 2003, pp. 87-89).

42. Lansing 1917; Lilyquist 1997.
119; Lilyquist 1997.
commimication from Marie- Henriette
2004.
Easterners or their goods coming to Egypt start very early in the Eighteenth
instruments: see A. Spalinger 2005, pp. 140-41.
14.
The
workmanship" and
Helck 1971; T. Schneider 1992; Hoch 1994. Representations of Near
Syria in
13.
18,
40. Ibid., pp. 13-15, 61-62; Lilyquist 2003, pp. 149-51.
1991,
it
November
Lilyquist and Brill 1993, pp. 2428.
Murray
J.
L. Myres in Randall-Maclver and
Mace
191 1, pp. 41-42.
1982, p. 261, no. 366; Bourriau 1987. Kayser 1969 also sees the vessels as
Egyptian.
72. Bourriau 1987, p. 84; see also
pp. 2326.
73-
Dorman 2002, no.
74.
See Eriksson 1993, where several interesting points are made: that "the
87. Berlin 13155 (Bourriau 1987, pi. xxvii, 13).
introduction of new forms, into ^Hiat had been a very traditional local
88. Naville 1899, pp. 21516;
the Egyptian potters were at their most inventive"; diat

in
Egypt is mostly found
in simple graves;
when
in
75.
by
and that the occurrence of Red
89.
JdE 28554,
Borchardt 1937); height 10.7
CG 2776 (volume unpublished; see
cm (4)^ in.) and of unknown provenance,
92.
in the
54694; a vase formerly at auction (Christie's
2001, lot 291), which shows the crescent
suspended on a second cord below
it,
on a cord and four disk pendants
1966, no. 1268a).
Museum, London,
24652;
in the
78.
79.
Paris,
BerHn 2775 (Hornemann 1966, no. 960). See also
vases at die
Homemann
and a curled lock
forward from under
falling
Save-Soderbergh 1957,
de G. Davies 1908,
1966, no. 944
Boehmer
83.
Norman de
an example, the Syrianel-Daba for which Edith
were performed on foiu* ligure

1966).
Comparison with odier
made
locally,
volume
Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology,
(cat. no. 157).
Jan Quaegebeur saw an association between the ibex and gazelles on several
sculptured vessels and the concept of rejuvenation: Quaegebeur 1999,
pp. 121-23.
it.
(time of
Thutmose
(Amarna period). See
III);
also
Norman
Note
also certain ivory containers in die
form of an
ibex: Petrie
and standing women

Two interesting examples in the
96. Particularly intriguing are the vessels depicting kneeling
Wiese 2001,
with elaborate hairstyles and jewelry.
McGovern
pi. xxiii,
vessel cited in n. 86 above. Judging
1985, pp. 6870, 97, loi.
and p.
and the male figure
a bull vessel
by the character of the
four, they are
from a single provenance. One of them (4790) has not only holes through
48, pi. lvii. In these repre-
worn by a young Syrian girl and disks and cres(^ts by
the nipples but, in the middle of the back, "a kind of spout (similar to that
on the head)**; personal commtmication, Andre êse, February 7, 2005.
children.
85.
at
and a red burnished vessel from Sedment (Philadelphia,
Antikenmuseum Basel were acquired with
G. Davies 1943, p. 30,

is
may also
been
or be the
1927, P- 43>92, nos. 38, 39.

p. 26, pi. xxiii
p. 20, pi. xxviii
1972, pp. 1930, 3034;
sentations the disk
84.
Ashmolean in the 1960s (Payne
14327) in this
95.
p. 104, no. 64.
82.
at Tell
1986. Spectrographic analyses
p. 45, no. 30)
80. Benedite 1920, p. 84.

81.
to have
could also be useful; see a painted marl group from Abydos (Patch 1990,
lappet pushed back
its left
Delta
known
this lid represent,
pottery vessels having foreign characteristics, but apparendy
o;
have also seen an unpublished mirror handle with a female
wig with
on
1995, p. 188; Holladay 1997. Note, as
University of Permsylvania
figure wearing an echeloned Egyptian
and the head
65, 80-83).
Porada could find no exaa parallel in Syiia (Porada 1984).
AF6.643; British
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1921.1291c and
Jericho
phase of Hylaos domina-
clay canopic jar lid from Lishi
p. 72). Asiatics are
an Asiatic?
Redmount
Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, 14476 (Settgast 1989, pp. 58-59).
Kingdom
Lisht; could the expressive face
of,
As Vandiver
Brunner-Traut 1970b.
(Berlin 14526).
genesis of a Middle
Lahun and
94.
A crescent may also be worn by the child on the vessel
and perhaps others.
The
last
and Janosi 2004, fronds, and pp.
style cylinder seal excavated in the
On other vases, die crescent and disk are sus-
pended one above the other: Musee du Louvre,
p. 234, no. 289, "13. Dynastie.**
from the
product
93.
while die woman wears a fringed
shawl and has long frontal locks; and a vessel in the Brooklyn Museum, 61.9
(Homemann
119, 121. It appears that a
a kneeling female figure
to this vessel.
1987, pp. 44, 98-99, no. 87)
in levels dating
be questioned (Dorman 2002,
been recorded on three other vases: one
Museum, London,
mate
human head from Middle Bronze Age
Der Konigsweg
tion at Tell el-Daba (Hein
according to von Bissing 1898b.

77. Crescent pendants have
British
the jug with
from a vessel excavated
Lagarce and Leclant 1976.

Cairo,
Irmgard Hein in Pkaraonen und Fremde 1994,
Compare
91.
(Jacqueline Balensi in
Museum,
is
90. Bietak 1996, p. 34.
Eriksson 2004.
76. Egyptian
66.
World ofEgypt 1995, pp.
from the same collection and representing
with open hands gainst the thighs
These ideas are developed further
sea route (pp. 59, 67, 9798).
vessel
Red Lustrous ware
Lustrous ware outside Cyprus suggests that the vessels found in Egypt
arrived
Wiese 2001, pp. 106-^, no.
86.
73.
[Egyptian pottery] industry, culminated in the reign of Thutmosis III
Norman de G, Davies 1922-23, vol. i, fronds, and pis. xxxi, xxxvi.

See Hornemann 1966, no. 1018. Other Hgure vases in Homemann's series
are her nos. 903, 1019, 1266, 1268a, 1269-^0.
97.
Leahy
98.
T.Schneider 2003b, pp.
1995, p. 234; Baines 1997, pp. 217.

157, 161.
99. Ibid., pp. 160-61.
GLASS
By
the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty, Egyptians had long since
campaigns into western Asia, or as trade goods,
He might
perfected the use of glazes and were experts at manufacturing bowls, cos-
same
metic containers, small sculpture, and jewelry elements from faience and
makers into
a related material called Egyptian blue.'
these materials
is
The technology
chemical composition or heat level can produce a substance that

vitrified,
vessels
is
more
New Kingdom,
established in
and presumably the manufacture of glass was
manufacture had begun
in
art.^ It
Egypt
seems
at least
Fragments of glass vessels were found
that
some
of glass
sort
tombs of Thutmose
3.
tomb of Thutmose
the reinterment of
I.'
Although it is possible
Thutmose
equally possible that
Thutmose
by
his grandson,
Thutmose
III,
is
acquired glass objects as booty on his
Brill 1993, p.
by
the Fourth
Dynasty
5.
1995, pp. 112 13.
For example, two glass beads are inscribed with the names of Hatshepsut and
The fragments
in Egypt's Golden
(pp. 292-93); those
Age
1982, p. 169, no. 193;
MMA 26.7.746). See the entry for catalogue no.
are in the Egyptian
Museum,
59.
Cairo, and were published in
Daressy 1902. Those from the tomb of Thutmose
from the tomb of Amenhotep
III
II
CG 2495924961
CG 2475324843
are
are
(pp. 191-209, pis. XLIII-XLV).

5.
CG 24981; ibid., p.
6.
Glass beads were excavated by the Metropolitan
from
it
See Lilyquist and
Lilyquist and Brill 1993,
III (cat.
that these date
B.C.).
Senenmut (Marianne Eaton-Krauss
4.
na 33) and his son Amenhotep 11.'' Two glass fragments were also found
in the
2400
For discussions of early glass manufacmre, see Nolte 1968; Goldstein 1982;
Shaw and Nicholson
by the reign of Hatshepsut.^
in the
or tribute from the
faience in the Predynastic Period in the fifth and
fourth millennia B.C.; they had developed Egyptian blue
2.
Egypt through the importation of glassmakers from whom
Egyptian craftsmen learned the
The Egyptians used glazes and

(ca.
seems to have first been perfected
in western Asia. Objects of glass were probably imported into Egypt in
the early
gifts,
have been the first king to import foreign glass-
CHR
or glassHke, without being true glass.
The art of making true glass
also
Egypt."^
for producing
similar to that for glassmaking. Slight changes in the

1.
or less
area.
Dynasty tombs
Thutmose II
at
301.
Thebes
that are dated
(see cat. no. 127b).
Museum in
early Eighteenth
between the reigns of Ahmose and of
30.
Wide-Necked Cosmetic Jar
Upper Part of a Lotiform
31.
Drinking Cup
32.
Cup
with Lid

1479
III (r.
8.5
1479
III (r.
cm
Diam.
in.),
6.7
cm (2
H.
/s in.)
7.5
cm
H.
gold
glass,
(3 in.),
Diam.
8.5
cm
The
Fletcher Fund, 1926 26.8.34a, b
Bequest of the Earl of Carnarvon, 1923 23.9
The shape of
this lidded jar is typical for cos-
metic jars in the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty.
The
Metropolitan
The shape of
bud and
is
was made
on it is longer than most:
Museum
this
of Art,
New York,
cup imitates that of a lotus
typically Egyptian, suggesting that

in Egypt.
The
outer surface
is
is
in
inscribed with the

Thebes, the
it
incised
with a pattern of lotus petals, one of which

Live/ The Horus, Mighty hull arising
Good God, Lord of the Two
kheperre, given
words "The Good God, Men-
CHR
Menkheperre, Son ofRe, Thutmose-
dominion
like
life, stability,
Re, forever and
cm (4 in.), Diam. 7 cm (2K in.)

Museum of An, New York,
Metropolitan
Purchase,
Edward
This
was probably imported from western
jar
Harkness
S.
Gift,
1926 26.7.1175
may have been brought
to
Egypt by
one of the foreign wives of Thutmose
III as part
The form, which has
a button-
Asia and
of her dowry.
shaped base
now masked by
gold leaf over
plaster restoration, has a long history in
a similar variegated pattern have
the site of
and
Provenance: Western Thebes, Gabbanat elQurud, Wadi D, Tomb i; formerly Carnarvon
ever.
1479-
Mesopo-
tamia. Fragments of glassy faience vessels with
life."
Lands, King of Upper and Lower Egypt^
Neferkheperu, given
10.2
The
(yVi in.)
inscription
III (r.
1425 B.C.)
Glassy faience, gold
Turquoise
Vitreous material, gold
H.

1425 B.C.)
1425 B.C.)
been found
Nuzi (modern Yorgan Tepe,
which flourished
in the
ing the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries
B.C.'
collection
The
on the
inscription
lid
CHR
reads simply:
"The Good God, Menkheperre, given
life."
CHR
at
Iraq),
kingdom of Mhanni dur-
1948, p. 61, pi. xxx, b;

I
Lilyquist and Brill 1993, p. 34, no.
11, fig. 34,
Lilyquist 2003, p.
50.
and cover
(center); Lilyquist 2003, pp. 150, 151, no. 103, figs. 144,
Provenance: Western Thebes, Gabbanat

Qurud, Wadi D, Tomb
el-
145
Provenance: Western
Qurud, Wadi D, Tomb i;
Thebes, Gabbanat
el-
formerly Carnarvon
collection
Bibliography:
no. 8, 16,
fig.
10
Lilyquist and Brill 1993, pp.
(left),
pp. 147, 148, no. 93,
and cover
fig.
(left);
138
13,
Lilyquist 2003,
Bibliography:
no. 9, 16,
fig.
Lilyquist and Brill 1993, pp. 1314,
10 (right), and cover (right); Lilyquist
2003, pp. 150, 151, no. 104,
30,31,32
68
SETTING THE SCENE
fig.
148a
Fragment
33- Vessel
Early iSth Dynasty, probably reign of Thutmose
1479-142;
(r.
III
B.C.)
Glass
H.
4.8
cm (1% in.)
Brooklyn Museum, Anonymous Gift 53.176.4
This fragment
vessel,
is
from the shoulder of
perhaps
amphoriskos
an
amphora-shaped
bottle).
similar color
and pattern was found
of Thutmose
III, in
it is
same
in the
small
tomb
the Valley of the Kings, and
possible that these
to the
a glass
(a
glass fragment of
two fragments belonged
vessel.
CHK
Provenance;
Possibly from Thebes
Bibliography:
nos. 24,
Lilyquist and Brill 1993, pp. 33-34,
figs. 19, 31
painted on,
One-Handled Jug
34.
is
III (r.
1479-
The
(3'/8 in.),
Diam.
4.1
cm
(I'/s in.)
Kings (see "Glass,"
Museum, London
n. 4,
Budge suggested
inally
have come from
EA 47620
the scale pattern
is
well
in the
known
Near
in
the hieroglyphs are competently
though the king's name
is
East, but
Egypt, and
formed and
not enclosed
in a cartouche.
CHH
the Valley of the
III, in
Wallis
in the
more common
dots are
legible,
tomb of Thutmose
cm
was
known example of
Fragments of glass vessels were found
Glass
8.7
glass that
has been described by
as the first
enamel decoration.'
1425 B.C.)
H.
made of crushed
fired after application. It
John Cooney
above), and Sir E. A.
that the jug

this
might orig-
tomb.'
1.
Cooney
2.
Budge
3.
Cooney
Cooney
1976, pp. 7071.
1925, p. 391.
1976, p. 71.
agreed with this suggestion.'
This jug of core-formed glass

a conventional scale
is
or feather pattern around
the neck, a stylized plant motif on the body, and

a
band of hieroglyphs
at the
shoulder that reads:
"The Good God, Menkheperre, given
The
The
decorated with
life."
decoration, which appears to have been
jug combines western Asian and Egyp-
tian influences,
it
and
it is
impossible to
was manufactured. The shape has
lels
among vessels produced

The
stylized plants
Provenance: Unknown
close paral-
Bibliography: Harden
in the Levant, but
similarly shaped jugs can also
Egypt.
tell
where
p. 50, pi.
be found
in
and the pattern of
and
I, 5;
Cooney
Brill 1993, pp.
1995,
ill.
on
1968, p. 17; Nolte 1968,
1976, pp. 70-71, pi. VI; Lilyquist
26-27,
fig-
43!
Shaw and Nicholson
p. 112
69
CoiWfjghioOniflBrjl
THE TOMB OF MAIHERPERI

The cemetery
in
western Thebes
now known
IN
THE VALLEY OF THE KINGS

emblem
next to this
as the
Valley of the Kings was the principal burial ground
Hatshepsut's throne name,
is
Maatkare. Initially dated to the reign of Hatshepsut
of
New Kingdom pharaohs. Like all royal cemeteries
on the
in
Egypt, the Valley of the Kings also contained
been assigned new dates anywhere from the reign of
numerous tombs of nonroyal
who had
individuals
Amenhotep
close ties to the royal family. 'Among the earliest of
was the tomb of
these
man named
KV
36
(fig.
was discovered
26),
of the
Egyptian Antiquities
in antiquity, the
were remarkably
When
it
rich
many
chamber contained
and well preserved.*

burial
a set of nesting coffins along the
when unrolled
revealed a beautifully illustrated
of the Dead
(cat. no. 35).'
storage
and
jars,
bed were also found
known
in the tomb.
more personal possessions were
peri's
Thutmose
IV. Nolte herself points out,
that similar
garments are
(cat. no. 82c),
Book
of Maiherperi's funerary papyrus

is
discussed in
assertion
Maiher-
is
King's Right
number of
form"
full
its
is
documented
in the reign
third
for the first time "in
its
of Amenhotep XL'* This argu-
herperi
the important fact that the simple
gold
documented
'^9
which
Her
Fanbearer on the
bowl, and a game box made of acacia and ebony with
100105,
on
is little
(cat. no. 35),
title
imitation Cypriot juglet of Egyptian blue, a faience
(cat. nos.
so there
catalogue entry below.
that Maiherperi's
ment
decoration
or
II
however,
illustrated in the reliefs
luxury items including an exquisite glass bottle, an
foil
because
II
of Amenhotep
reigns
the
Nolte 's second argument has to do with the style
as an Osiris
Among
of Amenhotep
to the time
from
Hatshepsut's temple
Boxes of preserved meat,
a ritual object
than
which Nolte
force to her reasoning here.
^4
next to which lay a papyrus scroll that
jar,
later
concerns the
tombs
north wall. At the foot of the outermost coffin was a

canopic
tomb
first
such loincloths are most frequently represented in
objects remaining
was unearthed, Maiherperi's small
in
which she gives sev-
leather loincloths mentioned above,
would date
Service.'
Although the tomb's single chamber had been

robbed
in
The
the reign of Hatshepsut.''
1899 by Victor Loret, a French Egyptologist and

director
from ancient Egypt,
eral reasons for dating Maiherperi's
March
in
since
but the
III,
Most scholars who have written on the subject
vessels
brought up with the royal children. Maiherperi's

tomb,
of Amenhotep
recent years begin with Birgit Nolte 's study of glass
indicating that he had been
title
II to that
arguments for these redatings are not compelling.'^
Maiherperi,
Fanbearer on the King's Right' and Child of the

Nursery, the latter
tomb has
basis of this cartouche, the
requires her to exclude the possibility that Mai-
was
the
first
holder of the
in the reign
and omits
full title
title
of Thutmose
Fanbearer
is
III.''
objects, Maiherperi
owned two
quivers and two leather
Howard
(fig. 25)."
KV
name
royal
that contained
therefore
It is
well
known
have pierced ears
is
that the first
commonly dated
Amenhotep
to his reign.
was
a privilege
Fig. 2^.
furnishings were undoubtedly royal
gifts.
The
the discussion of jewelry
Quiver of Maiherperi, mid-i8th
Dynasty. Leather. Discovered in his
of Maiherperi's tomb
tomb (KV 36)
objects
in the Valley
is
However,
tombs
that date
from the time of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
Burial in the Valley of the Kings
many
to
earrings have been found in men's
two
leather loincloths (cat. no. 36).'
granted by the ruler, and
mummy.
mummy
and the wearing of earrings by Egyptian men
II's,
wood box
point concerns the pierced ears of
final
Maiherperi's
In 1903,
36, the British
Carter discovered a
inscribed with Maiherperi's
Nolte 's
exceptional leather
dog collars
while clearing the area around

Egyptologist
more durable
In addition to these
are similar).
III (see
by Diana Craig Patch
in
chapter 4). There are also representations of Nubian
of the
men wearing
large
earrings
in
the
reliefs
on
Kings, western Thebes, by Victor Loret.
assembled show the wide range of Egypt's contacts

with other cultures. The glass
(CG
Hatshepsut's temple. Maiherperi was a Nubian and
24071)
may
example, was
bottle, for
ration
on one of the quivers
(fig. 25)
Near Eastern, and Aegean decorative
member
motifs.' Maiherperi himself
was
at
Much
lived
was
court and later returned to his
home
to serve as a
of Egypt's administrative bureaucracy (see "Egypt and Nubia"
by W. Vivian Davies
and
The only
object in the
found on the mummy."
objects preserved in the
the early Eighteenth Dynasty.
mummy, which
that
tomb
It is
when Maiherperi
inscribed with a king's
embroidered
in
name
one corner with
tomb show many
The cartonnage
affinities
(fig.
Thutmose
40), Senenmut's mother,
III
with works of
mask"* on Maiherperi's
completely covers the shoulders,
of Hatnefer
year 7 of
the simple
in this volume).'"
attention has been given to the question of

died.
a sheet
The
presents a mixture of Egyptian,
probably a transplant from Nubia, perhaps brought to Egypt as a child to
be indoctrinated
well have practiced certain Nubian customs
despite having been raised at the Egyptian court.
probably imported from the Near East,* and the deco-
is
of the same type as
who was
buried before
(and Hatshepsut). Maiherperi's inner coffin has
form and shows the long wig lappets of the early Eighteenth
Dynasty, and on the
lid
of his unused coffin
face with a slighdy pointed nose that
is
one sees
the
same broad, wide-eyed
in
some representations of
Hatshesput. Maiherperi's objects are certainly more elegant than those
a royal device depicting the "two ladies," Nekhbet, vulture goddess of
found
Upper Egypt, and Wadjet, cobra goddess of Lower Egypt. Written in ink
to
in
nonroyal cemeteries of the early Eighteenth Dynasty, but
be expected
in a burial that
this is
must have been provided by the king.
In a consideration of dating, the presence in Maiherperi's
name Maatkare cannot be
dismissed Ughtly.
An
tomb of the
object bearing the
of any other king might be explained as an heirloom.
name
highly unlikely,
It is
however, that the cartouche of Hatshepsut, which was so meticulously
monuments throughout Egypt and Nubia
excised on
would have found

Kings.
its
way
into a
tomb
her death,
after
of all places, the Valley of the
in,
We know from archaeological evidence that the inscribed corners
of sheets used
mummification were routinely ripped
in
making it
out,''
would have been
particularly unlikely that Hatshesput's cartouche
left in
place after the destruction of her monuments.

Certainly, a sheet
from the royal storerooms bearing Hatshepsut's
name might have been
distributed for funerary use
some years
after her
death. Therefore the presence of her cartouche does not necessarily date
Maiherperi's
tomb
to her reign, but
it
does strongly suggest that he was
buried no later than the destruction of Hatshepsut's
which seems
Maiherperi's
Kings, but
its
Thutmose
III
is set
images,
isolated spot in the Valley of the
location at the outlet of the subsidiary valley chosen
The most obvious
fig. 75).
the royal valley
The
somewhat
in a
by
supports a closer association with his tomb than with that
of Hatshepsut (see
ial in
name and
have begun some twenty years after her death.
to
tomb
glass bottle
conclusion
that his bur-
is
was ordered by Thutmose.'^
found
in Maiherperi's
tomb
also supports a dating of
the burial to the time between Hatshepsut's death and the destruction of
her monuments. Glass vessels were probably not

the reign of Amenhotep
II,
from abroad and manufactured
Egypt, glass vessels were highly prized, and

prise that only fragments of
still
glass bottle,
would have been
usable,
it
robbers. Maiherperi's glass vase, being broken,
The remains of small
Two
glass fragments
(KV
38),
although these
Thutmose
III
was
tomb of Thutmose
were also found
may
in the
in the
by
his
Daressy's publication of the objects (see Daressy 1902; Reeves 1990b,
see Piacencini and Orsenigo 2004, pp. 27181.

6.
KV
in
36 of
that Maiherperi's burial took place dur-
The
faience bowl, the glass botde, and one
Hshed
7.
in
Wiese and Brodbeck 2004,
which she
found
CHR
tomb
in the valley,
at
cites
in the valley
were not
royal.
The
On the Valley of the Kings, see my essay "The Two Tombs of Hatshepsut" in
chapter
2.
This
form of the
title
appears
p. 52),
at least
but the
short form, Fanbearer,
is
short version
is
The
mummy and removed

mummy with large pieces of folded
linen.
ingly
jewelry, then
had re-covered the
The rather considerable
care with which this
good preservation of other
sented an
official " recycling"
was done, and the
surpris-
objects in the tomb, suggest that the theft repre-
of valuable resources rather than a random robbery.
Until recently, any attempted reconstruction of the position of the objects in

the
tomb was
(1900),
either based
on
a description published
by Georg Schweinfurth
who visited the tomb during its excavation, or gleaned from George
14, fig. 5,
a discussion
The running spiral
On Maiherperi's ethnicity,
The
is
12.
Daressy
5,
or
Thutmose
on
(n. 8
above). Elements of
Dynasty
Aegean import,
is
also
period (see the discussion of
see note 18 in Lilyquist's essay (n. 8 above).
He
died
p. 60).
Museum, Cairo (CG 24099);
it
was published
in
dated the tomb to the time of Hatshepsut based on the

like that
of
or IIL For the views of other early Egyptologists, see Reeves
1990b, p. 146. Birgit Nolte (1968, pp. 50-51) dates the

II,
now
is
p. 58, pi. xii.
(ibid., p. 58)
Amenhotep
what
vessel, as
as well as Lilyquist's essay).
in the Egyptian
II
in
early Eighteenth
cartouche but thought that the style of the coffins was more
Amenhotep
Oates, and
16).
motif, an
this
age of about twenty (Daressy 1902,
at the
sheet
of the quiver, see Lilyquist's essay
3,
J.
on another, from Assur,
Near Eastern motifs are already present on
Daressy 1902,
robbers had sliced through the wrappings on the
most of the
5.
11.
(D. Oates,
marvered into the surface of the
the
young,
For Maiherperi's tomb, see Daressy 1902; Reeves 1990b, pp. 14047; Reeves
and R. H. Wilkinson 1996, pp. 179-81.
is
in relief
For
faience bowls in chapter

10.
in
fragment, from Tell Brak in Syria, part
is left
used to decorate Egyptian faience bowls in
The
the one that appears in other inscriptions found in the tomb.
On one
1997, frontis. and p. 82);
of the decoration
all
scarabs (see cat. no. 25).
more
frequently used there (Daressy 1902, pp. 38-56, for the complete text).
4.
9.
once in Maiherperi's funerary
title's
sites.
Maiherperi's example (Barag 1962, pp.
3.
full
papyrus (Daressy 1902,
3.
Iraq,
earliest
have recendy been pub-
fragments of glass vessels with similar decorative patterns
Near Eastern
of the decoration on the shoulder
KV 60, is that of Hatshepsut's wet nurse.
collar
volume, Christine Lilyquist's essay "Egypt and the Near East,"
McDonald
datable nonroyal
dog
pp. 168-73.
Carter 1903, pp. 46-47.
8. See, in this
ing this period as well.
Almost half of the individuals buried
now been published. For KV 36,
the Universita degli Studi di Milano and have
probably sometime between the death of Hatshepsut
make it likely
p. 142).
Loret never published a description of the tomb, but his notes were acquired by
grandson
Hatshepsut's cartouche and the glass vessel, and the types and styles of
1.
Thebes. Drawing by
one found
tomb of Thutmose
and the destruction of her monuments.''* The presence
the other contents,
36),
Julia Jarrett
III (see cat. nos. 33,
date from his reburial
and elevation, tomb of Maiherperi (KV
contents
left
glass vessels similar in size to the
36 were discovered in the
34).
its
Fig. 26. Plan
and removed by
tomb.
KV
Eighteenth
in early
whether or not
carefully handled
tomb
in
10
in
should come as no sur-
them have been found
Dynasty contexts: a complete
were
common in Egypt until
whose tomb has yielded many fragments of
large glass vases. Both imported
Carl Nicholas Reeves (1990b,
IV. Irmtraut
Dead papyrus to
Munro
tomb
p. 147) to that
to the reign of
of Amenhhotep
(1988, p. 279) dates Maiherperi's
the time of Amenhotep
II.
Aidan Dodson (1998,
II
Book of the
p. 334) dates
Jl
Maiherperi's coffins to the end of Amenhotep
argue away the
^'priimtive'*
coifins to the reign

13.
14.
Noke
Nohe
(1968) cites
15.
Amenhotep II,
Wolfgang Helck
belonging to Maiherperi,
J.
(1958, pp. 201-2),
form of the
who may have been
it
from Amenhofiep's tomb. Moreover, a num-
title
appeared for the
19.
Hatshepsut had arranged for Thutmose I to be
moved to her own tomb,
KV 20. Prestunably, Thutmose III did not restore Thutmose I to his original
tum of expansive shale, a circimistance diat might have caused Thutmose to
p. 81),
there
were three holders of the title
remove his grandfather' s burial quite soon after Hatshepsut's demise. Or he
III.
CG 24026; Daressy 1902, pi. xvi, where it is mis-
might have carried out the reburial of Thutmose
of his attack on Hatshepsut's memory. Since
unlikely that he
it is
as
one of the first stages
ments, this terminus ante quern can be assumed for the reburial.
Book of the
no. 73),
to Maiherperi
deceased. Maiherperi
skin
which asks for daily provisions for the
1.
Quirke and Spencer 1992,
shown with the dark
2.
The burial of Hatnefer,
is
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
style consists
Painted papyrus
33.5
ventionally used for Egyptian men. His hair-
of tight curls and
wig found on
cm (13/4 in.)
his
is
similar to the
mummy. He wears
broad
collar necklace that
roll
of
of them inscribed with texts from the
(Lansing and Hayes 1937,
a choker
one would expect
p. 98.
Book of the Dead. The shroud has no

p. 28), the
illustrations
papyrus shows
few simple vignettes, and the leather
roll,
which
is
inscribed with spell 100, has one simple vignette
and another necklace of amulets rather than the
CG 24095
monu-
the mother of Senenmut,
contained a linen shroud, a papyrus, and a
of a Nubian rather than the red color con-
leather, all
would have
grandfather in Hatshepsut's tomb once he began destroying her
Winlock 1940; Roehrig 2002.
If
tomb until after Hatshepsut's death. Tomb KV 20 lies in a very unstable stra-
left his
Section of a
and one of
but he seems to be unaware that the
II,
niunbered 24027.
Dead belonging
II,
tomb would properly
whom he places in the reign of Hatshepsut,
According to George Reisner (1920,
35.
H.
his
II,
have been among the subsidiary burials near that king's tomb.
form of the tide.
KV 36 appears closer to the tomb of Thutmose *s son,
a ridge separates
(KV 48) contained the burial equipment of his vizier, Amenemopei.
Maiherperi had been associated with Amenhotep
R. Harris as her source
Fanbearer or Fanbearer on the King's Right during the reign of Thutmose
17.
Although on a map
these
time in the reign of Amenhotep
also records the full
16.
rS.
ber of pit tombs lie near theentrancetothetombof Amenhotep
Harris's source, similarly states that the full
scroll
but to do so he must
III.
a personal communication from
for this informadon.
first
II's reign,
technique and "archaic" appearance that relate the
of Thutmose
1968, pp. 5051.
(Roehrig 2002,
in
p. 35).
Thutmose
III also
had a
shroud inscribed with Book of the Dead texts but

this context.
The papyrus found
in Maiherperi's
grave
is
among the finest and earliest illustirated examples

of the Book of the Dead. Spells from
lection of magical funerary texts,
types quite
of men
The
this col-
more
cor-
in
His bracelets and armlets are of
commonly
Egyptian
seen in representations
no
3.
slim, long-waisted
papyrus are painted
human figures in this
in a style consistent
with
Book of Coming Forth by
coffins
of the royal family in the Seventeenth
Dynasty.'
By
also being included in the
individuals, written
papyrus and
III,
the texts
were
tombs of nonroyal
on shrouds and on
rolls
of
leather.'
This vignette from the papyrus depicts

Maiherperi standing before seven
and
the early Eighteenth Dynasty, and the costumes
Corteggiani 1987,
5.
Munro
their bull; the illustration
celestial
cows
accompanies an
abbreviated version of spell 148 (see also cat.
in the
tombs
SETTING THE SCENE
(TT fit and
21), Ineni
131).
One of Irmtraut Munro 's examples comes from
One
vignette
causeway; and on a second coffin from
shows a funerary procession
with a pair of oxen

is
Hatshepsut's temple and therefore must predate the
dra^ng a sledge on which
tery (Hayes 1959, p. 31,
deceased
is
fig.
also depicted
on
this
14) the coffin
ceme-
of the
a boat.
a boat carrying the coffin of the deceased,""
and the inclusion of the boat has been used
to
date the papyrus to the reign of Amenhotep
II
or
lar
later.'
But in fact, two
coffins carrying a simi-
Provenance; Western Thebes, Valley of the Kings,

tomb of Maiherperi (KV 36); excavated by Victor Loret
onbehalf of the Egyptian Antiquities Service, 1899
boat image can be dated to the joint reign of
Bibuogbaphy: Daressy
III.'^
CHR
1902, pp. 38-57, pis. xiii-xv;
Corteggiani 1987, pp. 9295; Saleh and Sourouzian

1987,
na
142;
Mimro
pMij-lfT~prj), pi. XI
72
tombs of User (TT
p. 92.
1988, pp. 1618.
cemetery that was sealed by the causeway of
and hairstyles agree with findings

of this period.'
the time of the joint reign of
(Nagel 1949).
in the
4.
6.
rectly called the
Day, began to appear on linen shrouds and
illustrations
For example,
(TT81), and Useramun
art.
1988, pp. 278, 360 (index,
under
35
73
Howard
Carter discovered this small box near
tomb of Maiherperi on February
the
The box
is
and
titles,
his
Nursery.
It
name
Fanbearer and Child of the
had presumably been removed from
tomb by robbers, who stashed
the
26, 1903.'
inscribed with Maiherperi's
it
in a depres-
sion in an outcropping of rock but never

retrieved
it.
loincloths,
fine
mesh
Inside the box were
two
one of them of leather cut
depicted being
leather
into a very
Similar leather garments are
(fig. 27).
worn by soldiers in
Hatshepsut's temple
the reliefs
on
(cat. no. 82c).
Carter described the skins as very soft and
mended
"dexterously
sewn
shown here are sym-
on both
sides, indicating that
make
to
anciently."' In fact, the
areas of the loincloth
metrically located
was
the garment the skin
shaped, with
some
carefully
areas being cut and re-sewn
while others were spHced to allow for a better

fit.
Gaston Maspero, the director of the Egyptian
Antiquities Service
when
was made, thought
that the loincloths
Carter's discovery
were
probably of Syrian manufacture;' however,

pierced leather garments (though not of exactly
the same type) were also manufactured in
Nubia.*
The Egyptians were
leather
loincloths as
early
certainly using
the
as
reign
of
Hatshepsut, and the garments were probably

already being manufactured in Egypt.
1.
At
the time. Carter
was working
Davis, an American
who
for
Theodore M.
held the concession to
excavate in the Valley of the Kings.

2.
Carter 1903, p. 47.
3. Ibid., p.
4.
47, n.
1.
Wainwright 1920,
pi.
p. 29;
Reisner 1923, pp. 303-5,
65,3.
Provenance: Western
Thebes, Valley of the Kings,
found near the tomb of Maiherperi

tions of Theodore
Bibliography:
pi. II;
Peter
36); excava-
Carter 1903, pp. 46-47,
Der Manuelian
in Egypt's
1982, pp. 17677, no. 200
74
(KV
M. Davis, 1903
SETTING THE SCENE
fig. i,
Golden Age
Fig. 27. Leather loincloth, i8th Dynasty. Discovered in a
Maiherperi
Carter.
(cat. no. 36)
box belonging to
near his tomb, by Theodore M. Davis and
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,
Gift of
Howard
Theodore M. Davis (03.1037)
EGYPT AND THE AEGEAN

Cultural Convergence in a Thutmoside Palace at Avaris
Manfred Bietak
An
unexpected discovery was made in the
last
decade
at
'Ezbet Helmy, west of Tell el-Daba in the eastern Nile

Delta.
erate size,
At the foot of a ramp leading
As
clear that the fragments
called Palace F.
the fieldwork continued
had come from
it
this building,
was one of three palaces of the Thutmoside
It
period erected within a huge precinct
at this site,
bank of the easternmost branch of the Delta

site
mod-
dumps containing thousands of fragments of Minoan
wall paintings were revealed.'
became
to a palace of
was Avaris, the
capital
on
the eastern
(fig. 28).
Once
the
of the ephemeral Hyksos ("rulers of
the foreign countries"), a foreign dynasty of
Near Eastern
ori-
Each was constructed on
built containing three palaces (fig. 29).
podium of mud brick
and
accessible via a
(130
by 90
cubits), stand
on
pottery,' evidence
of
succeeded in conquering Avaris, he
finally
153 feet
To
the
household's far-reaching trading con-
this
nections with Cyprus and the Levant.
south of Palace G.
An
A third small palace, J, lay
enclosure wall surrounded the whole
on
a north-south axis
was a
large public build-
through the courtyard. East of Palace
New Kingdom,
by
either side of a large courtyard.
Ahmose
the
F, 221
south of Palace F were found storehouses with faience objects and
precinct, with a pylon at the halfway point
founder of the Eighteenth Dynasty and creator of
The
G, measuring 518 by 260 feet (305 by 150 ancient
Egyptian cubits), and the medium-sized Palace
gin that ruled Egypt between about 1640 and 1530 B.C. After
I,
ramp with
a landing. All had a dazzling coating of whitewashed plaster.

largest. Palace
a characteristic building material for
Near East
palaces in the ancient
more than 17,000 square
ing
feet in area,
which
is
currently being
expelled the inhabitants of the city and established a major military stronghold for conducting operations in the Levant against
the last remaining Hyksos.

>lE
35*E
The
first
New Kingdom
pharaohs of the
installations in the
silos
Aegean
were constructed, probably for stockpiling provisions for troops
and for future campaigns.
rounded the core of this new

another stratum
(D/ i.i),
and huts and the
pit
Si'f.
built large military
western part of Avaris. Hundreds of grain
Sea
substantial enclosure wall sur-
site,
which
also
had
G REECE
a small palace. In
excavators found remains of campfires
graves of soldiers, most of them young
,Pylos
men
between eighteen and twenty-five years of age. Physical anthropologists determined that
identification
(cat. no. 5),
Kerma
strata.
Crete
some of them were Nubians, an
confirmed by fragments of cooking pots, beakers
and other containers representative of the Nubian
culture found in the
camp remains and
in
Cyprus
^Knossos
35N
Mediterranean Sea
succeeding
These were soldiers from the Sudan, employed by the
Egyptian army of the early Eighteenth Dynasty. At that time
Egypt was grappling with the formidable kingdom of Kush

south, which
it
finally
destroyed under Thutmose
III. It
in the
Tell el-Dabl (Avaris),
seems
JI'N
that
Ahmose and
his successors recruited
former prisoners of war
11
as archers for their military
campaigns
in
>,.,
1
Egypt
^'
'
Jlllkro
^MEMPHIS
Canaan.
During the early Thutmoside period the
site
became more
developed. Within a fourteen-acre area a palatial precinct was
Fig
28.
Map showing sites
of contact between Egypt and the Aegean, early
New Kingdom
75
Fig. 29.
"Êzbet
The
palace precinct at
Helmy, early Thutmoside
period, early i8th Dynasty. After
an unpublished survey
map by
T. Herbich, C. Schweitzer,
I.
excavated.
It
South of the
probably was the seat of an

palatial precinct lay a
the geophysical survey
map
(fig.
official
whole town,
29); north of it
of very high rank.

as can be seen
sures, probably for military camps. Farther north the river
an indentation that in
all
likelihood
on
one can see enclo-
was the mooring
shows
place.
possible to reconstruct the plans
know
on
the basis of
large Palace
(fig.
was
structures remain. Adjacent
columns.
On
left
wing can
be identified as
easily
positions of doors or thrones.
The
a square throne
feature in temples of the
room,
right
wing looks
like a tripar-
Thutmoside period. Left and
a typical
right have
symbolic meanings in Egyptian architecture, and the right-hand

location of this room, giving
can only be explained

at that
if it
it
was
preference over the throne room,
a residence of a dynastic god,
time would most likely have been
Amun;
the local
Seth of Avaris cannot, however, be entirely ruled out.
76
SETTING THE SCENE
The
of rooms
a parallel attached wall
map
found
is
more
difficult.
in
room with foundation
After a
walls that
divided into at least two apartments, each with a sleeping
identified
One
room
room. The eastern apartment has a stairway lead-
to a cellar.
Of special
by sediments and
interest are latrines,
a toilet basin
slab broke through the floor
ing an early phase of use.
and
One can
which can be
made of two
fell
stone slabs.
into the sediment dur-
only hope that
this
was not
connected to a royal misfortune.

Palace
had two entrances, a main entrance by way of the
ramp, and a side entrance along the eastern side, which led via a
narrow
stair
with a landing to the residential quarters. At both
entrances baths with stone basins were installed, seemingly

ing
it
mak-
imperative to wash and shower before entering the building.
The
plan of Palace
was
similar, but simpler,
who
apartment in the living section. Palace
god
plan
front
by
the geophysical survey
supported four columns. Thereafter the area seems to have been
a reception
wide
identification
vestibule one entered a square
down
at the rear indicating the
sanctuary with a hidden holy of holies in back
where the
ing
in two.
As
Dorner,
Miiller
pylons.' Behind this official part of the palace lies the private sec-
and
which was divided
reinforced
J.
W.
also supported a staircase, a feature often
it
to
a portico of three rows of
with four rows of columns and niches
reveals,
whose sub-
the other side of a thick wall one entered a
vestibule that led into the building,
tite
The
was open
30) had a square courtyard that
the north and lined on two sides with colonnades,
The
what we
about Egyptian palatial and domestic architecture.
is
reminiscent of a temple pylon.
tion,
Although only the substructures of the palaces are preserved,

it is
of this wing of the palace
Forstner-MuUer, and
(fig. 31).
From
the
ramp
F,
with only one
however, had a different
the entrance led into a rectangular
courtyard that gave access to a square yard situated in the center
Fig. 30. Palace
PRIVATE
G at ''Ezbet
Helmy. Reconstructed plan by

PRiVATE TEMPLE?
Manfred Bietak and Nicola Math
temple?
courtyard
3.
throne room
of the building. This yard was apparently surrounded on
all
Palace
sides
F was also extraordinary in other respects. At the
foot of
ramp and landing were dumps containing thousands of
with colonnades. The southern colonnade led into a system of
its
rooms
four-columned
ments of wall plaster painted
two-columned
nique. Unfortunately they represent only about ten percent of the
that can be reconstructed as consisting of a
reception room, flanked on

side
room and on
its
it
as
eastern side
by
western side by perhaps a bathroom or a cer-
emonial sleeping room.

this identifies
its
What
is
missing
is
the private area, and
an entirely ceremonial palace.
in
original wall decoration; the rest

later building projects
frag-
an entirely Minoan style and tech-
was
lost in the construction
and modern brick
pits in this area.
of
The
fragments were not found near the wall's original location. This
Fig. 31. Palace

structed.
F at Êzbet Helmy,
recon-
Dotted areas show where the frag-
ments of Minoan wall painting were found.
The foundation
level appears above, the
main
level
p. 65;
bottom Manfred Bietak)
below (top
after Janosi 1995,
77
CoiWfjghioO maurjl
plaster coating
seems to have
The hard lime
applied.
fallen off the walls
soon
plaster typically used in the
after
it
was
Aegean area
does not adhere well to soft building material such as walls of
Egyptian
this
type
mud brick built on alluvial ground;

may
off
after
moreover, a wall of
continue to shrink for more than fifteen years. This
must have happened
at
Palace F, causing the painted plaster to
which the fragments were collected and dumped
nearest convenient spot, the end of the
ramp and
relocation of the fragments in antiquity
of the original friezes a most
ments recovered point
fall
in the
the landing. This
makes the reconstruction
difficult task.
Nevertheless, the frag-
to the presence of
well-known Minoan
compositions.
About the arrangement of the decoration,
good
deal
hypothesized on the basis of the fragments and what
about Minoan painting.

atic
images of
throne
room
griffins
(fig.
is
Fig. 32.
Fragments of a griffin
'Ezbet Helmy.
The
in a wall painting
from the throne room of Palace
circles highlight the griffin's
Fig. 33. Bull-leaping
head and the
spirals
and maze pattern. Wall painting from Palace
on
its
F,
wings
F, 'Ezbet
be
known
and lions occupied the back wall of the
32), as is the case in the
throne rooms at
Knossos, on Crete, and Pylos, on the coast of Greece.

painting with a
may
We can be rather sure that large, emblem-
maze pattern and multiple borders should
assigned to the throne room.
It is
floor
also be
very likely that the paintings
eating central Minoan themes Such as bull-grappling, bull-leaping,
Helmy. Reconstruction
Manfred Bietak, Naimo Marinatos, and Clairy Palyvou
and other acrobatic

well
(fig. 33).
feats
were located
in the throne
room
friezes with lions or leopards chasing
Other
as
hoofed
animals could also have had a place in this room. There were,
however, many additional representations, such as a hunting

frieze, lifesize figures,
and a plaster
relief
with representations of
perhaps adorned the colonnade surrounding the cen-
bulls; these
courtyard or the entrance area.
tral
Parts of Palace
ter relief.
woman
too were decorated with paintings and plas-
Pieces of ornamental paintings and a lifesize figure of a
in a flounced skirt
were retrieved from
a side entrance in
the enclosure wall leading to the foot of the ramp. Fragments of
wearing jewelry*
plaster relief depicting a large-scale white figure
were found
in
dumps
east of this building near a side entrance,
together with a fragment showing a yellow horn, probably that of
Also found scattered around the landing of Palace
a goat.
on mud coating
pieces of paintings
G were
(rather than plaster) with
motifs that are partly Minoan, partly Egyptian.
The
technique of making a very compressed lime plaster con-
taining crushed
murex
purely Minoan.'
The
Palace F,
shells,
which was then highly polished,
is
basins for mixing this paste were found near
on the banks of what was formerly the easternmost
Fig. 34.
A Keftiu delegation. Wall painting from Theban tomb 71
early i8th
of Senenmut,
Dynasty
branch of the Nile.' Other techniques evident from the frag-
ments
of
laying out the design of the paintings with impres-
sions of a cord and applying the

surface
were known
at that
first
colors on the still-damp
time only in the Minoan world.
The
teenth century B.C.) have been found at Alalakh and Kabri, in the
color conventions, especially the use of blue for gray and green
Levant,' and paintings most likely dating from the Late Bronze
and of red for the bacl^round, are also Minoan,
Age
as are the above-
mentioned motifs, the composition of them, and the undulating

horizons,
running
maze
spiral,
patterns, ornamental frieze designs such as the
Minoan. Characteristic features include the partly shaved
scalp,
painted in blue (for gray), that signals an acrobat's young age;' the
worn by
a lady or goddess; the
the influence of
Minoan
Minoan
kilt
of an
But in Tell el-Daba a different explanation seems

these paintings can be firmly fixed later, in the early
period, in the
The
early Eighteenth Dynasty.
the minute
The running
spiral
decora-
between the
tion in the
wings of griflins
spirals, is a
combination of motifs typical of Late Minoan lA.'
the
Minoan
style
is
at
leather strap enters the perforation, the typical
(fig. 32),
with red
fillers
And
clearly recognizable in the paintings' depiction
seal
later
D/
found
logical range of pottery
II (r.
1427 1400
Minoan works of mural
art
by Minoan
artists.-'
There are some
other instances of Minoan painting occurring in unexpected
was not
in use
beyond
period of the palace
falls
places.
Minoan paintings dating from
the Middle Bronze
Age
(six-
and a
Thus
this date.
earlier phase,
the principal functioning
between the reigns of the two Amenhoteps,
probably in the time of Thutmose
III (r.
1479 1425
I,
it is
and the
early as
as
during the joint reign of Thutmose
of Crete) are
34)
B.C.),
with the paintings, must belong to the early
Hatshepsut, 1479 1457

tants
(fig.
B.C.)
at the site indicates that the palace
Thutmose
explain the fact that an Egyptian ceremonial
palace and parts of another, major palace were painted with
Thutmoside
phase of the palace (C/ 2) can
gallop of felines and ungulates.
we
to
likely, since
impression from the time of his reign;" however, the chrono-
Thutmoside period. While the works could be
can
that the
artists
yielded pottery of the
of movement, such as the high swing of acrobats and the flying
How
is
half of the fifteenth century B.C. Beneath the
first
palace that held the paintings, stratum
be dated by a scarab of Amenhotep
is
rendering of the cushion-shaped seal stone, which even shows,
indentations caused by wear and tear.
in the royal
suggested explanation
with a running spiral decoration. Absolutely Minoan
where the
appeared
was exported, by sending
style
palatial
acrobat, cushion-shaped seal at his wrist, and an armlet decorated
the point
art
One
Knossian
befriended courts, as an expression of Knossos's prestige.'"
and various other patterns.
In iconography and style as well, the paintings are typically
flounced skirt
show
that
palace at Qatna, Syria.
first
e.g., that
and Useramun." This speaks
and
Senenmut
in favor of a date for the
paintings contemporary with Hatshepsut.

special relationship with the
III
delegations of Keftiu (inhabi-
represented, in the tombs of
At
that time,
it
seems, a
Knossian court began that periodically
79
believe,'' but at the site
of Avaris and nearby Piramesse, the Delta
residence of the Ramesside kings. Until
now there was no proof of
now
an Eighteenth Dynasty stronghold there, but

falls into place.
The previous
everything
function of Avaris as a harbor
is
well established by the inscription on the Seventeenth Dynasty
Kamose
stela,"
and
it
was
still
known
of the Nine-
in the time
teenth and Twentieth Dynasties as the harbor of Piramesse."
Therefore
it is
plausible that Avaris remained a formidable harbor
between those times, during the reigns of Thutmose
Amenhotep
when Perunefer was
II, just
III
and
in full operation.
Also speaking for Perunefer's possible identification with

Avaris
is
the fact that there were Canaanite cults and Canaanite
documented
ship carpenters" there, as
papyrus 1116A in the
in
Hermitage, Saint Petersburg.^' The Canaanites could be explained
from the period of Hyksos control
as survivors
excavations in the temple of Seth in Avaris

Fig. 35. Minoan-style decoration
from Theban tomb
71 of
in Avaris. Indeed,
show
that the city con-
Senenmut, early i8th
tinued to be occupied
Dynasty
Moreover,
the reign of
in the
beyond the time of its conquest by Ahmose
I.
dockyard records of Perunefer written during
Thutmose
III
or
Amenhotep
II
(British
Museum,
London, papyrus 10056), Keftiu ships are mentioned.^ Until now

brought delegations from Crete to Egypt. This
when Minoan
tombs''
beginning
favorite of
is
the very time
Theban
influence can be seen in the decoration in
tombs of Senenmut, who was the
in the
Queen Hatshepsut
(figs. 34, 35),
and of Useramun and
culminating with the hunting scene in the tomb of Qenamun,'"*

chief steward under
Amenhotep
one would explain them not

for Crete (like the
of Minoan paintings at the
Cretan ships but as vessels bound

in the nineteenth
In this palace decoration there are no representations of
hood linked
to maritime traffic
this biggest
Egyptian dockyard. For
maze
pattern.
there
maze and
At no other
site
of that time, except Knossos, were
bull representations.
frieze in Palace
has at
Minoan emblem from
its
Moreover, the bull-and-maze
bottom a
half-rosette frieze, a royal
the palace of Knossos"' not to be found at
any other site with Minoan paintings

signifies a direct relationship
Egypt.
(fig. 33).
In
all
likelihood this
between the courts of Knossos and
Who was responsible from the Egyptian side,
or Thutmose
III.''
reach an answer
and the
Hatshepsut
And what was the basis of this relationship.'' To

we
first
must
clarify the function of this site
its
conquest,
we know,
Avaris became a military strong-
hold and a place for stockpiling grain and other food, most likely
for military purposes.
it
was
The big palatial precinct only makes
the residence for the king or
some other royal
fact that the palace's period of use
Thutmose
III
Perunefer,"'
and Amenhotep
known from
stronghold of the Thutmosides.

Daressy,'' and following
Perunefer not
at
II
As
far
The
it
with
major military and naval

back as the 1920s, Georges
him Labib Habachi,'* proposed
Memphis,
sense if
figure.
was during the reigns of
argues for associating
texts as the
The
the evidence
and the ship

its
socracy provided Egypt with maritime

in the eastern Mediterranean. It
is
to the mythical land of
Punt
in all likeli-
facilities available in
part, the
Minoan
know-how and
thalas-
security
perfectly possible that this
relationship stimulated Egyptian enterprises
voyage
to suppose
special relation-
by
sea such as the
a notable achievement of
Queen Hatshepsut.
This reciprocity seems to have lasted
Amenhotep
II.
Theban tombs
Keftiu delegations were
sarily in a realistic fashion.
several
tombs
until
still
the reign of
represented in
(see n. 13 below) in his time, although not neces-
in
One can recognize Minoan influence in
Thebes, especially that of Qenamun, where a
hunting scene includes inverted landscape representations
before, during, and after their joint reign.
After
Crete.
between the Egyptian and Minoan courts was
Egyptian royal emblems, only motifs and symbols typically associated with the palace of Knossos, such as bull acrobatics
century) or as
Now, with
makes perfect sense
site, it
come from
that the ships did indeed
ship
II.
as
China clipper
ships of a type that originated in Crete."'
to locate
as the majority of Egyptologists
Minoan
career
manner.""* This
is
no coincidence,
Qenamun seems
to
have been
would explain why paintings
in
in his
in the
for in the course of his
charge of Perunefer. This
tomb show the impact of
Minoan composition more markedly than any other examples

of Egyptian
'Ezbet
art. It
seems that the
Helmy developed
artists
working
new program
in the palaces
of
for wall painting in
Egyptian palaces. That model continued to be followed through

the time of
running
Amenhotep
spiral
III,
when
it is
seen in the bucrania and
decoration in the palaces of Malqatta in western
Thebes. The palaces that Akhenaten built in
Amarna
later in the
fourteenth century B.C. carry decorations that drew on the same

source, with blue papyrus plants arranged asymmetrically and
scenes
shown
known
Who lived in the palaces at Tell el-Daba/'Ezbet Helmy.' Was

it
Hatshepsut or young Thutmose
the occupant
was
the
It
III.''
young Thutmose
seems more
III. Is it
court in Thebes.''*'
made use of the
When Araenhotep
residence in Perunefer,
was taking over a tradition from his

After
Amenhotep
his reign, the goal
II
the site
fell
it
likely that
thinkable that the
queen placed him there so that he would be quite

official
have roamed through the eastern Mediterranean in the
to
fourteenth century B.C.? Harbor towns were particularly vulnerable

to devastation
against a red background.
II,
as
far
from the
crown
prince,
seems plausible that he
It
from such
diseases.
was only during the Amarna period, when
power, the
Hittites, threateningly
that the site
unknown purpose were
Already
late in
of Egyptian foreign policy had changed to pur-
constructed. Later,
with an impressive
site
been the
interpretatio
aegypdaca (that
on during
Under Amenhotep
Egypt's policy of peaceful coexistence reached
its
peak.
III,
The
between Egypt and Mitanni was again sealed
with marriages, the pharaoh taking rwo Mitanni princesses as
Was
Its
palaces
fell
into ruin and
were taken
over by shepherds.
Perhaps
the
we
Bietak et
Bietak,
al.
At
the Eighteenth
is,
the Egyptianized version)
that
a survivor
from the
in the Eighteenth
that Hatshepsut, for political reasons
discoveries at 'Ezbet
Is
it
possible that the city
1994; Janosi 1995; Bietak 1996; Janosi 1996; Bietak 1997;
Domer, and Janosi
D)masty, and
it
raise a host
2001; Bietak and Forstner-MUlIer 2003.
between Egypt and the Aegean world
that existed in this period
of the Minoans.
16.
Spiegelberg 1927.
17.
Daressy 1928-29; Daressy 1929 31.
19.
Bietak and Marinatos 1995, p. 54.
SSve-Soderbergh 1946, p. 37; Badawi 1948, pp. 13739; Helck 1971,
Brysbaert 2002.
pp. 44673;
Davis 1986.
Niemeier and W.-D. Niemeier 1998, 2000, and 2002.
W.-D. Niemeier
1991, pp. I99ff.; B.
Niemeier and W.-D. Neimeier 1998,
Glanville 1931; Glanville 1932;
Der Manuelian
Helck 1939, pp. 4950; Badawt 1943, p.
1987, pp. 17475;
21.
Bruyere 1930,
12.
43;
Bryan 1991, pp. 4950.
Stadelmann 1967, pp. 32-34.
p. 22;
Bietak 1975, pp. 30, n. 37, 187, 2056.
23. Golenischeff 1913, verso, 15.
24. Glanville 1931, pp. 116 (recto, col. 18, 4), 121 (verso, col. 11, 56); Glanville
2000, and 2002.
1932, pp. 22, no. 56, 30, no. 88.
11.
Bietak 2004b, p. 50,
12.
Dorman
13.
Vercoutter 1956;
14.
Norman
15.
See Evans 1928, pp. 590-96, 604-6,
1991;
Habachi 2001, pp. 1067.
20. Habachi 1972, p. 36; Bietak 1975, p. 192.
Bietak 1994; Bietak and Palyvou 2000.

B.
it.
and they shed a bright light on the surprisingly close relationship
Bietak forthcoming.
9.
in
of questions,
they also provide evi-
3.
8.
seems
of her own, had a hand
Helmy
many of which remain unanswered. But
4.
7.
into
town of Piramesse. The road to
18.
ID.
in the
by Haremhab, they continued
residential
town had been paved
The
clear that the Canaanite cults lived
Dynasty and were disbanded only
period. Revived
Ramesside times in the
it
Domer and Janosi 2001.
Janosi 2002.
same
the
2.
6.
after
last king,
dence for the complete overturning of previous assumptions,
should search for another, more cogent reason for
abandonment of so important a base.
was struck by an epidemic of a disease such as the plague, which is
1.
Amarna
there no longer any need for the naval and military
stronghold of Perunefer.'
fortress.'*
of the Canaanite storm god Baal Zephon'
Mediterranean area, the Near Eastern kingdom of Mitanni;
wives.
super-
Haremhab, who
became the Eighteenth Dynasty's
strengthened the
Hyksos period. This makes
friendly relationship
new
time he restored the old temple of Seth in Avaris,'' where Seth had
father.
into disrepair.
a Mitannian princess.
political arena,
again, and large buildings of
a long military career
suing a rapprochement with the other superpower in the eastern
Thutmose IV married
appeared in the
became important once
fig. 7.
Wachsmann
1987, pp. 3132.
Wachsmann
1987, pp. 2740; Matthaus 1995.
de G. Davies 1930.
summary in Press
1967.
25.
26.
Norman de
27. See
figs.
368, 37071, 377-79; and a useful
p.
49.
G. Davies 1930,
H. Goedicke 2004,
28. Bietak,
pi. xlviii.
p. 128.
Dorner, and Janosi 2001, pp. loi 2.
29. Bietak 1985.
30. Bietak 1990.
8l
1479-1425
(r.
III
B.C.)
Faience
H.
17.5
cm (6% in.), Diam.
Museum
7.5
cm (3
in.)
of Fine Arts, Boston, Gift of the Egypt
Exploration Fund oo.702a-d
rhyton
is
a slender, conical ceremonial vase
with a handle, a type of vessel that originated
in
Minoan
ancient Crete at the end of the Middle
Period (ca. 1550 B.C.) and remained popular
Mycenae
there and at
Period.'
Made of
faience, ryhta
and
patterns
rate
Minoan
into the Late
pottery,
or
metal,
stone,
were often decorated with elaboelements.
figural
While
imported rhyta are almost never found in

Egypt,' the form was well
and
in
known both
there
Nubia. In the procession of foreign
ute bearers depicted in the
Rekhmire
at
tomb of
trib-
the vizier
Thebes (TT 100) during the reign
of Thutmose
Amenhotep
or
III
II,
two of the
Keftiu (Cretans) carry slender rhyta covered in
scalloped or scalelike patterns and with elaborate handles.'

local
The rhyton form was adapted by
Egyptian faience artisans
broader, rather baggy,
who produced
more simply decorated
vessels with a plain loop handle at the rim.
37
This blue faience rhyton has the characteristic
cal
baggy shape.
Its
decoration combines a typi-
Egyptian motif often seen on pottery of the
Eighteenth Dynasty
band
and
a
angles in black paint
with pendant
running
tri-
spiral
Egyptian motifs of pendant

in
triangles.'
At Kubban,
Nubia, a rhyton was found that has the
Egyptian baggy shape but
is
decorated with
motif typical of Aegean decoration. Like the
three rows of running spirals and what appears
Minoan examples,
to
the base so
found
at
it
the rhyton
is
pierced through
can be used as a funnel.
Abydos,
in a disturbed
tomb
It
was
that also
contained an imitation in alabaster of a Cypriot
Base Ring
(compare
juglet
cat. no. 156)
and a
be
more
a register
like
with figural elements, motifs
those on Aegean prototypes.'^

in the ruins
Thutmose
Deir el-Bahri and identified
part of a pot stand'
Locally
overlapping scales
may also be
made
faience rhyta have been found
throughout Egypt, from Saqqara
Nubia
in the south. It has
in the north to
been suggested that
the one rhyton found in Saqqara
Nubia, probably
Egypt
at
in
Amenhotep
I.
It
was
an intact grave along with an imported
Cypriot Base Ring

beakers (compare
Tuna
in
into
in the early Eighteenth Dynasty, proba-
bly during the reign of
found
was made
Kerma, and brought
juglet
cat. no.
el-Gebel, near
and two Kerma ware

5).''
Amarna
An
part of a rhyton.
is
is
a zone with upright lotus leaves
Emily Townsend Vermeule
interrupted
God)
private tombs, the vessel has a
Two
was found
a simple black
in a
grave
at
triangles in the style of
was found
The
in a
tomb
at
pis.
pi. 7,
xvni, xix.
i.
in Egypt's Golden
Age
1982, p. 154, no. 160; Robert Steven Bianchi in F. D.

135, 228, no. 124.
6.
Firth 1927, p. 63, pi. 27c,
7.
Aksamit 1996, pp. 8 n,
8.
Holthoer 1977,
9.
Simpson 1963, pp. 3132,
pi.
3.
pi. vi.
20 (upper
left).
fig.
24, 14, pi. 15.
rim.
pottery rhyta of Nile clay are
from Nubia. One, with

the rim,
wavy
G. Davies 1943,
Friedman 1998, pp.
Larger than the rhyta found in
known
band on
Fadrus,^ and
red and black with rows of dots and pendant
decorated with typically
Bourriau 1991, pp. 139-40,
and Hatshepsut's coronation name, Maatkare,

in a cartouche.
(Petrie 1891, pi. xix, 37).
Norman de
and a rectan-
gular plaque bearing the tide ntrnfr (Great
Gurob
3.
4.
rhyta depicted in the
another example, more elaborately decorated in
slen-
at
of
Museum,
der pointed form of the Cretan original but, like

the present example,
in shades
example from
(British
London, 22731), more closely copies the
SJA
Vermeule 1982.
tomb of Rekhmire. The pattern

by
mixed vocab-
A fragment of a Minoan pottery rhyton was found
covered with a pattern of
like the
the vessels both familiar and exotic.
1.
This fragment of a conical vessel
(cat. no. 172).
make
Aegean decorative elements
2.
blue and blue-green
elements
to
of vessels in an Egyptian
and employed
ulary of native and
as
hog decorated with Aegean-inspired molded

floral
to the production
material, faience,
of the temple of
red polished figure vase in the form of a hedge-
is
form
A faience
fragment found
III at
which Egyptian craftsmen adapted an imported
New Kingdom pottery,
Arminna.^
present rhyton exemplifies the
Provenance; Abydos, Tomb

W. M. Flinders
Petrie for the
1900
Bibliography: Randall-Maclver and Mace

p. 90, pi. 50;
in
1902,
Nelson 1936; Emily Townsend Vermeule
mEgypt's Golden Age 1982,
Townsend Vermeule
way
Dii; excavated by
Egypt Exploration Fund,
no. 32; Petschel
in
p. 154, no. 161;
Agyptens Aufsneg,
and von Faick 2004,
Emily
p. 127,
p. 229, no. 221
THE ROLE OF AMUN

James
P.
Allen
Inscriptions
in Hatshepsut's
mortuary temple
at
Deir el-Bahri
describe her conception as resulting from the union of her
mother,
Queen Ahmose, with
the
incarnation [of] her husband, the Dual
god Amun-Re,
the function of kingship in this entire land
(Egypt) and lead
all
the living.""
Amun
"will exercise
rule the
Two Lands
Amun himself. The god Amun-Re represented the
fest in the sun.
in their
the
own
Re 's life- giving power and authority were honored
right,
but
Amun
was recognized
as their ultimate
As such, Amun-Re was "King of the Gods" and "Lord of
source.
Two Lands'
Thrones."
as the source
Amun had first risen to prominence in the Eleventh Dynasty at
Amun-Re was the amal-
Thebes, his primary center of worship from that time onward. His
Acknowledged here
of Hatshepsut's existence and her kingship,
gamation of two gods,
"[in] the
King Aakheperkare (Thut-
mose I),'" and record the god's decree that Hatshepsut
reflections of
primary expression of this theology: Amun's creative force mani-
and Re, in a single
In
deity.
was
role in the Egyptian pantheon
closely linked to the patronage
New Kingdoms
Hatshepsut's time, this fusion of the two divinities was the dominant
of Egypt's rulers of the Middle and
theology of Egypt, with religious as well as
Twelfth Dynasties and Seventeenth-Eighteenth Dynasties, respec-
The god Re, whose name means
political implications.
"sun," was worshiped from
tively),
both of which had originated
at
(Eleventh-
Thebes. These kings saw
the beginning of Egyptian civilization as the supreme force in the
Amun
world. His chief center of worship was at Heliopolis (part of mod-
of their dynastic legitimacy. Even when they no longer resided
ern Cairo), just to the north of Memphis, the political capital for
Thebes, they were either crowned there
most of Egypt's
held elsewhere, evidently
tence depends
history.
on
Recognizing that the world's very exis-
the sun, the Egyptians
phenomenon of nature but

natural
saw in Re not merely one
the governing force
from which
of the world. In their role as rulers of the living

Egyptian eyes, as the supreme human power
both their
own existence and their kingship
from Re. This descent was
as
and
thus, in
felt
Theban temple immediately
the Nile, at Karnak. Called
appointed,"
hometown but
or, if the
the need to pay
in
at
in
Amun's
east
bank of
homage
Thebes was on the
"Of (all)
places, the
was oriented perpendicularly
it
as the source
ceremony was
after their coronation.'
The god's primary temple
all
phenomena derive. As such, Re was acknowledged as king
not merely as the god of their
one that has been
to the Nile, with its
Egypt's Idngs saw
sanctuary in the east. In Egyptian eyes, temples were homes of the
devolving directly
gods. Karnak served as
reflected in the title
Son of Re, which
palace,
it
was
Amun's
his chief residence
The god
state temple: like the king's
and
site
of contact with his sub-
had a second Theban temple,
Egypt's kings had used since the Fourth Dynasty, more than a
jects.
at
Luxor, two
millennium before Hatshepsut's time. Hatshepsut adopted the
miles south of Karnak, built parallel to the Nile. This
was known
title
as well,
though
Daughter of Re,
in her case
it
was occasionally changed
reflecting her gender.
In the theology of the
New
thought to have existed before
Kingdom, the
As
ation.
such,
all else,
role of the
In that capacity, he
world
was
included
in its entirety
The
true
phenomena
name, which means "hidden." Nonetheless,
Amun's presence
as the
god 's
pri-
On the west bank, the royal mortuary temples were

dedicated to Amun and belonged to Amun's Estate, which
also
Amun was unlike Re and the other Egyptian gods,
represented the elements and forces of nature.
the Egyptians felt
Amun's Southern Residence and was viewed
god
independent of his cre-
extent of his being could not be discerned in these

quality reflected in his
as
vate enclave.
Amun was that of the creator of the world.
who
to
also
in their daily lives. Since the
had been created by him,
forces could be seen not only as gods in their
its
elements and
own right but also as
all
Hatshepsut
the
Theban
temples.
in the desert valley
Karnak, and the valley
itself
The mortuary temple of
of Deir el-Bahri was built to face
was
part of the region
known
as
Facing Its Lord.
During annual
sion from
Karnak
festivals the god's
to the other
image was taken
Theban
in proces-
temples: to Luxor
on the
Beautiful Festival of the Residence, and to the mortuary temples
on the west bank during the Beautiful
Festival of the Valley.
During the early Eighteenth Dynasty, these two celebrations were
83
held in September and May, respectively.

instituted in the Eleventh
2000
B.C.); its
name
temple was situated
The
Valley Festival was
Dynasty by Mentuhotep
Deir el-Bahri, where
refers to
of Hatshepsut
(like that
2051-
II (r.
his
mortuary
The
later on).
Hatshepsut's reign also witnessed the beginning of an intellectual
movement centered on
hymns were
Dynasty and may have been initiated by Hatshepsut herself.
sun
In Hatshepsut 's time the temple at Luxor was
more than
little
Karnak was
the Residence.
Kingdom,
it
Begun
far grander.
Middle
two
obelisks, facing the rising sun, behind
Karnak as well
it.
Scenes and inscriptions in
Pimt to procure incense
as the expedition she sent to
trees for her temple
and
that
of the god. Hatshepsut also inaugurated
a second, north-south, axis at Karnak, extending toward the temple
Such
sun as Re, Khepri (the
(the sun at sunset), or Harakhti (the sun as
Under Hatshepsut, however, they began
to
be
Amun as well, as in this h5rmn inscribed on a statue of
Scribe
Oh,
south of the entrance to Karnak. Moreover, she added to the temple

wife, Mut, which lay between Karnak and Luxor, and on
the west bank she had a
Habu, where the god's body was believed to lie.
Although Hatshepsut had buildings for other gods erected or
the grandest and
most numerous of her
These
reign.
far
The
dedicatory inscription
Thrones,
unique, without equal,
for you are air for noses
and one
breathes only as you allow!
1 have come untoyou that I may worship your perfection
from
the time
until the
when you appear in
the east
ofthe sky
sun sets in the western mountain.
Mayyou let me be in the following ofyow life force,

my mouth full ofthe sustenance that comes from
your offering stand.
(Dedicated) by the scribe and steward ofthe high priest
(ofAmun), Amenhotep.^
on one of Hatshepsut's
Such hymns represent not the incursion of Amun into the solar
cult
this
with a laving heart for my father,
but an expanded view of the sun as a manifestation of Amun:
Amun, having
as in this text,
entered into his initiation
'
sunlike one, lord ofappearance,
gifts to
obelisks expresses this view eloquently:
I have made
lord,
perfect in sunl^ht, glittering in kindness,
Amun were seen not merely as a duty but as a privilege granted by

himself.
'
Re-Harakhti, eldest god, who made what has been made,
new temple to Amun constructed at Medinet
enhanced throughout Eg)fpt, her Theban constructions are by
Amenhotep says:
my lord and the gods
Amun, Lord ofthe Two Lands
of Luxor, by having a new pylon erected a hundred yards to the
Karnak
manifested
to the sun
officials.
one of her contemporaries:
her mortuary temple record the transport of two of these obelisks to
god
Atum
ruler of the world).
obelisks, a
Middle Kingdom sanctuary and a small shrine with two more
the
traditionally devoted to the
dawn),
dedicated to
sanctuary, and a series of offering chapels in front of the
of Amun's
at
is
hymns
was enlarged or enhanced by most of Egypt's kings
thereafter. Hatshepsut's contributions included
new
in the
god Amun-Re. This
carved on stelae and in the tombs of Hatshepsut's
Festival of the Residence is first attested in the Eighteenth
chapel for the reception of Amun's image during the Festival of
the
primarily in nonroyal texts, particularly in
ofthe First Occasion
(i.e.,
Amun
and the sun god are addressed
as a single
having been
being.
The
texts
do not generally occur on
the
monuments of
given knowledge ofAmun's role in the creation ofthe world) and

kings: their counterpart in the rojral sphere
having experienced his impressive
efficacy.
is
the solar chapels that
I have not been forget-
ful ofany project he has decreed. For My Incarnation
Hatshepsut established both in Karnak and in her
own mortuary
(i.e.,
temple at Deir el-Bahri.'

Hatshepsut herself) knows he
is
divine,
and I have done
it
by
his
These
command. He
the
is
the one
who guides me. I could not have imagined
work withoia his acting: he
is
the one
who gives the
texts
introduced into worship of the sun as a natural phe-
nomenon aspects derived from the more abstraa theology of Amun:
directions.
his status as the primordial creator, his accessibility as a personal
Nor have I slept because ofhis

he has commanded.
and I have
temple.
I do not stray fiom what
My heart is perceptive on behalfofmy father
access to his mind's knowledge.
I have not turned my
god, and his role as arbiter of ethical values.'
what Jan Assmann has

back on the town ofthe Lord to the Limit (an epithet ofAmun-Re
that
as the sun), but paid attention to
it.
For I know that Karnak
all
heaven on earth, the sacred elevation ofthe First Occasion, the
Eye ofthe Lord to the Limit
also,
and ultimately, as manifestations of a single god,
Amun. This view did not reach
its
most profound expression until
his favorite place, which bears his
the Nineteenth Dynasty, during the reign of Ramesses II
(r.
1279
and gathers Ms followers.''
sentiments undoubtedly governed
all
ity
of Thebes as well.
known as the
SETTING THE SCENE
its
beginnings can be traced to Hatshepsut's time.
Hundreds of years before Hatshepsut, a
of Hatshepsut's
construction projects for Amim, not only in Karnak but in the rest
84
view
the gods could be understood not only as independent
but
1213 B.C.), but
The same
called the "crisis of polytheism": the
is
entities
perfection
They also stressed the
primacy of Amun over other gods, a concept that eventually led to
had been expressed
in the
Instruction for
similar
view of divin-
Middle Kingdom composition
King Merikare:
of the god,
sky and the earth for
has
made
He has made
the
Hatshepsut, however, this personal view of divinity had gained
are providedfor.
People, the flock
He
their heart
the heart's air so that they
From
They are
his likenesses,
the
royal
tions of
when they breathe.
He rises in
who came from
become centered on
general currency and had
may live
monuments to
Amun's
the
god Amun.
private statues, the different manifesta-
cult in the early
Eighteenth Dynasty can be
traced to this sense of a single, approachable god behind
his body.
all
the
phenomena of nature and human events.
sky for their hearts.
He has made for them the plants, flocks, andfish

thatfeed them
He
1.
mcJoes sunlightfor their hearts
and sails
Urkunden
4, p. 219,
2. Ibid., p. 221,
3.
(across the sky) to see them.
11.
This sentiment
1.
II.
and 1415.
expressed in a stela of Ahmose
is
king of the Eighteenth Dynasty,
He
he
has raised a shrine about them: when they weep

is
Thebes. See Wiener and
hearing
4.
The god knows every name.'
The
deity in this text
at least in part, as the
is
anonymous
sun
and
though
clearly envisioned,
not
known how widespread
By
the time of
4, p. 363,
5.
Vandier 1958,
6.
Assmann
pi.
1.
J.
2, p.
P.
1.
I (r.
1550-1525
B.C.), first
who was evidently crowned at a site north of
Allen 1998, pp. 7,
364,
17.
6.
CLIX.
1995, p. 102.
7. Ibid., p. 10.
8.
it is
such sentiments were in the Middle Kingdom.
Urkunden
Helck 1988,
p. II,
1.
10, p. 12,
1.
8.
Merikare
wasakingof the Ninth Dynasty,
about two hundred years earher than the Instruction. The text
mouth of Merikare *s father,
is
placed in the
as advice to his son.
THE ROLE OF AMUN
85
II.
HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT
HATSHEPSUT
Queen to Co-Ruler
Princess to
Peter F.
Dorman
only existing records of Hatshepsut's childhood and
The
the years she spent as princess at the royal court are those
that she herself
had inscribed on the temples
Deir
at
el-
Bahri and Karnak during her later kingship. These accounts are
couched in tertns that patently emphasize her mythical descent

from the Theban god Amun-Re and her oracular
still
a girl, as future monarch; their intention
selection, while
is
retroactively
to present the erstwhile princess as having been divinely sanc-
become pharaoh from
tioned to
the time of her girlhood.
One
searches in vain for contemporary references to Princess
Hatshepsut recorded during the reign of her father, Thutmose
I.
In fact, one would not expect her to be prominendy featured,
two of her brothers, Amenmose and
since at that time at least
Wadjmose, stood to
mature deaths
who came
With
inherit the throne before her, until their pre-
not to mention a third, also named Thutmose,
to the throne
when
the accession of
their father died.'
Thutmose
II,
who was
both her half
brother and her husband, Hatshepsut acquired the normal
queenly
the few
titles
Great King's Wife and God's Wife of
monuments
do not suggest
that can
mountain, but
lar quartzite
any unusual
that she then held
extraordinary power.'
was prepared
Amun,
status or
wielded
tomb, impressive enough for the time,
for her in the isolated southern cHffs of the

it
but
be dated to her tenure as chief queen
does not seem to have been
finished.'
Theban
A rectangu-
sarcophagus inscribed with her queenly tides was dis-
covered inside.
Up
to this point there
were no intimations
Hatshepsut was destined to play a greater
of queen. But Thutmose

a few years into his
II
reign,''
two or three years old
by Hatshepsut but by
on
who
Thutmose
asserts in his
Hatshepsut,
queen. Early i8th Dynasty
than that
the throne a son perhaps just
named Thutmose
minor queen named
born
Isis.'
to
him not
The unusual
nature of this royal succession was alluded to by the architect

Ineni,
Aswan showing Senenmut facing

who appears with the traditional regalia of a
Fig. 37. Graffito at
seems to have died unexpectedly only
leaving
also
political role
that
tomb biography
that after the death of
his son stood in his place as
assumed the
while his
of the
rulership
country, the
King of the Two Lands, having
upon the throne ofthe one who begat him,
God's Wife, Hatshepsut,
sister, the
Two Lands
Curiously, nowhere does Ineni state the

Instead, he
Opposite: Fig. 36. Hatshepsut. Detail
Dynasty.
managed the
affairs
being in her care.^
II,
of a
lifesize
granite statue, early 18th
The MetropoUtan Museum of Art, New York, and Rijksmuseum van
Oudheden, Leiden (see cat. na 95)
makes
it
name of the new pharaoh.
perfectly clear that Hatshepsut
apparentiy
by virtue of her roles as chief queen and God's Wife rather than as
King's Mother
was
the prime
mover in governmental affairs.
consort and pharaoh.'" Another offering depiction, from a limestone
chapel
at
Karnak, presents a more
amalgam of female and
explicit
kingly attributes, with Hatshepsut garbed in the usual tight-fitting
robe but wearing a regal plumed crown with ram's horns, and
her cartouches preceded by the
Egypt, and Mistress of Ritual
King of Upper and Lower
titles
38)." It
(fig.
is
at this point,
when she
acquires kingly tides and crowns (as at least one other Egyptian
queen had done previously),
that
Hatshepsut 's kingship
may be said
and textual incongruities of such an offering
to begin. Yet the visual
scene must have been striking to the literate observer. Indeed, there
evidence that in the later years of her co-regency, Hatshepsut had
is
several such scenes recarved to eliminate the queenly features
and
replace her female image with the male one of her later persona."
Another curious iconographic measure was attempted
at the
temple of Buhen in Nubia, which was decorated jointly by
Hatshepsut and the young Thutmose

sanctuary, Hatshepsut
is
shown
On
III.
garbed
still
gown had become elastic (see fig.

Thutmose
Since at
2).''
long dress but
if
the
Buhen
was venerated together with the
II
the walls of the
in a
adopting the wide striding stance of a male, as
hem of her
the deceased
Horus,
local god,
Hatshepsut had not yet given up the active celebration of her husFig
38.
Hatshepsut dressed as a
woman and wearing a plumed crown with ram's
band's memory; but that was soon to change.
horns. Block from the Chapelle Rouge, Karnak, Thebes, early 18th Dynasty.
Probably by the seventh regnal year of Thutmose
Quartzite
sentations of Hatshepsut
so
a
During the early years of her regency, Hatshepsut had herself

portrayed in the traditional garb of a queen, often grasping the
God's Wife of Amun,
distinctive insignia of the
engraved by Senenmut
at
as in the graffito
Aswan, which commemorates
port of two obelisks to Karnak at her behest
temple of Semna in Nubia, Thutmose
III, as
the trans-
(fig. 37).'
At
the
reigning king, was
depicted as the donor of the renewed temple offerings, but
Hatshepsut was portrayed
at
one
accompanied by her queenly

pains to sanctify the
granite statue of
memory of her
Thutmose
for the temple of
side,
Khnum
II,
recently deceased husband; a
found
there,
wearing her long gown and
In this period she also took
titles.'
at
Elephantine and intended
shows him
in a jubilee
cloak and
bears a dedicatory inscription from Hatshepsut "for her brother."'
But
it
seems clear that Hatshepsut 's control over the mechanics
of government, hers by default since the death of her husband,

eventually required ideological expression as well, and relatively
early
on she devised
prenomen
coronation name: Maatkare.

the ka of Re,"
life
its first
chief queen's
(It is
a complete sentence,
"Maat
is
meaning "The proper manifestation of the sun's
force.") This
used on
for herself, the equivalent of a
prenomen, enclosed within a cartouche, was
appearance in conjunction with the quintessential
title
God's Wife, while Hatshepsut was represented
in
queenly regalia and female costume
88
an odd confluence of
many of her
royal
III,""
repre-
had assumed the masculine form seen
monuments. In laying claim
"male" pharaoh, however, she was forced to
in
to the throne as
alter the basis
of
her legitimacy.'' Ignoring the inconvenient facts of her marriage

to
Thutmose
II
and her former career
instead an elaborate
signaled
as queen, she contrived
mythology of her predestination, supposedly
by an oracular event during her
father's reign
and
by her miraculous birth through the Theban god Amun-Re."*

Since her right to rule was
her father, Thutmose

Bahri, while
in
was
Thutmose
ished from sight.
now to be based on
From
II,
glorified at her
own temple
the father of her
Thutmose
own
in
from
Deir
el-
co-regent, van-
Hatshepsut was represented
this point on,
male form and ruled as a pharaoh, a
partner to the younger
direct descent
III.
fully equal
and even senior
But she never attempted to
obscure her female essence; her inscriptions consistently employ

the feminine gender, maintaining the tension
female elements evident in almost
all
into a "male"
place gradually, over a period of years, and
of exploratory phases.
between male and
her representations.
Thus Hatshepsut's metamorphosis
The extended
belies the pretense that her kingship
pharaoh took
went through
a series
transitional period itself
had been preordained.
Hatshepsut's assertion of male kingship was not a usurpation of

royal power, which in any case she had wielded from the death of
Thutmose
II. It
should rather be viewed as the end result of an
unprecedented experiment in which the possibility was explored

that a female sovereign could ascend the
Egyptian throne."
1.
For the genealogical interrelationships of the early Thutmoside family, see
Wente
7.
Amenmose was named crown prince in year 4 of

own mortuary chapel in western
1980, pp. 12931.
his father,
8.
and Wadjmose was accorded his
As deceased members of the
1996.
royal family, both princes remained local
9.
10.
For example, Hatshepsut
is
shown
secondary place, behind Thutmose
in a
and the queen "mother," Ahmose, on Berlin

pp. 25557,
pi. 34.
The
Wildung
connoting a female priestly
The
title
God's Wife of Amun,
when
the
held considerable economic and political significance.
title
Urkunden
6.
38.
5960; see also Dziobek 1992,
4, pp.
Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 195255, no. 177,
of titles and prenomen, see Urkunden
Gabolde and Rondot 1996.

For example, see Caminos 1974,
For the date, see Hayes 1957, pp. 78 80,
15.
An
see
16.
Two Tombs of Hatshepsut" in chapter 3.

On the age of Thutmose II, see Gabolde 1987b; and von Beckerath 1990.
On the age of Thutmose III at this point, see Dorman 2005.
depiction of
can be recon-
pi. LVi;
4, p. 34; see
p. 172, pi. IV.
14.
Catharine H. Roehrig's "The
it
Dorman 2005.
early sign of this shift
el-Silsila,
three minor queens of Thutmose III, for which see Lilyquist 2003. See also
5.
this depiction, see
Chevrier 1934,
13.
prepared for queens of the early Eighteenth Dynasty, such as the tomb of
4.
For
12.
An inaccessible location such as this was typical of interments
Carter 1917.
The
the basis of the extant traces.
Dreyer 1984.
also
11.
connected with the cult of Amun, was
office
ordinarily given to major queens in the early Eighteenth Dynasty, a time
1998, pi. 42; see also Urkunden 4, pp. 2012.
on
for a textual occurrence
II
1974,
authenticity of the stela, however, has recently been
questioned in C. Goedicke and Krauss 1998.
3.
stela 15699; see
Caminos
structed
cult figures.
2.
Habachi 1957, pp. 92 96.
Hatshepsut has been entirely erased and recarved, but
Thebes, for which see Lecuyot and Loyrette 1995 and Lecuyot and Loyrette
Caminos and James
vol. 2, pis. 74, 82.
may be
where Hatshepsut
81, fig.
1963, pi.
These events are represented
i.
seen in Senenmut's shrine
calls herself the
at
Gebel
"King's First-Born Daughter";
40.
at the
Chapelle Rouge
and Chevrier 197779, pp. 97-153)
at
Karnak (Lacau
divine-birth reliefs at
her Deir el-Bahri temple (Naville 1894-1908,
pt. 2, pis.
XLvn-Lv),
respectively.
pis. 34, 63.
17.
On this subject, see
also
Ann Macy Roth's essay in chapter
i.
Relief Depicting
Thutmose
II
II (r.
1492-
1479 B.C.)
Limestone
H. 107
cm
W.
(42/8 in.),
109
cm
(42y8 in.)
Karnak Open-Air Museum, Luxor
During
the Eighteenth Dynasty, each succes-
sive ruler
added
a structure
great temple of
Amun
at
of some sort to the
Karnak. Kings
fre-
quently chose to have a courtyard and a huge
gateway, or pylon, built in front of the existing
temple complex, thus creating a

entrance.
new
principal
Between 1957 and 1964, restoration
work was done on what
is
now
called the
temple's Third Pylon." This gateway was con-
by Amenhotep
structed
III (r.
1390-1352
the great-grandson of Hatshesput's
and co-ruler, Thutmose
Amenhotep's
architects
structures built
by
III.
B.C.),
nephew
For the foundation,
had used blocks from
earlier kings.
Among
were several limestone blocks from
these
a festival
court built about a century earlier in the same

area by Hatshepsut 's husband,
The block on which
Thutmose
II.'
this relief is
carved was
removed from the foundation of
the Third
Pylon during the winter of 195758.
It
had
originally been part of the southern face of the
38
northern entrance into the festival court built
by Thutmose
II.'
The king
is
shown
kneeling,
presenting raw jars (libation vessels) to
who
is
right
hand
seated at the right.
Amun holds
With
Amun,
his extended
out the ankh
(life)
and
was (dominion) hieroglyphs to Thutmose. The
king
is
identified as
"Aakheperenre Thutmose-
Protector-of-Re," which
is
written in the car-
This image of a kneeling king offering nw
jars is
repeated in the colossal statues of Hatshepsut (see
touches above him, and by his Horus name,
cat. nos. 91, 92),
"Forceful Bull of Powerful Strength," which
tated that in the statues the king's hands, held
appears
in the rectangular
device behind him.
but the weight of the stone dic-
aloft in the relief, are
shown resting on her knees.
PRINCESS TO QUEEN TO CO-RULER
89
The
exquisite, crisp carving of this relief
testifies to the technical skill
The
of the sculptors.
perfectly preserved image of the king
an early example of the Thutmoside
which became
is
style,
of the joint reign of
a hallmark
III.
CHR
1.
Muhammad
1966, pp. 14345.
2.
Gabolde 1993 and 2003.
3.
Gabolde 1993,
xv.
pi.
Provenance: From
the foundation of the Third
Pylon, Karnak temple; removed in 1957-58, during

restoration
work
carried out for the Egyptian
Antiquities Service by Mostafa Subhy, director of
works of Karnak, Taha El-Sheltawy,
director of the
engineering section, and Dr. Abdul-Qader
Muhammad,
Upper Egypt
chief inspector of
Bibliography: Muhammad
1966, p. 150, pi. viii, a;
Mystiwiec 1976, pp. 4243,
xix, 39; Gabolde 1993,
pi.
XV;
2003,
KMT% no.
pi.
pi.
(spring 1994), cover; Gabolde
Statuette of a
39.
King
as
Falcon
18th Dynasty, late reign of
reign of Amenhotep
Red
H.
II
Thutmose III early
(1435-1420 B.C.)
jasper
II
cm (4^8
in.),
Musee du Louvre,
D.
cm (2/iin.)
6.3
Paris
5351
This statuette depicts the hybrid of a king and
who
falcon god, the latter probably Horus,
embodied the powers of the monarch. The
were associated with the

tion, or the
Sed
New Year, the corona-
festival (the
coronation).-* Others
reenactment of the
1.
2.
Laboury 1998,
In
p. 385,
following Brunner 1962,
earlier statue types in
all
pi. v.
which king and falcon
were associated, the two were physically separate,
have proposed that the
whether they were interacting (Egyptian Museum,
head, torso, and arms of the king are enveloped
by the body,
legs,
and wings of the falcon. The
may have held an

they may have been
arms, bent at the elbows,

object of
some
slightly raised,
type, or
in
an attitude of adoration.'
Three-dimensional renderings of the king

close association with
the
Horus
are attested
Old Kingdom; they include
statue,
now
in Cairo,
well-known
of the Fourth Dynasty
ruler Khafre, with his head enclosed
con's wings.""
two
in
from
by the
fal-
The melding of the bodies of the
divinities,
however, appears
to
have been a
image
the
is
an ingenious monogram that
striations of the
tures, too, lack precision,
god
initi-
it
III'^
short line of
"King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of
breaks
off before the royal
name
ated or reaffirmed his royalty, and they have
would have occurred and may, moreover, be

later addition.^
Brooklyn Museum,
most recendy, Romano 1998, pp. 240
cak
3, figs.
8-19).
p. 58.
A two-dimensional rendering
reconstructed peristyle court of Thutmose
Karnak; see Letellier 1991,
Laboury 1998,
5.
Ibid., p. 443, citing
IV
Martinez 1989,
p. 116,
and Goebs
1995, pp. 159-62.
Krieger i960, pp. 3738.
7.
Laboury 1998,
p. 473.
Krieger i960,
p. 44, n. 3,
p. 386.
at
p. 44, fig. 2.
p. 337, n. 901.
6.
8.
formulaic text on the breast of the statue
Ritual"
in the Sed-festival cloak,
Krieger i960,
4.
difficult to
and Amenhotep IF have
as the subject.
1],
of the king as falcon appears on one wall of the
facial fea-
therefore suggested that king- falcon figures
90
3.
associate the statuette with a specific king.
Both Thutmose
on which the king
making
39.120; see,
42, no.
no. 40:
nemes headcloth from the
The
[191
1974, p. 22) or merely juxta-
statuette
plumage of catalogue
undifferentiated avian body.
been advanced
Horus, would have been particularly appro-
Pepi
probably derived from an
The
bibliography up to about 1974,
Moss
posed, without any interaction (as in the statuette of
only an incised line separates the horizontal
Thutmoside-period invention.^ Some scholars
closely identified the king with the royal
is
enlarged version of this statuette.

lacks the detailed
Borchardt 191 136, vol.
14;
pi. 4; for
see Porter and
head of a king, possibly Hatshepsut, as
falcon (cat. no. 40)
CG
Cairo,
pp. 1416,
or â, of Amun.'
have reasoned that such an image, which so
priate for occasions
identifies
force, or ka, of the king with a manifes-
life
tation,
and Laboury 1998,
Provenance: Purchased in
Bey
1868 from the Rousset
collection
Wildung
Morenz
1977;
Christophe Barbotin
in
1958, p. 301; Krieger i960;
1984, p. 198,
figs. 19,
20;
p. 188,
no. 104; Martinez 1989, p. 116; Gabriella Porta in Arte
neWantico Egitto 1990,
p. 89, no. 37;
De Putter and
Karishausen 1992, pp. 248-49, no. 87; Seipel 1992,

pp. 248-49, no. 87; Kozloff and
n. 5;
Goebs
Bryan 1992,
1995, pp. 15962, pis.
iii, iv;
p. 197,
Berman and
Laboury 1998, pp. 385473; Ziegler and Rutschowscaya 2002, p. 51
Letellier 1996, pp. 52-53, 95;

87,
Head of a King
40.
(Hatshepsut?) as Falcon
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 b.c.)
Black granite
H. 26.9 cm
D. 15.4
cm
(loMl in.),
W.
21.3
cm
(8/s in.),
(6/s in.)
Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour
Fund
55.118
In frontal view this image of a king mirrors
numerous depictions of the
ruler wearing the
nemes headcloth and the uraeus.

left side
On
the proper
of the nemes, however, are the remains
40
of an incised feather pattern, which indicates

that the representation
is
one of
a king
melded
with a falcon divinity, probably Horus. In

the
likelihood,
statue
to
which
this
belonged resembled the smaller but
far
all
head
III as
more
The
and such
overall facial structure
Provenance: Unknown
the subject.
details as
complete jasper statuette of the king as falcon
the elegant, slightly tilted eyes and the
(cat. no. 39).
chin are characteristic of the
stylistic
Bibliography:
narrow
provenance,
is
it is
any inscription or
lary of the sculptors
a secure
hard to establish which monarch
employed by Hatshepsut
15;
pp. 442-43, n.
CAK
An
1956,
Krieger i960, pp. 51-52,
Brunner 1962; Wildung 1977; Fazzini
1989, no. 36 (with bibliography);
toward the end of the co-regency period.
represented. Scholars have proposed both
Collecting Egyptian
pp. 5-6, no. 6, pis. 14,
vocabu-
fig. 19;
In the absence of
Laboury
et
al.
1998,
82 (with bibliography); Fazzini,
Romano, and Cody
1999, p. 82, no.
37
THE TOMB OF RAMOSE AND HATNEFER

In January 1936, as
Metropolitan
the hillside
Ambrose Lansing and William C. Hayes of The
Museum
of Art were carrying out
below the Theban tomb chapel (TT
ful courtier
a systematic clearance
71)
of
of Senenmut, a power-
during the co-regency of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
they uncovered a small sealed doorway beneath the
artificial
III,
terrace
that served as the forecourt of the tomb.' Behind the doorway, in a
cramped chamber cut
into the rock, lay four coffins
surrounded by heaped
boxes, baskets, and pottery
from the
New Kingdom
one of
(fig. 39).
the few well-preserved private burials
Two painted
anthropomorphic
bore the names of Ramose and Hatnefer, already
known
coffins
to scholars as the
parents of Senenmut, and two rectangular coffins contained six additional
mummies,
all
anonymous and almost certainly close family members.
While cataloguing
the objects and
mummies, Lansing and Hayes
realized that the intended beneficiary of the burial
must have been
91
another,
more modest cemetery, given
rest next to
little
more than
skeletons, often
come from
gravel and stones that must have
mummy
fresh wrappings,
and then
laid to
Hatnefer within the precincts of Senenmut's tomb. These
mummies were
other
bundled up with
their first grave.
The
of Ramose was considerably younger than that of Hatnefer,
suggesting that he had predeceased her by a
number of years. The
rich-
ness of her burial, and the relative poverty of her husband's, suggest that
it
was Senenmut's sudden
rise to royal
favor under Hatshepsut that had
enabled her to enjoy a lavish funeral in later years.'
This crowded interment must have been made early in the carving
Tomb
out of
71, since the terrace
fill
consisted of loose chip that stone-
would have dumped from above
cutters
in great quantity. Several jar
dockets and sealings from the tomb are dated to regnal year
the approximate time the burial
stamp referring
and
to
was
sealed.'
Hatshepsut as ruler
One amphora
(literally,
"the
7,
indicating
sealing bears a
Good Goddess")
generally regarded as the earliest dated attestation of Hatshepsut
is
PFD
as king.''
1.
The
discovery of the tomb
Hayes
These conclusions were made
it
appeared when
it
of the grave goods, see
Hayes
1937, pp. 38-39.
Hayes
1957, pp. 78-80, 81,
fig.
at the
S. T.
the relative sta-
Smith 1992.
time of the discovery; see Lansing and
I.
was opened
by the archaeologists Ambrose Lansing and William C. Hayes
Hatnefer, Senenmut's elderly mother.
Her embalming had been
carried
out with the utmost attention, there was only a single set of canopic jars
and other funerary equipment
were appropriate
in the
tomb, and
woman. Moreover,
for a
many
of the tomb goods
Hatnefer's
was
the only
mummy equipped with a gilded funerary mask (fig. 40), a heavy serpentine heart scarab set in gold (cat. no. 41), scarab rings,
papyri.
The boxes and
and two funeral
baskets contained almost ninety sheets that were
probably selected from her household linen, as well as two

ers, a silver
fruit.
boxwood-and-ebony
tomb door, doubtless belonged

the other
mummies, including
wrapped, and
tied
on
silver pitch-
bowl, cosmetic implements, and an assortment of bread and
beautiful
their burial
chair,
found broken outside the
to her as well (cat. no. 47).
that of
to their fingers and, in
By
contrast,
Ramose, had been summarily
goods were limited primarily

one of the
coffins,
to a
few scarabs
some dishware, appar-
ently placed there as an afterthought (cat. nos. 42, 44, 45).
Because the door to the chamber had been sealed only once, the excavators believed that the
epidemic
at the
crowded tomb.
anonymous
relatives
must have died during an
time of Hatnefer's death, resulting in an unexpectedly
It is
more
likely,
however, that when Hatnefer died,
at
an
advanced age, several family members were deliberately exhumed from
92
Fig. 40. Hatnefer's funeral
The
and
1937.
summary of other Eighteenth Dynasty private burials and
For
3.
4.
The tomb of Ramose and Hatnefer as
related in the preliminary report; see Lansing
2.
ms and worth
Fig. 39-
is
Metropolitan
Museum
mask, early 18th Dynasty. Gilded cartonnage.

of Art,
New York,
Rogers Fund, 1936
(36.3.1)
Provenance: Western
Ramose and
Thebes, burial chamber of
Hatnefer, on the
mummy of Hatnefer;
Metropolitan
193536,
Bibliography: Lansing and Hayes

29,
fig.
Hayes
34;
Allen in N.
James
P.
1995, pp. 178-79, no. 80; Roehrig
52b
Scarab Bezel of
42.
1937, pp. 20,
1959, pp. 224-25, fig. 133;
Thomas
35, 38, figs. 52a,
2002, pp.
Queen
Ahmose
1504-
I (r.
1492 B.C.)
Pale green-glazed steatite, gold
cm QA
L. 1.6
The
Thutmose
III,
in.),
Though
cm (2% in.), W.
5.3
cm
(2/g in.),
H.
2.8
small, this scarab
tially
Museum
Metropolitan
of Art,
lines. Details
an exceptionally fine
is
Every feature of the beetle
base
relief,
and
The
me
obscured by the mount, which
striations
Khn-
have been added to
heavy gold ring
is
dered
at the
by an adhesive. The gold chain
is
is
is
threaded through the ring;
base
is
into
are sol-
openings of a longitudinal hole
The
the primary wife of
the judge
base
is
Thutmose
engraved
Ahmose
against
The
scarab
and the
was discovered among the
mummy
finger
of a female adult, aged
twenty-five to thirty-five, interred in one of the
two uninscribed rectangular
coffins
found in the
chamber of Ramose and Hatnefer.
burial
to
it
may rejoice.
me
Provenance: Western
Ramose and
Hatnefer, in coffin
the listener, so that
III;
Metropolitan
1935-36, acquired in the
division of finds
/ Do not devise lies
/ in the presence ofthe god, for
your reckoning /is
it is
The
bones of the
a
/ the entourage who create mankind in

/ tions, (but rather) may
(at hand).
"
1937, p. 31;
Hayes
1959, p. 78
43.
Ring with Lentoid Bezel
scarab was found positioned on the
engraved with a version of the

breast of Hatnefer's
Book of
made of
ascend to the perfection /from
(their proper) sta-
31/8 inches (79 centimeters) long.
The
You are
go well with us and with
made of strip-
wire, plaited in a quadruple-link
/'im^
stink to
T-shaped
pattern, and
my bodily ka,
who has invigorated my limbs.
of the balance.
When you
held in place
drawn gold
as a witness; do not contend against
which we have come, do not cause our names
two
brazed to the head
On the back of the scarab, a thin,
bandage cut from gold sheeting
me
/ in the court ofjudgment; do not make

me in the /presence of the
keeper
The base is set in a heavy

at least
is
hammered
At each end, small gold drums
was
opposition against
legs are carved in
hammered gold mount made of

pieces; a
of an oval head
mother of Hatshepsut.
against
exquis-
and the elytra (wing cases) out-
indicate the leg bristles.
end.
is
rendered, including the orblike eyes topped
slight ridges
lined with incised lines.
high
{V^ in.)
of the legs are par-
"Great King's Wife, Ahmose." Queen

41,
comparable to those made for contemporary
itely
cm
York,
place.
piercing the scarab.
Hatnefer's heart scarab
by
H. 0.6
carefully carved,
gold sheet, somewhat cursorily
New York,
example of this type of funerary adornment and
royalty.'
is
set at either side
deeply incised
cm
is
(/i in.),
and the major body elements demarcated by
(1/8 in.)
The
cm
36.3.15
B.C.)
Serpentine, gold
L. 6.6
1.2
Museum of Art, New
with tiny eyes

(1479- 1473
W.
Metropolitan
Rogers Fund, 1936
Heart Scarab of Hatnefer
41.
mummy, in one of the outer
the Dead, chapter 30A, in which the

layers of wrappings, tucked just under the edge
own
deceased addresses her

it
to
heart, calling
upon
of her gilded funerary mask
(fig.
40) and adja-
be the chief witness before the judges of the

cent to two rolls of papyrus and one roll of
netherworld and to
attest to
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose ll-early
her good deeds on

leather containing additional spells
earth. Hatnefer's
name was
inserted over an
from the
reign of
Book of the Dead.
pfd
erased text, indicating that the scarab was not

originally
made
for her.
The inscription
reads:
The mistress of the house, Hatnefer^ says:

"Heart ofmy mother, heart ofmy mother,
heart
ofmy (xctual)
being,
/ do not rise up
See, for example, the heart scarabs of the three
minor wives of Thutmose
p. 129, figs.
2.
The
creator
111, in
Lilyquist 2003,
1037. See also catalogue no. 136.
god
clay and placed
Khnum fashioned children from

them
in the
Thutmose
Blue-glazed
L. 2.9
1.
C%
cm
III
steatite,
(i/s in.),
(1492-1473
B.C.)
gold
W.
1.4
cm (K in.), Diam.
2.1
cm
in.)

womb.
93
This small plate
and has
somewhat unevenly shaped
is
Both the rim and base are
a flat base.
decorated with black pigment, and the interior
adorned with
is
a vertical
column of
text,
rather carelessly inscribed, consisting of the
prenomen (coronation name) and

Thutmose
given
"The Good God, Aakheperenra,
II:
life."
epithets of
The
plate
was discovered among
the grave goods deposited in the foot end of
one of two uninscribed rectangular

found
in the burial
coffins
chamber of Ramose and

pfd
Hatnefer.
Provenance: Western Thebes,

Ramose and
Hatnefer, in coffin
burial
III;
chamber of
MetropoUtan
193536, acquired in the
division of finds
Bibliography: Lansing and Hayes 1937, p.

42; Cox 1944, vol. I, p. 277, fig. 453; Hayes
fig.
p. 79; Porter
as
and Moss 1964,
p.
30,
1959,
670 (incorrecdy noted
MMA 38.3.9)
42, 43) 44i bases
The
scarab
finely detailed in
is
every respect,
The
detailing of this scarab
extremely
is
fine,
Razor
46.
with openwork spaces between the legs and with
striations to indicate the leg bristles.
The
base
has a rope border, and the device at the top of
name of Hatshepsut
the design consists of the
with the eyes, clypeus, and perimeters of the
wing
heart scarab (cat. no. 41), the legs

are carved in high relief.
and her chief queenly tide, God's Wife of Amun.
are obscured
Below Hatshepsut 's name
sheet silver, lightly
a pair
of kneeling
figures flank a central vegetal motif that
may
As on
cases carefully outlined.
Some
on this example
details
by the mount, which
hammered
the base. Small silver
drums
the larger
of the legs
made of thin
is
into place
around
are attached at each
represent the stalk and flower of a sedge plant.
end, at the openings of a longitudinal hole drilled
The image
through the scarab. The ring was found among
is
perhaps a symbol of fecundity.
The body of the
scarab
tudinal drill hole, through
ply linen cord

tied
on
to the
is
pierced by a longi-
which
a loop
of two-
was threaded. The scarab was
thumb of Hatnefer's
left
hand, in
pfd
preparation for her burial.
Provenance; Western
Ramose and
Hatnefer, on the
mummy of Hamefer;
Metropolitan
hand bones of
the
age,
wrapped
a child of about five years of
in linen
and interred
in
one of the
uninscribed rectangular coflins discovered in the
chamber of Ramose and Hatnefer. Rotted
burial
Thutmose
1982, p.
5;
of linen,
1937, pp. 20,

p. 38,
cosmetic
threaded with string.
originally
The base is inscribed "The
God's Wife (of Amun), Hatshepsut."
in the
pfd
Hatnefer, in coffin
Museum of Art
III;
Metropolitan
excavations, 1935-36, acquired in the
division of finds

Hayes
1959, p. 81
45.
Plate
1937, p. 31;
Scarab Bezel of Queen

Hatshepsut
44.
Early rSth Dynasty, reign of Thutmose il-early

reign of Thutmose III (1492 1473 B.C.)
Early iSth Dynasty, reign of Thutmose
Blue-glazed
1479 B.C.)
L. 2
cm (K
in.),
W.
1.5
cm
(Ys in.),
H. 0.75 cm
cm
Diam.
(/,in.)
H.
The
II (r.
1492
Greenish blue glazed faience
94
The
1.8
QA
in.);
Metropolitan
rim:
cm
(3/s in.)
Museum of Art, New
cm
(3 Kb in.)
York,
jars,
York,
45
in strips
tomb of Ramose and
basket also contained two stone
two small
silver,
was
fig. 51
steatite, silver
in a basket in the
Hatnefer.
beads (similar to
indicate that the bezel
(4/2 in.); blade: L. 9.3
Museum of Art, New
This razor was found, carefully wrapped
193536,
Roehrig 2002,
cm
remains of linen cord found in the mounting
Ramose and
Meyer
11.5
Metropolitan
drums
Provenance: Western
fig. 35;
22, 29,
B.C.)
wood
Handle: L.
The
III,
(1479-1473
Bronze,
footed bowl.
bowl. Razors
silver pitchers,
and a
A necklace of faience lentoid
cat. no.
109) had been placed
made entirely of metal were
on each
by alternating ebony
side
tyet
ensure Hatnefer's well-being.
who made the chair employed
craftsman
amulets
and boxwood djed amulets (for
(for protection)
stability) to
and dark woods to advantage
The
the light
in the decorative
scheme, alternating them in the carved design on

the back and in the border strips of the braces.
Cypress wood,
chair,
than the rest of the
less polished
was used
between the
for the stretchers
front and back legs.
The entire chair was covered
with a fine satin surface finish to add to
Lansing and Hayes 1937,
Roehrig 2002,
46
why the
its
p. 13, figs. 23, 24.
p. 27, figs. 42, 43. It is
not
See also
known
red leather cover of the tambourine
and sections of the chair
luster.
was
slit
the only piece of house-
hold fiirniture associated with Hatnefer's burial
common in
Razors
and
Dynasty
(see cat. no. 145b).
which combine
like Hatnefer's,
wood
Kingdom and continued
the Middle
into the Eighteenth
handle, appear for the
first
seat barely eight inches
of
above the ground,
is
were
women, and
it
see Baker 1966, p. 131,
type usually favored by
assumed that
Provenance: Western
chr
and-tenon joinery, and pegs reinforced by
chamber of Ramose and Hatnefer; Metropolitan
Ramose and Hatnefer; Metropolitan Museum of Art
The
legs
are carefully carved to represent those of a lion,
and the frame of the paneled back
excavations, 193536, acquired in the division of finds
is
Museum
40,
45;
Hayes
1959, p.
of Art excavations, 193536, acquired in the
division of finds

the seat with long right-angle braces held
pegs.
by
An openwork design on the back includes a
1937, pp. 33,
boxwood
189; Roehrig 2002,
Thebes, outside the burial
mounted on
figs. 23,
35, fig.
182.
various elements were assembled with mortise-
a description of the chair,
fig.
time in
it
resinous glue held the tenons in place.
fig.
For
is
the Eighteenth Dynasty.
Provenance: Western
stuffed inside.
was owned by Hatnefer. The
a blade
figure of the household
god Bes flanked
24;
Hayes
p. 131, fig. 182;
1959, p. 201,
fig. 115;
N. E. Scott 1973,
fig. 18;
1937, p. 13,
Baker 1966,
Roehrig 2002,
p. 27, figs. 42, 43
fig- 35
P- 30,
47.
Hatnefer's Chair
Thutmose
III
Boxwood,
cypress, ebony, linen cord
H.
53
(14791458
cm (20%
in.),
W.
50
b.c.)
cm
(i9'/4 in.),
D. 54
cm
(21/4 in.)

Rogers Fund, 1936 36.3.152
New
York only
This beautifully carved straight-backed chair of
boxwood and ebony was found

doorway
to the
in front
of the
tomb of Ramose and Hatnefer,
dismantled and stuffed into a large rectangular
tambourine of red-stained leather stretched

over a
wood
frame.
The tambourine, almost
30 inches (66 centimeters) in length, probably
belonged to Hatnefer during her lifetime and
may have been used

formed
at
almost in
her burial.'
in the
funerary
ritual per-
The chair, which survived
its entirety, is
now
reassembled in
its
original shape. Its complete seat of string mesh,
made of triple
in a
strands of linen cord interwoven
herringbone pattern, miraculously with-
stood the chair's rough treatment
broken
apart.
when
it
was
This low, broad chair, with
its
95
THE JOINT REIGN OF HATSHEPSUT AND
THUTMOSE
III
Cathleen A. Keller
Our
information regarding the chronology and events of
the regency period, before Hatshepsut completed her
transformation into king of Egypt,"
is
limited to a
few
Indeed, on
monuments of
the time they frequently appear
together as twin male rulers distinguished only by position
(Hatshepsut usually takes precedence, as in
fig.
41) or, occasion-
common sys-
dated sources and a somewhat larger number of undated ones.
ally,
The
tem of dating (both using the regnal years of Thutmose
latter sources are assigned this
time span by virtue of their
by
regalia (see cat. no. 48).'
number of officials known
choice of names for Hatshepsut (Hatshepsut rather than Maatkare)
and
continued in power
titles
(queenly rather than those used only to refer to reigning
kings),
and the manner of her depiction
dress).
A scholarly consensus has developed that by regnal year 7,'
(in
female rather than male
when her first known datable use of royal titulary occurred, a critical
stage in Hatshepsut 's metamorphosis had been reached.
tion of male costume
what
later.' It
and
attitudes appears to
have taken place some-
was, however, fully developed by the time she began
the decoration of her temple at Deir el-Bahri,
had
started in regnal year
y,-"
and persisted
ence to her as king in regnal year

Hatshepsut
late in
Her adop-
20.'
whose construction
until the last dated refer-
There was no mention of
when Thutmose III embarked on his Megiddo campaign
year 22, which thus marks the
latest possible date for the
end
also shared a
III),*
and
to have served during the co-regency
when Thutmose
III
reigned alone.' Historians
envisaged a government divided into isolationalist
(Hatshepsut) and expansionist (Thutmose
III) factions
probably
miss the mark.' Although the joint reign did not see the extensive
Thutmose
military activity that characterized the sole reign of
there
is
evidence that Hatshepsut
may have
Nubia; moreover, her imperialist rhetoric
is
led a
campaign
III,
into
consistent with that of
male rulers." The single best-known foreign expedition of the

joint reign was,
however, not a military venture but the royally
sponsored voyage to the exotic land of Punt, undertaken to obtain

incense and other costly and precious materials for the cult of
Amun-Re
at
Karnak." The expedition was depicted
in extenso
on
the southern portion of the middle portico of her Deir el-Bahri
of the joint reign."
The approximately
who have
They
fifteen-year period in
effectively shared the throne of
which the two rulers
Egypt has yielded
little
evidence
of rivalry between the two kings or their respective courts.
temple,"' adjacent to the rebuilt chapel of Hathor,
associated with foreign lands.
early in the joint reign.
Its
successful return
Many historians have
Fig. 41. Hatshepsut
is
whose
cult is
dated to year
and Thutmose shown as identical
kings. Detail of a block
9,
placed Hatshepsut 's
from the Chapeile Rouge,
Karnak, Thebes, early i8th Dynasty. Quartzite
celebration of a Sed festival
powers
in regnal year i6;
actually took place
The accomplishments of the
And
prodigious.''
a ritual
renewing the king's royal
however, the evidence that
joint reign's building
event
program were
although our knowledge of Thutmoside con-
struction projects in the north of the country
is
dence that Hatshepsut's architects were active

the Nile valley proper (Elephantine,
Kab, Gebel
this
not conclusive."'
is
el-Silsila,
meager,
at
we have evi-
numerous
sites in
Kom Ombo, Hierakonpolis/El-
Meir [Cusae], Batn el-Baqqara and Speos
Artemidos, Hermopolis, and Armant'"), as well as in Nubia'' and the

Sinai.'*
However,
it
was
in the
Theban
area that the core of her
building program was centered, with projects undertaken on both

the Nile 's west
bank (Medinet Habu, Deir
of the Kings'') and
its
el-Bahri,
east bank (the temples
and the Valley
of Karnak" and Luxor,
along with their processional connection"). At Karnak, in particular,
Fig. 42.
and
The
Chapelle Rouge, a shrine built by Hatshepsut in the early i8th Dynasty
now reconstructed
in the
Karnak Open-Air Museum, Luxor
Hatshepsut continued the conversion of the temple, founded by
Senwosret
1918 1875
I (r.
expanded by Amenhotep
B.C.) early in the
and by her
Middle Kingdom and
father,
Thutmose
I,
turning
come, so
the respectable but not spectacular complex into a true national
what
shrine and in the process confirming the dynasty's, not to mention
will say:
her own, association with the god
Amun-Re.
that "those
have said
In the end
Hatshepsut's constructions at Karnak reshaped the heart of the
Middle Kingdom temple, which by the time of the
joint reign
was
(in
'How like
who
my
her
will hear these things will not say that
inscriptions)
it is,
we remain unsure
adoption of kingly attributes.
naked (and unnatural)
is
exaggeration, but instead
to offer to her father (Amun)'!"'"
Its
of the reason for Hatshepsut's

attribution
by
earlier scholars to
ambition does not stand up to
political
That serious internal
developments made
considered the southern counterpart of Heliopolis, the cult center
scrutiny.'^
of the sun god Re.^' To the earlier part of the joint reign belong
necessary for her to continue as co-ruler until Thutmose could
her erection of a pair of obelisks quarried by Thutmose IP' and
assume sole rule has been suggested more
her fabrication of a small limestone shrine.^

structions
axis of
at
were
Karnak
monumental entrance
(the Eighth Pylon; see
Among her later con-
to the southern (royal)
"The Temple of Hatshepsut
Deir el-Bahri" by Dieter Arnold in chapter
obelisks,
to the
and the Palace of Maat,^'
still
included a quartzite shrine,

(fig.
it is
detail here,
be mentioned.
3),
new complex
Kingdom
now known
42), to house the portable
Although
any
extant portion of the Middle
two pairs of
giving entrance
sanctuary,
as the Chapelle
more
it
is its
is
scanty."
One
aspect of this co-regency
apart from other periods of joint rule in Egyptian his-
sheer length,''' which the ancient Egyptians, being no
prescient than ourselves, could not have foretold.
that existing artistic conventions
made
it
It
may be
difficult to depict a
Rouge
eventually prompting Hatshepsut's adoption of kingly regalia
even
points of commonality in the corpus should
First, there is the
tory
female co-regent taking precedence over her male counterpart,
barque of Amun."^
tradition, seen in the rebuilding
that sets
it
recently, but evidence
which
not possible to treat Hatshepsut's monuments in
some
supporting this thesis
political
emphasis on the restoration of
of deteriorated structures, such as
in the
absence of any specific political or diplomatic con-
cerns." Equally obscure are the reasons for the damnatio memoriae
inflicted
upon her by her former co-regent some twenty years
after the period
of joint
This was surely too long a time for
rule.'''
Hatshepsut's youthful co-regent to have waited,
if
simmering
the temple of Hathor at Cusae and the "heart" of the temple of
resentment were his motivation, before embarking upon the task
Amun-Re
of defacing her monuments and destroying her images.
at
Karnak.^'
festival calendars
It is
and the
evident also in the recalibration of the
reinstitution
of cultic and
festival cele-
brations, following a period of what Hatshepsut describes as igno1.
rance of religious matters.'* Second
is
the concentration
on the
Here
is
wherein
concretized the theme of royal and divine reciprocity,
Amun rewards the king with legitimacy and prosperity in
exchange for "the beautiful flourishing

Finally, there
is
efficient
monuments."^'
surely Hatshepsut's desire to accomplish things so
truly unique'" that they
would amaze even generations
yet to
For the period of the regency, see "Hatshepsut: Princess to Queen to

Co-Ruler" by Peter
site
of Thebes, the dynastic and theological seat of the royal family.
F.
Dorman
Dorman
earHer in this chapter and
2.
See conveniently
3.
Dorman
4.
Winlock 1942, pp. 133-34; Hayes
5.
1988, pp. 1845,
2005; note in particular
Dorman
1957, pp. 78-80.
Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952-55, pp. 152-53, no. i8l,
6.
For a summary discussion of this argument, see
7.
On stelae from Sinai (Gardiner,

179, 181, 184, pis. Lvii, Lviii)
Dorman 2005.
2005.
Gabolde and Rondot 1996.
Peet,
pi. LVll.
Dorman 2005.
and Cerny 195255, pp. 150-54, nos.
and on the exterior of the Chapelle Rouge
Karnak (Lacau and Chevrier 1977-79,
174a,
at
pis. 7, 9).
THE JOINT REIGN
97
8.
9.
10.
For the most recent chronology of the joint reign, see Chappaz 1993a, pp.
the
Redford 1967,
1951, pp. i74ff., cited in
III,
Nubian campaign, see Habachi
in Nubia, see
at
The precise
Even less
ment of this area of Karnak,
Sed
festival
side
24.
Ann
25.
16 jubilee
is
founded upon two separate

still
{Urhmden 4, p.
last day**
of the shaft occur, as noted by Eric
dedicating the obelisks to
15
II
367,
Amun,
essay,
26.
Pent i,** down
11.
34).
building programs of this period
is
27.
Our knowledge of
Khnum temples,
in years
15-16 (Barguet 1962,
on
larger pair stood
Gabolde 2003,
1971, pp. iio-ii;
p. 421).
axis east
of
For the Palace of
Place of the Heart of Amun" (Nims
Graindoi^
1314); Lacau and Chevrier 197779;
1993; Carlotti
The shrine's decoration remained unfinished at

It
was lai^ly completed subsequendy, but was

III.
On the restoration of tradition, see Chappaz 1993a, p.

11.
For the temple of
104.
The
4-13; Chappaz 1993a.
restoration of
Kingdom (Gabolde
1998,
pp. 137-40)28.
As
stated in the Speos
p. 386,
of monuments and ref-
at
(Nims
8-9,
11.
p. 388,
Artemidos inscription (Urkunden

11.
4, p. 584,
11.
8 11,
14-17) and exemplified in the form, orientation,
and decoration of the Satet temple
in Elephantine (Wells 1985
and 1991; see
also the references in n. 16, above).
Elephantine, primarily
see Kaiser 1993 (with bibliography); for
29.
more
The phrase was used with some

p. 200,
1.
3;
Urkunden
4, p. 298,
frequency; see, for instance, Urkunden 4,
11.
1-6. Although
of Hatshepsut 's efforts to
many scholars have empha-
sized the stridency
Kaiser 1980 (Satet temple), and von Pilgrim 2002 (temple of Khnum). For
"divine birth" (Urkunden 4, pp. 21534) and "jeunesse" (Urkunden 4^ pp. 241
the statue of Thutmose
65) texts
99.
II
dedicated by Hatshepsut
see
1963, pp. 7, ir, and
For Meir (Cusae), see Urhmden 4,
p. 386,
11.
For Gebel el-
176.
from Deir el-Bahri, which
assert royal legitimacy, citing the
and predecessor, Thutmose
half brother
Chappaz 1993a, pp. 98-
II (see, for
pp. 138-39), similar claims of divine ancestry were advanced
4-13; Gardiner 1946,
30.
This desire
and the temple of Amun of Senwosret
never copied in the design of her Deir el-Bahri temple.
1979, pp. 17882; Bickel and Chappaz 1988 and 1993. For Hermopolis, see
posed pillared facades there
Urkunden 4,
p. 387,
1.
10, p. 389,
at
1.
17;
Gardiner 1946,
p. 47.
and Semna (discussed by
19.
For Medinet Habu, see plans and reconstruction by Holscher (1939,
38; Valbelle
and Bonnet 1996, pp.
The
59, 71,
7879, 100,
114,
surely derived
I,
were
adap^ but
The use of superim-
a variant on the Mentuhotep II temple; the
upper terrace facade that fronts a pil-
from the Senwosret
Karnak temple (compare
pi. xxxviii). The identity of the creative genius at work at

may never be known; but that the monuments of the co-
regency render an unusually sensitive homage to the works of earlier peri-
ods
18183.
31.
decoration of the Eighteenth Dynasty temple
by
is
Deir el-Bahri
Primarily at Serabit el-Khadim: Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952-55, pp. 37-
currently being prepared for publication
is
Gabolde 1998,
1968, pp. 50, 58, pis. 17-22).
18.
pp. 617, 4548, pi. 4).
II
repetition of Osiride figures across the
For Armant, see
lared court
Buhen (Caminos 1974
by male rulers.
may be why elements of earlier monuments, such as the temple
of Mentuhotep
Urkunden 4, pp. 38391; Gardiner 1946; Fairman and GrdselofF 1947; Ratie
Dorman 2005) and Ibrim (Caminos
royal
example, Gabolde 1989,
pp. 46-47. For Batn el-Baqqara, see Fakhry 1939. For Speos Artemidos, see
At the south temple
with her father,
stress her association
Thutmose I, and contrast widi the lack of piety expressed toward her
For Hierakonpolis/
4, p. 382.
Mumane 1977, p. 43, and Ratie 1979, p.
Caminos and James
Elephantine, see
at
Ratie 1979, p. 183 (with bibliography).
is
32.
is
undeniable and was surely approved by the king.
Urkunden
4, p. 384,
11.
1213; Urkunden 4, p. 368,
There does not appear
to
11.
36.
have been any attempt to remove Thutmose
University of Chicago. For Deir el-Bahri, see the essays by Dieter Arnold
ments of the period. Indeed, Hatshepsut used
Ann Macy Roth in chapter 3. For the Valley of the Kings, see Gabolde
1987b, pp. 76ff., and "The Two Tombs of Hatshepsut" by Catharine H.
than instimting her own. See the remarks of Dorman 2005 and, for an
Roehrig in chapter 3.
For Hatshepsut's work

n. 25.
the joindy produced
earlier reevaluation
33.
in the heart
of Karnak, the Palace of Maat, see below,
For the Mut complex, see the essay by Betsy Bryan in chapter
Kamutef temple, see Ricke
1954.
Karnak, a royal mansion nordi of the Amun temple,

xo in inscriptions dating
3.
For
34.
35.
The so-called palace of
is
1974).
A list of
six
Dorman 2005, citing Gabolde and Rondot

One can only imaê how the western Asiatic states perceived
may have viewed It as offering an
opportunity to gain military advantage because the traditional male leader
of the Egyptian army was absent
on the Chapelle Roug^,
way stations marking the processional route between
On the problem of e:q>ressing female precedence within die male-oriented

Egyptian artistic system, see Robins 1994b. On its effect on Hatshepsut 's
the Egyptian female regent systen^ they
Roi^ (Lacau and Chevrier 197779, pp. 7384).

In the context of the festival of Opet as inscribed
of Hatshepsut, Teeter 1990.
Chappaz 1993a, pp. 10910.

Murnane 1977, pp. 43-44.
1996, p. 215.
monuments dedicated 1^ Hatshepsut was inscribed on a wall of the Chapelle
which shows
his regnal year calendar radier
adoption of kingly re^lia, see
prominendy referred
from Hatshepsut*s reign (Gitton
III
during his minority; nor was reference to him omitted from royal monu-
the Epigraphic Survey of the
and
98
Aswan
1993. For the obelisks of Hatshepsut at
deteriorated limestone strucmres of the Middle
the early 1970s, see Ratie 1979, pp. 17596.
For a summary of the constructions of Hatshepsut
Silsila,
21.
at
temple of Montu in
detailed discussion, see Kaiser 1975, pp. 50-51, Kaiser 1977, pp. 66-67,
El-Kab, see
20.
III in his
were quarried
Hadior, see Urkunden 4, p. 386,
founded upon two types of primary
Dreyer 1984. For Kom Ombo, see Urkunden
17.
Amenhotep
the temple of Amim-Re used sandstene (Wallet-Lebrun 1994) to replace the
the joint reign are
portions reused in later projects; and textual, comprising royal and private
the Satet and
soon dismanded by Thutmose
among the wished-for results of
list
of Thutmose
1995; Larche 19992000.
Homimg and Elisabeth Staehelin
mention the monuments. For a
hall)
the end of the joint reign.
sources: archaeological, including in situ remains of the constructions and
16.
reused by
later
The Chapelle Rouge was called "The

1955, pp.
The
rather than indicating a historical event.
monuments begun during
considered to have been initiated chiefly by Hatshepsut.
known by
Senenmut graffito
Maat, see Barguet 1962, pp. 141-53; Hegazy and Martinez 1993.
stands between the Fourth
On the north side of the base are inscribed the
IV Skomuj
(1974, pp. 56, 6465), in a Wimsch-Kontextj
erences
in the
Gabolde 2003, p. 420) and a second,
the temple
occasion of the Sed festival" (Ûrkunden 4, p. 359) on the north
inscriptions that
(For the develop-
Gabolde 1987a, 1993, and 2003.) These
see
mentioned
92fF.).
On the Eighth Pylon, see Martinez
pp. 96fF.;
1961).
For the purposes of this
This shrine was
columned
joindy celebrated with
dates of the quarrying of die obelisk, from "regnal year
"first
is
was lunu, Thebes was
North Karnak; Gabolde and Rondot 1996.
is
on the obelisk of Hatshepsut that
to "regnal year 16
The relationship
p. 16.
Karnak, see Golvin 1993. The pair installed inside the wadjit (papyrus-
and Fifth Pylons at Kamak.
words
discus-
Kitchen 1982.
have occurred
The argument for a year

inscriptions
pair
(Habachi 1957, pp.
much
Grimal and Larche 2003,
The obelisks were setup in Thutmose's Festival Court.

were probably the
in chapter 3.
likely to
Thutmose III (Uphill
15.
23.
in her inscription
1-2).
11.
For the Deir el-Bahri temple, see the essays by Dieter Arnold and
Macy Roth
14.
4, p. 386,
location of the land of Punt has been the topic of
sion; see generally

13.
and additional campaigning
Redford 1967, pp. 6063. Hatshepsut refers
engagement {Urkunden
i43ff.;
lumi Shema% "Upper E^ptian Heliopolis.**
Speos Artemidos, to the refurbishing of troops, surely in preparation for
military
Gabolde 1998, pp.
clearly stated in the Egyptian language: Heliopolis
and Redford 1967,
1957, pp. 89, 99104,
and Lacau and Chevrier 197779,
1955, p. 114,
pp. 154-69.
22.
p. 63.
most recently Redford 2003. For
see
pp. 57-59. For the possibility of Asian activity
12.
Karnak and Ltixor: Nims
93ff.
See Dziobek 1995, pp. 13234, and "The Royal Court," below.
Wilson
iL For the campaigns of Thutmose
36.
Nims
1966; discussed in detail in
Dorman
1988, pp. 46-65.
Kingdom co-regencies in general, see Murnane

iff-
1977, PP4.
These pots almost certaitdy contained cool water

{kdKlui); see Gardiner, Peet,
na
and Cerny 1952-55,
which Thutmose
181, pi. Lvii, in
III offers
cool
water and Hatshepsut offers white bread to the god
Onuris-Shu.
5.
The pointed loaf is probably white bread {ta-hedj\

based on
in
its
resemblance to bread identified as such
munerous Middle Kingdom examples including
those cited in n.
Provenance:
above.
3,
Sinai,
Bibliogbaphy:
Maghara
Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952-55,
na 44, pi. xrv; Hikade 2001, pp.
p. 74,
15456,
11,
na 6
A King and the Goddess
49.
Anukis
Early i8th Dynasty, 2nd half of joint reign of
III
(1469- 1458
B.C.)
Painted sandstone
H. 71
cm (28
in.),
W.
Musee du Louvre,
48.
Inscription of Hatshepsut
and Thutmose
applies to both rulers.
III
nw pots
of the
Thutmose III, year
God, Lord of the
i6 (1453 B.C.)
Sandstone
East,"''
stands at
cm
right, "the
to the figure identified as
Inscribed area: H. ca. 87
At
Upper and Lower Egypt Maatkare"
(34^^ in.),
W.
75
cm
left,
two
"Sopdu, Lord
while her co-regent "The
Good
Two Lands, Menkheperkare"
proffering a long pointed loaf' to
are depicted as male rulers and

lars
cm (39}^ in.)
Paris B59 (formerly
12921 bis)
King of
offers
"Hathor, Mistress of Turquoise." Both kings
(29/. in.)
Egyptian Museum, Cairo J 45493
99.5
wear broad
col-
but are distinguished from each other by
In this relief the goddess Anukis, a divinity
Upper Egypt and with
linked with southern

close ties to
Nubian
deities, proffers a
associated with
necklace,
menit
female divinities,
toward the face of a king. The menit necklace
was shaken rhythmically during temple and
when
ceremonies;
tival
ual,
it
imparted
life.
fes-
proffered to an individ-
The
king,
probably
Not in exhibition
their other dress
and
their regalia. Hatshepsut,
wears the khepresh (or blue) crown and a short

This depiction of the joint rulers Hatshepsut
kilt
and Thutmose
loose robe that swings free at the back and
mine
III
in the Sinai
was inscribed near a turquoise
by an
official
named Kheruef,
with a projecting triangular apron over
hangs to
just
above her ankles. Thutmose
III
who had been appointed "to explore the [myste-
wears the red crown of Lower Egypt and a
rious] valleys" in search of this semiprecious
tight-fitting shendyt kilt.
stone so beloved of Egypt's
elite.
Hatshepsut, wears the composite atef crown
and
a false beard.'
Anukis
CAK
At the begin-
tures of both king
Evidence for a
Sinai prior to
joint reign
of Hatshepsut and
on the
structure erected
had occurred during the Second Intermediate
(Gardiner, Peer, and Cerny 1952-55, pp. 14950,
have
Period (1650-1550 B.C.) and marked an impor-
nos. 17174, pi. LVi).
The
in general, see
fact that this
only Eighteenth Dynasty example
2.
from the
site
of Maghara, coupled with
similarity to examples at the

site at Serabit
may
its
close
Hikade 2001.
Its
el-KIiadim during the Middle

Peet,
3.
The floating date has Middle Kingdom precedents;

for examples, see Gardiner, Peet,
The
date, regnal year 16, appears floating
above the sky
sign' that
forms the top border of
a symmetrical offering scene, suggesting that
it
of Serabit
36); for graffiti
(torn the site, see nos. 175-77, '79-81, pis. lvi-lvih.
indeed have been carrying out some inde-
I,
which may
The new temple was an

by
was oriented
rectangular pillars and
toward the midwinter sunrise.'
Anukis and
ator god,
Satis,
together with the local cre-
Khnum, formed the
Elephantine triad,
with Khnum and Satis consorts and Anukis their

offspring.'
The
three
divinities
were united
more by topography than by any mythic
ties.
and Cerny
195255, nos. 57, 86, 90, 9193, 100, 104-6, 115,

I ] 8, 1 2o. It
in
supply dwin-
Kingdom (Gardiner,
and Cerny 195255, pp. 24,
by Senwosret
fallen into decay.'
elevated rectangular structure surrounded

thirty
\x mined extensively.
dled, leading to the increased exploitation
much -used mine
el-Khadim, suêsts that Kheruef
pendent reconnoitering.^
On New Kingdom expedidons
Of the Sinai tuKpioise sources, Maghara was the

earliest to
fea-
island of Elephantine, near Egypt's
Thutmose II] suggests only modest activity
tant resurgence of mining.'
The
southern border, to replace an earlier limestone
expeditions follow a hiatus in such activity that
graffito is the
distinctive flaring
and goddess are rendered
temple' built by Hatshepsut for the goddess
New Kingdom presence in the
tlie
identity of the goddess
by her
the style of the latter part of the co-regency.
Satis
1
The
clear
This block was once part of a sandstone
ning of their joint reign the co-regents had

launched mining expeditions in the Sinai. These
made
is
headgear, probably of ostrich plumes.
was used in other contexts to indicate the
CO- regencies in the Twelfth Dynasty; for Middle
Khnum, as Lord of Elephantine (Abu) and Lord

of the Cataracts, was associated with the annual
inimdation, which
was thought
to originate in
THE JOINT REIGN
99
b.
Gold and
Diam.
The
2.5
lapis lazuli
cm
(i in.);
Metropolitan
Purchase, Edward
These two
scarab: L.
cm
1.5
in.)
('/s

Harkness
S.
Gift, 1926 26.7.764
made of costly
fine rings are
materi-
and inscribed with the names of the
als
and Thutmose
rulers Hatshepsut
their bezels are
mounted on
would have allowed them

the fine
mud
III.
joint
Both of
which
swivels,
to be used to impress
seahngs that protected documents,
as well as the content
of bags and chests, from
tampering.
The
lapis lazuli ring (b) is inscribed
underside of the scarab "The
Menkheperre, given
dess, Maatkare,
at the First Cataract; Satis
was linked
with the star Sothis (Sirius), the island of

Elephantine, and protection of the southern
frontier,
and was considered the
astral herald
Provenance:
was
bestowed
as a
mark of
used as an
official seal,
the island of Sehel and luxury goods imported

into
On Anukis,
1982.
Clermont Ganneau excavations, 190710; acquired
2.
"The
Kaiser et
al.
1972, p. 159, n.
7.
Werner
reconstruction (1980, pp. 254, 255,

40), locates the block
on the
au bord du Nil
77,
no. 142; Valbelle 1981, pp. 14-15, no. 118, 115,
actually have
1.
been used
its
Prophet of
working
as a
The
letter t follows the netjer nefer
seal.
above that of Thutmose
2.
50. Rings with Cartouclies of

Hatshepsut and Thutmose III
(Young God)
above the cartouche of Hatshepsut but
fig. 5,
118B; Franco 2001, p. 286 (note)
Kaiser's
fig. 4,
First
CAK
vie
see Otto 1975a; Valbelle 1981, especially
On the menit necklace, see Staehelin

On the atef crown, see Goebs 2001,
which bears on
(a),
expression
pp. 323-24.
far too large
it is
have been worn by a woman. In contrast, the
reverse the inscription
Egypt from the south.
pp. 11427.
something
clearly
royal favor rather than
because
in 1908
CAK
1.
It
square-cut jasper ring
of
associated with
was
III.^
Horus of Nekhen (Hierakonpolis) Tjeni," may
Elephantine, Temple of Satis;
Bibliography: La
the inundation; and Anukis
on the
Good God,
Good God-
she live!"' and has been
of Thutmose
to
caverns
may
(and) the
having belonged to a foreign wife
identified as
49
life,
is
is
not present
suggesting that the
Ill's,
to be read as feminine.
Provenance: 5oa. Unknown;

Mohammed Mohassib
Sob. Probably western Thebes,
Wadi D, Tomb
i;
purchased
at
purchased from
Gabbanat el-Qurud,
Luxor by Howard
Carter; formerly Carnarvon collection
Early i8th Dynasty, 2nd half of joint reign of
257, no.
rear wall of chamber
III
(1472 1458
B.C.)
C, one of the rooms decorated by Hatshepsut.

3.
On Satis,
1984.
see Valbelle 1981, pp. 112-27,
On
Kaiser et
Dynasty
p. 66.
(1972) compares these two Satis temples
(pi. xli, b).
Satis temple at
larly
and Valbelle
Senwosret's temple, see Kaiser 1977,

al.
of the Twelfth Dynasty
(pi. xli, a)
to
state
Gold and green
Diam.
2.3
cm
jasper
(/s in.);
plaque: L.
Sob.
1.5
cm
(/s in.)

Gift of Mrs.
Hatshepsut 's work on the
Karnak appears
prompted by the poor
Bibliography:
a.
and Eighteenth
Fredericks Thompson, 1915
15.6.22
Winlock
p. 125, fig.
5oa.
Hayes
1959, p. 104
1948, p. 35, pi. xix, d;
Hayes
1959,
66 (bottom row, second from right);
Lilyquist 2003, pp. 181, 182 (with bibliography),

no. 140, figs. 179, 184 (top row, right)
have been simi-
of the Senwosret
structure (Gabolde 1998, pp. 13740).

4.
The
Satis
temple dates back to the Early Dynastic
Period (Kaiser 1977,
p. 65, fig. i),
have served an astronomical

tion.
and
it
appears to
as well as a cultic func-
Hatshepsut's temple, the best preserved of the
numerous
rebuildings, has been the object of much
study; see Wells 1985 and 1991.

5.
On Khnum, usually depicted
ram or ram-
as a
headed male, see Otto 1975b. The

attested in the reign of Senwosret
triad
I
was
first
(Valbelle 1984,
col. 487).
6.
These included
ivory, ebony,
and boxwood, exotic
animals and animal skins, gold, and ostriches and

ostrich eggs; see Valbelle 1981, pp. 96-97.
50a,
50a, b, bases
CoiWfjghioO maurjl
THE ROYAL COURT

The Egyptian
royal court
wherever the king and
was
located, according to official ideology,
his following
sense this retinue comprised
were present. In
members of
retainers, such as the stewards of the royal
its
most
restricted
the royal family and their
households (including those
of Hatshepsut and her daughter Neferure), and the royal nurses and
the idea of the court
expanded
tutors.'
But
officials
responsible for governing the country's principal civil and
if
is
and
to take in courtiers
reli-
gious institutions, the cast of characters grows dramatically.'
The
early
Thutmoside period saw
khenu, literally "residence")
south
ern part of the
and the establishment of a
network of
officers to control the foreign possessions in
Egypt's
new
"empire" in western Asia and to carry out the colonial administration of
made
Nubia.' Although attempts have been
devise an ancient
to
Egyptian "flow chart" to track the reach of various individuals' authority

within the royal,
divisions,"* this
and
civil, religious,
has proved a
influential officials,
foreign, and military administrative
difficult
undertaking. Particularly powerful
such as Senenmut, acquired large numbers of
city,
was more
fairly regular visitation
in the north,
and Thebes,
Amun temple at
Karnak
in the north-
of occasional though probably
likely a site
by the king. There are several designations
its
function as both the residence of the Lord of the
It
at
was Hatshepsut 's
Thutmose
father,
Memphis, which continued
The
Dynasty.'
I,
be used
to
royal sons spent
much
who had founded

until late in the
Egyptian military. Unfortunately the palace

sources, and
mut,
who was
is
known only from
who had
multiple jurisdictions, such as Senen-
Royal Steward and Steward of
familiar faces in both
Amun, were no doubt
Memphis and Thebes and probably
Among
shuttled back
most closely associated with
was second only
and headed the
matter
how much
to rival the
The
effectively preventing
any
single official,
no
esteemed or favored, from amassing enough authority
power of the crown.
governing the country but also the setting within which their
interactions, both private
and
appointed.
officials
royal court comprised not only the group of individuals respon-
sible for
official,
took place. During the early
Eighteenth Dynasty there were two major royal capitals (in Egyptian,
Fig. 43.
Useramun and
civil
officials
administration." In year
(thus during Hatshepsut 's regency) a

'^
He
of the co-regency period
such as General Djehuti

at
been buried
who
Memphite
king
(fig. 43),
III
was
of the highest- ranking
including top military officers
149a c),
the triumphal celebrations of

in the
many
to the
of Thutmose
chose to be buried at Thebes, close
however
(cat. nos.
in the reign
new vizier, Useramun
followed the practice of
to their sovereigns.'' Others,
appeared
textual
actual location has not been discovered. Holders of the
its
highest-level positions
the governance of Egypt, the vizier {iytj)
appears that the king deliberately created overlapping functions,
the palace
Eighteenth
because Memphis was, for strategic reasons, the headquarters of the
simultaneous holding of the same tides and offices by contemporaries.' In

it
for
Lands
of their time there,'" possibly
and forth between them.
and therefore constituencies,
Two
and the seat of government.'
important positions in various divisions, seemingly in conflict with the
fact,
in the
Memphis was
the royal palace, but pr-nswt (literally, "King's House") most clearly
indicates
a great increase in the complexity
Memphis,
possibly several other less important ones.'
Egypt's most important shrine, the
of the Egyptian bureaucracy. Particularly significant were the creation

(for the first time) of a regular standing army,
and
probably the true administrative capital of Egypt.' Thebes, which held
who no doubt
Thutmose
necropolis.'*
And
still
III
regularly
seem
to
have
others, particularly
his wife,
Tjuyu, early i8th Dynasty.

Granite. Useramun was vizier to
Thutmose III; he wears the long
wrapped
kilt
with braces that
is
the distinctive uniform of his

office.
(CG
42118)
Fig. 44.
The Royal Buder Djehuri
presents a floral bouquet to
King
Hatshepsut. Wall relief from the
Theban tomb of Djehuti (TT no),

early i8th Dynasty.
one item
in a
long
The bouquet is
list
of oflTerings
presented at Karnak temple on
Hatshepsut 's behalf
Copy drawing
lOI
lower-ranking military
like
Maya (cat. no.
52),
who had received provin-
reign of Thutmose III
was abandoned as a royal installation soon after that (Lacovara 1990; Lacovara
The
was
palace of Karnak in Thebes
particularly associated with
Hatshepsut and appears several times in her
Karnak temple,
located north of the

('h-ruwt)
am
not far from
regents were in residence
and
between
activities
Amun
just
(Amun)."'"
1997b, pp. 6-16).
probably
7.
See Van Dijk 1988.
called "the royal palace
8.
See Van den
When
9.
was
it
inscriptions;''
either or both co-
The
Puyemre
festival,
BadawT
col. 28.
1948, pp.
58fF.;
For the palace at Memphis founded by Thutmose
which celebrated the link
Meyer
members of the Theban
11.
For the office and functions of the vizier, see Van den Boorn 1988.
Prophet of Amim, Hapuseneb,'^ and
12.
For the monuments and career of Useramun,
illustrious
(see cat. no. 51),
Both were also personally involved
1986, col. 536.
of the (southern?) vizier Ahmose-'Amtju, Useramun was,
Amun
cessful in holding
in Hatshepsut 's building pro-
report
on (or personal tour of) the
(fig. 44).
up the opportunity for a
unlikely to have passed
is
Other eminent
latest manifestations
ofBcials attached to the
Amun
been
in attendance.'^ Security for the palace
arrival
(cat. no. 54).
Thinis, Satepihu (cat. no. 53)
royal favor at the
i;.
of King Ay's pavilion
Lacau and Chevrier 197779,
is
tomb of Neferhotep
at
life,
ceremony
p. 78, par. 126.
There
is also
a second palace
on the wall of the Chapelle Rouge (ibid., par.
127),
For the location of the Theban Karnak palace, see Gitton 1974, pp. 71-72, and
O'Connor
17.
1995, pp. 27iff., 298, fig. 7.3, a.
The only residential
palace attested
1995, pp. 27980; Sladelmaim 2001, p. 14.
Hapuseneb not only presided over die Amun priesthood but
also
was
But clearly the complex ceremonies and protocols of the co-regency
Governor of the South, "Mouth," and "Ear" of the king. For
period included festival celebrations, receptions, and the investiture and
see Lefebvre 1929, pp. 7681; Helck 1958, pp. 28689; Ratie 1979,
rewarding of prominent
officials,
{^ms.t),
was the
8.
"sitting"
entire land.""
proclamations and rewarding of
officials
naos,
as a visual legit-
at the
unfolded within a formally structured palace complex'^ in which brighdy
arrayed king and her
19.
For the royal nurses and tutors, see '*Sienmut, Royal Tutor to Princess
Neferure" by Catharine H. Roehrig later in
3.
22.
"The Two
Sendjehuti
5-476,
1.
10).
For Puyemre, see the entry for
may not have served widiin the time of Hatshepsut,

of Thutmose
Norman de G. Davies
O'Connor
p. 37).
Ill's
since
he is first
reign (Dziobek 1998, p. 140).
1933, vol. 2, pi.
1995, pp. 266ff., mentions
i.
some of the various types of palace
On die kms.t^ see Van den Boom 1988, p. 17. A later but very striking example
of the type of announcement made
Thutmose III,
apparendy presenting aspects of a new solar theology diat would become
a convenient source
is
Dziobek 1998, pp. 132^.
The difference between the types of administradon applied to

As in O'Connor
is
discussed in
1983, p. 208,
Kemp
fig. 5.4;
these two areas
1978a.
1988, pp. 323,
fig. 11,
of Amenhotep IV
"Atenism" (seeRedford 1981).

23.
Van den Boom
at a "sitting" is that
Prcâbly comparable
in scale to the sprawling palace
built the following century at Malqatta in western
327,
complex Amenhotep
Thebes
offices that it is difficult to see
see Katie 1979, pp. 24364;
how he was capable of
Meyer
1982;
Dorman
ceremonial palace in Memphis of the Nineteenth Dynasty king Merneptah (see
On Senenmut,
1988 and 1991; and several
O'Connor
24.
1991;
For paintings
O'Connor
1995, pp. 29092).
at Malqatta, see
Waseda University
1993, pis. 1-26, 28;
essays in diis volume.
Yoshimura 1995. For Minoan-type wall paintings
They would include the harim palace at Medinet al-Gurab, near the entrance to
Dynasty palace at "Êzbet Helmy in the Delta, see Bietak
the
102
Fayum,
III
(see Lacovara
1997b, pp. 2528, 3536 [with bibliography]); and in rigid organization to the
Senenmut held so many
carrying out even a fraction of the duties associated with them.
6.
1.
activities.
this chapter.
fig. 12.
5.
4, pp. 474,
On the highest-level oflidals of bodi the co-regency period and the reign of
of Egyptian control
4.
10-13 \}^^ 20]; see
51.
attested in year 43
20.
21.
1.
2.
Deir el-Bahri temple (Hayes i960,
catalogue no.
officials.
CAK
11.
among other projects at Karnak {Urkunden
An ostracon is preserved carrying a mention of his wife 's presenting offerings
imization and verification of the proceedings. All of these events
painted royal reception areas^ provided a regal setting for the splendidly
responsibility for overseeing the construction of:
Tombs of Hatshepsut" by Catharine H. Roehrig in chapter 3), one of the river

barques of the god Amun, a temple of Tura limestone, a pylon, and a wood
This public witnessing of royal
was necessary
Hapuseneb claimed
Hatshepsut*s tomb {Urkunden 4, p. 472,
when the king announced matters of royal policy in the presence
of "the great ones of the
references,
pp. 272-76.
the most important of these taking
place in the king's presence." Another major occasion
but it
name of Hatshepsut is
archaeologically at Thebes so far is that of Amenhotep III at Malqatta; see
such as that
Thebes,* survive.
list
a fragmentary reference, and whether it contains the
uncertain.
O'Connor
ancient Egyptian court
from which depictions of court
in the
Reeves 1993, p. 260.
mentioned in the
these included
lav-
its
were recycled to the tombs of officials.
14. Lilyquist 1988;
received expressions of
Theban palaces.
later reigns,
funerary estates, since the memorial temple of die reigning king was probably
16.
Much of what we know about

comes from
appears, so suc-
was direcdy suc-
Pei^ps another motive was the benefit of proximity to their royal masters'
ish offerings
in the
And very
in year 34,
the wealthiest such institution (as implied in Haring 1997, p. 394), and
with such successful enterprises as the safe
of a pair of Hatshepsut *s obelisks from Aswan
mayor of
the
13.
also have
would have been
hands of attendants, among them Mentekhenu

likely individuals associated
of her piety
much later,
ceeded by his nephew, Rekhmire.
temple, such as
would
Sendjehuti, the Overseer of the Granary and Steward,
status
it
on to the reins of power that he easily made the transition to
the sole reign of Thutmose III and
gram,'^ and she
most recendy, Dziobek 1995
see,
and 1998; Goyon and Cardin 2004 (pp. 2436 for earlier references). The son
would have been among
because they led the hierarchy of the powerful
I,
Helck 1939, pp. 3031; Helck 1958, pp. 96^.; Helck
196169, p. 201; Lacovara 1997a.

ID.
First
Boom 1988, pp. 74-75, 310-20.
Zivie-Coche 1982,
see
for instance, during the elaborate sacred
and the pharaoh
the Second Prophet,
them, and not
Him
of the Opet
court were in attendance.
clergy.
1978b; Lacovara 1997a; Lacovara 1997b,
during the Seventeenth Dynasty and into the early Eighteenth Dynasty but
ferred burial in their ancestral towns.
rites
(Kemp
pp. 3638), and the military palace at Deir el-Ballas, which had been in use
or religious appointments following their military service, pre-
cial civil
a residence for
women diat was probably founded sometime in the
1996, pis. Illvin; and ''Egypt and the
at the early
Eighteenth
1995, pis. 1-4; Bietak
Aegean" by Manfred Bietak in chapter
i.
51.
Shawabti of Puyemre
faced the causeway leading to Hatshepsut's
Deir el-Bahri
Early i8th Dynasty, early reign of Thutmose
(1479-1445
III
H.
24.5
B.C.)
to
cm.
W.
S.
(9'/k in.),
W.
9.5
cm
(3'^ in.)
tomb
in the
on
his
inscriptions of
S.
them the supervising of the construction of "a
made
limestone
for the
fine shawabti,
plete,
belonged
now
to
unfortunately incom-
Puyemre,
Prophet of Amun. Puyemre
career
officials
continued
of the
into
is
Second
the
one of the best-
joint reign,'
the
and
reign
sole
his
of
The
temple on behalf of Hatshepsut.

tions also provide a
Mut
whose
inscrip-
of the Theban temples
list
deliveries of gold, costly stones, and
III.
His numerous
incense he oversees as the supervisor of the
Treasury of Amun.^
served on a statue discovered in the

at
Karnak and
necropolis.^
in
The
his
tomb
inscriptions
in
that his parents
were the Noble
Puyemre 's
decoration of
that in
many
Theban
period,
was altered during the time of Hatshepsut
his
tomb,
stela, tell
{s^b)
us
Puya and
other tombs of high
officials
proscription: her image and titles

out,
as well as in the
slighdy earlier tomb of Ineni
(TT
significance of both scenes
discussed by Haring
is
The
81).
Norman de
Ibid., pp.
G. Davies 192223, vol.
i,
pp. 24-25.
22-23.
Kees 1953,
Norman de
following
p. 13,
192223, vol.
XXX,
2, p. 16, pi.
I,
G. Davies
and pp. 39-40,
pi. XLIII.
Provenance:
TT
Probably Thebes,
39
III
is
the Royal Nurse Neferiah' and that his wives
shown receiving
were Tanefret and Seniseneb. Puyemre 's tomb
campaigns on behalf of Karnak temple.^ The
tomb
form of the great shrine
Puyemre 's tomb,
in
were hacked
of Puyemre where he
in front
of a scene
9.
of the
and some royal standards of Thutmose
were inserted
a shrine in the
is
A delivery of this kind of the treasury is the sub-
8.
chapel, like
Mut temple
the
from
including those on his false-door
The
are pre-
titles
G.
which
(1997, pp. i34fr.).
10.
Thutmose
Norman de
Osiride figures on the west wall of the upper ter-
A per-wer
ject
This
and use of colonnades
of Upper Egypt; see Dieter Arnold 1982.

7.
fine
tablets,
(discussed in
vol. 2, pp. 55ff., app. B),
race at Deir el-Bahri.

6.
per-wer of ebony, worked in fine gold"^ and two
doorways of
and see the alternating
p. 115,
rounded
tomb facade
exhibit parallels with the alternating niches and
Second Prophet, among
his accomplishments as
Mary
Boston, Gift of Miss
1495
documented
Smith 1960,
false door,
have influenced those of Puyemre 's tomb.'
Puyemre boasts
Museum of Fine Arts,

II.
5.
architecture and
Davies 1922-23,
Limestone
Ames
The
temple.''
decoration of Hatshepsut's temple are thought
Bibliography: Simpson
1977, p. 38, no. 31
the proceeds of that king's
also suffered
damage during
the
Amarna
period, as well as post-pharaonic erasures,' but
Puyemre 's image and
titles
do not appear
to
Maya Seated
52,
have been the object of systematic attack.

III (r.
1479-
Indeed, he seems to have remained in favor, for

his sons
continued to serve in Theban priest-
1425 B.C.)
Limestone
hoods. His eldest son, Menkheper, served as a

priest in the
memorial temple of Thutmose
and another son was a w^b
priest
liance of
III,
of Amun;"^
however, their careers never approached the
bril-
H. 74 cm (29/g
Agyptisches
in.)
Staadiche Museen zu Berlin 19286
Not
in exhibition
Puyemre 's.
CAK
Maya,
1.
25,
1953, pp. i2fF., 52, 317;
Helck 196169, pp. 2224,
28, 30, 34, 46, 58-59,
89,
2.
80 (Pouyemre); Kees
Lefebvre 1929, pp. 24,
61-62, 64, 73, 76,
see
CG 910),
Benson and Gourlay 1899, pp. 31517; Norman
de G. Davies 1922-23, vol.
and Borchardt 1911 36,

pi. CLVii.
(Cairo,
i,
p. 21, vol. 2, pi.
vol. 3 (1930), pp.
For the false-door
stela
from
lxv, b;
14849,
his
tomb
CG 34047 [JE 25792]), see Lacau 1909-57,
pp. 8082, pi. xxviii;
tomb (TT
Norman de
sits,
(The
flat
rather
Thutmose
shendyt
He wears
Ill's sole reign.)
kilt,
stiffly,
planes of his
and squared chin accord with
a date in
a pleated
a meticulously detailed wig,
and
the "gold of the king's gift" {nbw n dd-nswt)^ or
"gold of honor" (nbw n qn)^ awarded him by
Thutmose
III,
right breast
whose cartouches appear on
and shoulder. Maya proudly
his
dis-
plays the "king's gift," his reward for royal

service,
55.
which takes the form of a double ske-
Texts from these
are in Urkunden 4, pp. 52022.
39), see
a provincial official,
a simple block seat.
face
Lawrence Herman in Hornung
and Bryan 2002, pp. 13839, no.
monuments
3.
87-
81, 83,
92-95 {jpw-m-r').
For the statue (Egyptian Museum, Cairo,
on
For the
G. Davies 192223
two
biu collar at his neck,
upper arm, and
a pair
a'a armlets
on each
of mesektu bracelets
at
and Porter and Moss i960, pp. 71-75.
each wrist.' Considering his provincial ori-
Mond
gins,
1905, pp. 80-81: fragments of a cosdy,
white anthropoid coffin with gold leaf bearing the
name Puya
(read by
covered early in the
Mond
last
of Thutmose
II;
see
as
Puyim) were
was probably
little
overdressed, but
he could hardly appear prouder of his
status.
dis-
The
century; see Roehrig
1990, p. 28, n. 76. Neferiah
he perhaps looks a
the nurse
Roehrig 1990, pp. 2831,
inscriptions
on the
statue can be trans-
lated as follows:
341,
(front of seat):
Mayor and
Overseer of
345, 3474.
Inscriptions in ink giving his

priestly titles
name and main
appear on stones from the bottom of
the walls in the western part of the Deir el-Bahri
complex; see Carter and Carnarvon 1912, pp. 38-
Prophets Maya, justifiedr

(right side of seat):
A royal offering ofthe
gods and goddesses of Wadjyt (the tenth
Upper Egyptian name):
May they give
41, fig. 10.
THE ROYAL COURT
IO3
Maya's image was clearly meant to
offerings.
was made
for a
more
public setting, such as the local temple.
The
impress, suggesting that
provenance
of
it
well-preserved
this
statue
remains problematic'
From
the beginning of the
New Kingdom,
"gold of honor" was associated with distin-
this
guished military service/ Scholars propose that
who
received the
retired military men.'
The connec-
and religious
civil
award were
officials
tion with military accomplishment appears to
have
been
still
force in the
in
Maya names
period, since
Thutmoside
his bravery as the
reason he was favored by the king. After the

reign of
Thutmose
no longer
the gold of
III,
honor was
restricted to private individuals
who
served the crown; starting in the reign of his
Amenhotep
successor,
the rulers themselves
II,
were depicted wearing the nbw n
1.
cak
qn.^
For examples of these ornaments in
this exhibition,
see a prototype of a shebiu collar (cat. no. 5), a'a
armlets
(cat. nos.
loa, b),
and a mesektu bracelet
(cat no. III).

2.
The description
"justified" (literally, "true
of
voice") indicates that the deceased has been judged
favorably in the next world. See also the entry for

catalogue no.
3.
Porter and
53.
Moss
1937, p. 14, provisionally accepts
Akhmim provenance; however,
an
recent catalogue
treatments of the statue
by Karl-Heinz
Agyptens Aufstieg 1987,
p. 200, no. 120)
Finneiser (in Priese 1991,
Menshiya
p. 88, no. 54)
Priese (in
and Klaus
name
as the "probable" original location.
4.
Feucht 1977. For another opinion, see Diana Craig
5.
See, for example, the
Patch's discussion of jewelry in chapter 4.

5i
tomb
inscription of the
Admiral Ahmose, son of Ibana; Urkunden

invocation ojjferings
6.
andfowl, and everything good and pure;

breathing
of the sweet
breath
and the drinking ofwater at

(rear of statue): /or the ka
Noble and Count,
1.
ofbread and beer, oxen,
whom
of the
north
the river
the
enriched, whose place the
Two Lands advanced, one

king,
and
p. 10,
1.
4, p. 3,
3.
col. 732.
Provenance:
tenth
Uncertain, probably the ninth or
Upper Egyptian nome; acquired
in
1909
Bibliography: Urkunden 4, pp. 1370-71, 410

(trans, in Gumming 1984, pp. 8889, 1- 4io); Roeder
1.
Lord of the
1924, pp. 2526; Karl-Heinz Priese in Agyptens
beneficial to the
Aufstieg i^Sj^ p. 200, no. 120; Klaus Finneiser in
who was distinguished more than
(other)
2, 10,
King of Upper
Egypt magnified and the King ofLower
Egypt
11.
wind
eddy
of the Hereditary
the
15, p. 5,
Feucht 1977,
Priese 1991, p. 88, no. 54
men, and whom he elevated from
among his
(left side):
attendants.
One who was rewarded with gold of
the king j gift in the presence
of the
entire land.
53.
Block Statue of Satepihu
My lordfavored me on account ofmy bravery,

for he knew that I was useful to him.
Thutmose
Maya's studied opulence contrasts sharply

with
the
simplicity
another provincial
block statue
found
in the
with
which
official, is
(cat. no. 53).
Satepihu's image
H. 82.5
sits quietly,
was
The
(1479-1458 B.C.)
(32/1 in.),
W.
43.^
cm
(17/3 in.),
D. 58
cm
Museum of
Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia, Gift

of Egypt Exploration Fund
waiting to receive
52, profile
104
cm
(22^8 in.)
privacy of his tomb chapel, and,
appropriately, he
III
Painted sandstone
Satepihu,
rendered in his
E 9217
headman and Overseer of
Satepihu, a local
Priests at Thinis, capital of
Upper Egyptian nome,

block statue.
The
is
Ta-Wer, the eighth
portrayed in this large
sculpture and a limestone
doorjamb bearing Satepihu's name and
were discovered
in his
tomb
titles
Abydos, the
at
Block statues are more often found in temples

than in tombs.
It
might appear, therefore, that
Satepihu's image
funerary use. This

Satepihu's
cessional
exceptional because of
is
is,
tomb was
its
however, not the case, for
located near the great pro-
way leading from
good
qualities, characterizing
The
son."
to the
was
also
Dynastic kings of Egypt, which came to be
Satepihu, describing his rejuvenated state:
Your heart will guide you, and your limbs
You will prevail over the flood
will obeyyou.
waters
identified with the
mother, Tanetiunet, was a Royal Nurse, proba-
its
bly of Prince
Ahmose,
a son of
Ahmose
and the
this
piece's large size, material, and
good
wind that
desire, as you
would be able
festivals
did when you were
Re
every day,
and your face
name
The appearance of Hatshepsut's Nebty
{JVadjet-renput^ "green of years")
on the
it rises.
The
and gifts of
Thinis in Ta- Wer. You will rest in the Hall of

statue bears a long inscription that
the
Two
The Netherworld will open
Truths.
the upper right, proceeds
begins at the front
at
joint reign.^ Additional evidence for this dating
in horizontal lines
down
its
Satepihu's inclusion in a relief at Hatshepsut's
Offerings
real burial place
and a votive chapel/
doorjamb securely places Satepihu within the
is
will
of Osiris in perpetuity, Satepihu's tomb
combined the functions of a
will be given to you in Heliopolis
period.
You
alive.
to participate in the great
behold the disk (aten) when
condition are unusual for a statue of its type and
issues from the
holy place, which ensured

will see
The
north
tomb of the god. Because of

Marshlands. You will eat bread whenever you
proximity to
that he
I.
served, the heir
inscription ends with an address to
the temple of Osiris
was
closely connected with the royal court: his
is
of one excellent of character ... a god-given
Umm el-Qaab, burial place of the Early
ancient cemetery of Thinis.' Although he

attached to the Thinite nome, Satepihu
him, for example,
"one gracious of heart who
as
to the feet,
door
to you so that you
may adore
the
God
and then
(Osiris) upon
his seat, without your being
turns the corner to continue in vertical columns
turned back at the doorposts. You will cross in
which he
Deir el-Bahri temple
in
one of three jubilant
officials at
is
shown
as
on the proper
right side.
The
text
begins with
a ferryboat as you desire and cultivate in the
the
prow of
an invocation to Onuris,* propitiates the god
barge transporting a pair of obelisks to Karnak.'
with a series of laudatory epithets, such as
The
of Gods, King of Heaven
Field ofRushes. You will stride about freely
"God
with those
style
feminine
ity
of
its
of the statue, particularly the almost
facial features
form,
is
and the
relative simplic-
consistent with this dating.
Great God, primeval one

ones," and then
lists
who
are in the retinue
ofthe
the self-created
who bore
some of
and
Followers ofHorus. The Local Ruler

the primeval
Overseer ofPriests in Thinis Satepihu,
the deceased's
justified.
CAK
1.
For the tomb, see Randall-Mad ver and Mace 1902,

pp. 61, 64-65, 70-71, 84, 94-95, 97, pi. xxni; for
the
doorjamb (The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York, 00.4.60), see ibid., pp.

Hayes
One
2.
xxxiv;
85, 95, pi.
1959, p. 113.
of a king's formal names
also called the
the
is
Nebty name,
Two Ladies name (it is shown with
symbols of the goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet).
Urkunden
3.
pi.
4, p. 517,
1.
6; Naville
1894-1908,
pt. 6,
CLIV.
For an overview of Osiris and his
4.
cult, see Griffiths
1982 (with bibliography).

5.
Onuris was the "royal huntsman" (Schenkel 1982b),
whose
had predated that of Osiris
cult
(Thinite) nome. Although
Thomas
Scott in N.
M. Doxey
in
some
have maintained that Osiris

cations, his
in the eighth
(Gary
scholars
1995, p. 180, no. 81, and Denise
Silverman 1997, pp. 13233, no. 38)

is
included in the invo-
name appears only once, and
as a desig-
nation of the deceased (Urkunden 4, p. 519,

is
possible, however, that the epithets
the statue beginning with
1.
12). It
on the front of
"God of Gods"
obliquely
refer to Osiris rather than to Onuris.
Provenance: Abydos, Tomb D9; Egypt

Exploration Fund Excavation, 1899 1900
Bibliography: Randall-Maclver and Mace
1902,
Ranke
1950,
pp. 61, 71, 84, 94-95, pis. xxxii, xxxiii;

p. 34) fig. 22;
N.
Thomas
Home
1985, p. 21, fig. 9;
Silverman 1997, pp. 13233, no. 38
53
Gary
1995, p. rSo, no. 81; Denise
Scott in
M. Doxey
in
Mentekhenu, Seated
54-
i8th Dynasty, reign of
Amenhotep
II
Thutmose III early
(14501420
reign of
B.C.)
Granodiorite
H. 83 cm
(32/8 in.)
Agyptisches
Maya
Like
(cat. no. 52), the
Fanbearer on the
Watch
King's Right and Overseer of the
(at the
Palace) Mentekhenu wears the "gold of honor."
Maya's ensemble
is
more complete, however.
Mentekhenu has the double
shebiu collar but
no
mesektu bracelets, and only a single pair of a'a

armlets
is visible; if
he has a second
den by the cloak
pair,
it is
hid-
that covers his proper left
shoulder. His cloak continues from his shoulder
down
to his ankles, serving as a
backdrop to a
single line of text that expresses his desire for
"everything that comes forth from upon the

altar
of
Amun
in Ipet-Sut
(Karnak) for the ka
of the Fanbearer Mentekhenu." Given

inscription,
statue
we
this
can probably assume that the
was intended
for placement at Karnak, to
allow Mentekhenu to share in the bounty of the

offerings to the god. In his left
hand Mentekhenu
holds an enlarged version of the flabellum hiero-
glyph used
in the spelling of his
title; it is
his
emblem of office and he grasps it tightly.
The
longer texts on either side of the seat are
inscribed with offering prayers: on the proper

left,
for
one directed
Amun-Re's
to
Amun-Re; on
the right, one
consort, Mut.
We know
nothing of Mentekhenu beyond
the information offered in the inscriptions
1.
His name, roughly translated, means
something
like
Perhaps a shortened form of a basilophoric

(i.e.,
on
this statue.
Moss
ing to the
list
"enduring of obelisks."' Accordof his
titles,
he was not only
III) is
1972, p. 281, gives the
Child of the Nursery (or page),^ indicating that
status at court.
may have grown up
honor and
close to a
II.
guardian of the palace
his role as a
such an occupation
is
no
title
may once have had
Provenance:
Probably Thebes, Karnak temple;
acquired in 1909
Bibliography: Boeder
no. 177; Klaus Finneiser in Priese 1991, p. 89, no. 55;
Monika Dolifiska
II is
sug-
gested by the squared-off chin, the heaviness of

the facial features, and the well-spaced eyes.
54, profile
106
1924, pp. 2324; Karl-
Heinz Priese in Agyptens Aufstieg 1987, pp. 24647,
in the statue 's texts.
Amenhotep
Menmenu
specific reference to
A date late in the sole reign of Thutmose III

or early in the reign of
as
usually had achieved middle-rank
king,
Although the gold of
suggest that he, like Maya,

military career, there
young
name
Egyptian krd n k(^)p; see Schenkel 1977. Holders
of this
probably Amenhotep
enduring of obelisks." Porter and
"Enduring of monuments."
2.
Fanbearer and Overseer of the Watch but also a
he
name
containing a king's name), such as "King
(Thutmose
CAK
in Geheimnisvolle Konigin
Hatschepsut 1997, pp. 13839, no. 45; Matthias Seidel

in Petschel
and von Falck 2004, pp. 7778, no. 66
THE ROYAL STEWARD, SENENMUT
THE CAREER OF SENENMUT

Peter F.
Dorman
Senenmut may justifiably be described as one of the most emi-
charge of administering the households of the widowed queen and
nent and influential personages of the Eighteenth Dynasty,
her daughter and was otherwise only a midlevel administrator in
yet nothing about his beginnings suggests future greatness.
the temple of
have risen to prominence or held any administrative or religious

office.
His father, Ramose,
is
known only by
the honorific
"wor-
her favor, including the extraction of two obelisks
He
fig. 37).'
elaborate embalming. Senenmut's mother, Hamefer,
depicting
She lived long enough, however,
ried status.
responsibility for the

ing,
economic domains
to see her
son acquire
(agriculture, cattle breed-
wine making, and accounting) of the great temple of Amun
Karnak; consequently, she was buried
Tomb
above, "The
sisters
known
in far
more
least six siblings,
at
lavish style (see,
of Ramose and Hatnefer" and
Senenmut was one of at

and
referred to
is
connoted respectable mar-
that
title
cat. no. 41).'
but none of his brothers
achieved the fame or influence that he did, and they are
chiefly
from depictions and
texts in
Senenmut's tomb.' The
family may have originated in the town of Armant, south of Thebes
on
the west
bank of the
Nile, for
statues,
indicating a particular devotion to their local oJts.'
The
public
Senenmut began
date at which
life is difficult
to play an active part in
to ascertain, since
predates the accession of Thutmose III
none of
(r.
his
numerous
titles reflects
his
1479 1425
been suggested that he spent some years as a
soldier,
monuments
B.C.). It
has
but none of
any such involvement.'' He may have
service to the royal court as an Overseer of Seals or
begun
Overseer of the Audience Chamber, possibly as early as the reign

of Thutmose
women
I (r.
1504 1492
B.C.).
His association with the royal
of the Eighteenth Dynasty seems to have been assured
when he was appointed mtor to the princess Neferure and steward

of her
1479
estate,
B.C.),
very likely by her father, Thutmose
and when he was
later
II (r.
1492-
named Great Steward of
the
God's Wife, Queen Hatshepsut (Nefurure's mother). At the unexpected death of Thutmose
II,
when the necessity of ruling was sud-
denly thrust into Hatshepsut's hands

Princess to
Queen
to
Gebel
(see,
above, "Hatshepsut:
Co-Ruler"), Senenmut was primarily in
III
as royal tutor with the princess Neferure (cat.
probably by year
would hold
7,
new temple con-
When Hatshepsut declared
herself pharaoh,
Senenmut acquired the primary
until his death
he
office
Great Steward of Amunwhich
gave him control over the burgeoning secular

temple of Karnak. His administrative reach
is
activities
attested
by
of the
several
owned by officials who worked as members of his staff (see
objects
nos. 55, 56).
At
the height of his official powers,
private
monuments produced
status.
He commissioned
Senenmut had
below,
time,
a series
attesting to his achievements
a vast funerary
Thebes (numbered by modern scholars

see,
at
south of Thebes, presumably in conjunction with
struction at Karnak.'
cat.
(see
and had a sandstone shrine carved for himself
el-Silsila,
reopening the sandstone quarries there for
his
Aswan
at
dedicated three votive statues at Karnak, two of them
him
nos. 60, 61),
mo resident goddesses of Armant,
Renenutet and lunyt, are well represented on Senenmut's
Thutmose
Hatshepsut's regency for
allowed Senenmut expanded responsibilities, doubtless owing to
thy" and seems to have died rather young and without benefit of
only as "Lady of the House," a
Amun at Karnak.
The beginning of
His parents were of relatively lowly origin, and neither seems to
"The Tombs of Senenmut")
as
that
complex
in
western
two separate tombs;
was the
and no fewer than twenty-five of his
largest
statues are
of its
known,
carved from a variety of materials.' This sculptural corpus

extraordinary not only for
"firsts"
statue,
found within
it.'
its
of
and
sheer numbers but also for the
Senenmut can claim the
is
many
earliest "tutor"
showing an individual with his royal ward (see
cat. nos. 60,
61; figs. 48, 49);' the first sistrophorous statue, representing the
owner kneeling
66-69); the
to present a votive sistrum to a deity (see cat. nos.
earliest
ing a shrine;'" the
naophorous sculpture, of a male subject hold-
first
statue depicting an individual with a field
surveyor's coiled measuring rope (cat. no. 65); and the earliest
sculpture showing an official presenting a votive
emblem of the
Maatkare (prenomen of Hatshepsut) cryptogram, a snake wearing

a
horned sun disk perched on
nos. 70-72).
a pair
of raised arms (see
cat.
A good number of the statues were donated, according

107
The
latter part
of Senenmut 's career
he never married, as no wife

his tombs,
is
is
obscure.
It
appears that
represented in the wall paintings in
nor are any children. In the tomb scenes, either Ramose
or Hatnefer takes the position
at the offering table
normally occu-
pied by the deceased's wife, and one of Senenmut 's brothers
shown performing
the daily ritual offering that
undertaken by the oldest

Hatshepsut, and exactly
cannot yet be answered.

stela
of year
taining his
11, at
name
Sinai
is
ostracon from year
son."'
Whether Senenmut outlived
how and when he

He
(fig.
is
died, are questions that
shown with Princess Neferure on
46), and the
last
16."'
decorated chamber in
Curiously, there
Senenmut
ory.
The
statues
Tomb
353
is
no evidence
left
tools,
and
in his
sealed while
his quartzite
unfinished in the corridors of Tomb 71.
suffered a series of
posthumous
attacks
inconsistent pattern of the erasures of his
and
that either
for his burial: the
was abandoned and
of excavated chip and workmen's
still full
dated document con-
an informal record of conscript labor, on an
component of his funerary monument was used
sarcophagus was
is
would usually be
on
his
mem-
name on
his
tomb, and of other damage, has led scholars to
suggest a variety of agents and motives for this persecution.
have posited Hatshepsut or Thutmose
Some
III as the instigator, either
because Senenmut had inappropriately usurped royal prerogatives,
Fig. 45.
Senenmut
in a devotional posture.
Wall
relief,
early i8th Dynasty. This
and similar images of Senenmut were carved behind door jambs in Hatshepsut's
temple
at
Deir el-Bahri.
to their inscriptions,
by Hatshepsut or Thutmose
fore reflect the finest output of the royal ateliers.
III
and there-
More
extraor-
dinary marks of the royal favor lavished on Senenmut include a

quartzite sarcophagus" and permission to carve his
tional reliefs at Hatshepsut's funerary temple at
and
in "all the temples
own devo-
Deir el-Bahri
of Upper and Lower Egypt"
(fig.
45)."
As Great Steward of Amun, Senenmut oversaw construction at

the temple of
Mut
temple of Karnak,
in
Karnak's southern precinct,
common
architect of Deir el-Bahri

title
temple of Luxor, and
at the
mortuary temple."' The
is
at
at the
based largely on his holding the rare
Overseer of Works of Amun in Djeser-djeseru (that
temple
at
Some of
main
Hatshepsut's
claim that Senenmut was the
Deir el-Bahri), but
it
is
is,
the
otherwise unsubstantiated.''
the smaller objects bearing his
name
are also inscribed
with the cartouche of Hatshepsut and a dedication text referring

to a deity
and a
specific
temple (see
cat. no. 59).
Such objects may
originally have been intended for a ceremonial deposit in a tem-
ple
's
foundation, with the
name of Senenmut added
secondarily.
Other small objects displaying the names of both Hatshepsut and
Senenmut
from the
108
(see cat. no. 58)
start as
seem
to
be devotional items designed
tokens of royal favor.
or because he
was supporting one of
the co- regents
against the
other.'''
Senenmut's name
Here again, there
not his visage
monuments, but not on

escaped
this
unwelcome
all,'^
no
is
was
clear
and the others are in the Agyptisches Musetmi und Papyrussammlung,
answer to be had.
erased on
many
and a large number of
Staadiche Museen zu Berlin
of his
his statues
10.
is it
11.
Dorman
12.
For the
Amun cult, which took place in the reign of Akhenaten

much
1336 B.c.).^ Like so
the attacks
on
in the life of
(r.
for the
moment
Dorman 2003, pp.
See Dorman 1991, pp.
3233.
and
137, 117, frontis.,
anonymous mummies placed
pis. 82c, 83b;
Dorman
1997.
The
Ramose and Hatnefer 's burial chamber
in
exhumed from a nearby family cemetery
14.
1988, pp. 167-69; and
and
it.
pp. 12728.
made
at the
a wall painting in
1958, p.
222, Senenmut's
(TT
1982, pp. 910.
is
a badly
71) depicting a
title
damaged
text; see
Helck 1958,
titles
Dorman
and
p. 356,
known
1988, pp.
Caminos and James
The raiê of materials
na
64.
in Fazzini 2002,
in 2004,
on
is
unpublished.
his statue dis-
(cat. no. 71)
and
in
Senenmut's burial
11,
were more
on the interior lintel of the doorway of Tomb 71 and in
11 stela
on both false-door stelae in Tombs 71
i-vi;
from
alone is astonishing, reflecting Senenmut's
access to the production of a
number of quarries scattered throughout Egypt
and the deserts beyond.
(cat. no. 73)
and
10, i6a.
Sinai, see Gardiner, Peet,
for the year 16 ostracon, see
and Cerny 1952-55,
Hayes i960, pp. 39-41
For a summary of the main scenarios suggested for Senenmut's persecution,
Dorman
1988, chap. 6.
(TT 71), which was never sealed, only inscriptions of

his name exhibit damage. His intended burial chamber (TT 353) was sealed
but breached, probably by potential tomb robbers, who scratched only some
In Senenmut's chapel
Tomb
For his Gebel
in the
tomb and never touched
name; for these curious
disparities, see
71 (cat. no. 73)
was recarved. The
name was connected
Dorman
Ramesside restorations of inscrip-
name of Amun, Senenmut's name on his
the hacking of his
1963, pp. 53-56, pis, 33, 34, 40-44.
graywacke, and porphyry
stonecutters
false-door stela in
may
have assumed that
to the obliteration of Amun's,
and
U)ok steps to repair it.

19.
For example, on only three of his statues do inscriptions of bodi

Hatshepsut's and Senenmut's names
show evidence of attack;
see
Dorman
1988, pp. 158-59.
See also "The Statuary of
in this publication (cat. nos. 60, 61); three are located
20. It
is
possible, as posited
that inscriptions
No fewer than ten statues show Senenmut with Neferure. Two are illu5tratl
fig.
mentioned
owner of Theban Tomb
1991, p. 163. Oddly, during the systematic
On this phenomenon, see Meyer 1982, pp. 7493.
is
suêsts that Senenmut did not widely employ
as Djehuti,
inscriptions of Senenmut's
diorite, quartzite, granite, sandstone, alabaster,
353); its rarity
Dorman 1991, frontis. and pis. 9b,
For the year
tions of the
third votive statue dedicated at this time is catalogue
(TT 71;
1957, pp. 80-84.
(cat. no. 66).
of the faces of the individuals portrayed
to
203
Seneirniut" later in this chapter.

9.
Hayes
other temples has been
by Betsy M. Bryan
appears on a single statue
SutJi scenes appear
see
has a military connotation.
el-Silsila shrine, see
8.
unusual oval
about the role they claim to have played in the building of
no. 177, pi-
18.
Habachi 1957, pp. 9296.
in
are mentioned in the inscription
temple of Mut
the carved niche, and
16.
section of
running soldier
However, none of the ninety-three
have been held by Senenmut, or their variants (see
7.
title
353; see
Overseer
perhaps a fragment of a battle scene
with booty mentioned in the accompanying
6.
5.
17.
military connection
Senenmut's chapel
holding an axe over his shoulder
5.
may indicate that he was in charge of construction
The primary evidence of a
11),
its
strikingly similar to the cartouche-shaped
pp. 419-30.
68, 70,
same time; see Dorman 1988,
projects in that town.
Meyer
noted by Hayes (1950), in

is
Hatshepsut's temple and in the training of die workmen; see Urkunden 4,
composition and phraseology of the inscriptions
As intimated by Helck
of Priests of Armant
4.
as
Deir el-Bahri, placed behind a number of doors,
Kamak, one of which
at
Other officials, such
e}q)licit
Dorman 2003, pp. 33-34.
on three statues mention these goddesses: catalogue nos.
71. Similarities in the
suggest that the statues were
This
at the
diamber (TT
Armant is not far away
indeed,
temple of Mut
Many of thrae activities

covered
and reburied in the precincts of Senenmut's grand mausoleum; see Dorman
Inscriptions
at
pp. 69-70; the second, discovered

13.
may include some of these siblings. To judge from the amount of desert
gravel and dirt mixed in with their bandages, the mummies may have been
3.
of Senenmut
his express permission to place reliefs there, see
at the
For a comparison of Ramose 's embalming and burial goods with those of
six
3 fo'
corroborated by the recent discovery of depictions of him in two doorways
Hatnefer, see
2.
reliefs
His boast that he also had such images carved
a mystery.
1.
126-29, "O-
was typical of royal inter-
sarcophagi carved for kin^.
Senenmut, the reason for
name remains
and the Egyptian Museum, Cairo
1991, pp. 70-76, pis. 3034. Quartzite
shape Senenmut's sarcophagus
1349-
and
inscriptions of his
48),
1988, p. 192, for later references.
ments of the time. Moreover,
phenomenon linked with the Atenist attacks against the
peripheral
Dorman
a description and
seems not to be
attention. His persecution
connected with that of Hatshepsut, after her death,'^ nor
(fig.
(CG 42114, CO 42115, CO 42116, JE 47178).

Caô (CG 42117); see Meyer 1982, pp.
Egyptian Museum,
above his tomb clutpel
47) and in die Sheikh Labib and Karakol magazines at
Kamak;
by Schulman 1969-70 and Jacquet- Gordon
1972,
of Senenmut's name were targeted during the Amama
period because of the appearance of the vulture hieroglyph (equated with
Amun's consort, Mut)

see
Dorman
in his
name; for difficulties with
this interpretation,
1988, pp. 15960.
IO9
of Tusi
Staff
55.
Whip Handle of Nebiri
56.
Thutmose
Thutmose
Wood,
B.C.)
birch bark, silver
cm
L. 104
(1479- 1458
III
(41 in.)
Agyptisches
staff is typical
m (14
in.)
ft., 10',^
Metropolitan
New Kingdom
Staves were a sign of status in
Egypt. This
(1479-1458 B.C.)
traces of pigment
L. 4.54
The
III
Wood,
of the basic design: a
Carved
in the
shape of a long blunt club,
this
heavy whip handle has a rectangular opening
to
slender shaft of wood, slightly broadened at the
allow the attachment of two broad leather
base, with a portion of twig protruding near the
thongs.
upper end, presumably to serve
which
hook
to
example
mered
is
over
ment or punishment; tomb paintings occasionally depict naval overseers wielding such whips,
made of ham-
urging their sailors on as they pull on the oars.
in
The
of silver-birch bark to provide a
title
and the upper end
strips
wrapped
is
The birch bark was in
grip for the hand.
The
lihood a rare, luxurious addition.
An
inscription
received an appointment as captain on one of
is
tomb of Tutankhamun.
The
Tusi."
juxtaposi-
tion of the
two names
Senenmut 's
responsibility to oversee the agri-
is
was probably
Senenmut
to
somewhat short
for practical use
may be
marily a visible
Amun,
The
indicative of
its
staff is
another fea-
1.
it
For the word
Spiegelberg 1897,
Helck
i9'|8, p.
harmless
pfd
no. 204;
p. 139
in
p. 91;
Helck
474 E; Porter and Moss
1964, p. 843; Hassan 1976, p. 139, pi.
8, 7;
John K.
Egypt's Golden Age 1982, pp. 17879,
Meyer
1982, pp. 261, 289, n. 4;
n/ic,
pfd
"skipper," see Jones 1988, p. 77.
The names of the boats
skippered by these captains
can appear as part of their
Provenance: Western
title.
Thebes, Deir el-Bahri, from
the huts between the temple causeways of Mentuhotep

II
and Hatshepsut; Metropolitan Museum of Art exca-
was
Provenance: Unknown
1939, p. 45 (zd);
of
vations, 192223, acquired in the division of finds
staff
in the afterlife.
Bibliography:
shaft
and enthusiastic use.
Helck
1958, p. 475 L;
and Moss 1964,

1988, p. 139
McDonald
pigment with
for the leather lashes
in
nature as pri-
emblem of status. The
time of burial, as an effort to render
owner
and the opening
are well worn, providing evidence of vigorous
the
intentionally broken, in antiquity, perhaps at the
to the
signs retain traces of the blue
the handle
prestigious gift from
one of his trusted administrators
charge of supervising farm work.
ture that
The
unusual. In view of
cultural activities of the temple of

staff
the transport boats under Senenmut's charge.
which they were once colored. Both the
on the shaft reads: "The
Amun,
may have
birch
Overseer of Amun, Senenmut; the Overseer of

the Cultivators of
on the whip handle gives the
per of Senenmut, Nebiri."' Nebiri
uses of birch bark was to adorn royal
objects placed in the
inscription
and name of one such overseer: "The skip-
all like-
not native to Egypt, and one of the few other
known
for chastise-
butt end of this
as a handle
The
sheathed in a ferrule
silver,
smooth
the thumb.
Whips were not used only
Dorman
1988,
1923, pp. 31-32,
fig.
26;
Hayes 1959, p. 112, fig. 59; Porter

Meyer 1982, p. 261; Dorman
p. 626;
Provenance: Unknown
Bibliography: Bothmer 1969-70, p. 126, n. 5,
figs. 9 11; James 1974, p. 78, no. 179, pi. XLvn; Del
Nord
Golden Age 1982,
\n Egypt's
p. 251, no. 351;
Richard A. Fazzini in Agyptens Aufstieg 1987, pp. 337
Dorman
38, no. 289;
1988
Bead Inscribed
59.
for
Hatshepsut and Senenmut

Cylinder Seal of Senenmut
57Early
Thutmose
III
(14791458
Greenish blue-glazed
H.
2.1
Early 18th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Hathor Amulet of
Senenmut
58.
Thutmose HI (1479 1458
cm (%
in.),
B.C.)
Diam.
Thutmose
steatite
Diam.
citi (V^ in.)
The
III
(1479-1458
H.
Mayer, 1967 67.1137
cm
2.1
seal is
W.
cm
1.7
last
This large glass
tion that
was adopted
at the
very dawn of
Egyptian history. Used to imprint moist clay
and
seals
tablets with the
name and
titles
of the
This polished red carnelian stone

the
is
carved in
form of the goddess Hathor, shown
bovine aspect, as
Heavy
tresses
is
in
her
evident from her cow's ears.
of hair frame her face and
down
either side of her neck, ending in
cylinder seals were developed in Mesopotamia
rolls.
The
and were apparently borrowed by the Egypt-
inscribed with a short text:
end of the fourth millennium
fall
heavy
top and back of the amulet are
Maatkare (Hatshepsut)
seals
were of limited
practical-
stoppers and
mud
Old Kingdom
cious materials and given
seals
gifts.
By
the Middle
away
as prestigious
Kingdom, cylinder
were largely replaced by stamp
seals
and
The
resident goddess of Armant (lunet), a
associations with a
as Isis
Munich
itself
continued
at least
reduced in
and retained, perhaps, only for
size
though much
archaized prestige reasons. Senenmut *s seal

scribed "Great Steward of
is
in-
(Amun), Senenmut;
town
south of Thebes where Senenmut 's family
have originated.' Hathor
scarabs for the purpose of sealing documents,
New Kingdom,
the smaller
The
is
found
just
may
in syncretic
number of goddesses, such
and lunyt; indeed, Senenmut 's statue

(cat. no.
68) depicts
him presenting
in
Hathor-headed sistrum, though the dedicatory
of Armant,
text refers to lunyt
small objects are
Theban
area.
by
incised inscription invokes Hatshepsut,
her prenomen, and Hathor, in the form in which

she
was worshiped
Deir el-Bahri,
in
her
at
Hatshepsut's temple
own
shrine. It reads:
Good God(dess) Maatkare, beloved

who resides in Thebes, preeminent
the
similar in
epithet "beloved of lunyt" refers to the
but the cylindrical form

into the early
among
hereditary
count,
at
"The
of Hathor,
in
the
form
Djeser-
steward
known
are inscribed with the
found
in foundation deposits,
monially laid
and scarabs)
when
which were cere-
construction began
on a
These inscriptions proclaimed
temple.
monarch's
filial
celebrated.
The
on
to the dedications inscribed
objects (such as jars, tools, amulets,
Nonetheless, in the
royal and private seals were
is
in the
have been dropped. The dedication to Hathor is
Senenmut
widely employed, some of them made of pre-
royal
and Great Steward
ofAmun,
restricted to imprinting jar
seals.
bead has been pierced, pre-
of the royal epithets referring to Hatshepsut
the hereditary prince
was
cylinder seals
York,
1926 26.7.746
Gift,
Senenmut." Uncommonly, the feminine endings
beloved oflunyt;
Egypt; in the Nile valley the use of
ity in
ball
of Hatshepsut
activities
djeseru;
B.C.
Ideal for writing systems that utilized clay as a
medium, such
Harkness
decorative objects that attest to the construction
owner of an object or the sender of a document,
ians at the
S.
sumably for stringing, and
manifestations in
pharaonic Egypt of a form of property valida-
Museum of Art, New
Metropolitan
(Ks in.)
Brooklyn Museum, Gift of Mr. John Hewett, 1962
one of the
in.)
Purchase, Edward
(/s in.),
62.192
This
cm
B.C.)
Carnelian
Boston, Gift of Horace L.
B.C.)
Glass
the
piety toward the deity being
addition of the
name and
titles
of Senenmut in a separate line of text below the
was adapted
dedication suggests that the bead

to a use other than
its
original one.'
PFD
number of
that, like this amulet,
names of both Hatshepsut
I.
Senenmut seems
to
have confiscated several small
objects destined for foundation deposits for other
Overseer of the Cattle of Amun, Senenmut" and
and Senenmut, one directly following the other.
may
The
inscriptions suggest that the objects
gifts
of the monarch to her chief steward.^
temples planned by Hatshepsut and to have placed
have been worn as a form of jewelry.
PFD
were
them
in five deposits scattered
of his
own
intended tomb
(TT
around the entrance

353).
PFD
Provenance: Unknown
I.
2.
Bibliography: Edward
Brovarski
mEgypts
Golden Age 1982, pp. 240, 308, no. 319; Edward

Brovarski in Agyptens Aufstieg 1987, pp. 33637,
no. 288;
Dorman
1988, p. no, n. 2
Meyer
1982, pp. 11-12;
Dorman
Provenance:
is
chamber (TT
doubtless provided,
Luxor; formerly
353; see fig. 54).

at least in part,
Amherst
collection; formerly
Carnarvon collection
the astronom-
decoration of the ceiling of Senenmut's intended
burial
in
1988, p. 166.
The most prominent example of the juxtaposed

names of Hatshepsut and Senenmut
ical
Purchased
That tomb was
Bibliography: Sotheby's 1921,

1959, p. 105; Dorman 1988, p. 200
lot 654;
Hayes
through royal
munificence.
III
SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR TO PRINCESS NEFERURE

In the early Eighteenth Dynasty, several
men
titles that
single out
entrusted with the upbringing of the royal children
women and
came
into use.'
statue that dates
from the years of Hatshepsut's regency for Thutmose
her nephew and Neferure 's half brother
This
(cat. no. 60).
is
the
III,
first
Usually translated as Royal Nurse {mn't nswt) and Royal Tutor {mn'
work of Egyptian
nswt), the titles appear only in the Eighteenth Dynasty. Both are derived
Tutor or Royal Nurse and a young member of the royal family, and the
from the word mena, which means "to suckle"; the feminine
interpreted literally, as "wet nurse."*
into the reigns of their nurslings
Nurtured the
God
ing king, these
who was
ruler (see
fig.
tutor
is
a second
title.
One Who
at least
two were given the signal honor of
One
of these was Hatshepsut's nurse,
buried in a tomb only a short distance from that of her
is
role of a Royal
Nurse
somewhat more
is
relatively clear-cut, the office of
difficult to define.
In one representation a
seen teaching archery to a prince; however, most images simply
The men seem
statue itself,
showing the close association between
Senenmut seated and Neferure on
Senenmut
young
to
child,
have acted
sometimes a boy and sometimes a
at first as
guardians and later as over-
Royal
unique in pose.
his lap, is
clearly valued his relationship with the princess to a very
high degree, for he had not one but ten statues made of himself with her,
including one that was carved out of the bedrock above his
tomb chapel on
Sheikh abd el-Qurna, in the vast necropolis of western Thebes

It is
in the
Kingdom,
pulled
up
form of
in
which
a block statue, a type that dates
in front of
man
is
shown
seated
him and wrapped
Senenmut added the small head of the
depict the tutor with a

girl.
and gained
lived
75).
While the
Royal Tutor
can be
Because of their close bond with the reign-
(sdt ntr).^
burial in the Valley of the Kings.

Sitre,
title
number of Royal Nurses
women are often prominendy represented in the tombs of
husbands or sons, and
their
art
in a cloak.
and holding her finger to her mouth, two

a
young
child.
princess,
The composition
on the ground with
princess,
To
his
knees
form
this traditional
wearing a sidelock of hair
artistic
conventions that identify
expresses Senenmut's guardianship of the
whose small form, with her head tucked under
pletely surrounded
(fig. 47).'
from the Middle
and thus protected by
his large
his chin,
is
com-
enveloping one. This
eloquent image became the one repeated later in the dynasty by tutors
who
seers of the physical and/or intellectual training of the maturing child (or
wished to commemorate a relationship with a royal charge." Senenmut
children) in their care.' In a few cases a tutor, like female counterparts,
himself commissioned six other block statues of this type, at least five of
was eventually granted

after his charge
became
the
title
One Who Nurtured
Our
first
Fig. 47.
Thutmose
{sdi ntr)
function
the
II,
was probably appointed during
Senenmut with Neferure. Block
Senenmut 's Theban tomb chapei (TT
statue carved into the
71), early i8th
bedrock above
Dynasty
Fig. 48. Block statue of Senenmut with Neferure, early i8th Dynasty. Granite.
Agyptisches
112
Tutor does not appear
Berlin (2296)
in the inscriptions.^
Presumably
it
was considered
unnecessary, for the statue itself embodied the tide.
Hatshepsut's husband and Neferure 's father.
evidence of this relationship, however, comes in the form of a
set up in the temple of Amun at Karnak, whose estates he

On the two best-preserved examples (see fig. 48), the tide Royal
which were
oversaw.
for Hatshepsut's daughter, Neferure, and
the reign of
God
filled this
king.
The most famous Royal Tutor was Senenmut, who
in
Two other statues depict Senenmut with Neferure. One of these, now
the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (fig. 49), shows Senenmut seated on
Senenmut with Neferure,
Fig. 49.
early i8th Dynasty. Granite. Egyptian
Fig. 50.
Museum, Cairo (CG 42116)
Senimen holding Neferure and accompanied by
Carved
wife.
tomb (TT
the ground with one leg raised.

lap,
The
small Neferure
sits
sideways on his
her back against his knee, while Senenmut 's huge hands hold her
snugly and protectively against his chest. This pose

tional
is
based on tradi-
images of a mother and child that date back nearly a thousand
years to the age of pyramids.
a boulder
The
above
his
also briefly a guardian of Neferure,
tomb carved with
final statue
the image
had
representing Senenmut with Neferure shows him
striding forward, holding the princess before
earUest example (cat. no. 60), this
is
the only
him
(cat. no. 61).
Like the
work of its kind.
is
the
first
Royal Tutor or Royal Nurse to depict himself
together with his royal charge,

the statues to
it
seems natural
Senenmut himself. This group
to attribute the idea for
is all
the
more impressive
because the representation in sculpture of a royal and a nonroyal person

together
is
late rules
unprecedented and abrogates a number of seemingly invio-
of Egyptian
art.
These include the general conventions
royal person, even a child,
is
royalty; that a royal individual
Senenmut's role of guardian to Neferure, which he seems to have

acquired early in his career, was probably a
is
on
honors.'" Although
in
Two
Senenmut has no
designing Hatshepsut's temple
image in the temple
(fig.
was he who provided

ture, sculpture,
at
tides that state a direct
that, the
is
likely to
involvement
Deir el-Bahri, the presence of his
45) and the evidence of his statues suggest that
the inspiration for this
monument,
in
it
which struc-
and landscape combine to form one of the world's great
architectural masterpieces.
CHR
1.
woman
as the
of the
titles
occurs in connection with
who had two nurses. For information on

individuals who held them, see Roehrig 1990.
Nefertari,
Queen Ahmose-
these titles and the
On this tide, see ibid., pp. 314-21.

A longer version of the title is One Who Nurtured
{stit h^w ntr). On this title, see ibid., pp. 327-29.
On the title Royal Tutor, see ibid., pp. 32227.
5.
For more on this tomb, see "The Tombs of Senenmut" by Peter
The
6.
For a
who nurtured the

The miniature king
7.
These
form
2.
to
3.
lifesize statue is
of a
woman
lap.
"Chief Nurse
Lands, Sitre, also called Inet."'
her former nursling, Hatshepsut.
The first evidence
4.
its
bench with a miniature king seated sideways on her
Mistress of the
is
Beyond
his astonishing corpus of statuary indicate an innate talent that
Metropolitan
the fragments of statuary in
Deir el-Bahri. The
inscription identifies the
step toward his later
officials.
that a
never touched except by another royal
Museum's Egyptian Expedition among
sitting
first
great artistic creativity and capacity for innovation he demonstrated in
represented in a larger scale than non-
way with (let alone touches) a person of lower rank.

One other unique sculptural work may also owe
Senenmut. Many pieces of a statue were discovered by the
at
They were
which once stood on
depicting her divine birth.
person or a deity; and that a royal person never interacts in an obvious
Hatshepsut's temple
statue,
the middle terrace in Hatshepsut's temple, probably near the reliefs
have been recognized and rewarded with further responsibilities and
Because of the variety and number of Senenmut 's tutor statues and
the fact that he
nurse or tutor of the king, occurs in two later tomb paintings.
high position as one of Hatshepsut's principal
(fig. 50).^
his
above Senimen's Theban
Dynasty
undoubtedly inspired by the example of this
Only on one other occasion was it used by
when Senimen, who was
a tutor,
into a limestone boulder
252), early i8th
The same composition of
a small
king on the lap of an adult, used as a retrospective commemoration of a
list
Body of the God
F.
Dorman, below.
of these statues, see Roehrig 1990, pp. 282-86.
statues are
now in
Berlin (2296), and the

Egyptian Museum, Cairo (CG 421 14).
the Agyptisches
8.
On Senimen, see Roehrig
9.
Winlock
10.
the
1932a, pp.
5,
1990, pp. 52-64, 280.
10.
See "The Statuary of Senenmut" by Cathleen A. Keller, below.
SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR
II3
Senenmut Seated,
6o.
seat records that the statue
of the Lady of the
with Neferure
Two
was made
"as a favor
Thutmose
III,
D. 48
The
EA
God 's Wife when
tainty to the years
Diorite
H. 72.5
title
she became king, and the
statue can therefore be dated with relative cer-
(1479-1473 B.C.)
when
she served as regent for
cm
(iS'A in.),
W.
23.5
cm
(9/^ in.),
The
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 B.C.)
Diorite
H.
53
cm (20%
in.),
W.
14
cm
(5K
in.),
cm
D. 26.5
(lo'/s in.)
Thutmose IIL
cm
Senenmut with Neferure
61.
Lands, the God'^ Wife,
Hatshesput." Hatshepsut probably gave up the
The
original placement of this statue
Field
Museum, Chicago,
Gift of Stanley Field
is
and Ernest R. Graham 173800
(iSYs in.)
unknown. The invocation
Museum, London
are given in the
offerings
on the front
name of Amun, and seven
174
This statue depicts Senenmut
in his position as
aspects of the
god are
on the proper
left side
listed in the inscription
of the
the statue probably stood
Amun's
seat.
Therefore
somewhere
in the
guardian of Hatshepsut's daughter, Neferure.
precinct of
The
of North Karnak, as one author has convinc-
princess
sits
on
his lap,
and he holds her
close to his chest, enveloping her protectively in

his cloak. Neferure
wears her hair
in a braided
sidelock and holds her finger to her

artistic
There
lips,
two
conventions that identify a young child.

is
as there
no
is
royal cobra, or uraeus, at her brow,
in all the other statues depicting
temple, perhaps in the area
flat.
The
almost no modeling around the upper
on both
figures the
Senenmut 's
title
mouth
One
is
in the inscriptions, since
implicit in the statue itself.
inscription that runs
down
the front of the
cloak identifies him as "Chief Steward of (in

cartouche) Princess Neferure, Senenmut."
An inscription on the proper right side of the
carrying
in the
is
corpus
the seem-
whose
ingly affectionate gesture of the princess,

right
arm
The
encircles Senenmut's shoulder.
Amun are
all intact,
between Neferure and her guardian, softening
Senenmut, Hatshepsut, and
suggesting that the statue was buried out of
harm's
way
names were
before the periods
when
these
the formal effect created
by
The
Eaton-Krauss 1998; Eaton-Krauss 1999, pp.
17 20.
a scepter that
is
in
Luxor
young Neferure 's
in 1906
left
hand she holds
sometimes connected with the
goddess Hathor' and
Provenance; Acquired
stiff
princess wears the sidelock of youth
and the royal uraeus. In her

I.
the otherwise
poses of the figures and their rigid gazes

straight ahead.
attacked.
and
in a slight smile.
unique
gesture emphasizes the intimate relationship
may be associated
acquisition of the
with the
God's
title
Wife, which she seems to have inherited from
of Royal Guardian or Royal
Tutor does not appear

the relationship
is
lids,
is
names of
her
eyes are huge, with
Senenmut
presents
statue
Neferure, in a pose that
ingly argued.' In the inscriptions the
with Senenmut. Both faces are very youthful
and relatively
This
of Egyptian statuary. Also notable
Bibliography: London,
British
Museum
1914,
pi. II;
Meyer
1982,
pp. 30 (bibliography), 12025, no. 2,
304-5
(text);
pis.
30-32; Hall 1928, pp. t-2,
Dorman
1988, pp. 118 19, 145,
when Hatshepsut became
king.
Except for hands, heads, and Senenmut's

both figures are enveloped
feet,
in a large cloak that
18889 (bibliogra-
phy); Roehrig 1990, pp. 7172, 27778; Fay 1995,

pp. 1213; Marianne Eaton-Krauss in
2001, pp. 120-21, no. 44
her mother
Russmann
et al.
touches the ground on Senenmut's
left
and
that
provides a wide, smooth surface for an inscription.
From
this inscription
Senenmut's name has
60, profile and
SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR
back
II5
been erased; otherwise, the
Even
condition.
remains
the
statue
name of
suêsting
intact,
in excellent
is
Amun
god
the
was
that the statue
buried or otherwise hidden later in the Eighteenth
Dynasty, before the reign of Akhenaten,
who
repudiated the worship of Amun.
The
part of the inscription
first
on
identical to that
praise
48); both texts
(fig.
Senenmut and emphasize
relationship with Hatshepsut,

inscriptions,
almost
is
a block statue depicting
Senenmut with Neferure
his privileged
who,
many
as in
The
referred to in both genders.
is
second half of the inscription describes the relationship in which
Senenmut "nurtured the
eldest
princess," having been "given to her as Goddess's
Father."
The complete inscription
Given as a blessing ofthe king
reads:
(to) the high offi-
A myal
Steward ofAmun, Senenmut.
cial, the
ofAmun, Lord of the Thrones ofthe
offering
Two Lands,
giving all that appears upon his
of every day
offering table in the course
of the high
to the
official pertaining to the white
of Geh, great
Lands, who
is
ka
chapel
of the Lord of the Two
confidant
blessed by the
Good God,
overseer
of the double granaries ofAmun, Senenmut.
He says,
"I am a dignitary, beloved ofhis lord,
who has entree

Mistress
to the
wonderful character ofthe
ofthe Two Lands (Hatshepsut). He
(Hatshepsut) has ennobled me before the
Two
Lands and made me chiefspokesman ofhis

estate,
I was
andjudge
/nurtured
efficient in his opinion in that
the eldest princess
inasmuch as
in the entire land,
(King 's Daughter),
the God's
Wife, Neferure, alive. I was given to her as
Goddess 's Father

tiveness
1.
Troy
(jt ntrt)
because ofmy effec-
on behalfof the king.
CHR
1986, pp. 8384. In a relief scene
Hatshepsut's temple (see

this scepter
and
fig.
79),
Neferure holds
a menit necklace; in another scene,
Neferure 's grandmother, Ahmose,

the
2.
same scepter
Translation
from
is
shown holding
(cat. no. 80).
by James
P. Allen.
Provenance: Acquired
in
Luxor; donated early
in 1925
Bibliography:
T. G. Allen 1927-28;
Meyer
1982,
pp. 39 (bibliography), 17275, no. 11, 316 (text);
Dorman
1988, pp. 12324, 150, 193 (with bibliogra-
phy); Roehrig 1990, pp. 73-74, 281-82;
Capel
in
Anne K.
Capel and Markoe 1996, pp. 109 11, no. 43;
Dorren Martin-Ross
in Ziegler 2002a, p. 454, no. 171

All ancient Egyptians were concerned with the continuation of their
Senenmut's statue program was unusually ambitious
existence following the end of their earthly lives. For the richest and
far exceeding that
most powerful, many options were available
attested)"'
tence and the survival of their
to ensure their eternal exis-
memory: preparing
and
of any other
in
numbers
New Kingdom official (twenty-five so far
in scale, typological variation, variety
of material, and
sumptuous tomb;
quality of execution frequendy approaching royal standards. Moreover,
dedicating small chapels, statuary, or other objects in temples; making
because he sought, as kings did, to emulate divine creation, Senenmut
donations to support temple priesthoods; even creating a cenotaph.
produced
To
gain permission to commission statues from royal workshops and
to display those
tial."
works
was essen-
in the principal temples, royal favor
One of Senenmut's repeated boasts was of his unimpeded
the king,' and his implied expectation of royal largesse
ing request: "Grant that there be
made
for
access to
where the majesty of this god proceeds,
and for every
in Ipet-Sut,
like
every favored ancestor.
Then they will be in the following of your majesty in this temple."'

Lacking distinguished lineage, Senenmut could not,
Nor did
renewal by depicting his extended family.
funerary
cult;
of eternal
he, apparendy, have
any children, so there would be no future generations
to maintain his
he stood alone. More than any other official of his time, he
depended largely on temple

cult, to create "a fair
statuary, rather than a
memory
with people" (see
his eternal fame. This significant
upon an
on linking himself
New Kingdom,
quasi- royal symbolism (by private
than Hatshepsut. Indeed,
his king,
who had need
in
Egypf Thus his
identification with the
tomb-
its
vidual (for example, in a
(figs. 48, 51).
a flying vulture, with a protective wedjat
body, grasping a set of ka arms in
faces a striding male figure with a composition was and
manner of Egyptian
ankh eternal
life.)
tall
its
talons. It
ankh device
was scepter and an ankh sign
divinities.
in the
(The was symbolized power, the
These cryptograms have been interpreted
as standing
prenomen (Maatkare) and nomen (Khenemet
for Hatshepsut's
Hatshepsut), respectively,' and thus as constituting "new"
Amun
ways of writ-
ing the king's cartouches on the statue. Senenmut stresses their originality in
an additional
princess's head:
own
text inscribed
"Images which
heart and from
my own
on both
more
intently
Senenmut's goal was to obtain eternal

that
had not existed "in the time of the
was shared by
all
tomb
chapel) and those meant as a stand-in for
Senenmut's statues appear to have functioned in a temple context,"'
they demonstrate great variety, not least in the number of formal categories, based
on body position, represented
in the corpus.
of eight block (or "cuboid")"' statues commissioned by
Senenmut: one of him alone
(cat. no.
64) and seven with the King's
Daughter, Neferure, whose tutor he was."' The block statue
to the chest,
reduced to a
man seated on
the
is
a standard
ground with knees drawn
swathed in an enveloping cloak; often the body
strict
princess,
whose head projects from the block so
parts of a
whole
(fig.
48).
The block
statue type
impetus from Senenmut's extensive use of it;

lar in the later
is
geometric form from which only the head and feet
protrude. Senenmut's major innovation was to incorporate the
it
that the
young
two seem
may have
like
received an
became extremely popu-
Thutmoside period" and continued
to thrive
through the
Ramesside, Third Intermediate, and Late periods.
Four statues of Senenmut seated are known. In

either alone
mo he sits upright,
on a bench"' or, in a composition unique in the
entire Egyptian
statues to the left of the
have made from the devising of
labor; they
means
king had greater
the subject offering prayer in a temple context (the votive statue). While
up
usual
And no
of new ways to express her divine lineage and
type generally depicting a
instead of a head and holding a
officials)."*
ancestors," he lived in a propitious time, for that goal
We know
its
latitude in the
Egyptologists have tended to sort private statuary into two major
to temple-centered divine creation, with
cryptogram shows
norms had not
era's artistic
kingly justification.
Daughter, Neferure,' incised near the head of the princess

first
if
remembrance by creating forms
block statues from Karnak that depict Senenmut and the King's
The
new
groups, those intended to serve as the focus of a cult devoted to an indi-
established at
An aspect of Senenmut's originality was his invention of a number

composite devices, or cryptograms. Two of these appear on two
eye superimposed on
repertoire.
the
was considerable
allowed for the expression of royal power (by kings) and the use of
variety and originality.
of
creative
with Senenmut
66) and ensure
centered cycle of birth, death, and renewal that applies to humanity but
rather
During the early
yet been codified, and there
number of
identified
eclipse after the period of joint rule, but
tomb-based funerary
cat. no.
monumental presence he
Karnak temple in Thebes, the most important temple

eternal aspirations rested not
be so closely
to
(momentary)
reason to probe the boundaries of kingly symbolism
some of his
like
illustrious contemporaries, suggest his participation in a cycle
a sculptural corpus containing a notable
Some of these came
most became standards of the artistic
evident in a strik-
me many statues of every type
of precious hard stone for the temple of Amun

place
is
"firsts."
that they suffered
have not been found
my
in the
writing of the ancestors."
The most common
device associated with Senenmut, however,
is
the
uraeus cryptogram, which takes the form of a cobra crowned with

bovine horns and a solar disk rearing up from a pair of ka arms
This emblem was
initially interpreted as a
rebus rendering of the kingly
Horus name of Hatshepsut, Wosretkaw," and subsequently

her prenomen: Maat (the cobra)
Alternatively,
it
ka
(fig. 52).'
+ Re
(the sun disk)
as a rebus
of
Maatkare.'
has been understood" as referring to the harvest god-
dess Renenutet, Mistress of Food,
who
takes the
form of the cobra,
guardian of the granary from rodent predators (ka here meaning "provisions" or "food")."
to both the king
As
recent scholars have noted,
it
quite likely referred
and the goddess."
117
Fig. 52.
Senenmut kneeling
and holding a uraeus cryptogram, early i8th Dynasty.
Museum,
Granite. Brooklyn
Charles Edwin Wilbour
sistrophores are the earliest
statue type,
which
for officials' expressions of
devotion to a female divinity, particularly Hathor.
Three well-preserved
Fund
to offer the uraeus
(67.68; see cat. no. 70)
known examples of this
would become an extremely popular form
statues of
cryptogram
modest
show Senenmut kneeling
size
Two were
(see fig. 52; cat. nos. 70, 71).''
probably dedicated in the temple of Montu in Armant, where Senenmut
had family
ties,
while the third was probably discovered at the temple at
Karnak. The three are of different stones and

similar images of
on
even
differ stylistically;
Senenmut were never duplicates but rather variations
a theme. Like other innovative
forms of Senenmut's, the cryptogram
votives had artistic descendants (cat. no. 72). Although the ka arms of the
device were occasionally attacked,'' the fact that the uraeus cryptogram
had
earlier
been associated with goddesses of sustenance and plenty
ensured that
it
continued to be meaningful to donors.
many of Senenmut's
Because so
his corpus
paralleled only
is
by
statues
have survived
that of royalty
opportunity for investigating the
stylistic
the size of
they present an excellent
oeuvre of a private individual.
Attempts to produce a chronology of his statuary by applying a combination of inscriptional and stylistic criteria" have met with a certain limited success, but they are constrained
instance,
it is
Senenmut's
by gaps
in
our knowledge. For
unclear whether the inscription on a statue
titles at
sented selected
the time of
titles
question of whether
its
making
or, as
named
seems more
stylistic variations in the
facial features or in the type
all
likely,
according to the statue 's function. Also open
of
pre-
is
the
rendering of Senenmut's
of wig, for example, have chronological
significance or reflect the activity of different temple
workshops;" and
there are a host of other issues as well. Senenmut's sculptural dossier has
yet to receive the attention
it
deserves and
still
awaits a detailed, in-depth
CAK
examination.
statuary corpus,
ers
show him
on
a square seat holding Neferure (cat. no. 60).
an asymmetrical pose, seated on the
in
holding the princess
Senenmut standing
(fig.
49)." There
is
only one
Two othone case
floor, in
known
depiction of
another unique composition whose subject
is
the
tutor together with his royal charge (cat. no. 61).
Depictions of Senenmut kneeling constitute a significant category

that can be subdivided according to the nature of the votive element
offered.
The two
simplest works, in which he
is
seen kneeUng with arms
some
raised in an attitude of adoration, are very fragmentary, and

tional element
may
image of Senenmut offering
found in the Karnak Cachette,"
is
is
shown
addi-
headless)
Amun and Renenutet,

New Kingdom example of
texts to
an early
the type. In another variant of the votive statue
he
(now
a naos, or small shrine, decorated with
an image of Amun and bearing dedication
Senenmut
originally have been included.^'
one
unattested before
offering a field surveyor's cord (cat. no. 65).
This form was taken up by
later officials
who,
like
Senenmut, oversaw
the granary of Amun at Karnak temple.
Four of Senenmut's
between
is
and shaken
sions,
statues depict
him kneeling and steadying
hands a large sistrum'' of the type that incorporates a naos.
his
A sistrum
a sacred rattle that
to
was held by ancient Egyptian
accompany the chanting
and other religious ceremonies;
sistrophore.'*
in
temple
is
procescalled a
Senenmut's sistrophores range from a large sandstone or
quartzite statue
from the Mut temple complex
size version in diorite (cat. no. 67),
(cat. no.
66) to a tabletop-
with two other examples of granite or
granodiorite (cat. nos. 68, 69), both of intermediate
118
priestesses
rituals, festive
a statue of this type
size.
Senenmut's
Fig. 53. Profile details
nally
from Armant
of three statues of Senenmut that were origi-
(left to right, cat.
nos. 70, 71, 68)
1.
on several of Senenmut's
Inscriptions
statues (cat. nos. 66, 67) proclaim that
they were "given as a favor of the King's

2.
For example, he
3.
Inscribed on a block statue of
who
speaks in
Senenmut (Egyptian Museum, Cairo,
The
request seems to have been
tomb chapel (TT
71)
materials and forms, including one of him
towed
nos. 70, 71), being

4.
He
endowed temple
also
Senenmut dedicated
at
to the temple
cults; see
Armant
Some may have been housed
James 1976; Eaton-Krauss 1998, pp. 2089; Eaton-Krauss 1999, pp. n6fF.
This term is preferred by Schulz (1992).
17. Berlin,
421 14): in Legrain 1906-25, p. 63.
painting in Senenmut's
15.
16.
gift."
"confidant of the king" and "the chamberlain
is
privacy"; see catalogue no. 64.
shows
a serpent (cf. cat.
1991, pis. 12a, 13a, b).
1988, p. 198.
The
19.
The
statue
20.
The
other example
Drioton 1938, pp. 231-38.
7.
Robins 1999, pp. 10810 (with bibliography).
8.
Sethe 1898,
9.
Marianne Eaton-Krauss
CG
Graefe 1980.
42114.
21.
11.
On Renenutet,
see Broekhuis 1971; Beinlich-Seeber 1984.
On goddesses asso-
Dorman
1988, p. 39, especially n. 108; Robins 1999, pp. 10810.
13.
For
literature
on
of the statue citations that follow, see app.
a niched
ary architecture of
tomb facade
is
and Amduat
texts
were incorporated
(Dziobek 1995, pp. 139-40), and
Book of the Dead

all
texts in that
Dorman
Gebel
in
el-Silsila.
at
use of this pose by Senimen;
in his
in
was
some way
55, 64, pi. 5).
of a kneeling statue of Senenmut discovered
now
in
CG
at
Deir
el-
Geneva
(23438).
42117.
in
Dorman
units, following
chamber of Useramun
restricted liturgies as well as the
of Senenmut (Dorman 1991, pp.
widely used
99ff-)-
as a divine incarnation
which the donor presents an
1988.
19953, p. 131). Officials
1995b, pp. 14445); Solar Litany
in the burial
summary of the symbolism,
These are
instances of nonroyal funerary complexes closely paralleling royal practice.
forms, and development of
the sistrum. See also Reynders 1998, pp. 95ofF., in which
this interpretation the statue type is
lopped by a pyramid in the private funer-
Puyemre and Useramun (Dziobek
tomb chapels and burial apartments -as separate
royal burial practice (for examples, see
at
from Deir Rumi, on the west bank
by Senenmut, who was closely associated with him
shm scepter be interpreted
See
For instance,
cenotaph
a statue base
The lower portion
22. Cairo,
ciated with nourishment in general, see Robins 1999, p. no.
built their
is
may have been preceded
possible, however, that the rock-cut statue of Senimen
23. See Ziegler 1984 for a
all
now located
Bahri by Edouard Naville (the "Naville" fragment), and a travertine statue
Kunst 1976, no. 34; Drioton 1938.
12.
14.
It is
(Roehrig 1990, pp.
base
in Agyptische
in the shrine of his
see figure 50.
p. 49.
10.
is
Thebes. Senenmut
three statues
inspired
Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, 2296, and Cairo,
Karnak temple.
and JE 47278; two statues
(fig. 47).
Schulz 1992, p. 547.
smaller than most of his Karnak statues.

5.
TT 71
above tomb
18.
(see cat. nos. 68, 70, 71) are significantly
6.
1 5,
the "Sheikh Labib" and "Karakol" magazines at Karnak; and the rock-cut statue
fulfilled.
row of statues of various
kneeHng behind
(Dorman
Dorman
CG
in private chapels within the
CG 421 14, 421
2296; Cairo,
24.
Meyer
actual
it is
suggested that the
of the goddess herself. With
connected even more closely with those in
image of the
divinity.
1984.
25.
On Senenmut's sistrophores:
26.
For example,
it is
e.g.,
catalogue nos. 67, 69.
generally agreed that the two British
Museum
statues (cat.
nos. 60, 64) are the earliest statues of Senenmut, a conclusion based
stylistic features
which
27. See
and the
titles
signal a date before she
Meyer
1982, pp. 69-73;
This research
is still
on both
of Senenmut and Hatshepsut inscribed on them,
became
king.
Eaton-Krauss 1998,
in its early stages but has
p. 208, citing Fay 1995, p.
shown some promising
15.
results.
Figured Ostracon with
62.
Ruled Sketch
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 b.c.)
Painted limestone
cm (8^8
H. 22.5
in.),
W.
18
cm {j%
in.),
D.
3.5
cm
(iKsin.)

Rogers Fund, 1936 36.3.252
This gridded sketch of a
man wearing
a short
wig probably portrays the steward Senenmut,
whose
services to Hatshepsut
were rewarded
with numerous favors. His appointment to
many
important positions, such as the steward-
ship of the temple of Amun at Karnak, enabled
him
to afford to have
two tombs excavated
for
himself in the Theban necropolis.' Although

the sketch
the
hill
is
from
not labeled,
TT
71,
it
was
findspot (just
down
Senenmut's tomb chapel^)
and the care with which

that
its
it
a preparatory
was executed suggest
drawing for one of the
tomb's primary representations of a male figure.

All these figures
would have been patterned
II9
after
an idealized depiction of the tomb owner.
common
As was
during
practice
Eighteenth Dynasty, the
artist
the
responsible for
the drawing, clearly an accomplished individual,
would have made two separate versions of
his sketch: the first,
more summary and
cuted in diluted red paint over
of the same color; and over
a second,
it
exe-
freehand grid
more
king,
later
and
Hatshepsut,
Neferure. This conclusion
is
her
daughter
based not-only on
the object's supposed findspot, in the vicinity of
Senenmut's Deir el-Bahri tomb
on
also
more
first
(TT
353), but
the clear resemblance of the upper,
detailed
drawing to
a sketch in the tomb's
ing inscription identifies as of Senenmut
nose, a furrow around the mouth, and a dis-
The
artist
enlarged this gridded drawing to a
tomb
painted.
tical to
wall
by transferring
it
to
of the wall on which a larger grid was
a portion
The
was an image
result
virtually iden-
the preparatory sketch except for
its size.
This process ensured that the decoration of the
tomb would
exhibit a degree of stylistic consis-
tency, with respect to

that
its
main
smoothed over the
varying
of the individual
abilities
produced
figures at least,
stylistic
quirks and
artists
who
pouchy double
tinctly
and emphasize the
1.
Dorman 1991; Dorman 1995b, pp. 144-45;

"The Tombs of Senenmut," below.
Hayes 1942,
3.
For
imbue the depictions with

lacking
in
the
Senenmut on an ostracon from
TT 71
his
tomb
whether
on some
statues that portray
nose, present
Senenmut
in
on
which
or
sketches to produce their wall decorations.
-mm
Thebes, Sheikh abd
(TT 71);
Museum of Art excavarions, 1935-36,
el-Qurna, below the tomb of Senenmut

Metropolitan

fig. 7;
Hayes 1942, pp.
Peck 1978, no.
4, 9, pi.
l;
1937, pp. 6,
Hayes
1959, p.
8,
10;
iv
3, pi.
<3
Double
Senenmut
63.
Portrait of
Early l8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479 1458
B.C.)
Painted limestone
H. 10
cm
(4 in.),
W.
17
cm (6Kf in.)
Anonymous
Gift, 1931
31.4.2
Despite the lack of an identifying

tain that the
double profile on
text, it is cer-
this figured ostra-
con represents Senenmut, Steward of the queen.
120
Senenmut may have
that
(cat. no. 62).
The prominent hooked
painters, followed the black versions of preparatory
Provenance: Western
cat. nos. 88a, 91, 92,
which suggests
both the ostraca and wall sketch, also appears
1917;
relief sculptors
Hatshepsut (for example,

96),
is
We know from a number of unfinished private and

artists,
slightly
chapel,
Keller 1991, pp. 5354; Robins 1994a, pp. 23-30.
royal tombs that
nose of this
These furrows
a character that
see
among others, Mackay
however, seen on many images of
more formulaic sketch of
p. 4.
this process, see,
is,
The two more
chin.
facial lines.
CAK
2.
type
finished versions add virtually identical wigs
the face has survived intact (cat. nos. 68, 70).
it.
Senenmut's nose.'
more standardized version of
(fig. 54).'
All three portraits share a prominent, beaky
template and carried out in thick black
size suitable for a
scholars have proposed that these accu-
rately represent
descending corridor, which an accompany-
polished version using the red sketch as a sort of

lines.
Some
63,
back
Fig. 54.
Drawing of Senenmut on
tomb
Deir el-Bahri, western Thebes
at
early i8th
Dynasty
the wall of his
(TT 353),
chosen to have his nose depicted
in his
with his sovereign.'
intent, since the
may have had
a satirical
drawing on the reverse side of
the ostracon clearly did:
it
depicts "a lean, hairy
with prodigiously long whiskers"" and per-
haps was the
artist's jibe at his
all-important
CAK
patron.
1.
Winlock 1942,
Dorman
2.
Hayes
Lxiii (top);
pi.
Meyer
1982, p. 236;
1991, p. 147, pi. 57a.
1959, p. 109,
among
ed.), p. 170,
3.
we
has been observed that the facial lines
It
find so intriguing today
rat
way
this
order to enhance his identi-
official portraits in
fication
This similarity
is
and Bothmer 196667 (2004

others.
emphasized by Meyer 1982,
PP- 72-734.
Hayes
1959, p.
no.
Provenance: Thought
to
be from western Thebes,
Deir el-Bahri, the area around the chapel of Senenmut
(TT
purchased
353);
in
Luxor; given to the
Museum
in
1931
Bibliography: Hayes
no;
fig. 58,
1959, pp. 109,
Peck 1978, no. 4
Block Statue of Senenmut
64.
Early
Thutmose
III,
vigilant concerning
Reddish brown quartzite
H. 54
cm
(14
in.)
/,
The
EA
(21
who
"the Chamberlain
(1479-1473 B.C.)
/4 in.),
W.
30
one who
attention,
cm
(11
K in.),
cm
D. 36
"thing"
"every
speaks in privacy, one
what
literally,
single day, Overseer of All
Works of the King." Even
brought to his
is
finds a solution"
in the lines that refer
erure, his royal charge.
Here the body contours
are sUghtly indicated, the elbows protrude
from
the matrix, and the forearms and hands are indi-
cated in very low relief on the top of the cube.
Museum, London
to his role as tutor
of the Princess Neferure, she
With
these allusions to the
body forms
the
1513
is
identified as the daughter of
Thutmose
II,
not
of Hatshepsut. The inscriptions on the base,
On
not accompanied by the King's Daughter, Nef-
statue perhaps
Kingdom
more
closely reflects a Middle
aesthetic than
it
New Kingdom
does
work
Here Hatshepsut
style,
suggesting a placement of the
evidence, this statue has been identified as one
dominates: Senenmut cites the favors accorded
in the
New Kingdom
of the earliest three-dimensional images of
him by the God's Wife, Hatshepsut: "The king
much
can be made of
made me
fact, a
good number of rather strictly geometrical
the basis of inscriptional as well as stylistic
The
Senenmut.'
text that covers his cloaked
form and continues on

ditional
the base contains the tra-
pendium of
and laudatory
titles
clear that an unusual
epithets. It is
amount of care went
the composition of the inscription, with
prosopographical repertoire, and into
ment on
body
com-
offering formula and a long
the statue surface.'
Senenmut 's
stresses
Thutmose
III,
sages describe
The
as
its
wide
arrange-
text
on the
relationship
where the most
him
its
into
with
significant pas-
one "who has followed
the king in his journeys since his (the king's)
youth," "one
who
has access to the marvelous
character of the Lord of the
Two
Lands," and
however,
tell
a different story.
great; the king
was advanced before

having realized
appointed
"chief
me
mouth"
God's Wife
enhanced me, so that
Chief
title
the (other) courtiers: and,
my excellence in
her heart, she
Spokesman"
"of her
literally,
household."
was favored by Hatshepsut
inception of the co-regency.'
Its
appearance
here, therefore, indicates that this statue
up before Hatshepsut assumed the
Senenmut appears
was
set
kingship."
is
to Egyptologists as the "block" statue;
and these too have counterparts

corpus (for example,
known
it is
Senenmut wears
the
only block statue of Senenmut in which he
is
there were, in
in
Senenmut 's
fig. 48).'
a shoulder-length
wig with
undulating striations. His short beard, of the

kind typically
by a
is
series
worn by
officials, is
of horizontal divisions.
quite low, and the high arched
to the
alone, in the squatting
position indissolubly linked with what
this, since
images produced during the Middle Kingdom,
The
during the period immediately preceding the
early
corpus. However, not too
and
wig band. The eyes
slightly bulging.
The
for an early Eighteenth

reflecting
the face
punctuated
The forehead
brows are close
are well rounded
ears are quite large
Dynasty example, again
Middle Kingdom influence." Although

is
damaged, we can discern
that the
nose was narrow but broad
were
lips
shaved
and
straight
down
the tip and the
at
Museum of Beirut, B
National
Museum,
Both were
fairly thick.
after they
London,
were broken/ possibly
was never
in preparation for a restoration that
7.
realized.* In its current
damaged
state the face
has a distinctly brutish aspect that
with the
fine quality
at
is
The
Senenmut's block
the hardest rock
p. 107, no. 51),

9.
was
difEcult to hanis
Shaw 2000, pp. 5354). Senenmut had des with

the Aswan area (Habachi 1957, pp. 92, 94, fig. 3,
an indication of Senermiut's great power, even
95-96), and we have evidence of sustained activ-
beginning of the co-regency period,
ity there
before he acquired the stewardship of the estate
from the Old Kingdom on (Spencer
been the source of the stone for
According
Budge,
to Sir Wallis
this
block
10.
statue
was found
within the
in a brick-lined
Neferure on his lap
and
stelae
and seated
and a number of private

12.
of style and shows
many respects. On Budge,
that
James
see
is
stories.
both Senenmut statues have suffered only minor
dence for Budge's story and (1999, pp. 11720)
damage
suggests a location in North
texts,
to their faces
it is
and none
likely that they
were
near each other. Although

in
cache of
much
Theban
later
bled by the dealer
statues held a
materials assem-
Mohammed
local entrepreneurs, a
for
cak
na
13;
Meyer
dence considered
the
1982, p. 69.
form of the
facial features, in addition to aspects
inscription.
The evi-
statue, its
of the
unusual types, and
known example of
its
kind.'
Two
Hall 1928,
I,
p.
pi.
i;
British
Museum
Porter and
Moss
1914,
1972,
local priest
official
named Penanhur and
dates from the reign of Amenhotep
1400
the Royal Scribe and Steward,
who
II (r.
no.
Meyer
I, pi. 2;
Amenhotep
served
Amenemhat-
This statue
is
unusual in the corpus of
is
for several reasons. First,
the only one of his votive statues that
him with surveyor's
known image
his only
cord. Second,
1988, pp. 113, 11622, 14546,
Overseer of the Gardens of
textually, in the title
inscribed
left leg.
Third,
on the base against
his proper
indeed came from
if it
A. 3; Schulz 1992, pp. 385-86, no. 222 (with biblio-
graphy); Eaton-Krauss 1998, pp. 2079,
P^-
xxii, 2;
ii7ff.
it is
the north of Egypt. In an inscription from Deir

el-Bahri,
Senenmut claims
to have his
that
he had the right
name inscribed in the temples of both
in religious centers
65.
is
Senenmut Kneeling with

Cord
el-Silsila,
Hatshepsut was able to make him chief of the central
administration, which she
unlikely to
would have been
do while Thutmose
II
was still
living.
For pr-nswt, see Helck 1982 and Van den Boom

1988, pp. 65,
5.
fig. 5, 3ioff.,
323,
fig. II,
327,
fig. 12.
in similar ratios during the Middle
This basic form of wig and rather large ears

already appears
122
our only
this statue is
Thutmose III (1479 1458
B.C.)
wide variety of materials
Red quartzite
H. 20.7
to
name
employ
in
for his sculptures. In
particular he had a taste for materials with
cm (8/s in.), W.
8.2
cm
(3
in.),
D.
11. 5
cm
(4/= in.)
Musee du Louvre,
Senenmut apparently wished
religious significance, as demonstrated in his
choice of red quartzite for this statue and the

Paris
11057
brownish variety of the same stone for

statue
This votive statue depicts the Steward of Amun
had
from Karnak
(cat. no. 64),
his
block
which both
solar associations.
Kingdom and
Thutmoside periods.
6.
Early 1 8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
with some indication of body contours and
those with strong cubic tendendes were produced
and Aswan,"* but
temples in the north.
According to Schulz (1992, pp. 57778), block

statues
inscrip-
Senenmut's presence
of Thebes, Armant, Gebel
physical evidence that he recorded his
Surveyor's
term pr-nswt (King's House) to designate an

endty under Senenmut *s charge suêsts that
pur-
Senenmut's only votive object from
tions survive that attest to
The use of the
its
ported findspot, El-Buha in the central Nile

Delta,*
147, 161, 171, 174, 189 (with bibliography), 220,
17-18) suggests that
early.
it is
that expresses his rela-
tionship to the sources of Egypt's agricultural
by Peter F. Dorman in this chapter.
(1988, pp. 116 17)
1390
III (r.
1352 B.C.)'
1982, pp. 29 (bibliography), 11220,
Dorman
Eaton-Krauss 1999, pp.
Thutmose II, but Dorman
1427
second, from Thebes, depicts
B.C.); the
Amun
279; Vandier 1958, pp. 451-52, 505, 651; Ratie 1979,
116).
not convinced that it is this
later
known: one
Upper and Lower Egypt.' Numerous
is
the
from Abydos, which belonged to a
See "Hatshepsut: Princess to Queen to Co-Ruler"
(1982, pp.
it is
parallels for the present statue are
3.
Meyer
both
and
that are
many of them
like
As noted by Peter Dorman (1988, p.
the statue might date from die reign of
for
(cat. nos. 70,
as a reference to
prenomen of Hatshepsut
2.
4. Christine
is
rests
wealth, both visually, by means of the cord, and
Bibliography: London,
pi. 29;
no.
See most recendy Eaton-Krauss 1998,
pp. 2078.
the
Senenmut 's sculpture
Provenance: Thebes, ptobably Karnak; purchased

fi-om Mohammed Mohassib in 1911
p. 247;
Aldred 1961,
one of a number of statues of Senenmut
it
Mohassib or by
Karnak provenance
work seems secure."
that
Renenutet, the harvest goddess.' This piece
depicts
p.
1.
Karnak for the
provenance.
possible that the
which Budge saw the
chamber
the present
at all to their
originally placed
it is
a plinth bearing a
The monogram on the plinth, which
been interpreted
Maatkare
Surer,
209) evaluates the evi-
p.
on
of ka arms, and the whole
appears on other statues as well
one
1976, pp. 810. James's account of the find
of Egyptology's most fascinating detective

Eaton-Krauss (1998,
set
and agricultural
13.
207) compares the block
p.
statues in terms
they differ in
a now-lost
of various dates." Because
Eaton-Krauss (1998,
horned uraeus with the
rests
this statue.
Aufrere 1991, pp. 698700; Betsy M. Bryan in

Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 15759, n.
11.
which Senenmut holds
(cat. no. 60),
statue of Hatshepsut,
statues
chamber
Amun precinct at Karnak, along with
a seated tutor statue in
cultiva-
thick roll
human head
on a rectangle inscribed with the hieroglyph
earliest
2004, p. 29), but any of these quarries could have
of Amun.
a small
The cord
framed by a
Gebel Gulab, near Aswan (Aston, Harrell, and
surely
from the
Atop the
horned and disk-crowned uraeus
71), has
Gebel Tingar and
lands.
a small, poorly carved
gold (nhw).
similarly treated.
New Kingdom, at Gebel

at bodi
is
solar disk.
larger
Amenhotep,
collected
working temple
of cord
surmounted by
no
208) aptly notes
Three quartzite quarries are known to have been
worked during the
the king.
and with such exalted associations
p.
CG 42127; Russmann 1989,
son of Hapu (Cairo,
Ahmar, near Cairo, and
That he should use a material so
at the
Marianne Eaton-Krauss (1998,
that the face of the statue of the aged
worked by the ancient Egyp-
was closely controlled by
the stone
dle
statues.^
was associated with the sun, and use of
tians,
is
to the
order to estimate the
fields in
of the harvest and, by extension, the
size
amount of rent to be
tors
Bothmer
deprive the statue of life-giving breath.
brown hue of quartzite,^" probably
reddish
detail in
Although damage
doubt that breaking off the nose was believed to
not the
8.
typical material of
22.
fig.
nose of a statue can be accidental, there
variance
is
of the grain in the
na 012,
5, c,
na 215.
See the photograph of this

196970, p. 142,
of its material and execution.
Quartzite, the stone used here,
Egyptian
1150;
Cair<^ JE 46307; and British Mtiseum,

569. See Schulz 1992, pi.
pi. 76, no. 168, pi. 96, a,
on Middle Kingdom block statues:
Senenmut kneeling and holding a ceremonial

surveyor's cord {rm^) between his hands. Officials
used surveyor's cords to measure the height
Although the statue appears to be

except for Senenmut's nose, which
chipped,
some
is
intact
merely
intriguing alterations have been
damage
carted effort to conceal
be repaired simply by
that could not
filling in discrete
names
or phrases but, rather, would have necessitated
wholesale rephrasing.
wrought by
exceeds that
the usual Atenist activity'" and sug-
gests there
attack,
The damage
may have been more
than one
one on Senenmut, another on Amun,"
followed by the preparation of the piece for

restoration."
(cat. no.
64)
The block
was
also
statue of
was not
its
it
remained
inscriptions
intact.
That the
was never com-
was perhaps determined by contempo-
rary priorities. Repair of

the symbol of
damage
Amun was deemed
and was considered
restoration of the text
left
and thought
to
on
inflicted
a necessity
to improve, if not restore,
the integrity of the votive object.
ter
acci-
apparently
available to the Atenist iconoclasts, as
restoration of the present statue
pleted
Senenmut
damaged, whether
dentally or deliberately; however,
be
was
But the
more complex mat-
less pressing,
and so was
undone.'!
1.
See "The Statuary of Senenmut," above.
2.
For Senenmut 's claims

see
to originality in general,
"The Statuary of Senenmut," above. For
Senenmut's innovations
in regard to sistrophorous
and cryptogram-bearing
statues, see catalogue
nos. 66, 70.

3.
On the first, see
Borchardt 1905; Borchardt 1911
36, vol. 3 (1930), pp.
49-50,
pi. 131.
second (Egyptian Museum, Cairo,
On
the
CG 421 28),
see Legrain 1906-25, pp. 8081, pi. Lxxvil.

4.
Porter and
Moss
1934, p. 39.
65
made. For one, the human head that surmounts

the surveyor's cord
head adorned with

disk,
was substituted
a
for a ram's
horned uraeus and sun
which was the usual embellishment for
such objects.
The ram was
a potent
symbol of
Amun-Re, who would have appeared

his role as
was
that
specifically targeted for

it
here in
Lord of Measurement.' That the ram

removal suggests
was destroyed during
Akhenaten
(r.
13491336
B.C.),
and images of the Theban
the
when
triad
reign
the
of
names
(Amun-Re,
Mut, and Khonsu) were
officially
proscribed
and removed from existing monuments.

later
replacement (albeit with a
indicates that there
was
Its
human head)
a concerted attempt to
restore the image, possibly during the Raraesside period,
when
monuments were
The
ated and
less
number of Senenmut's
repaired.*
statue 's inscriptions have

its
surfaces
uniformly.''
inscriptions
is
been
obliter-
smoothed down more or
The complete removal of
unusual and here indicates a con-
I23
5-
Hayes
1957, pp. 82-84;
(text);
Dorman
Meyer
1982, p. 327, no. 16
1988, pp. 142-43.
6.
See "The Statuary of Senenmut," above.
7.
So Graefe 1973 and Schenkel 1982a; contra

Barguet 1953a,
8.
Such
p. 223,
and Barguet 1953b.
much -discussed North Karnak
as the
stela,
Helck
originally published in Christophe 1951. See
i960;
Murnane
Meyer
1977, pp. 3536;
1982,
pp. i5off.; Helck 1983, pp. 122-26 (improved text);
9.
Dorman 1988, pp. 29-31, 156 (with bibHography).

The removal of the owner's name deprived him of
association with the image so that even when the
image was
left
undamaged
it
could not be used for
So completely were the
his benefit.
present statue ground
down
that
it
diately recognized as belonging to
Barguet 1953b,
As Dorman has remarked
11.
At
the
(1988, p. 151).
one scholar has doubts there was an attack
on Amun; see Dorman
(ibid., p. 151),
and also
where he expresses uncertainty about the
p. 149,
same subject with regard

12.
on
p. 23.
10.
least
texts
was not immeSenenmut:
Whether
the restoration
to Cairo,
was
to
JE
34582.
be carried out on
Senenmut's behalf or for use by another
official is
unknown.
13.
Unless the statue was simply plastered and painted

with
new
activity
texts.
However, no
traces
of this sort of
have been detected on the present example.
Provenance:
Purportedly from El-Buha; pur-
chased from Nahman, Cairo; Dosseur collection;

acquired by purchase in 1905
Bibliography: Barguet
1953a, p. 223; Barguet
1953b; Vandier 1958, pp. 47677, 483, 493, 505-6,

pi.
CLXiv,
i;
Schulman 1969-70,
p. 38, no. 4;
Meyer
1982, pp. 46 (bibliography), 20911, no. 18, pi. 6;
Ratie 1979, pp. 47, 209-11, and passim;
Dorman
1988,
pp. 112, 151, 163, 194 (with bibliography), 221, no. A. 15
66.
Sistrum
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 B.C.)
Reddish yellow siliceous sandstone or quartzite

H.
155
cm
(61 in.)
CG
579
This portrayal of Senenmut kneeling behind a

large sistrum
statues
is
its
monument of Senenmut,
tomb
to pro-
inscriptions contain
more
and laudatory epithets than any other
titles
in
its
original state,
except perhaps his
and
it is
the only one
of his major statues for which there
model
is
a small
(cat. no. 67).
When viewed frontally the statue appears
as
a series of three superimposed volumes: the
124
66
the largest of his sistrophorous
and was probably the most costly
duce. Moreover,
base, the sistrum, and the head of Senenmut.
The
sistrum
is
made up of
uppermost comprises the
several parts.
and
The
is
in the
form of a temple gateway {hekhen), with
a small
uraeus standing within
its
rattle
central opening.'
The
replaced by a large female face with cow's ears
and framed by
sistra
ties,
a thick,
on
the statue give
sistrum base bears a large tayet knot, associated
inscriptions
Mut, the consort of
Isis.^
The upper loop of the knot
has been
a variety of divini-
cults of goddesses, in particular Hathor.
with protection and particularly with the goddess
banded wig.^ Although
were associated with
they are most closely identified with the
Amun
invoke Hathor once as well.
The
prominence to
of Karnak, but
The head of Hathor and
Senenmut
face of
are clearly the artistic and spiritual foci of the
and are comparable
statue
Senenmut 's wig

and ends with a
and
in scale
detail.
by
CAK
wavy
The
short
corkscrew
curls.
This
is
surely a subtle reference to the larger depic-
tions of the
and 71)
70,
prenomen of Hatshepsut
but
now somewhat
is
It
proportionately shorter and
is
flat,
The
area in
located looks suspiciously
is
suggesting recarving, and would repay
closer examination.
smooth and
is
unlined, except where damaged, and appears

youthful.
which the uraeus
abraded. Framed by
these detailed areas, the face
(cat. nos. 68,
identified as cryptograms; see the
entries for catalogue nos. 68, 71.
beard (typical of noblemen) was treated similarly
content."
thy he was of the attentions of his audience.
angled cut just above the
a series of carefully controlled
lines terminating in
Two Lands is
way Senenmut demonstrated how wor-
In this
from the top of his head
flares
crisp,
shoulders; the individual locks of hair are indi-
cated
speech the Lord of the
2.
For
tlie
The
3.
tayet Itnot, see
Westendorf 1980.
sistrum and bovine-eared female image were
not combined until the Middle Kingdom; the
broader across the cheekbones than some of the
est
faces of his smaller statues (cat. nos. 68, 70)."
The brows
and moder-
are plastically rendered
nose was broad
mouth extend
The
son with her
and the corners of the
at the tip,
beyond
just slightly
The upper
it.
Hathor (Fischer 1962).
faces of the larger statues of Hatshepsut (cat.
nos. 88a, 91, 92, 94) are similarly broad in compari-
almond shaped. The
ately arched; the eyes are
earli-
of the combined images were associated with
the goddess Bat, rather than

4.
5.
images
lifesize
Jnh [wp?] m'"^t,
(cat. nos. 89, 95, 96).
am one who
literally, "I
cuts
Maat
(justice)."
and lower
ners.
lips
narrow noticeably
The neck
is
quite long but
at their cor-
masked by
is
the beard, which effects a textured transition
Only
body
view
in side
is
Bibliography: Urkunden 4,
its
pendulous breasts, folds of fat, and lean limbs,
it
closely resembles the bodies in other, smaller
him
pieces in the oeuvre devoted to

67, 68, 70, 71).
As
usual, his dress
only a short, wrapped
Thebes, Karnak, temple oiMu\\
the rest of Senenmut's
pose and proportion, with
visible. In
Provenance:
Benson and Gourlay excavations, 189596
between the face and sistrum.
(cat. nos.
is
minimal:
with no jewelry or
kilt,
and Gourlay 1899, pp.
pp. 40714;
399fr., pi. 12;
36, vol. 2 (1925), pp. 127-30, pi. 99;
Benson
Borchardt 1911-
Vandier 1958,
pp. 465, 483, 493, 505-6; Ratie 1979, pp. 65, 248, 25558;
Meyer
no. 16,
1982, pp. 44 (bibliography), 186-205,
32026
Dorman
(text);
12627, '39) i47>
tît,
1988, pp.
i,
42, 121,
17^75, 190 (with bibliogra-
phy), 220, no. A.
other ornamentation to compete with the large

votive sistrum.
The
front of the sistrum and Senenmut's
and figure alone remain uninscribed.
face
Indeed, the sculptors of the statue appear to
have been enjoined
to
cram
as
much
glyphic text onto the base, back
pillar,
and
of the piece as humanly possible.
interstices
These inscriptions make important points about

the statue:
that
it
first,
that
was made
it
was
a royal gift;
specifically to
second,
be placed
in the
temple of the goddess Mut so that Senenmut

could continue to share the bounty of her
offerings.
Also significant
to the living
hood
to
is
members of
make an
important
is
devoted
titles
Senenmut held
reign of Hatshepsut and

describing the important
his
rulers,
gods,
in
particularly
Much
enumerating the most
to
late in the joint
Thutmose
III
and to
work he performed
for
Hatshepsut, and the
statements such as
confidant of the king, one
who
"I
am
true
does what his
majesty praises daily, the Overseer of Cattle of
Amun, Senenmut.
decisions'
and
is
Sistrum
Thutmose
III
(1479- 1458
B.C.)
Black porphyritic diorite
H. 22.5
(4%
cm (8%
W.
in.),
8.2
cm
(3X
in.),
D.
12.3
cm
in.)

Bequest of George D. Pratt, 1935 48.149.7
Senenmut's appeal
the temple's priest-
offering to the goddess so that
she will continue to grant her gifts to him.
of the text
67.
hiero-
am one who makes correct
impartial,
one with whose
A miniaturized version of the quartzite statue of

Senenmut found
now
and
est
in
Cairo
the
at
Mut temple
Karnak
in
(cat. no. 66), this is the small-
of the Senenmut images in the exhibition.
The
materials are very different, but the pose,
iconography, and text are the same in both

ues.
The
stat-
present piece also shares pose and
iconography with one of Senenmut's statues
from Armant
(cat.
inscription of the
no.
68) and carries an
same type
other sistrophores.' Because
grindstone
at
some
time,
its
as those
it
and has suffered loss of detail.
on the
was used
surface
is
as a
abraded
As in the other sistrophores, Senenmut kneels

and supports a sistrum between
However, the
effect differs
his hands.
Senenmut Kneeling
68.
-with
1.
2.
3.
of the larger statues. His face, for example,
much more angular here than elsewhere,

forming an inverted
large
triangle.
piece
quartzite
almost
Here, as in the
Cairo,
in
is
brows
the
describe a shallow arc, but the eyes are open
wider and
The nose
that
it
broad
their inner canthi are emphasized.
is
extremely abraded, but
was very narrow

at the tip.
at the
And we
we can see
top and quite
Munich
(cat. no. 66,
68) statues.
However, abrasion has robbed the goddess on

the sistrum of most of her features, and the ka
arms have been erased from the naos.
One wonders about

piece. Surely
its
it
have been
initially
placed, as has been suggested,' in a family
shrine in
Senenmut 's own house and perhaps
transferred to his
tomb or some other
chapel at a later datei'
local
Was it originally intended
as a substitute for the Cairo stame at a presenta-
tion or dedication/installation ceremony.'' Was
it
model
that could
B.C.)
5.
Granite
in.),
W.
12
cm
(4)4 in.),
D. 25
cm
6.
(9'/, in.)
Staatliche
Sammlung Agyptischer
most favored of Hatshepsut's
courtiers.'
(196970 [2004
is
ed.], p. 221)
Hathor amtdet (cat
Like the large quartzite statue of Senenmut
from Karnak
work
between
1982, p. 219,
on
Bothmer
the discovery of the
As
the text inscribed here on
of the sistrum states about
side
Senenmut: "He supports the sistrum of lunyt
who resides in Armant,
na
58).
Armant (luny
He
the Egyptian
translated in
Hayes
1959,
Bibliography; Bothmer 1969-70,

6-8,
figs.
19;
25; Ratie 1979, p. 249;
Monm
is ele-
Meyer
33233
He
151,
pp. 125(1., i34ff.,
Wildung
1980, pp. 18-
1982, pp. 50 (bibliography), 21922, no. 22,
(text);
Schulman 1987-88,
Dorman
pp.
67fi^., figs. 5,
6,
1988, pp. 121, 127-28, 145,
158-61, 166, 172, 194-95 (with bibliography), 221,
na A.17, pi.
20
(text);
Robins 1999, pp. 108-9
displays her beauty."'
in Egyptian)'
locations in the greater
Proliably Armant, temple of
69 (provenance);
so that her place
vated more than those of the (other) gods.

causes her to appear.
Provenance:
smaller
Senenmut steadying a sistrum
his hands.
right
much
(cat. no. 66), this
depicts
is
one of several
Theban area
sacred to
war god Montu.' At Armant,
lunyt was worshiped as consort to Montu and

Hathor Emblem
69.
mother of their offspring Horus-Shu.'^
Three statues of Senenmut are thought to

have come from Armant; the other two are
Brooklyn
(cat. no.
70) and Fort
The Munich
statue
Brooklyn are united by
Worth
in
(cat.
and the statue in
their use
of the same
material and their similar, although not identiinscription
Meyer
Armant material, including Senenmut's camelian
exhibition
no. 71).
CAK
Most of the
p. 138, n. 20;
Dorman 1988, p. 151.

The two Senenmut statues now in the British
Museum (cat. nos. 60, 64) also exhibit a shared pat-
tern of destruction and preservation. See
Kunst, Munich
AS 6265
be circulated throughout
the land to the various ateliers commissioned to
produce temple statuary for Senenmut, the
1.
Bothmer 196970,
n. 2;
H. 40.5 cm (16
the
the function of such a
small size and portability must
provide a clue. Could
Thutmose III (1479-1458
On Armant, see Eggebrecht 1975.

On Monm (Month), see Borghouts 1982.
4. Ibid., col. 202.
can discern a slight
smile. In general the sistrum resembles those of
the Cairo and
Not in
For a translation of the entire inscription, see
Schulman 198788, pp. 6768.
Sistrum
markedly from that
cal, style.
Of the
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 B.C.)
Gray granite or granodiorite

H. 50
cm (19)^ in.)
Egyptian Department of Antiquities Magazine,
Luxor
Not in exkihidon
two, the present statue's face
p. 107.
Hayes
2.
1957, p. 68; reference in
(2004 ed.),
Bothmer 196970
Senenmut the privilege of placing his image in temples. Seti I's
Badawy and Riefstahl
perhaps the more finely executed, and the
of its figure and the sistrum more care-
fully delineated.
The wigs
the face of this
Munich
as an
1972;
example of this genre:
Brand 2000, pp. 14345,
are identical, but

statue
is
almond shaped,
the ears
much
belong to Simon de Suzy (d.
1799); Pratt collection;
taining the
smaller, the nose
where
BiBLIOGRAPHy:
vol.
Description de VEgypte 182130,
(1823), pi. 69,
(for de Suzy);
figs.
Hayes
12-14, vol. 10 (1826),
fig- 57;
Schulman 196970,
pp. 249, 258;
Meyer
Hayes
p. 39;
573
1959,
Dorman
151, 159, 161, 172,
sut's
it
occurred on the statue, but Hatshep-
name
remains. References to
1988, pp. 42,
173-74, 194 (with
bibliography), 221, no. A.16
Amun
have
The Hathor head and
tayet
The
however, excel-
is,
from the
front.
knot are especially
well executed, and the hieroglyphic text imparts
the statue as if it were
wrapping Senenmut in an
elaborately embroidered garment. That he

actually wearing a simple,
unadorned
is
kilt is
close to Senenmut's name. These features
torso with folds of fat.
name was singled out
for effacement.' This pattern
of destruction
The
inscriptions inform us that the statue
was dedicated
to both
"Amun-Re and
and preservation also characterizes the other
preeminent of Thebes,
two Armant
Akhet on behalf of life,
were
set
statues, indicating that all three
up together, suffered the same type of
deliberate damage, and remained together
were discovered
in
modern times.'
CAK
workmanship
lent, as is particularly evident
revealed only in the side view, which also shows
until they
126
quality of the
disappeared only where they were inscribed
indicate that Senenmut's
205
the back pillar) and the base are missing.
a luxurious quality to the work, surroimding
ed.),
Ratie 1979,
1982, pp. 45 (bibliography),
pp. 328-29 (text);
12627, 136, 139,
5;
Bothmer 196970 (2004
p. 234, n. 16;
8, no. 17,
p.
1957, p. 86; Vandier 1958,
pp. 465, 482, 493, 505-6, pi. CLV,

pp. 1067,
prenomen of Hatshepsut (Maatkare)
on their proper right upper arms.

Senenmut 's name has been removed every-
acquired in 1948
el-
Both the upper part (the head, neck, and top of
Both statues bear undamaged cartouches con-
Provenance: Unknown, probably Thebes; said to
Deir
in 1963 at
Bahri, in the ruins of the Djeser-Akhet temple.
and the smile more emphatic than
straighter,
Senenmut was discovered
more
corresponding elements of the Brooklyn image.
26.
This superb but badly damaged statue of
propor-
tionately shorter, the eyes smaller and
now in the Brooklyn
temple model
Museum comes to mind

fig.
is
details
p. 234, n. 16.
The presentation ceremony would have been held

when the king announced his intention to grant
3.
who
Hathor,
resides in
Kha-
prosperity, health, and
favor every day for the ka of the Steward
Senenmut,
like
Re."
The
citation
Akhet, a shrine also attested
of Kha-
in other inscrip-
tions dating to the joint reign,' rather than of
68
Djeser-Akhet, where the statue was found,

puzzling. Christine
Meyer suggested
Akhet was the name of an

buih by Hatshepsut and
earlier
that
is
Kha-
barque shrine
later incorporated into
the Djeser-Akhet temple, which
Thutmose
began
decade of his
to build during the final
III
A cartouche of Menkheperre (Thutmose III)
to speculate that the wily steward

his female
Horus and,
like
had survived
many high officials
of
the period, successfully negotiated his transition

into the sole
reign of
Thutmose
hypothesis might seem unlikely at
given the relatively
late date
III.
of Djeser-Akhet 's
pillar is intact
much of the
and
text
specifically
on the
mentions
Djeser-Akhet.
The absence from
This
glance,
first
the time of discovery,
back
the sistrum's Maatkare
cryptogram of the ka arms, which were shaved

off,
constitutes the sole evidence of deliberate
was
construction (year 42 at the earliest)' and since
damage, and
appears on the upper right arm. This was per-
we have no
kingly prenomen rather than Senenmut.
haps inscribed when the piece was
year 18 19.'* Moreover, other
reign.'
first
com-
may have been added when the statue

was placed in its new setting and rededicated.
pleted or
The discovery of this
provoked con-
statue
dated references to Senenmut after
have succeeded him are known from

It
rehabilitation
Senenmut and Thutmose
that
believed that
Thutmose III, who
force behind the
had long been

clearly
damnado memoriae
upon Hatshepsut, had
was the
inflicted
similarly punished her
Thutmose
III
been the work of human hands but seems rather
and
live
on
that his
was posthumous.' In any event,
incompatible with the sole reign of Thutmose
III
suggested not only by the present
by
a second,
to
Senenmut
as well.
However, the
dis-
covery of this statue of Senenmut with his name

intact in a temple
of Thutmose
III led
scholars
be the result of the same
period
and
earthquake
Ramesside-
late
rockfall
that
first
destroyed the temple of Djeser-Akhet and subsequenriy protected
it
until the twentieth cen-
CAK
tury A.D.*
work but
even more fragmentary statue

I.
favorite
The
this time.'
as
also
directed toward Hatshepsut 's
shattering of the statue does not appear to have
Senenmut 's memory was not regarded
is
it
who may
may be that Senenmut did not, in fact,
into the reign of
siderable discussion about the association of

III. It
officials
of Senenmut found
at
Deir el-Bahri.' Although
References to the
monument
Maatkare Kha-Akhet
Amun"
as "the
are
Mansion of
found in the tomb
only the lower portion of this kneeling figure,
of Puyemre (Norman de G. Davies 1922-23,
the so-called Naville fragment, remained at
vol. 2, p. 78, pi. XL)
and the Chapelle Rouge
THE STATt;ARY OF SENENMUT
at
127
Karnak (Lacau and Chevrier 197779, pp. 7475).

See also Otto 1952, p. 61, and Haring 1997, p. 137.
2.
Meyer
1982, pp. 60-65, 183;
Dorman
1988, p. 135.
A barque shrine held the sacred boat used to trans-
Provenance: Western
colonnaded
Thutmose
hall
III;
In this almost perfectly preserved statue, Senen-
of the Djeser-Akhet temple of
mut, the Steward of Amun and Overseer of All
discovered by Polish Center for
Works of
The earliest ostraca from Deir el-Bahri

tion Djeser-Akhet's construction date
42:
Hayes i960,
4.
Dorman
5.
Ibid., n. 118.
pp. 4350;
1988, p. 136
These
and
Dorman
that
men-
from year
1988, p. 178.
n. 114.
officials,
Bibliography: Marciniak
(2004 ed.),
Meyer
such as Djehutihotep
p. 228, fig. 14.23;
1965;
Bothmer 196970
Lipinska 1977,
p. 71,
ill.
1982, pp. 42 (bibliography), 179-83, no. 14,
318 (text),
and Ra-au, overlap with Senenmut and could have
pi. i;
Dorman
1988, pp. 14-15, 135-37,
For Peter
(ibid., pp.
or not Senenmut lived
143, 152-53, 161, 178, 196 (with bibliography), 222,
on
into the sole reign of
p. 133, especially n.
29) believes
that he did not.
This fragment (Hayes 1957,

pp. 18385;
Dorman
Schulman 196970,
pp.
10 II,
64.
At
p- 89;
1988, p. 152)
Hatshepsut (Dorman 1988,

8.
much reduced form
in his
Mistress of Food, Renenutet,'
form of the cobra
p. 41,
Meyer
III
(1479 1458
gested that the rockfall
may have
resulted
from an
shares equal billing

is
it
"Renenutet,
to
that the statue
was
terminates on
The
top.^
its
careful carving of the

is
monogram
visi-
consistent with the fine
rendering of Senenmut 's face and figure and the
Granite
H. 47.2
continues around the statue's base, and
pillar,
ble in the frontal view
B.C.)
the Ninth International Congress
of Egyptologists (held in Grenoble in 2004),

Andrzej Niwihski presented a paper in which he sug-
dedicated in a long text that begins on the back
Thutmose
and Lipihska 1977,
takes the
70,
1982,
may postdate
p. 137).
who
guardian of the granary
And
August Lady of Armant"

Uraeus Cryptogram
in
sistrophorous statues
6668). Here the harvest goddess and
(cat. nos.
with Hatshepsut.
136-37), whether
questionable; Eberhard
III is still
Dziobek (1995,
7.
kneeling.
5;
from rodent predators
Dorman
Thutmose
shown
is
of the Maatkare cryptogram that appears
no. A. 21
succeeded him.
6.
and Mut,
His arms are held out to steady a large version
port a deity.
3.
Amun
Mediterranean Archaeology expedition, winter 1963
cm
(iSKs in.), 17.2
cm
(6/4 in.),
D. 29.3
cm
scrupulously detailed wig, which flares out

gradually
(ii/.in.)
Brooklyn Museum,
New York,
Charles Edwin
down
to the shoulders,
echoing the
When
obelisk shape of the back pillar.
the
overzealous attempt to conceal an early Twenty-first
WilbourFund 67.68
statue
Dynasty reuse of a tomb
Not
ing volumes rather than incised detail claim our
in the cliffs
immediately
above the Deir el-Bahri temples (Niwifiski 2004).
The
in exhibition
is
seen from the side, however, undulat-
attention: the serpent's coils, the folds of fat
on
abstract does not include this point, however.
Senenmut 's
breast,
and the smooth, unadorned
forms of his limbs and
torso.
The
facial expres-
many
sion and features, like those of so
other
images of Senenmut, are youthful and appeal-
open gaze,
ing, with a wide,
small, slightly pursed
of an
official
who
full
cheeks, and a
mouth. This
is
the image
has undergone eternal rejuve-
nation in recompense for his votive donation.

all
other representations of Senenmut,
this statue
has sustained some damage. His
Like
name has been

incised,'
erased wherever
had been
it
but the two cartouches of Hatshepsut
have not been touched, and the names of the

gods
Amun and Mut appear to have been erased
only where they are close to Senenmut 's name.'*
Moreover, Senenmut's image here, as in the two

other statues from
(cat. nos. 68, 71), is
gests that
Armant
in this exhibition
undamaged. All of this sug-
Senenmut's name was eradicated
in a
calm, methodical manner rather than in a

vengeful attack.
ited to the
the
It
may be that damage was Hm-
removal of Senenmut's name because
Armant priesthood was unwilling to destroy
completely objects consecrated to their goddess. It
is
also possible that these statues
were
deliberately left largely intact so that they could
be reused. Yet another possibility
is
statues
were originally deposited
chapel
endowed by Senenmut and
that the
in a special
therefore
received only the most basic attentions of his
CAK
enemies.
I.
On the goddess Renenutet,

Beinlich-Seeber 1984.
128
see Broekhuis 1971
and
2.
For
a translation
of the inscriptions, see Schulman
198788, pp. 6365.

3.
4.
Dorman 1988, p. 145,

So Dorman 1988, pp.
196970,
71. Senenmut Kneeling

Uraeus Cryptogram
with an interesting dichotomy between the erad-
witJi
ication of
n. 33.
p. 42.
Thutmose
III
Probably Armant, temple of Montu
H. 41.6
170 73,
figs.
11.5-11.8;
(2004 ed.),
it.
Senenmut's votive posture
in conjunction
with the composite emblem of the horned and
cm (16^8 in.), W.
15.2
cm (6 in.),
D. 30.4
cm
(12 in.)
Bibliography: Bothmer 1966-67

pp.
associated with
(1479-1458 b.c.)
Metagraywacke
Provenance:
Senenmut's textual identification and
the pristine, untouched condition of the image
146-47, contra Schulman
disk-crowned uraeus and ka arms
one of the other Armant statues
Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth
AP 85.2
all
Bothmer 1969 70 (2004
three
Armant statues
also seen in
is
(cat. no. 70),^
and
share a connection with
Renenutet, the harvest goddess and
eponymous
ed.), pp. 217, fig. 14.1, 218, fig. 14.2, 221, 23132,
fig. 14.25;
James 1974, pp. 75-76,
no. 177, pi. xlvi;
Ratie 1979, pp. 248, 255; Schulman 1987-88, pp. 6365, 68fF. (provenance),
(bibliography),
Dorman
330331, no. i8
preserved.
Some
189-90 (with bibliography
Cody
al.
inscribed
(cat. nos. 68, 70), this
83ff., no. 19,
phy); Madeleine E.
Lady of Armant,
thought to have come from Armant, southwest
of Thebes
(text);
1988, pp. 121, 127-28, 14647, 15862, 166,
Fazzini in Fazzini et
Like the two other surviving statues of Senenmut
71-74; Meyer 1982, pp. 47
),
in Fazzini,
1999, pp. 8081, no. 36
is
well
damage has been
stands
The
as
is
confirmed by the texts
upon them. However,
somewhat apart
material
in
its
the present statue
material and style.
grayish green graywacke in con-
sustained by the back pillar, and Senenmut's
trast to the granite
name has been
especially interesting because
of the other examples
220, no. A. 4; Richard A.
1989, no. 34 (with bibliogra-
Cody
incidental
work
Romano, and
carefully erased
from
all
statue's inscriptions.' Again, as with the
other statues from Armant,
we
the
two
are confronted
ated with the statuary of
than that of Hatshepsut.'
Senenmut an
Was
is
firmly associ-
its
III,
rather
use here by
intentional reference to the junior
CO -regent or was
was
it is
Thutmose
it
chosen simply because
it
available?
In terms of style, the torso
is
chunkier and
the breast folds and arms markedly flatter here
than in the other statues in question.
The
face
has a distinctly squarish appearance in frontal

view, primarily owing to the puffiness of the
cheeks, which extend to the chin, producing a
slightly
jowly
eflFect.
The wig is more summarily
129
drawn and has
a thicker fringe across the fore-
The eyebrows and cosmetic
head.
incised rather than carved in relief,
lines are
and the
arcs
of the eyebrows are so shallow that they come
very close to the upper

slightly.
The
eyelids.
The curve of the nose
is
eyes bulge
stronger here
than in the Munich piece and less exaggerated

than that of the Brooklyn statue's prominent
beak.
The mouth
slightly.
The
tip
is
small and the lips protrude
of the chin
upper edge of the
obscured by the
is
which
false beard,
rises
slighdy in front, accentuating the squareness of

the face.
by side
A view of the three statues placed side

reveals that the facial features of
(fig. 53)
the present piece are in general closest to those
of the Brooklyn
In
all
statue.
three examples
simple wrapped
Here the
kilt
Senenmut wears
The cryptogram
reaches to the figure's midcalf.

rests directly
upon
lower than in
sits
result,
and no other adornment.
has a double waistband and
kilt
the statue 's base, so that
two counterparts;
its
Senenmut 's arms
folds instead of beneath
lie
it
as a
over the serpent's
them
as in the other
examples.
The top of
the back pillar tapers to a point

a type
of monument
Senenmut
in other con-
and thus forms an obelisk,
72
closely associated with

texts.''
The apex
is
decorated with a central shen
sign (meaning "encirclement") flanked
by pro-
Setau Kneeling with Uraeus
72.
Cryptogram
shepsut's prenomen).
why
understand
tecting wedjat eyes, a combination often found
two
It
Setau,
generations
after
would be
whose
difficult to
fluorit dates to
Hatshepsut 's
reign,
on the tympani of Eighteenth Dynasty private
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Amenhotep Il-early
would have chosen
stelae that signifies all-encompassing protec-
reign of Amenhotep III (14261380 B.C.)
meaning was connected only
to Maatkare, a dis-
tion, in this instance protection that extends
Painted limestone
honored king.' In
symbol's original
around the back of the
H.
26.5
cm
D.
17.5
cm (6%
statue.
CAK
(lo^s in.),
For a translation of the
inscriptions, see
Senenmut
s statue
from the temple
at
(Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 34582)

type, but
its
Luxor
is
similar in
cryptogram almost certainly refers only
Fay
Habachi
1995, p. 14.
This
statuette,
temple
fig, 3,
9596; Meyer 1982,
pp. 94, 118, 267, 307 (text no. 4);
Dorman
at
which was probably found
in Ipet-Sut (the
is
temple of Montu
1982, pp. 48 (bibliography), 214-17, no. 20;
figs.
24;
Dorman
68ff.
Meyer
Schulman
(on provenance), 7577,
1988, pp. 12728, 15051, 158-62,
166, 172, 193 (with bibliography) 221, no. A.14, pi. 21

(text);
mono-
that appears to
(cat. nos. 70, 71).
who
always shown in his statuary in the simplest of
garments, Setau
is
clad in the elaborate

official: a
Robins 1999, pp. 1089
tiered
wig and
loose-fitting
flowing, ankle-length
kilt.
His
tunic
The motif
monu-
officials
identified with her.
on Hatshepsut 's kingly
And
attributes ceased
after the reign
of Thutmose
revival of this
cryptogram was not compro-
mised by
its
III,
so that the
relatively short-lived identification
with his deceased co- regent.'

Setau's selection of a
a rearing cobra
is
monogram centered on
particularly appropriate, as he
was
the official in charge of food production at
Karnak temple and the snake was regarded
as
the
Moreover, goddesses associated with food were
over
commonly
facial features,
conform
rodent exterminator par excellence.
depicted in the form of snakes.''
Although the inscriptions on

mention
Amun- Re,
this statuette
for primary honors they
to
single out Nekhbet, the tutelary goddess of
on Setau's uraeus,
was perhaps accorded prominence here because
known
of the increasing syncretism of the female har-
at the tip, also
inscribed
be
to
the
a rearing cobra,
Upper Egypt and
is
as the
Maatkare cryptogram (Maatkare being Hat-
130
Renenutet and
double-
the conventions of this period.
which features
come
if its
uniform
notably his elongated, almond-shaped eyes and
long nose turned up
it
attacks
be of the type
Unlike Senenmut,
(2004 ed.),
pp. 21819 (on provenance), figs. 14.214.5;
198788, pp. 6567,
the
horned and disk-crowned uraeus
of a mid-Eighteenth Dynasty
Bibliography: Bothmer 1969-70
at
temple of
Karnak),' Setau. Setau holds a
to
ments of Hatshepsut and her highest
seen in two statues of Senenmut catalogued
above
fact, the
and primary reference was
N 4196
Karnak, portrays the Overseer of the
with ka arms
1988,
pp. 115 16, 19899 (with bibliography).
Provenance: Probably Armant,
at
motif for his votive
other sustaining goddesses; only on the

Paris
Workhouse of Amun
gram
1957, pp. 92, 94,
(4 in.),
did
Amun
to Hatshepsut.
3.
4.
cm
Schulman
1987-88, pp. 66-67.

2.
10
in.)
Musee du Louvre,
1.
W.
this
a harvest divinity.
Nekhbet
vest divinities into a single deity.' It
is
also
possible that a
member
somehow connected
of Setau's family was
Nekhbet
to
This "revival" of the cryptogram was not unique to
2.
Setau; the cryptogram also appears
s cult center at
fig. 5,
and Robins 1999,
109
See "Erasing a Reign" by
(pr)-sn\ often rendered as
where low-ranking personnel attached
to the
See the discussion of this cryptogram
4.
consumption, or payment of staff.
On this subject, see Gardiner 1947, vol.
2,
Helck 1975a; Brovarski 1986,
and Martin-
Pardey 1986,
col.
The
404.
inscription
is
based on the
inscription; acquired with the purchase
in this
of the Salt
collection in 1826
past discussions of the Maatkare cryptogram.
temple produced such items as bread and beer for
col. 392;
Ann Macy Roth
volume. Robins (1999, pp. 108 to) summarizes
"ergastulum," or "storehouse," was a temple instal-
offerings, local
Provenance: Probably Karnak,
no. P34.
3.
The workhouse, or
lation
p.
(Louvre E 5416). See Graefe 1981, pp. 23637,
CAK
I.
pp. 20-21, no. 22,
on a sistrophore
of the Steward of the God's Wife, Djehutinefer
El-Kab.
5.
pp. 2,09-10;
"The
Bibliography: Drioton
Ratie 1979, p. 255; Graefe 1980, p. 46;
Miizeum, Budapest,
Pascal Vernus in Naissance
stela 51.2148) depicts a
Simut offering
to a serpent
goddess called
in
Graefe 1980,
p. 49, citing
de.
510, 514, pi. clvi,
Meyer
i;
1982, pi. 8;
Vicnture 1982, pp. 133
34, no. 81; Seipel 1992, pp. 317-19, no. 123; Guillemette
"Nekhbet-Renenutet-Hathor"; references
Pascal Vernus in Naissance de VicTituTe 1982, p. 133.
1938, p. 231, pi. xxxii;
Vandier 1958, pp. 466, 484, 497,
Another work of similar date (Szepmuveszeti
certain
published by
in
Statuary of Senenmut," above.
Andrieu
Broekhuis 1971,
in
Andreu, Rutschowscaya, and Ziegler 1997,
pp. 116-17, 252, no. 49; Robins 1999, p. 109, n. 42
THE TOMBS OF SENENMUT

It is
an archaeological curiosity that Senemut was the owner of two dec-
orated tombs in the great necropolis of western Thebes:
(TT)
71
and
Tomb
353.
eminence known
as
71
Theban tombs
located on the upper slopes of the rocky
is
Sheikh abd el-Qurna, overlooking the Nile valley,
and has been recognized as Senenmut's tomb since the
earliest
recording
expeditions to Thebes, in the 1830s. However, while excavating an

ancient
dump
just outside the
Deir el-Bahri
for
enclosure wall of Hatshepsut's temple at
The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Winlock unearthed
second tomb
(TT
the monarch's favorite steward, at the
Asasif valley (see the

tion).'
Winlock believed
late in his career,
closer to the
tombs
these
map
is
Herbert
353) inscribed with the
name of
bottom of an ancient quarry
Senenmut had Tomb
having abandoned the
is
preserved in the northwest corner
known Egyptian
attesting to contacts
regency of Hatshepsut and Thutmose

In front of
Tomb
slope, to provide
representation of
Minoan manufacture
between Egypt and the Aegean early
(fig. 34),
in the co-
III.'
71, a large artificial terrace
was
built
over the steep
an impressive forecourt for the chapel, and high above,
i(.
YJit:f J(^*->^:Â<i^**>-
"KC
353 built for himself
hillside location in favor
of one
memorial temple of Hatshepsut. The puzzle of the two
solved by a close look at the architecture and decoration of
Tomb
71
is
the friable rock in which
badly damaged today, owing to the collapse of

it
was carved,
portions, and decorative features
Theban
necropolis.
At
it is still
evident that
would have made
the time of its creation,
cut chapel in western Thebes, carved in the usual
transverse hall supported

lit
remarkable scene
hall: the earliest
emissaries bearing offerings of typically
in the
of the Theban necropolis in the introduc-
that
of the transverse
two monuments.'
Although
the
in 1927,
One
royal ateliers.
by
eight
by eight windows. The long
columns and
axial corridor,
it
its size,
pro-
one of the jewels of
was the
it
largest rock-
shape, with a broad
an unusual
feature
with a ceiling more than
four meters high, extended seventeen meters into the solid bedrock, end-
ing in a false-door stela carved from a single block of quartzite

no. 73) and, directly above
it,
(cat.
a statue niche decorated with painted relief.
Although only fragments of the wall paintings have survived, they

reveal that
subjects
much of the
commonly
decoration of Senenmut's chapel was devoted to
represented in contemporary tombs: the funeral pro-
cession of the deceased, with his possessions, to his
tomb
in the west;
banqueting scenes showing the family and friends of the tomb's owner;
the ritual funerary meal presented to the deceased;
grimage to Abydos, that
is,
the tomb's
posed tomb of the god Osiris
even
in their
damaged
at
owner on
and
this suggests that
his
way
pil-
to visit the sup-
Abydos. The extant painted fragments,
state, feature exquisite
wigs of the large-scale figures are worked

relief
and the so-called
in
workmanship
even
the
three-dimensional plaster
Tomb 71 was decorated by artists from
the
Fig. 55. Astronomical decoration
el-Bahri
(TT
353), early i8th
on the
ceiling of
Senenmut's tomb
at
Deir
Dynasty. Facsimile by Charles K. Wilkinson.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund,
1948 (48.105.52)
131
on the
crest of the hill
months of the limar year; and
axis of the tomb, an unfin-
and directly over the
decan
a chart lists the
stars
by which the
ished cube statue of Senenmut holding Princess Neferure was cut into
Egyptians measured the passage of time during the night. Also repre-
the terrace, a modest burial
sented are the constellation Orion, the star Sirius (Isis), and the five plan-
the bedrock
(fig. 47).
During construction
chamber was hollowed out
Ramose and
mummies
of"
Senenmut 's
to receive the coffins of
above, "The
open slope below the
Tomb
terrace, a
parents,
of Ramose and Hatnefer").
number of simple
ets
On the
coffin burials
freshly quarried chip
from
Tomb 71
means
offered a convenient
to the ancients.
tary roles:
to cover
interred.
chamber of their own.
nents of a private
on
offers a stark contrast to the light-filled, spacious chapel
mortuary
almost a hundred meters, the
stairs
end in a small, low-
slung chamber quarried into a layer of hard, fine limestone,
ered with columns of closely spaced hieroglyphs.

side of the
room
The
its
texts
a false-door stela that serves as the centerpiece.
east side contain a series of funerary liturgies
words
which
deeds to be enacted on behalf of the deceased
New
mortuary tradition of the

in
The
walls cov-
texts
on
at
tomb seems never to have been used. Tomb
Curiously, the
in the process of
abandoned, and the tomb sealed

an interment in either
the
quartzite sarcophagus
Tomb
when
Tomb
work was suddenly
There
at its entrance.
71 or
the
is
in the magnificent
no indication of
although Senenmut's
353,
unused (and unfinished)
also
fragments, in his upper-tomb chapel.
was never buried
available
353
being extended by the quarrying of additional
descending ramps and two more chambers
are unique to the
Kingdom. Though apparendy
rare,
New Kingdom, whose
edge of the cropland
at the
by scholars.
was
on the west
be spoken and
to
Dynasty is
early Eighteenth
the rule for kings of the
were located
one funerary monument, given two numbers
dealing with the topography of the underworld, and they are arranged
aroimd
it is
therefore, possessed only
from several chapters of the Book of the Dead
are taken
Theban tomb of the
cult temples
Thebes, far from their burials in the Valley of the Kings. Senenmut,
gives access to a long descending stairway cut into the floor of the Asasif
valley. After
Such physical separation of the two most important compo-
but not unique, and
A small, unadorned opening in the bottom of a shale quarry
the hillside.
be explained, not by Winlock's belief that one
Tomb 71 served as Senenmut's public offering chapel, where

his memory and that of his parents were to be commemorated, while
Tomb 353 was the burial apartment, where his body was to have been
of the
and conceal the interments of Thebans who could not afford a rock-cut
Tomb 353
are to
tomb was given up when the second was begun, but by their complemen-
Dynasty were deposited, presumably because the
early Eighteenth
known
The two tombs
anonymous
Hatnefer, as well as four coffins containing six
(see,
was
found, in
The real mystery is why Senenmut
tomb prepared
for him.
temple archives of Senenmut 's time, liturgies do not otherwise appear
in a funerary context until the Ptolemaic period
painted ceiling of the chamber
known
is
(33230
equally noteworthy, for
astronomical ceiling in Egypt
(fig. 55).
The
B.C.).
The
flat
the earliest
it is
1.
For the account of the discovery, see Winlock 1928a.
2.
For final publication of Tombs
3.
See also Manfired Bietak's essay "Egypt and the Aegean" in chapter
71
and
353, see
Dorman
1991.
i.
constellations of the
northern sky are depicted; twelve circles represent the twelve recurrent
73.
False-Door Stela
of the Dead,
firom the Funerary Chapel
officiant
of Senenmut
offerings,
spell 148.
The words are those of an
charged with maintaining the
fiineral
who ensures the eternal provisioning
the outermost to innermost and thus leading the
eye in toward the central doorway and the

access point for the soul.
A quartzite stela in a private chapel
of the deceased by invoking the bull and seven

arly i Sth Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
cows, depicted
(14791458 B.C.)
H. 152
passed on:
cin
(59%
Staatliche
in.),
W.
io8
cm
(42)1 in.)
left
of the door,
who
who have
"May you give bread and beer to
the
may you provision the stewmay you give power to

the steward Senenmut, may Senenmut follow
you." The god Anubis and four mummiform
Museen zu
the outer
"provision the Westerners," or those
Quartzite
Agyptisches
at
Berlin 2066
Quartzite
unusual.
difficult
to
Dynasty
it
was
reddish color.' Minor blemishes on
its
this stela
were
was the
the outer right of the door. Anubis, too,
tion suffered
of Senenmut's offering
Located
at the inner-
of the rock-cut
representing
heaven
who opens the
of the eastern
decorative culmination of the space and, con-
lands."
means of access
to the
world of the living for the deceased.
The
slim
doorway
is
crowned by a pair of
protective wedjat eyes and, above them, a miniature representation of

parents.
132
The
Senenmut seated with
inscription is taken
his
from the Book
four
"powers
of
is
invoked in the inscription, as the "power of
chapel, the stela served as the architectural and
ceptually, functioned as a
the
The
sun's disk, goodly rudder
sky, circler
spell
who
guides the two
begins on the four frames on
the left side (preference always being given to
filled in
with red-colored plaster,
and because of defects
stela; these
axial corridor
monu-
ism of
heaven," or the cardinal points, are depicted at
(TT 71).
also preferred for royal
ments, presumably because of the solar symbol-
the form of a false door, with a cavetto cornice,

ritual focus
quite
ard of Amun Senenmut,
figures
most point of the
is
Eighteenth
early
steward Senemnut,
This slab of reddish brown quartzite carved in
chapel in Thebes
the
in
extremely
only
not
is
work;
in the stone
were patched into the upper
attacked
left
two blocks
corner of the
have since fallen away.' The inscrip-
damage
Senenmut
at the
hands of those who
after his death
by defacing
monuments bearing his name, and again
at the
who were intent on
oblit-
hands of the Atenists,

erating the
areas
name of Amun. These damaged
were later repaired
under
presumably
all at
the
the post-Amarna pharaohs,
hieroglyphs facing toward the right), proceed-
same time
ing from the outermost to innermost frame in
but not always correctly: in one place, for exam-
retrograde order;
panel,
it
continues on the central
below the wedjat
eyes,
and ends on the
four frames to the right, again proceeding from
ple, the
the
name of Senenmut has been
damaged word
for "west."
recut over
The hieroglyphs
and vignettes, as well as the carved
details
of the
73
cornice and torus moldings, were
filled in
blue pigment, of which only traces
now
with
remain.
PFD
now-missing portions would probably have been
70, pp. 43-44; Joanna
covered by another image of Anubis and a murami-
Konigin Hatschepsut 1977, pp. 13435, no. 42; Meyer
form
figure of the sun god.
1982, pp.
Aksamtt
1.
The
pp.
final rubric in the
version of spell 148 found in
the funerary papyrus of the Eighteenth

official
Tjenna
refers to the spell's
Dynasty
Senenmut's choice of stone.

Based on the very similar false-door
the burial
of Senenmut
n.
I, 15,
15354, 222;
p. 333, no. 287;
Dorman
in
1988,
85, 89, 94, 95, n. 122, 100, n. 151, 146,
Dorman
1991, pp- 5455
being found on a
block of quartzite, which lends significance to
2.
Provenance: Western Thebes, chapel

(TT 71); Lepsius expedition, 184245
I,
in Gekeimnisvolle
23032 and passim; Karl-Heinz Priese
stela present in
chamber of Senenmut (TT
353), the
Bibliography:
Lepsius 1849-59, 1-
3 pl- ^5
^^>
Roeder 1924, pp. 92-96; Helck 1939, p. 45 R; Hermann

1940, p. 18, pi. I, a; Helck 1958, p. 474 t; Porter and
Moss
i960, p. 141; Lesko 1967, p. 114;
Schulman 1969
THE TOMBS OF SENENMUT
CoiWfjghioO maurjl
DJESER-DJESERU
THE TEMPLE OF HATSHEPSUT AT

DEIR EL-BAHRI
Dieter Arnold
Little architecture of note was produced during Egypt's Second

Intermediate Period and early Eighteenth Dynasty
centuries preceding
Queen Hatshepsut's
she attained power she opened a
reign
the
but once
new age of monumental temple
building. Evidence of her construction activity
Buhen and Dakka
is
Artemidos) in the north. Her main
effort,
found from
Hasan (Speos
in Nubia, in the south, to Beni
however, was in
Thebes, where she created a network of grand processional roads
voyages made by the god Amun.
and structures for the
ritual
Amun's image, placed
in his divine barque,
Karnak
to the nearby temples at Luxor, Medinet
el-Bahri.
Amun,
birth
was
from
carried
Habu, and Deir
Hatshepsut had every reason to show gratitude to
since
what
in addition to the invented story of her divine
legitimized her claim to the throne
was an oracle
on the west bank of the Nile

at
facing the
(figs. 56, 57),
Karnak more than three miles
A masterpiece of pharaonic temple architecture and indeed of

architecture worldwide, the building
was
know
his identity.
Senenmut, or the High
might have had

this
Priest,
Hapuseneb; and Hatshepsut herself
definite ideas that
molded the
cessions,
was
on
the starting point of the pro-
and she erected her famous hundred-foot-high obelisks
in front of the temple.
She
built a
pylon (today known as the
Eighth Pylon) at the main entrance to the temple from the south
and adorned
its
front with colossal statues of herself.
And
One might
at first speculate
whether he was aware of
contemporaneous Minoan architecture, with
open colonnades, monumental
this
enormous
and
were known
seems possible that
a kind of "international style" spread widely through the
Mediterranean cultures about 1500

palace
architecture
toward
light,
from Crete
away
B.C.,
from
when
to the
new tendency in
structures
fortresslike
open, indefensible buildings
made
its
and
appearance
Levant to Eg5qpt.
Terracing
platforms that enhanced the effect of the sacred buildings they
later,
Homer would
sing of
climax in this profusion of processional roads
and temples was Hatshepsut's memorial temple, Djeser-djeseru,

or "holy of holies," which rose at a spot
It is
now
called
Deir el-Bahri
located at the base of the desert
cliffs
supported and integrated the

landscape.
monument with
the surrounding
The placement of temples and palaces on high
has a long history in Egyptian architecture.
As
Fifth Dynasty, the sun temple of King Niuserre
(r.
on a
rose
far
Abu
built
el-Ballas,
most
and
in the early Eighteenth
Dynasty
on a high terrace overlooking
some
as the
B.C.)
Sir.
on many Middle Kingdom
rock tombs in Middle and Upper Egypt, such as the ones
was
terraces
back
2420-2389
steep platform above the Nile valley near
front arranged in steps can be seen
el-Kebir,
The temples of Mentuhotep II and Hatshepsut at Deir

The temple of Thutmose III lies between
el-Bahri in ]9;3, before restoration.
them, tinexcavated.
it
circulation path traversing the
"hundred-gated Thebes."'
Opposite: Fig. 56.
characteristic
these features
The formative elements of Hatshepsut's temple were two elevated
pharaonic town planning. Centuries
("northern monastery").
all
The
this chapter).
whole area of Thebes was an extraordinary accomplishment of
The hierarchical
its
staircases, elevated platforms,
of Mut, the predecessor of the present
temple (see the essay by Betsy M. Bryan later in
development of
Whoever
to the
Theban processional roads she added temples and colonnaded

stations such as the temple
project.
recognized prototypes and designed an original and innovative

building.
to Egyptian architects of the time. In fact,
tered the barque of Amun in the heart of the temple of Karnak,
by
not
master builder was, he broke with the tradition of copying
Chapelle Rouge
the east bank of the Nile, which
We do
Perhaps he was the Overseer of Works,
integration into the landscape. But
42), the famous quartzite shrine that shel-
certainly designed
one of the greatest temple builders of ancient Egypt.
based on a miraculous act of the god's barque. She founded the

(fig.
Amun temple
away and across
(5.3 kilometers)
the river.
Qaw
a royal palace
the Nile valley at Deir
2; miles (40 kilometers) north
direct inspiration for Hatshepsut's
at
of Thebes. But the
complex came from the
135
two platforms of
Similar colonnades lined the east fronts of the
Hatshepsut's temple. Each colonnade was divided into a northern
and a southern section by

the top of the platform
huge ramp
in the center
ascending to
While Mentuhotep's temple had
(fig. 59).
one platform and Hatshepsut's two, an even more important

difference
between the temples was the overall
spatial organiza-
tion of their colonnades. In both structures, the lower colonnade
formed the backdrop of a huge open court at ground
level (fig. 57:1).
The upper colonnade of Mentuhotep's temple wrapped around

on
the forward section of the temple
almost
like a free-standing
the core of this section
surrounded
making
three sides,
feet (i
In Hatshepsut's temple there were colonnades
The first,
at the
at
porticoes
on three
levels
base of the lower terrace, backed up
immense ground-level court
the
The
meters) high.
reducing the terrace to a narrow walkway.
it,
(figs. 57, 89).
look
it
monument. The massive building
was 36
(as in
Mentuhotep's temple). The
middle colonnades standing on that terrace, however, bordered

another huge open space, enclosing
side
and
partially
third colonnade
second court on the west
on the north. Above was another
made up of twenty-six
Thus
royal statues.
this
terrace with a
on which were
pillars
the processional path led up two ramps and
through a magnificent granite gate
in the center
of the third colon-
nade, into another, enclosed, court. This uppermost court was
completely surrounded by fluted
pillars,
two rows deep along the
north, east, and south sides and three rows deep
on the west. The
west colonnade sheltered ten wall niches that contained royalstatue pillars.
The
lavish use of exterior colonnades
Mentuhotep
II
and Hatshepsut
is
on the temples of both
particularly remarkable because
most Egyptian temples, from the Old Kingdom through the
Roman
Period, were screened off against the outside world
faceless enclosure walls.
The temples
by
tall,
are like fortresses, and
colonnades are found only along their interior courts. The two
I
temples under discussion here belong more properly with a
t
1" <f
-z,
smaller group of temples of a different type: ambulatory temples

that are
Fig. 57. Plan of Hatshepsut's temple at
Deir el-Bahri:
(i)
lower colonnades,
(4)
(7)
Hathor
upper colonnade with royal-statue
shrine, (8)
lower terrace,
(5)
surrounded on
lower court, (2) ramps,
middle colonnades,
(3)
(6)
Anubis
pillars, (9)
shrine,
upper court,
(10) solar-cult court, (11) mortuary-cult complex, (12) barque shrine of
Amun
buildings, in
all
four sides by open colonnades. These
which the idea of Mentuhotep's temple was further
developed, came into use under Senwosret
His famous white chapel
at
Karnak
is
Ambulatory temples, which became

temple of the Eleventh Dynasty king Mentuhotep
2000
B.C.),
which was located
Hatshepsut built her temple
on
just
(fig. 58).
2051-
Eighteenth
Dynasty, were
the
formal
peripteral temples of ancient Greece.

this
1961-1917
B.C.).
predecessors
of the
Most Egyptian buildings of
type were not meant to be the permanent residence of a cult
platform and was surrounded by open colonnades on two
image; they were, rather, temporary shelters employed during
colonnades were undoubtedly derived from the
such ceremonies as the celebration of the birth of a divine child, or
levels. Its exterior
pillared frontal porticoes of
Upper Egyptian rock tombs, espe-
cially the so-called saff tombs
of the Theban area. Mentuhotep's
exterior colonnades pointed the
way
to the future
temple building.
136
II (r.
south of the spot where
This time-honored shrine stood
I (r.
the best-preserved example.
especially popular during the
hatshepsut's building projects
of Egyptian
for the short-term deposition of the god's sacred

his visit to a
barque during
neighboring temple. Since the basic purpose of these
station temples
was
to offer a
shady resting place,
supported not by solid walls but by columns or
their roofs
pillars.
were
In order to
protect the sanctity of the cuh image,
some of these road
stations
were raised on a platform.
have been located around the landing
station, but there
was noth-
ing comparable to the huge installations that surrounded later
mortuary temples.
A Barque
Station of
Amun
The Mortuary Cult
The resemblance
reveals the
Hatshepsut's temple bears to these buildings
main purpose of Djeser-djeseru:
huge barque
station raised
it
functioned as a
above the plain of the Asasif
valley.
This becomes even clearer when one examines the much larger
overall
complex
that culminated at the temple.
It
included a colon-
The
characteristics of a
Hatshepsut's temple. But the temple was not designed for a single
purpose;
it
also sheltered five other, independent sanctuaries.
naded landing station (Valley Temple) two-thirds of a mile (i,ooo
were for the
meters) east of the temple, at the desert's edge, and a broad con-
sun.
necting causeway with a barque station located

the landing station and the
main temple
(see
midway between
fig.
90). In order to
highlight the importance of the temple, for the last third of a mile
apparently the
The barque
sion,
was
first
Thutmose
in the center
behind the upper court
(fig. 57:12).
magnificent chapel, a long, high space, had a transom
This
window that
of Anubis, Hathor, a local

cult center
I (r.
1504-1492
was
Amun, and
Four
Re, the
the installation for the
B.C.; fig. 57:11).
have been made to sustain the
Huge, complex buildings
spirits
Here offerings would
of the deceased kings.
to provide for the afterlife of the king
were a substantial part of Egyptian culture and are best represented
by
avenue of sphinxes ever built in Egypt.
sanctuary of Amun, the destination of the proces-
cults
The most important
funerary or memorial cult of Hatshepsut and of her father,
(500 meters) the processional approach was flanked by two rows
of sandstone sphinxes, more than a hundred altogether. This was
monumental barque shrine of Amun are
predominant in the ground plan and appearance of
certainly
the sumptuous pyramid complexes built during the
dom. The concept of
a self-sufficient,
184Q B.C.) and
Amenemhat
III (r.
Old King-
monumental royal tomb
slowly diminished, and during the reigns of Senwosret
1859-1813
III (r.
b.c.) in the
1878
Twelfth
allowed sunlight to illuminate the room.
A door flanked by royal-
Dynasty, a different approach was developed by kings in their
statue pillars led into the holy of holies,
and perhaps into another
ongoing search for eternal
chamber
that
had a
false
door of granite.
We can be rather sure that the temples of Mentuhotep
life.
The
royal funerary cult
and
to be
more reliable and enduring than a separate pyramid cult. The
new
once again with Mentuhotep
Hatshepsut were used only for special religious events because
roots of this
they both lacked subsidiary buildings for storing offerings, the
had already sought a similar solution in his temple
accommodation of priests, temple administration, workshops, and
The main
other functions
structures that are prominent adjuncts to tem-
ples continuously in use.
was now
attached to a sanctuary of the gods, an arrangement that promised

II
A few modest shelters were preserved on
the slope north of Hatshepsut's temple, and other buildings
may
deity
concept
lie
front section of his temple
at
it
who
to the solar
Montu-Re, and only the rear part was reserved
royal mortuary cult;
II,
Deir el-Bahri.
was dedicated
for the
included an open court, a hypostyle
hall,
and the royal crypt. But during the Second Intermediate Period
THE TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BJLHRI
lyj
The middle and upper colonnades of Hatshepsut's temple
Fig. 59.
Warsaw
after restoration
(1650-1550
B.C.)
and royal mortuary chapels rarely differed
from those of private tombs. Although there was some
movement in that direction under Ahmose I

Amenhotep
I (r.
1525 1504
B.C.),
to refine the ideas of her early
(r.
1550 1525
Hatshepsut was the
mortuary complex
revitalize the royal
attaching her
as a
indistinct
B.C.)
first
and
ruler to
monumental building
Middle Kingdom predecessor by
own mortuary cult to
in Cairo,
be in the temple. The royal tomb was

behind the temple and reached by
now located in
way
the mountain
of the Valley of the Kings.
Unlike Mentuhotep's, Hatshepsut's mortuary cult chapel did not
occupy the central
axis
Amun.
of the temple, a location that was reserved

Instead, her mortuary section
behind the south colonnade of the upper court

tained an offering hall that
was not based on
offering halls in
(fig. 57:11). It
con-
pyramid temples of the Old and Middle King17 feet wide, 43 feet
long, 21 feet high (5.25 x 13.25 x 6.35 meters)
and an enormous
striking dimensions
vaulted ceiling, the offering hall was in fact the most impressive
interior
room
in the entire temple.
HATSHEPSUT
BUILDING PROJECTS
"Osirides," but they
pillars
Karnak and
Lisht, of
Amenhotep
(cat. no. 13; fig. 9),
and of Hatshepsut's
Karnak
The
(cat. no. 14).
Thutmose
recently
Ill's
termed
are
eternal, divine
was not new; there were
colossal examples in the buildings of Senwosret

at
pillars
Because they resem-
more probably symbolized
The use of royal-statue
kingship.
(fig. 59).
mummified god Osiris they
ble images of the
father,
at
of the Twelfth
Deir el-Bahri
Thutmose
statues of Hatshepsut later
fell
I,
at
victim to
anti-Hatshepsut campaign and were restored only
by the Polish archaeological mission working
at
Deir
el-Bahri.'
Sanctuaries of Anubis and Hathor
the corresponding
about
its
overlooking the temple terraces below
was placed
sanctuary of Mentuhotep's nearby temple but instead replicated
doms. With
terrace proclaimed the royal nature of the
temple with an imposing row of twenty-six royal-statue
Dynasty
a temple of the gods.
For reasons of cultic purity, however, the royal burial could not
for the cult of
The uppermost
and the early Eighteenth Dynasty, royal mortuary
cults nearly vanished,
and
by the mission of the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology
University
Two
the
sanctuaries flanked the
first
terrace but
main temple of Hatshepsut on top of
were not integrated
into the system of the
colonnades, instead being isolated by massive piers of masonry
from the colonnaded central part of the temple. One, the shrine of
Anubis, was located in the northwest corner of the middle
race
(fig. 57:6).
ter-
Unpretentious from the exterior, the temple had a
harmonically proportioned pronaos of three rows of four fluted
Behind that a sequence of cavelike interior chambers cut
pillars.
mountain carry depictions of the dwelling places of the
into the
jackal-shaped Anubis, the desert-based god of the netherworld.
Opposite, at the south end of the terrace, stood the more con-
spicuous shrine of the goddess Hathor
ence from the main structure

distance from the central
(fig. 57:7). Its
independ-
underlined by a separate ramp at a
is
ramp of
the
front of the shrine
was an open pronaos with four
The
a staircase from
its
western
side.
Movement
a turn to be executed in the sun court. Four wall niches
housed
cult statues
fore an important
capitals.
also tunneled into the
sun
cult.
The
solar
complex was there-
component of the program
that
mountain and probably replaced an older
interior
chambers here were
architectural
be expected
to
masterwork such
become
model
as Hatshepsut's
the very
shrine might be clearly separated
from the main
temple, but a spiritual connection between the two temples
was
not completely absent. Since the Old Kingdom, cult installa-
Hathor had been associated with kings' pyramid temples.
temple.
man who
Thutmose
two temples
in
Mehenket-ankh, situated
at the
some extent
Temple of Hatshepsut
built directly
above the Hathor tem-
The Hathor
shrine and other
show evidence of changes in
plan, suggesting that the temple as
stood
it
at the
of the
latter
p. 148);
and high above
it
(see
and Djeser-Akhet, wedged
fig.
between Mentuhotep's and Hatshepsut's temples,
and map,
replicated:
edge of the desert about a third of
a mile (500 meters) south of the Valley
ship with the goddess, presenting herself as a reborn Hathor.

is
III,
which the main features of
Moreover, Hatshepsut seems to have sought a special relation-
parts of Hatshepsut's temple as well
Remarkably,
was Thutmose
instigated the destruction of Hatshepsut's
built
his hated relative's achievement are to
60, bottom,
temple would
for future buildings.
shape of a cow.
Hatshepsut's offering hall
as its goal
Successors
An
hofwever, the principal follower of this prototype
ple, underlining this association.
had
securing Hatshepsut's immortality.
cave shrine that was a local place of worship of Hathor in the
tions for
may have
of Hatshepsut to ensure her participation in the
life-restoring rites of the
pillars in
amis carrying Hathor
The Hathor
in this direction
ran counter to the processional path in the main temple, requiring
main temple. The facade
projected considerably beyond the colonnade of the main temple.
The
by
(see figs. 89, 104).
directly south
Both temples
were terraced and had ramps and open colonnades across the
front.
Because of the terrain, Djeser-Akhet
rises
by means of three
end of her reign
was the outcome of a complex design and building process.
The
other four sanctuaries of the Hatshepsut complex, for the
gods mentioned above and for Hatshepsut and Thutmose
I,
were
not visually emphasized by the colonnades of the upper court;
iiiiliilM HIIIlMIMil
they were, rather, disguised by them. This use of colonnades

anticipates their function in the
columned roads of
Hellenistic
where long rows of columns screened
off the buildings
behind them so they could not be seen from the
streets or squares.
cities,
The Solar Cult
taiiii
The temple of Mentuhotep was organized
in
two
parts,
ihH
with the
back, westernmost section assigned to the mortuary cult of the
king (see
fig. 58).
The
eastern,
colonnaded part of the temple was,
according to the inscriptions on the dedication

to the cult of
Montu-Re
the
tablets,
god Re-Harakhti of Heliopolis, associated with the sun and

tector of the king.
The main
innr
dedicated
Upper Egyptian counterpart of the
inni
IIJIJ
iiiiina
a pro-
feature of this part of Mentuhotep's
temple was a solid block of masonry towering high above the tops
of the surrounding colonnades. But Hatshepsut's architect discarded
this distinguishing, centralized
element in favor of a solar-
cult
complex built on the upper terrace of her temple
For
this
(fig.
57:10).
purpose the architect designed a small open courtyard
with a monumental
Fig. 60. Frontal elevations
altar.
were conducted facing the
Since the ceremonies for the solar cult

rising sun, the altar
had
to
be ascended
nth Dynasty;
of Thutmose
of reconstructed temples:
center, the Djeser-Akhet,
III,
early i8th
top,
temple of Mentuhotep
II,
and bottom, the Mehenket-ankh, both
Dynasty
THE TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAHRI
I39
extremely high terraces

differed
upper
These two temples
court
in the organization of the
in the
60, center).
(fig.
from Hatshepsut's mainly
terrace.
Where Hatshepsut had designed an open court with
colonnades that disguised the entrances
Thutmose
Ill's
temples were
to
the
sanctuaries,
traditional structures with the
conven-
tional sequence of forecourt, hypostyle hall, offering hall,
room, and statue chambers
barque
suggesting that these structures were
considered not barque stations but fully equipped temples.
Mehenket-ankh temple, unlike Hatshepsut's,
also has a
built
1400
by Thutmose
B.C.),
Amenhotep
south of Karnak temple and on
its
II (r.
of Ramesses
(r.
III
II (r.
the traditional temple arrangement
had returned
The
1279-1213
1184-1153 B.C.)
to
became standard
for royal
best-preserved examples are the
at
B.C.)
mor-
Ramesseum
and the temple of Ramesses
III
Medinet Habu. The outer designs of these
huge
temple, except for slight terracing and the use of royal-statue
One
1427
north-south
New Kingdom,
Thutmose
tuary temples.
pillars.
successor,
Ill's
that
temples preserved no reflection of the architecture of Hatshepsut's
Other structures that drew on the example of Hatshepsut's

temple are found in Karnak, on the east bank of the Nile.
now being partially reconstructed by French archaeologists'
Karnak Open- Air Museum.
The
pylon in front of the lower court.
was
is
In the later
axis.
Raised on a high platform reached by a staircase in front, the
But within,
Amun
of Karnak
still
dominates the central
with the mortuary cult of the king consigned to the southern
axis,
half of the building, the sun cult to the north.

cults
ued
The
selection of
and the plan governing their locations inside the temple contin-
to follow the centuries-old
example
first set
by Hatshepsut's
architect.
building was a columned hall with twelve square pillars along

the open front and probably
ritual.
Thutmose IV
(r.
was used
1400 1390
for the celebration of a royal
B.C.) then built a pillared court
1.
Homer,
2.
The mission is
Iliad,
Archaeology
in front of the
for
it
74.
Fourth Pylon
Karnak, borrowing the basic idea
at
from the upper court of Hatshepsut's temple. Thutmose IV's
bk. 9,
led
11.
381-84.
by Warsaw University's Polish Centre of Mediterranean
in Cairo, in
cooperation with Egypt's Supreme Council of
Antiquities.
3.
Of the
Centre Franco-Egyptien d'Etude des Temples de Karnak.
Head of Hatshepsut
Thutmose HI (1479 1458
B.C.)
Painted limestone
H. 126 cm
(49?^ in.),
W.
34
cm
Ci3'/8 in.)

Rogers Fund, 1931 31.3.164
This head was originally part of a statue depicting Hatshepsut as the god Osiris.
similar statues, each about eleven feet

built into niches in the
group of
tall,
were
back wall of the upper
terrace of her temple at Deir el-Bahri (see

fig. 61).
the wall
The
statues
on the southern half of
were depicted wearing the white
crown of Upper Egypt; those on

half, like this one,
wore
the northern
the double crown,
which combines the white crown of the south

with the red crown of the north, symbolizing
the union of
Upper and Lower Egypt.
The fragments of this head were uncovered

by the Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan
Museum
of Art between 1923 and 1928 in the
excavation of two large depressions in front of

the temple: the so-called Hatshepsut Hole and
the
Senenmut Quarry. Both had been used
convenient dumping
sites after
Thutmose
began the systematic destruction of

images some twenty years
140
as
III
his aunt's
after her death.'
chr
Fig. 6i.
Large niches
in the
back wall of the
upper terrace of Hatshepsut's temple

el-Bahri.
The
at
removed by Thutmose
For more information on the destruction of

Hatshepsut's monuments, see the essays by Peter F.
Deir
Dorman, Dorothea Arnold, and Ann Macy Roth
niches once held engaged
Osiride statues of Hatshepsut, which were
Chapter
5,
in
below.
III.
Provenance: Western
temple
at
Thebes, Hatshepsut's
Deir el-Bahri; Metropolitan
Museum of Art
excavations, 192,2,-23, 192628, acquired in the

division of finds in 1931
Bibliography: Hayes
1959, p. 90,
fig.
49; Ratie
1979, p. 126; Tefnin 1979, p. 41; Isabella Franco in

Ziegler 2002a, p. 390, no. 13
FOUNDATION DEPOSITS FOR THE TEMPLE OF HATSHEPSUT

AT DEIR EL-BAHRI
As
early as the Third
Dynasty (26502575
began making foundation deposits

ect.'
B.C.), the ancient
at the start
Such deposits have been found
in
Egyptians
of a major building proj-
connection with temples, royal
tombs, fortresses, and town walls.' They were usually created
at the
beginning of new construction, but deposits were also made by kings
who added to structures that had been built by their predecessors. For a
new project, the foundation deposits were laid out around the perimeter
of the structure during a ceremony called the "stretching of the cord."'
Fourteen foundation deposits were discovered in the area of

Hatshepsut's temple
(fig.
and two others were found
62),
Temple of this complex, which

vation (see the
in 1898
is
in
Lower
by Edouard
Naville; several
were excavated
Metropolitan
in the 1920s
Museum
that the temple
was
of Art.
5).
One
deposit
Valley
was found
more were uncovered during
excavations of the Earl of Carnarvon and

ity
at the
Asasif, near the area of culti-
map of western Thebes, page
Howard
the
Carter; but the major-
by the Egyptian Expedition of The
The
locations of these deposits suggest
was
originally laid out according to one plan and
later altered to its present design.**
The foundation
vessels,
deposits for Hatshepsut's temple contained pottery
food offerings, tools and model tools
and votive objects
(cat. no.
76h 1).'
eastern end of the lower court

seal
amulets were found
(cat. no.
76a g), and
ritual
In three of the deposits along the
(fig. 62:
(cat. no. 75).
G, H,
Some
I),
Fig. 62. Plan
showing the positions of foundation deposits
are inscribed with royal
names and titles, including those of Hatshepsut, her co-ruler Thutmose
III,
and her daughter, Neferure. Others carry images or names of various

4.
gods, or geometric designs that are typical of the period.
chr
Winlock
who
1942, pp. 134-35. See also the discussion
suggests that the
first
later building (essentially

I.
The first
the Step
1. Ibid., p.
3.
foundation deposits that can be identified with certainty were found
Pyramid complex of Djoser
at
Saqqara (Weinstein 1973, pp. 2425).
Lxix.
James Weinstein
chap,
i)
discusses the foundation ceremony.
stage of the temple
was
by Zygmunt Wysocki (1992),

built by Thutmose II and the
what can be seen today) was undertaken by
Hatshepsut.
at
5.
Bibliography for the foundation deposit objects catalogued below

76);
(ibid.,
A-M at
Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri. Drawing by Julia Jarrett
numerous scarabs and
Winlock 1942,
pp. 151-64.
pp. 132-34;
Hayes 1959, pp. 8488; Weinstein
(cat. nos. 75,
1973,
75a e
(top), f j (center),
75.
Scarabs and Seal Amulets
The
design on the back shows a bolti fish eating
marsh
Thutmose
Glazed
III,
(1479- 1473
that
B.C.)
steatite;
Metropolitan
The base
Museum
when
II.
she
The
"The God's
God's Wife
tide
was
is
one
the principal
probably passed
title
(i)
of Art,
Rogers Fund, 1927 27.3.164,
inscribed
is
The
Hatshepsut held
queen of Thutmose
Egyptian blue
to
The
plants.
Wife, Hatshepsut."
New York,
her daughter,
about the time
Neferure,
Hatshepsut adopted the
titles
of kingship.
the
back of
Hatshepsut
is
this
amulet.
seal
inscribed
The name
on the base. Horus was
closely associated with the reigning king,
was often described

cat. no. 84, in
who
as the living Horus. (See
which
a small
Horus falcon
depicted at the back of the atef crown
is
worn by
the king.)
.180, .198, .206, .232,
25', -277, -285, .292, .320, .323, .326, .347, .394
c.
a.
Scarab
Scarab
e.
(27.3.206)
L. 2
cm
Scarab
(27.3.277)
(y, in.),
W.
1.5
cm
(%
in.),
H. 0.8
cm
('A in.)
L. 1.6
cm
(yi in.),
W.
1.2
cm
(/. in.),
H. 0.8
cm ('/. in.)
(27.3.198)
L. 1.8
cm (K in.), W.
cm (K in.),
1.3
H. 0.7
cm {'A in.)
The base
The
base
is
"The King's Daughter,
inscribed
Hatshepsut."
one
The
title
that Hatshepsut
King's Daughter
is
inscribed "Hatshepsut, united with
Amun."
Seal
Cowroid
Seal
Amulet
cm
W.
1.3
cm
(K
in.),
H.
W.
1.4
cm
(/a in.),
H. 0.7
queenly
cm
0.5 era (^ in.)
image of the falcon god Horus, with
wings spread and wearing
a feathered
similar to the king's atef crown,
HATSHEPSUT
This
title
God's Wife
BUILDING PROJECTS
to
her daughter,
('A in.)
IVedjat-Eye Seal
is
Amulet
his
crown
(27.3.251)
L. 1.7
142
Lands."
she passed the
Neferure.
in.),
f.
An
(Vs in.),
name (Maatkare) before
Amulet
(27.3.180)
cm
Two
Maatkare, Lord of the
throne
d.
(27.3.164)
Cowroid
"The God's Wife,
inscribed
not
after
L. 2.2
L. 2.2
is
inscription suggests that Hatshepsut adopted a

is
would have retained
she became king.
b.
The base
carved onto
cm (K in.), W.
1.2
cm
(Vi in.),
H. 0.8
cm
('/s
in.)
75a-e
On
(top), f-j (center),
the back
k-n, bases
god
a wedjat eye, the eye of the
is
Scarab
i.
Scarab
k.
Horus, a symbol of heahng that also seems to

(27.3.292)
function as a general good luck charm.
The
L.
1.5
is
g.
Scarab
The
cm
On
base
is
W.
i.i
cm
inscribed
renput." This
(K
in.),
H. 0.7
cm
QA
in.),
W.
1.2
cm
(/i in.),
H. 0.7
cm
in.)
the base, a lion-headed goddess spreads her

in a gesture
"Two
(>4 in.)
Ladies, Wadjet-
Hatshepsut's Nebty
is
Ladies) name, which
(27.3.232)
wings
in.),
was
(Two
part of a king's titu-
1.3
cm (Kin.), H.
cm
0.6
(/în.)
j.
Scarab
L. 1.9
throne
became
The
base
is
inscribed
"King's
Daughter,
Neferure." At this time, "king" could refer

either to Neferure 's father,
Thutmose
II,
or to
1.
Scarab
of protection around a car(27.3.320)
name adopted by Hatshepsut when
cm
('/i
(27.3.326)
in.),
W.
1.3
cm
(K
in.),
H. 0.7
cm
QA
in.)
L.
1.5
cm (K in.), W.
1.2
cm
H. 0.6
(Â in.),
cm
(/^ in.)
she
king.
On
Scarab
the base are the
cm QA in.), W.
in cartouches
These
a stylized plant.
1.3
cm
(/i in.),
H. 0.8
cm QA
in.)
the
is
inscribed
is
III
and Hatshepsut.
name
The base
After
five
"God's Wife, Neferure."
mother became
tionally held
by
king,
Neferure
God's Wife, which was
tradi-
the principal queen.
at the right
dominant one. Thus

the senior co-ruler,
m. Scarab
is
(27.3-347)
Hatshepsut's Horus name,
names
inscribed
title
L. 1.8
one of the
is
her
assumed the
"The female Horus,

written at the right.
Wosretkau." This
the
name of Hatshepsut,
and separated
are, respectively, the
In Egyptian iconography, the
would be considered
The base
names Menkheperre and
Maatkare enclosed
by
throne names of Thutmose
(27.3.285)
L. 1.7
cm ('/în.), W.
her mother, Hatshepsut.
lary.
touche containing the name Maatkare, the
h.
L. 1.6
inscribed "Maatkare, beloved of Amun."
base
L. 1.7
(27-3-323)
cm QA
that
cm
('/4
in.),
W.
1.3
cm
(/i in.),
H. 0.7
cm
(K
in.)
were part of a king's
royal titulary.
FOUNDATION DEPOSITS
I43
CopynghiM
maBrial
On
name of the god
the base of this scarab, the
Amun-Re
(far right) precedes the
what appears
image of
pouring
to be a pregnant goddess
inscribed with the phrase
beloved
Maatkare,
of
"The Good God,
Amun, foremost of
Provenance: Western
at
Thebes, Hatshepsut's temple
Deir el-Bahri, from foundation deposits A
(a, b,
Djeser-djeseru."
f,
g),
and
(c, d);
Metropolitan
excavations, 192225 (a-d,
a libation. Behind the goddess
ankh
is
the hieroglyph
Fund, 1896
(life).
f,
g.
Two
Wood and
n. Scarab
Tapered
(27-3-394)
cm
L. 1.7
in.),
W.
cm (H in.),
cm
H. 0.7
h,
cm (13
in.);
wide
(e),
Museum of Art
Egypt Exploration
i.
Metropolitan
S.
Flared
Ointment Jars
Travertine
Museum of Art, New
Two
chisel: L. 21.6
(8/2 in.)
The
(>i in.)
g),
Chisels
copper
chisel: L. 33
Left:
cm
f,
(e)
Harkness
York,
H.
14.3
cm
(5/8 in.); right:
H.
11. 8
cm (4K in.)
Gift, 1922
Rogers Fund 1925 25.3.46a,
b, .47a,
22.3.247, .248
grazing male antelope with a plant motif
above
his
back
incised
is
on the
chr
base.
Ointment
The
tapered chisel was probably used for mor-
tising. Its
Provenance: Western
temple at Deir el-Bahri, from foundation deposits

(c,
f,
g, h,
m,
k,
i,
Metropolitan
n),
(a, b),
Museum of Art
76a-i. Tools
and
handle
j, 1);
excavations, 1927
and Two Jars
(1479-1458
III
B.C.)
Surveyor's Mallet and
a, b.
Stake
Wood
cm (15)^ in.);
Mallet: L. 40.1
stake: L. 41.3
cm (16^ in.)

S.
Harkness
Gift, 1922
22.3.245, .246
The term
"stretching of the cord" refers to the
of dedicating a temple, but
ritual
it
also
describes the action of laying out the temple's
ground plan by driving
stakes into the earth
stretching a piece of cord between them.
process
still
occurs on building
sites in
and
The
prepara-
tion for construction.
Model Saw and Axe
c, d.
Wood
and bronze
Saw: L. 38
The
cm
(15 in.); axe handle: L. 55
Metropolitan
Museum
of Art,
cm
(21/8 in.)
New York,
Rogers Fund, 1925 25.3.120, .129
e.
Adze
Wood, bronze, and

Handle: L. 19.6
The
leather
cm (7K in.)
Museum of Art, New
Metropolitan
York, Gift
of Egypt Exploration Fund, 1896 96.4.7
Unlike
many foundation
inscribed in ink,
most of Djeser-djeseru."
(d, e,
Thutmose
is
Goddess, Maatkare, beloved of
deposit tools, which
are models, this full-size adze probably could
have been functional. One side of the handle
is
76e,
f,
"The Good
Amun,
fore-
chr
jars
made of travertine were included
in foundation deposits
Dynasty (1981 1802
dom. Oil
stains
beginning in the Twelfth
B.C.), in the
Middle King-
on many of the
jars
in
Hatshepsut's foundation deposits suggest that
they contained the ritual
would have
oils that
been used to consecrate the temple and

temple
in daily
rituals.
The
smaller of these two vases
inscribed
is
with Hatshepsut's prenomen, or throne name,

Maatkare.
The
on the
text
Goddess, Lady of the
may
she
jar reads:
Two
"The Good
Lands, Maatkare,
Amun who
Beloved of
live!
is
in
Djeser-djeseru."
The
taller jar is inscribed
with her nomen, or
The
personal name, Hatshesput.
text reads:
"Daughter of Re, Hatshepsut, she has made
Amun
as an offering for her father
it
time
at the
of the stretching of the cord over Djeserdjeseru-Amun, that she
may be made
The phrase Djeser-djeseru-Amun
to live."
refers
to
Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri.
CHR
Provenance: Western
temple
at
Deir el-Bahri, from foundation deposit
Metropolitan
Museum
76h,
J;
of Art excavations, 192425
76 j, k. Knot Amulet and

Meskhetyu Instrument
Thutmose
III
Knot amulet:
cedar; meskhetyu:
Knot amulet:
L. 15.2
cm
cm
wood
(6 in.); meskhetyu: L. 27.1
(loKa in.)

Rogers Fund, 1927 27.3.398
These two objects were included
in their foun-
dation deposits for ritual or protective purposes.
The meskhetyu
in the
is
model of an instrument used
Opening of the Mouth,
a funerary ritual
intended to allow the deceased to
come
to
life.
The ceremony would have been performed
at
7<>j, k,
the consecration of the temple to enable the

sculptures and the images
on
tion as their living counterparts.

is
The ceremony
symbolized by the presence of the meskhetyu
on
Ovoid Stone (Hammering
76I.
the knot amulet are Hatshepsut's
throne name, Maatkare, and her expanded personal name, Hatshepsut, United with
Amun.
CHR
cord over Djeser-djeseru-Amun, which she did

while alive." Sometimes described as clamshells
Stone?)
in the foundation deposit.
Inscribed
the walls to func-
because of their shape, stones such as this one

probably represent tools of some

Thutmose
sort,
such as
III
hammering
stones, that
would have been used
Travertine
H.
7.3
cm {z%
in.),
W.
12.4
cm (4^ in.), D.
3.5
in the construction of a building.'
cm
CHR
(i'/b in.)

at
Hatshepsut's temple
Deir el-Bahri, from foundation deposits
Metropolitan
and
I;

I.
Rogers Fund, 1927 27.3.400
Weinstein 1973,
p.
120 and
n. 82.
Museum of Art excavations, 192427
This stone
is
Maatkare, she
her father,
inscribed
made
[it]
Amun-Re,
"The Good Goddess,

as her
monument
at the stretching
for
Provenance: Western
temple
at
Deir el-Bahri, from foundation deposit
Metropolitan
I;
Museum of Art excavations, 1926-27
of the
FOUNDATION DEPOSITS
I45
Inscribed Stone
77*
Thutmose
III,
year 7 (1473 B.C.)
Limestone
H. 22
cm
(8^
W.
in.),
cm
14
(5/z in.),
cm (2^ in.)
D. 7

Rogers Fund, 1932 32.3.268
large
number of roughly shaped
stones with
one smoothed surface were uncovered by sevworking
eral archaeological expeditions
Asasif, in
what turned out
to
inscribed
in
Lower
be the area of
The
Hatshepsut's valley temple.'
stones are
on the smooth side with one of
Hatshepsut's cartouches, and some include a line
of hieratic text in ink.

that the stones
ous
officials,
were
The hieratic
sent
texts indicate
by local Thebans to
vari-
including Senenmut, Hapuseneb,
Djehuti, and Puyemre,^
all
of whom were appar-
ently involved in the building of Hatshepsut's

temple.^
William C. Hayes has suggested that the

stones were placed in a retaining wall or the
foundations of the valley temple as votive

offerings.
tions
They may even
by individuals
to
represent contribu-
the building of the
temple.
Many of the
on
stones are quite crudely carved;
one, however, the cartouche
this
fully incised
is
beauti-
and encloses Hatshepsut's throne
chr
name, Maatkare.
I.
Stones were found by an expedition funded by the
Marquis of Northampton
in
1898-99 (see
Northampton, Spiegelberg, and Newberry 1908,

p. 37);
more examples were discovered by Lord
Carnarvon and Howard Carter

the Metropolitan
uncovered more
2.
1907 1
(see
in 1932 (see
Hayes 1942, pp. 4546).
For these men, see "The Royal Court" by Cathleen

A. Keller
3.
in
1912, p. 40, pi. xxxii); and
Museum's Egyptian Expedition
in this
Hayes 1942,
volume.
p. 46.
Provenance: Western
Thebes, Lower Asasif, area
of Hatshepsut's Valley Temple; Metropolitan

of Art excavations, 193132, acquired
Museum
in the division
of finds
Bibliography: Hayes
146
1942, pp.
45-46
HATSHEPSUT'S MORTUARY TEMPLE

AT DEIR EL-BAHRI
Architecture as Political Statement
Ann Macy Roth
While
ful terraced
ture for the procession.*
at
Deir el-Bahri
in
built according to her

it
own
was intended
of the cult that would ensure her perpetual
cliffs
was
of Hatshepsut 's
and religious allusions
to
Not only
death.
life after
It is
consoHdate her power and that
the temple's architecture and iconography but also
would have communi-
cated Hatshepsut's message to contemporary observers. At this

time, four temples at
who combined
with
one
Amun,
at
Thebes were dedicated
to
Amun-Re,
These temples
Deir el-Bahri, Karnak temple, the Opet temple
of three
at
Medinet Habu
city
of Thebes
(fig. 63).'
this
huge ceremonial
rec-
Hatshepsut either built
or added to each of these temples.'
The temple
at
in
its
home
at
was assigned
to
their ancestors.
Karnak temple on the
Amun-Re
east
the
central shrine
rather than to Hatshepsut herself,
probably in order to accommodate
from Karnak, by
The temple 's
this festival.
ritually associating the
The
procession
two temples, emphasized
bond between Hatshepsut and Amun-Re. The main
axis of the
his,
connection, the external appear-
that flanked central
ramps leading
his ancestors
to terraces
and not known
else-
local traditions.
its
Another visible, external feature of Hatshepsut's temple was its
The
Osiride statues along the uppermost colon-
nade and the sphinxes lining its causeway show none of the gender
ambiguities found in
Thus
some of the smaller pieces. They represent
most conspicuous features of Hatshepsut's temple

location,
show Hatshepsut
and external appearance
were
all
designed
as a traditional, legitimate king, the proper
successor to the great Mentuhotep, a ruler
Amun-Re and would
who had
the support of
revive Egyptian culture, bringing great
honor to the god and to
his city, Thebes.
clearly have appealed to the
Few
male king.'
the
to
where they honored
Mentuhotep
Mentuhotep had patterned his temple on the safftomb,
colossal statuary.
its festivals,
bank of the Nile across the river to the cemeteries of the west bank,
B.C.).'
Egypt, and Hatshepsut was thus associating herself not
Beautiful Festival of the Valley, an older festival clearly enhanced
barque of Amun-Re from
this
Theban form used by
traditional,
and the populace of Thebes, who accompanied the divine
reunited Egypt at the end
only with Mentuhotep but also with Thebes and
Deir el-Bahri played the principal role in the
construction. This annual procession included the king, the
who
as the founder of the second golden
and by placing her temple next to
To emphasize
(figs. 56, 89).
by its
priests,
history,"*
naded porticoes
Luxor,
served as the end points
festival processions that inscribed a
upon the
at
B.C.),
ance of her temple echoed that of her predecessor's, with colon-
where
divinity of Thebes.
20512000
Both of these suêsted a con-
Hatshepsut implied to viewers that she was the founder of another
Re, the sun god and traditional ruler of the gods,
main
II (r.
age of Egypt's
a local
the
architectural form.
of the First Intermediate Period (2150-2030
a deity
and the small temple
tangle
Mentuhotep
its
was probably already viewed
golden age.
it
its
nection between Hatshepsut and the Eleventh Dynasty king
of her home city, Thebes.
the rituals and processions enacted in
the
it,
to serve as the
Egyptian population and use
different constituencies within the
took place in and around
location and
agenda. These address
political
activities that
most conspicuous aspects of the Deir el-Bahri temple were
plans." Called
therefore not surprising that the temple contains carefully calculated expressions
aligned with the front of Hatshepsut's
Karnak, which was probably the point of depar-
at
Apart from the
western Thebes. This beauti-
temple erected at the base of sheer limestone
own monument,
historical
is
her principal architectural achievement was her
Djeser-djeseru, or "holy of holies,"

site

Eighth Pylon
mortuary temple
her
Hatshepsut built and restored temples through-
out Egypt in the course of her two-decade reign,
This message would
Theban populace.
ordinary Thebans, however, would ever have entered the
temple to admire the relief decoration of the colonnades and the

shrines of the upper terrace.
bers of the court and
Only
officials
the elite of Thebes joined
from the
capital city
mem-
of Memphis in
147
Fig. 63.
early
Map of Thebes, showing the principal
8th
temples of the
Dynasty and the routes of festival processions
the north to participate in rituals for Hatshepsut and her father
decoration on
and the annual Beautiful Festival of the
crown of Upper Egypt and smiting Nubians, while on
Valley.
to the glory of
lay at
at Heliopolis,
who
A particular focus
its
in general
roughly correlated with
cipal axis
was
148
its
Decoration on the exterior and near the
including scenes of foreign wars or of hunting and fishing in the

far deserts
in itself,
whose center
decoration was arranged cos-
its
inside.
stressed their ties to the
mographically.* Both replicating and rationalizing the geography
of the larger world, the temple had
its
entrance showed places that were farthest from the temple,
B.C.)
north of Memphis.
innermost shrine, and
of a temple to
of the Fifth
Egyptian temple was seen as a world

its
the north
Asia or the Aegean. There was also a progression from the outside
Dynasty, a period of strong kings
of Re
south side depicted the king wearing the white
Egypt during the Old Kingdom, when powerful
was placed on the early years (24652389
An
its
he wore the red crown of Lower Egypt and defeated enemies from
kings built impressive pyramids near Memphis.
cult
For these viewers,
was invoked, alluding
a very different set of historical precedents
own
cardinal points,
which
and Delta marshes. Such images represented the king's
mastery over chaos. Inside the temple one encountered more

ordered scenes of festivals and the king receiving
ers,
and
finally, in
gifts
and prison-
the innermost rooms, intimate scenes of the
king offering to the gods.
acmal orientation. The prin-
Hatshepsut 's temple consisted of an entry-level courtyard and
The
two higher platforms, each reached by a central ramp. Colonnades
identified as the east-west path of the sun.
flanked the ramps
on each
and a third pair of colonnades
level,
obelisk on the colonnade below are boats bringing incense trees
flanked the entrance to the highest platform. Behind these colon-
and the other treasures back
nades Hatshepsut placed the
temple's central ramp.
reliefs that
most
explicitly bolstered
The iconography of the lower colonnades
(fig. 57:3) is
geo-
to Thebes, again depicted nearest the
On the walls of the northern colonnade at this level are the most
her right to the throne and the equation of Thebes with Heliopolis.'
explicitly political scenes, presenting
Hatshepsut 's divine birth
On the lowest level, reliefs on the end wall
and election to the throne of Egypt, events that would have taken
of the southern colonnade depict Dedwen, the Lord of Nubia,
place in northern Egypt, in the palace at Memphis. In the center
graphically arranged.
holding a rope attached to a
of southern towns, each repre-
list
sented as a crenellated oval with a Nubian head protruding from

the top.
at the
The colonnade's back wall shows
events that took place
southern border of Egypt proper, the quarrying and load-
ing onto boats of two monolithic obelisks for the temple of
Karnak
(see cat. no. 78).
The
where Hatshepsut
the ramp,
boats proceed northward toward
is
shown
obelisks and the temple itself to
the temple, she
is
in
Thebes, presenting the
Amun-Re. (Here,
Thus
represented as a man.)
throughout
as
the colonnade
encapsulates the geographic expanse from Nubia in the far south

to the border
ried, to
town of Elephantine, where
the granite
Thebes itself, which appears next to the
North of the ramp Hatshepsut
is
central ramp.
is
shown
fishing
and fowling
ter
in the Delta
marshes and offering statues and calves to the gods, perhaps
in
and Hatshepsut
is
is
visited
by Amun-Re
in the guise
conceived during their meeting.
Hatshepsut
identifies herself as the
daugh-
of her royal father's body (and thus the legitimate heir to the
throne) and simultaneously as the daughter of Amun-Re, impor-
had been
tant because Egypt's kings
called
Son of Re
since the
Fourth Dynasty. Directly above the scene of Hatshepsut 's conception.
Queen Ahmose
is
shown giving birth, and on
scenes in which Hatshepsut
is
either side are
presented to various gods and pro-
claimed king of Egypt.
The themes of this

Fifth
depicted as a sphinx, smiting
I,
By this historical myth,
was quar-
and trampling on western Asians. In the central scenes of the

northern colonnade she
Hathsepsut's mother, Ahmose,
of Thutmose
level's decoration, like those
below, have
Dynasty antecedents. Scenes of a king's expedition
have recently been found
Sahure 's temple
at
at
Abu
Punt
to
and a
Sir,"
narrative of divine conception and birth survives in a literary text,
papyrus Westcar, which recounts the divine births of the

kings of the Fifth Dynasty.'' Part of the story
is lost,
first
but
it
three
seems
Memphis. The scenes of stereotyped violence on the lower, outer-
clear that
most
claim descent from Re. While the papyrus dates to the Seventeenth
level
of the temple are ones that would normally appear on
The more narrative
scenes showing the transport of the obelisks

in the
marshes represent the king's order-
its
antecedents in royal temples of the
Fishing and fowling are
first
the Fifth
Dynasty mortuary temple of Sahure
Abu
While the scene of transporting
at
Sir.
has no exact parallel in the Old

last
Old Kingdom.
attested in a fragmentary scene
king of the Fifth Dynasty
Kingdom,
(r.
(r.
2458-2446
obelisks
from
B.C.)
from Aswan
the causeway of Unis,
23532323
B.C.),
has scenes
The colonnades on
(fig. 57:5).
for Hatshepsut 's reliefs.'"
the middle level again reflect geography
Depicted on the south side
is
the trading mission that
Hatshepsut sent to Punt, a land far to the south of Egypt whose

exact location
undertaken
To
the south of these colonnades

(fig. 57:7),
honored from the
was a chapel dedicated
earliest
mother of the divine kings. Hathor was
to
period as the wife and
also an important
mortu-
ary goddess in the Theban area, where she personified the western
hills
the area of Deir el-Bahri. She
is
frequendy identified as the
Mistress of Punt, so her shrine's proximity to the Punt colotmade
was appropriate.
To the north was a smaller shrine dedicated to Anubis (fig.

the jackal-headed
nected with the use of his

prince
who was
57:6),
god of mummification. Like Hathor, Anubis was
a mortuary god. His occurrence here, however,
is
name (Egyptian jnpw)
probably conto refer to the
the designated heir to the throne, a role that
Hatshepsut claims in the adjacent Birth colonnade.'** Both Hathor
height of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, to
and Anubis were particularly important in the period before the
to
obtain exotic goods used in temple contexts, particularly incense.
rise
earlier times.
On
the southern end wall are images of
of Osiris in the
Thus the middle
Hatshepsut 's expedition would have recalled the glorious achieve-
ments of
who
story, since
Punt were
is still
at the
unknown." Previous voyages
must transmit an older
propagandistic motive only makes sense in the context of the
Hathor
depicting the transport of granite columns for his mortuary temple
and may have been the inspiration
B.C.), it
Fifth Dynasty.
ing of the natural environment for the satisfaction of the gods.
They also have
point was to glorify and legitimize these kings,
Dynasty (1635-1550
the entrance pylons of temples.
and fishing and fowling
its
late Fifth
Dynasty.
terrace as a
whole emphasizes divinity and the
divinity of Hatshepsut's kingship. It expresses Hatshepsut 's claim
combine within herself the roles of Hathor (who was both the
Puntite villages and the exotic goods the Puntites oflFered the
to
Egyptians; like the scenes in the lower terrace, these are set in a
daughter of Re and the queen of the kingly god Horus) and
foreign land, but here a peaceful trading partner rather than
Anubis (the legitimate heir
a chaotic enemy. Echoing the scene of boats transporting the
on the two colonnades
to the throne).
are unified
by
The
narrative cycles
the divine scent of incense
ARCHITECTURE AS POLITICAL STATEMENT
I49
which means "to make divine")
(s-ntr,
that pervades both.
Punt
is
"god's land," source of incense trees; and prior to Hatshepsut 's

conception
in
Ahmose is awakened by the
divine smell of Amun-Re
her husband's body, the same scent that, after he "does what he
likes
with her,"
fills
her
The uppermost
the priesthood,
is
which was
members of
carried a long inscription recount-
ing Hatshepsut's coronation, while the southern colonnade con-
(now mostly
tained offering scenes
of
obliterated
of the colonnades'
later kings). In front
by
the inscriptions
pillars are colossal
mummiform statues of Hatshepsut in the guise of Osiris (fig.

Three
on
open
groups of shrines
the upper terrace.
The
Theban
scenes of the
of Opet on the
east.
off the central
court itself (fig. 57:9)
Cut
on
59).
colonnaded court
is
also
III.
Thutmose
and
his
with the
the north wall and the festival
into the west wall of the courtyard
were
is
on family
is
The
gods.
colossal Osiride statues along the colonnade identify
all
reliefs
57:12), to
with Hatshepsut's Eighth Pylon, which
Amun, was aligned
in this period
may have
To
the north
served as the principal entrance to Karnak temple.
an open-air altar served the cult of the sun god Re,
whose main
Egypt.
cult place
was
in the city of Heliopolis in northern
To the south was the double chapel dedicated

Thutmose
Hatshepsut
to
corresponding to
Tomb 20
and her father
(fig. 57:11),
in the Valley
of the Kings, southwest of Deir el-Bahri, which
I,
Hatshepsut intended for herself and her father.
of the Old Kingdom
glyphic writing includes
east- west offering chapels.

at their
western ends (see
Large
cat. no.
false
contained
doors of red granite stood
87 for Thutmose
I's),
and on the
eastern walls facing them, scenes of cattle being butchered were
surmounted by scenes of piled
offerings.
side walls present mirror images.
owner of the
an offering
a mortuary
To
The reliefs on the longer
the west they depict the
chapel, seated before a table of
list,
and
ritual.
priests
tall
loaves of bread,
performing the sequential actions of
Farther east are three registers of offering
in proportions
and
style.
many Old Kingdom spellings,
The
Some of the
programs
architecture and decorative
captions also
locate Hatshepsut's
temple cosmologically and geographically within the Egyptian

universe. Allusions to the Eleventh
and Fifth Dynasty (inside
ple)
Dynasty (outside the tem-
appealed, respectively, to the
it)
Theban populace and Memphite
officials,
period of glory familiar to each. With
its
by
where she
reflecting a past
references to Thebes,
where Hatshepsut's family originated, and
also to
Memphis,
two great periods of Egyptian
ruled, the temple ties
history and the two most important cities of the Eighteenth
Dynasty
into a
harmonious whole. This tying together
reflected
very old theme indeed, the unification of Upper and Lower
Egypt
a cyclical refoundation of the Egyptian state symboli-
renewed by each new king.
cally
The
allusions to the early Fifth
have been meant to emphasize an
Dynasty
in the decoration
earlier juxtaposition. It
ing the Fifth Dynasty that the city of Heliopolis, with

the sun
state,
god Re, became the
forming
identical to the layout of east-west offering chapels in
that probably
was bor-
Memphis. In Hatshepsut's
reign,
Thebes began to be
While the decoration of the northern court dedicated to the sun

cult is
150
mosdy
lost,
depictions in
called
"Southern Heliopolis," marking it as the same kind of religious cenJust as the early Fifth
Dynasty kings had legitimized
Re, Hatshepsut
by
their rule
father,
communicated
invoking their monuments
to her court the parallel status that her construction projects
earlier prototypes."*
its
entrance vestibule include
of
religious center of the Egyptian
by claiming divine birth and glorifying the city of their divine
is
cult
a counterpart to the nearby administrative capital at
of scenes
Dynasty nonroyal chapels, a layout
may
was dur-
its
ter.''
rowed from
hiero-
often indi-
bringers and registers of piled offerings above. This arrangement
Sixth
is
raised relief resembles
cating a plural with the tripled determinative rather than the three
The double chapel of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
who
royal ancestors.
Throughout the temple, the elegant
Its
The central shrine (fig.
Amun-Re
not only between
Hatshepsut with the ancestral king Osiris, the dead god

equated with
(cat. no. 83; fig. 61).
The cult places surrounding the courtyard were also geographi-
ties
Hatshepsut's earthly relatives but between her family and the
strokes that later replaced such tripling.
queen herself
members of her
complete. Hatshepsut, her father, and other
family are the recipients of offerings, as are the gods
and Re. Thus the emphasis
have Old Kingdom antecedents.'*
as well as to the
offer to
On the upper terrace, the process of making Hatshepsut divine
niches decorated with offering scenes, which were dedicated to
(fig. 57:10),
members of
mother, Seniseneb, are shown offering to
members of Hatshepsut's family
cally arranged.
Smaller chapels around
contained reliefs of
Amun-Re."
decorated with
festivals, located geographically,
Beautiful Festival of the Valley
and Thutmose
II
Hatshepsut's family, including one chapel to the north where
the govern-
not as well preserved as the lower
The northern coloimade
areas.
Thutmose
open sun court
the
Anubis while Hatshepsut and her mother, Ahmose,
own body."'
terrace of Hatshepsut's temple,
accessible only to the highest-ranking
ment and
those of
and
program of ritual processions conferred upon both herself and the

city
of her divine
father,
Amun-Re.
1.
The fact that Hatshepsut's father, Thutmose I, is honored in the temple
8.
might suggest that building was begun by him, particularly to those who
accept John Romer's arguments that
Valley of the Kings (see
Romer
the foundation deposits
discovered in the middle colonnade bear Hatshepsut's

1908, pt. 6, p. 9, pi. CLXViii), so previous
early stages.
Zygmunt Wysocki
where Thutmose
terrace,
Thutmose II, point to Thutmose
Thutmose
depicting
to
2.
honor
Barry
11
(Naville 1894-
work could only have been
name with
as the initial builder.
by
structed
3.
Seti
(1294-1279
B.C.)
names, for
later
by Hatshepsut
and Harnesses
II (r.
1279-1213
B.C.).
were
Hatshepsut.
temple,
its
inscriptions
court of Ramesses
later
For a recent publication, see Blackman 1988.
What links the tide to the name of the god is unknown. For a summary of
Medinet Habu every ten days
is
The
itself,
however, hints
These two newer
may themselves have
since the temples that served as their end points
Theban
festivals
had perhaps
it
may
fallen into
provincial affairs during the Twelfth
already
4.
Although
it
is
These
Dynasty,
when
Lxxiii, as discussed in
often said that the main axis of Hatshepsut's temple aligns
19.
Stadelmann (1979,
identifies
Weeks
about 550 feet (170
1978, pp. 3435).
The
Luxor temple,
is
facade of
it
(see the plan in
Hyksos from
the Egyptian Delta and,
and translation of the inscription making
more plausibly,
6. In the depiction
of the
Ramesseum, Ahmose
festival
I,
of Min
in the
this claim, see J. P.
for
Allen 2002.
Nineteenth Dynasty
Hatshepsut's grandfather and the
first
p. 321)
in
a reference
3, pis.
lx,
A reference to the Old
A. M. Roth 1991,
lxxiii).
p. 27.
has suêsted the importance of Heltopolis as a
at
Deir el-Bahri as the
sm'w (Upper Egyptian HeliopoHs)
Dynasty and the
rise
first
to refer to the
use of
Theban
of HeliopoHs as the religious center of the Old
reliefs also allude in their subject
Re and Heliopolitan themes:
the rebuilding of Egypt after the depredations of their rule. For a recent edition
Eighteenth
is
New Kingdom temples at Thebes. Kees (1949, p. 434)
Kingdom, Hatshepsut's
p. 202, pi. i).
Hatshepsut claimed a similar feat by taking credit for her grandfather's expulsion of the Levantine
A. M. Roth 1991, pp. 19495.
an inscription of Hatshepsut
the term Jwnw
Fifth
of Karnak's main axis and runs
Golvin 1987,
in the later
was given great prominence
area {Urhunden 4, p. 361). In addition to the historical allusions to the
to emphasize the processional route to
also about 550 feet south
roughly parallel to
of a royal fam-
HeliopoHs, in the Fourth
Kingdom nautical term t3-wr is made in the same volume (pi.
protot}ê for the
Karnak temple
in
of Re increased in importance
Amarna period
the family of Akhenaten
Deir el-Bahri axis runs
at
cult
For example, those quoting the shouts of the boatmen. There
widi that of Kamak temple, surveys have shown that an extension of the
transverse axis of
as seen in the first depiction
to a phyle oiânization in the palace in Naville 1894-1908, pt.
her Eighth Pylon, the earliest of the monumental gateways built along the
king of the
where the incense

Punt
rises
in the east, land
all rituals,
on an open
altar to
but particularly in solar religion,

cense the god himself) from
of the rising sun; and particularly the transportation
of obelisks, symbols of the Heliopolitan
cult.
This evocation of the Memphite gods in Thebes was
Thutmose
III in his
matter to the god
the divine birth of the children of Re; the col-
lection of incense (important in
later
continued by
complex of smaller temples around the temple of Amun-
New Kingdom's Eighteenth Dynasty, is shown as a statue together with
Re at Karnak. He built
Menes, the First Dynasty unifier of Egypt, and Mentuhotep, suêsting that
temple dedicated to the Memphite god Ptah, and another, farther east, to the
all
7.
be a correlation throughout Egyptian history between sun
Third Dynasty shrine of Djoser
Old Kingdom parallels are given
Karnak's axis
invariable in the early Sixth Dynasty.
(Dorodiea Arnold 1996).

18.
and extending it toward Luxor, was presumably con-
meters) to the south (see the plan in
5.
to
and an emphasis on family,
(A. M. Roth 1993), and during the
abeyance or degenerated into small
Dynasty (19811802 b.c). Hatshepsut
festival.
parallel to
is
have been used in the royal mortuary
to
and early Fifth Dynasties, when the
Her construction of the Eighth Pylon, beginning the transverse
nected to the Opet
There seems
cults
numerous way stations where the barques could rest on their processional
axis of Kamak temple
seems
probably occurred there as well.
ily in the small
emphasized them on her Theban monuments and seems to have built
journeys.
list
(Altenmiiller 1967, pp. 17-18), and other elements of the standard scenes
17.
(col. 1256).
in place.
cemetery, cited in Porter and Moss 1978, pp. 522-37. This pat-
type offering
temples of the early Fifth Dynasty kings Sahure and Neferirkare
revived older traditions,
were already
example, the chapels of Merenika and Kagemni in the
see, for
Ted pyramid
The A/B
The plan of the tem-
Eleventh Dynasty forebear
at a possible
festivals
that
see Feucht
For parallels,
tern of offering-chamber decoration
procession of Amun of Opet to
col. 1258).
some interesting suêsdons,
The references to incense on both colonnades were pointed out in Harvey

2003.
16.
attested only in later periods, but the orienta-
of Hatshepsut's small Medinet Habu temple suggests
have taken place in her reign (Stadelmann 1980,

ple
although Luxor
incorporated into the colonnaded
shrine's original builder (Habachi 1965).
tion
recent discussions of the term and
15.
Luxor temple, suggesting that Hatshepsut was the
II at
was
Kingdom Art and
2004.
13.
Some kingly titles with feminine endings occur in hidden
on the barque shrine
and
1995, PP- 503-12-
perhaps initiated by
col. 574),
trees in pots, Puntites,
14.
end point, probably already existed in the Middle Kingdom
(Borchardt 1896).
in
location.
May 31,
Archaeology, Prague,
The Opet feast is first at^sted in repi%sentations on Hatshepsut's
barque shrine and at Deir el-Bahri (Murnane 1982,
its
These scenes from Sahure's temple include myrrh
presented by Tarek el-Awady at the Conference on Old
the festival of Opet and the decade festival in
which Amun of Opet visited Medmet Habu
sym-
from the species offish depicted
boats bringing exotic animals back to Egypt. Itiformation about them
festivals
Theban temples con-
the Beautiful Festival of the Valley,
to judge
these scenes. Both East Africa and the west coast of the Arabian Penninsida
12.
appears to go back to the Eleventh Dynasty (2124-1981 B.c.) (Graefe 1986,
two
capital with the solar
its
the /fnim stone so important in the earlier part of the
Punt clearly lay on the Red Sea,
have been suggested as
While the oldest of these three festivals,
col. 187), the other
Fifth Dynasty.
11.
Stadelmann (1978) demonstrates similar orientations

in their
Hatshepsut's scenes would thus have combined Unis's narrative of trans-
bol of the obelisk
program but does not
emphasize the connection of these four buildings and their attendant
and connections, particularly
by die Eighteenth Dynasty.
The descriptions of scenes that follow draw on Naville 1894 1908.

porting materials from the borders of Egypt to
of
the temple.
(1989, pp. 2015) discusses this ritual
to Hatshepsut. Rainer
lished
10.
in the
that
Some wall decoration
area could have been inserted
II in this
work on
his early
Kemp
name
9.
(1992) suggests that changes in the upper
replaced Hatshepsut's
III
surest that the patterns evident in later temples were already well estab-
"The Two Tombs of Hatshepsut"
by Catharine H. Roehrig in diis volume). However,
Although there are comparatively few Egyptian temples with well-preserved

in situ decoration dating before the reign of Hatshepsut, extant fragments
Thutmose I began Tomb 20 in the
1974 and
three
were regarded
as fotmders
of golden ages. Wildung 1969, pp. 11 12.
a temple to the north (significantly) of the principal
The high priests of both bore the same tides as

much larger temples in the nordi: hp hmwt and wr
Heliopolitan form of Re.
The texts diat labeled diese colossal stames often contained feminine references,
their counterparts at the
but these inscripti< would not have been visible to viewers outside the temple.
m$3w, respectively (Kees 1949,
p. 430).
I5I
symbol of the union of Upper and Lower
Fragment of an Obelisk
78.
The names and images of Hatshepsut
Egypt.
Thutmose
III,
remain intact on both obelisks,
year i6 (1463 B.C.)
Granite
H. 106
cm (4i'/4 in.), W. 42 cm
D. 46
(16/1 in.),
cm
1975
her jubilee, or Sed

in year 16,
festival,
tall
(29.5 m),*
were carved with
scenes depicting Hatshepsut and her co-regent,
Thutmose
III,
III
Bibliography: W.
S.
Joyce L. Haynes in N.
Thomas
Thus when he
later
began
up
in the
images on these two obelisks were preserved.'

Relief decoration in the southern portico
of the lower terrace of Hatshepsut's temple
at
79.
the
Ostracon with Drawing of

Queen of Punt
Deir el-Bahri depicts the transport of two other

obelisks that
were quarried
earlier in Hatshepsut's
20th Dynasty, ca.
CHR
H.
14
cm
(5>i in.),
Staatliche
1.
Fourth and Fifth Pylons. The northern obelisk

still
stands, but at
some time
upper part of the southern obelisk
fell
Thutmose
seems
fragment from the southern obelisk,

is
depicted wearing male
attire,
the
beard of a king, and the double crown, a
78
152
to
cm
(3/8 in.)
Museen zu
Berlin 21442
was
I.
Before commissioning her
own
she
have erected a pair commissioned by her
husband, Thutmose
2.
Hatshepsut
false
In setting up obelisks at Karnak, Hatshepsut
II
(Gabolde 1987a; Gabolde
2003, pp. 417-22, 430-35).

this
50 B.C.
W.
following a tradition begun by her father,
the
and
broke into many pieces.
On
11
Limestone
reign and were also set up at Karnak.
temple of
Amun at Karnak, between what we now call the

of the pair
1995, p. 175, no. 77
on her monuments, her names and
Agyptisches
set
Smith 1942; Habachi 1977;
his systematic
appearing before or offering to
Amun-Re. They were
Thebes, Karnak temple; acquired in
encased the bases of
renovation of the area, some time after her
Hatshepsut
Aswan." The two great monoliths, each
nearly 100 feet
next to the sacred lake at
Hatshepsut's two obelisks in stone during his
attack
at
lies
Boston, Gift of the Heirs of
ordered two obelisks from the granite quarries
distance.
which now
death.
To commemorate
from a
Provenance:
Francis Cabot Lowell, 1975 75.12
which she celebrated
temple, their inscriptions were probably not legible
on
the pyramidal top of the southern obelisk,
Karnak. Thutmose
(18/. in.)
as seen also
Habachi 1977,
ern obeHsk
3.
is
p. 60,
where the weight of the north-
visible
dition to the land of Punt, the first such expedition recorded in the
commemorated
New Kingdom.
Hatshepsut
the expedition in reliefs deco-
rating the southern portico of the middle terrace
given as 323 tons.
Although the obeHsks were
In year 9 of her reign, Hatshepsut sent an expe-
from outside the
of her temple
at
Deir el-Bahri (see
Ann Macy
Roth's essay, above). Particular attention was

taken to represent the local houses, unlike anything seen in Egypt, as well as animals, plants,
and trade goods

to Egypt.
that
would be transported back
The Egyptians
also carefully depicted
the people of Punt, with their distinctive clothing, jewelry, facial features, hairstyles,
ral
beards
worn by
section of the
Punt
the
men. The most famous
reliefs is a
block showing the
king, Parehu, and his wife, Ati.

especially interested in the
The
body of
with her curved spine and heavy
This
may
is
artist
was
the queen,
rolls
now termed
pad by an
Thutmose
(1479- 1458
III
B.C.)
Limestone
H. 10
cm
13.2
cm
H. 41 cm
(5/8 in.)
Fitzwilliam
Museum, Cambridge
who was particularly

Queen
was painted some three hundred years
Ati.
after
the time of Hatshepsut and indicates that the
showing the Punt expedition were
interest to those
who
(1479 1458
(16/8 in.),
W.
29
b.c.)
cm
(11 /s in.),
cm
D. 7.8
C3/8 in.)
The
The woman
Ahmose,
represented on this fragment
the principal
queen of Thutmose
Metropolitan
Museum
of Art,
New York,
visited the temple
still
of
many
CHR
later.
intact,
some
times, for
details
unknown
were altered
reasons.
wig of short, curled locks

was changed
to a lappet
is
and
mother of Hatshesput. Although the face
artist
III
Painted limestone
W.
(4 in.),
it
cultures as con-
taken with the distinctive image of
generations
Thutmose
Hatshepsut
Rogers Fund, 1936 36.3.271

steatopygia; or
some
This limestone chip, or ostracon, was used
reliefs
Early i8lh Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
flesh.
noting prosperity.'
It
The Syndics of the
of
simply show that the queen was obese, a
as a sketch
Atum and
attempt to depict an extreme
condition understood in
Relief Fragment Depicting
81.
Queen Ahmose
E.G.A.3100.1943
may be an
form of what
Relief Fragment with
80.
and natu-
is
in ancient
Ahmose 's
original
that covered her ears
wig with
a vulture
This
relief
Asasif,
in
Temple.
It
fragment was uncovered

the
creator gods, at the
left,
investing Hatshepsut
with royal regalia. Both the god and Hatshepsut
wear the double crown
that symbolizes the
union
been similar
Hatshepsut's crown also has a uraeus
ter
Neferure
formed
one held by her granddaugh-
in catalogue no. 61,
was
trans-
chr
into a lily scepter.
Valley
god Atum, one of Egypt's
headdress, and her baton, which would have

to the
Lower
in
area of Hatshepsut's
depicts the
between
at the
brow. Her face was probably hacked off during

the later reign of her
nephew Thutmose
III.
CHR
I
The queen's body may
also have represented a
combination of the two. For
a discussion
of these
conditions and other possible artistic representations
Provenance: Western
Thebes, south wall of the
upper court of Hatshepsut's temple
at
Deir el-Bahri;
given by R. G. Gayer- Anderson in 1943
of them, see Ghalioungui 1949.
of Art excavations, 193536, acquired in the division
Bibliography: Mysliwiec
pi.
Provenance: Western
Provenance: Western Thebes, Lower Asasif, site of

Hatshepsut's Valley Temple; Metropolitan Museum
xxxvn,
fig.
1976, pp.
87; Vassilika 1995, pp.
of finds
51, 54,
46-47, no. 19
Thebes, Deir el-Medina;
Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft excavations, 1913

fig. 4;
Bibliography:
Dietrich
Wildung
in
Hayes
1937, p. 4,
1959, p. 89
Wildung
1997b, pp. 144-45, no. 145 (with bibliography)
CoiWfjghioOmaurjl
Three Reliefs Depicting
82.
Running
Soldiers
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 B.C.)
Painted limestone
b.
H.
32.5
cm (12% in.)j W.
39
cm (16K in.)
cm (ij/s in.)
c.
H.
33.5
cm {lyA in.), W.
59
cm
a.
H.
31
cm
(12/4 in.),
Agyptisches
Staatliche
W.
41.5
(23/4 in.)
Museen zu
Berlin (a) 18542, (b) 14141,
(c) 14507
These
reliefs
come from
the east wall of the
upper terrace of Hatshepsut 's temple
Opet
the
at
Deir
el-
where they were part of a large scene of
Bahri,
festival,' in
Amun was
Karnak
which the image of the god
transported from his temple at
to the temple of Luxor, a
few miles
to
the south. In this earliest representation of the
groups of jubilant soldiers are depicted
festival,
running both north
(left)
and south
(right) in
celebration.
Relief (a) shows Egyptian soldiers, painted

red, the conventional color for
art,
and carrying
Two
are
throw
men
in
Egyptian
tree branches for the festival.
armed with batde-axes and one with
stick,^
and
a fourth carries a standard
The Nubian
depicting two horses.
soldiers rep-
resented on relief (b) are painted brown, their

facia! features differ slightly
from those of the
Egyptians, and each carries a
bow and arrows as
well as a battle-axe. Relief
Egyptian soldiers armed with throw

axes.
One
at the front
depicts
(c), like (a),
sticks
The
holds a fan.
and
rectan-
gular patches on the back of the soldiers'
kilts
suggest that they wear a protective leather gar-
ment
two found
similar to
Kings (see
in the Valley
of the
CHR
cat. no. 36; fig. 27).
1.
Lipinska 1974, pp. 16367.
2.
These are often
called
boomerangs, but unlike true
boomerangs, Egyptian throw

designed to return
Provenance: Western
at
not
sticks are
when they miss
their
mark.
Thebes, upper terrace of
Deir el-Bahri;
(a)
acquired in
1907, (b) acquired in 1898, (c) acquired in 1900
Bibliography:
S2a,
b.
Porter and Moss 1972,
pp. 37576; Lipifiska 1974, pp.
166-67 (with bibliog-
raphy); Karl-Heinz Priese in Agyptens Aufstieg 1987,

pp. 116 17, nos. 16, 17; Laura Donatelli \nArte
neWantico Egitto 1990, pp. 8486, no.
Wildung
Grimm
in
Wildung 1997b,
and Schoske 1999a,
82c. Porter
and Moss 1972,
3;
Dietrich
pp. 14647, nos. 146, 147;

p. 58, no. 14
p. 375;
Lipinska 1974,
pp. 164-65 (with bibliography); Karl-Heinz Priese

in Priese 1991, pp.
76-77; janusz Karkowski
in
Geheimnisvolle Konigin Hatschepsut 1997, p. 113,

no. 13;
154
Grimm and Schoske
1999a, p. 58, no. 14
CoiWfjghioOmaurjl
83-
Relief Fragment Depicting
the Deified King
Thutmose
Thutmose
(1479 1458
III
B.C.)
Painted limestone
H.
41
cm
W. 46 cm
(16/8 in.),
(iS/s in.)
Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildesheim 4538
Thutmose
Hatshepsut's father,
I,
is
depicted
wearing an elaborate crown made up of two

horns with a sun disk, and cobras.
feathers, ram's
The curved beard of a god

that this
relief
is
is
at his
chin indicates
an image of the deified king.
The
from Hatshepsut's Deir el-Bahri temple,
probably from one of the small niches along the

west wall of the upper terrace (see
fig. 61).'
CHR
I.
N. Strudwtck 1985,
p. 15, citing
Provenance: Western
temple
at
1981.
Deir el-Bahri
Bibliography:
Moss
Wiebach
1972, p. 355,
Steindorff 1900,
where
from the Anubis shrine

1997, p. 55, and cover
fig. 17;
Porter and
the relief is thought to be
in Hatshepsut's temple;
ill.;
Peck
Schulz and Seidel 1998,
p. 185, no. 71
Fragment Depicting
Hatshepsut, Recarved as
84. Relief
Thutmose
II
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 b.c), later reworked
Limestone
H. 44 cm (17H
in.),
W.
Musees Royaux d'Art
33
cm
(13 in.)
et d'Histoire, Brussels
3044
The king is shown wearing the squared-off false

beard of a living pharaoh and the atef crown
the white
crown of Upper Egypt flanked by two
ostrich feathers and
combined with
a pair
ram's horns, a sun disk, and a uraeus
brow. At the back of the crown

sentation of the
god Horus
Although the cartouche
is
of
the
at
a small repre-
in falcon form.
that
is
partially pre-
served in the upper right corner of this relief
was recarved
of Thutmose
in antiquity
with the throne name
II,
the hieroglyphs to the left of
the cartouche, an
ankh followed by the feminine
ending
ti
(may she
live), indicate that the
depicted was originally Hatshepsut.
The
king
profile
of the face has also been altered. The recarving
was presumably done by order of Thutmose

after Hatshepsut's death.
III
chr
I55
CoiWfjghioO moBrjl
Provenance:
temple
at
Perhaps western Thebes, Hatshepsut's
Deir el-Bahri; purchased
Capart for the Musees Royaux
in
in
Egypt by Jean
Provenance: Western
Thebes, upper terrace of
Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri; formerly Baron
von Bissing
February 1907,
through the generosity of Baron Edouard Empain
collection; acquired for the
museum
Ramesside temple
area.
The king
later constructed in the
same
shown leaning forward, prob-
is
ably in a kneeling position.
He wears
the beard
in 1935
of a living pharaoh and a khat headdress with a
Bibliography: Capart
fig. 6;
Capart 1931,
p. 127, pi. XLVi;
1911, pp. 9, no. 26,
p. 57, pi. 60;
Werbrouck
Porter and Moss 1972,
bibliography); Mysliwiec 1976, p. 44,
p.
Bibliography: Hans D.
22-24,
376 (with
pL xx,
fig.
81, no. 24;
in
85. Relief
Drenkhahn
Janusz Karkowski
Hatschepsut 1997, p. in, no.
41
uraeus at his
Schneider mAgyptens
Aufstieg 1987, p. 191, no. 107;
1949,
1989, pp.
in Geheimnisvolle
11;
Busch 2002, pp. 15859, no. 24
Fragment Depicting
Thutmose
cm (15)^ in.), W.
cm
40.6
(16 in.), D. 6.7
III(?)
Bibliography: Hayes
cm
H. 32
cm
(12/8 in.),
Metropolitan
Purchase, Edward
figure in the center of this fragment
of Thutmose
III,
identified
W.
32
cm (12/3 in.)
Museum of Art, New

S.
Harkness
Menkheperre, and depicted wearing the khepcrown, often called the blue crown. The
60
Thutmose
Carved
in exquisite
low
relief, this
portrayal of
the king exhibits the slighdy aquiline nose,
almond-shaped eyes with curving brow, and
wedge-shaped mouth
terrace of Hatshepsut's temple carved with
scenes of the Opet festival, during which the
Amun-Re was
carried from
Karnak
reliefs
that are seen in
many

III,
C1479-1473 B.C.)
Red
granite
H. 2.69
m (8
D.
cm
19.5
ft.
ID
in.),
W.
151
cm (59K
in.),
(7^4 in.)
Musee du Louvre,
block comes from a series of reliefs on the upper
image of
fig.
Door of Thutmose
False
87.
York,
Gift, 1926 26.7.1399
is
by
the cartouche containing his throne name,
resh
1959, p. 118,
III
Painted Hmestone
The
statue
Thebes, Birabi; excavated
(1458- 1425 B.C.)
(2 Kb in.)
rt.
acquired by Carnarvon in the division of finds
Early i8th Dynasty, sole reign of Thutmose
(1479-1458 e.g.)
Kestner-Museum, Hannover 1935.200.200
The
See "The Temple of Thutmose III" by Jadwiga
by Howard Carter and Lord Carnarvon, 1906,
Relief Depicting
86.
Limestone
H. 38.6
CHR
I.
Lipinska in chapter
Early iSth Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and

III
(see cat. no. 91).
Konigin
Rosemarie Drenkhahn
Provenance: Western
a Statue of Thutmose III
Thutmose
brow
80-
Paris
C48
of Hatshepsut and that continue to char-
acterize royal portraits during the sole reign of
Thutmose
III,
making
between the two
difficult to distinguish
it
rulers.
This
relief
probably
The
false
door of Thutmose
ual for his funerary cuh,
I,
was
the focus of
rit-
by
his
installed
temple to Luxor temple and back in a proces-
once decorated the Valley Temple built by
daughter Hatshepsut in his chapel on the south-
sion that also included royal statues like this one
Thutmose
end of the causeway
ern side of the upper terrace of her temple at
was
Deir el-Bahri. The form of the door, with a
discovered in the foundations of the unfinished
torus molding framing a door with six jambs
of Thutmose
III.
ment mentions
156
The
inscription
the statues.
on
this frag-
chr
III at the east
that leads to his temple at
Deir
el-Bahri.' It
CoiWfjghioOniflBrjl
and topped by
in
a cavetto cornice, first appeared
both royal and private contexts
in the early
and middle Fifth Dynasty.' However, several
Old
features of the door are later than the
Kingdom
its
lower
upper
period, notably the wedjat eyes on

lintel
While the
lintel.
Thutmose
and the winged sun disk on
its
showing
central tablet,
wearing the white crown and
seated before an offering table, follows the gen-
of Old Kingdom
eral pattern
figure of Hatshepsut, her
tablets, its
erased
hand extended above
the offering table in the gesture associated
with the
formula,
ritual htp-dj-nswt
Dynasty
typical of Eighteenth
more
is
stelae.
In addition to the erasure of the figure of
Hatshepsut, the door shows several other alterations.
The lower
part of Hatshepsut's car-
touche, on the outer
left
jamb, has been erased,
though the Horus name above has been
Her Horus name on
intact.
Thutmose
left
jamb
the outer right
have been changed to that of
appears to
I,
most
of an
likely the correction
error in the original carving, since the
name of
Thutmose
be orig-
inal.
inscribed
below appears
to
Oddly, the names of the winged disk on
both ends of the upper
probably "The
lintel,
Behedite, the Great God," seem to have been

erased during the
On
the
Amarna period.
outer
left
jamb
of the
door,
Hatshepsut's names are followed by the dedica-
made
tory inscription: "She
ment
for her father."
have been
door
left intact.)
(it)
monu-
(The feminine pronouns
The
other
belong to Thutmose
all
as her
Beloved of Osiris, the Great
I.
names on the
He
God
is
called
(left
center
jamb). Beloved of the Souls of Pe (right cen-
and Beloved of Anubis
Who Is upon
His Mountain (right outer jamb).
The remain-
ter jamb),
ing
and epithets are unremarkable.
titles
AMR
I.
N. Strudwick 198^,
p. 15, citing
Provenance: Western
temple
at
in
Salt collection;
1826
BiBLtOGRAPHY:
1981.
Deir el-Bahri; formerly
purchased
Wiebach
Ratie 1979,
pi.
THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT

Cathleen A. Keller
Any
investigation of the statues of Hatshepsut
must begin
with the examples recovered from her temple at Deir
el-
Bahri, for, although in a ruined state, they constitute the

largest corpus of surviving
images known to date from her
Moreover, since they derive from a

tion
not an
is
common site,
a significant proportion
issue.' Finally, the fact that
of the Deir el-Bahri corpus
is
reign.'
regional varia-
made up of architectural
statuary
allows us to use the temple 's construction history to devise a sty-
framework
listic
for the freestanding statues. In 1979
Tefnin published a chronology of the
stylistic
development of Hatshepsut's statuary that
Roland
and iconographic
rests
upon the
stylistic
changes manifested by three series of engaged limestone statues
Deir el-Bahri.' These are
all
associate the king with Osiris

ruler.
The development
Osiride figures, that
is,
at
statues that
and thus present him as a deceased
Tefnin posits began with four statues in
the sanctuary and proceeded outward,
first
to the ten examples
enclosed within niches in the rear (west) wall of the upper terrace
(like cat. no. 74),
and then to the twenty-six
statues that fronted
the upper terrace portico."" This sequence reflects Tefnin's hypothesis that the
embellishment of the temple was
parts of the temple (on the west),
initiated in the inner
which were most important
in
terms of ritual, and culminated, with some exceptions, at the outer

(eastern) part of the temenos, or sacred enclosure.'
The
sanctuary Osirides possess close
sculptures of Thutmose
whose
with
II's reign:'
a round face and straight nose
vertical plays against the
emphatic horizontals of the
64) creates a relatively beiugn expression. Similar features
appear, for example, in a relief on a limestone block from

that
shows Hatshepsut
ally
is
Karnak
aspects
(fig. 38).'
As we
titles
while retaining female
will show, these feminine
both the Karnak and Gebel
158
other, stylistically related
mary
from female to
is
works from the same
epitomized in
96) and in
temple.'"
The
pri-
characteristics of this stylistic phase are the individuation
of
Hatshepsut's appearance (as distinct from earlier depictions of her

in the generalized style
of her immediate predecessors) and a
unique combination of feminine
The
of royal power.
this phase,
with masculine symbols
traits
face lengthened and, at the beginning of
sometimes took on a geometric appearance;
later a
broadening across the cheekbones, coupled with a narrow, sometimes pointed, chin, created a heart-shaped countenance.
brows
in the
works of this phase arch high above the
almond-shaped eyes; the nose begins

profile; the lips
more
serious.
figures
become
These
thinner;
to
The
slightly tilted
assume a distinctly curved
and the expression tends to be
characteristics are shared
by
from the west wall niches of the upper terrace
the Osiride
(cat. no.
74)
and the two limestone depictions of Hatshepsut as a maned sphinx

(cat. no. 89).
The
tion.
seated images of Hatshepsut are
They do not
among the most interest-
constitute a series, but rather are a
group of
iconographically and stylistically unique images united solely by

their seated pose.
their
The other statues in
meaning and
effect
depend
question are true series, and
at least partly
on
this fact.
Thus
each series expresses a different concern: the devotional pair represent the
permanence of adoration; the donor images stand for
multiplication of the offering ritual; the sphinxes suggest the
forms would
be replaced by increasingly masculinized representations, evident

in
figure
(cat. nos. 95,
maintenance of the temple's protection; and the Osirides offer
may
Hatshepsut's decision, for a brief time early in the co-
regency period, to adopt kingly
her seated statues from Deir el-Bahri
The
II.*
used for representations of females. This color choice
reflect
The final transformation of Hatshepsut's
male and the adoption of full kingly iconography
yellow, the color tradition-
queen of Thutmose
as chief
sanctuary Osirides have skin that
joint reign.
ing portrayals of her, for they exhibit the greatest individual varia-
stylistic affinities
widely spaced eyes and broad mouth.' In both, the distinct smile
(fig.
her temple at Deir el-Bahri, throughout the remainder of the
el-Silsila shrines as
well as in
proof of the repetition of the jubilee." The seated

ever, depict the single recipient
of a cult
ritual,
statues,
how-
and with their
nuanced variations, these images must represent the peak achieve-
ment of Hatshepsut's
stylistic, textual,
sculptors at the time they
were made. Their
and iconographic differences also account for the
position of primary importance they occupy for historians and art
on most statuary from Deir
profile seen
el-Bahri; these appear to
be associated with the male Hatshepsut.
The
three remaining seated statues probably are the earliest
surviving three-dimensional portrayals of Hatshepsut as a male

ruler.
that
The
is,
crystalline limestone statue
shows her
male, regalia but with a torso that
(cat. no. 96).
The
face
distinctly heart
is
is
in full kingly,
extremely feminine
shaped and displays the
remnants of a very prominent nose. These features and the change

in royal
statue.
iconography suggest a date
Again the
later
than that of the granite
texts retain referents that are chiefly feminine.
The next example, an over-lifesize granite image, preserves a much

enlarged, one might say flagrant, nemes headcloth and a defemi-
ninized torso
(fig.
66).
While some of the
inscription's epithets
exhibit feminine gender endings, the primary titles are rendered

in their traditional
masculine form.
The
headless torso and legs
of a small black porphyritic diorite portrayal of a male king completes the corpus of seated images
Although the work lacks
Fig. 64. Over-lifesize
of her temple
at
it
(fig.
67).
as a representation
head of an Osiride statue of Hatshepsut from the sanctuary
Deir el-Bahri, early i8th Dynasty. Limestone. The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund,
historians
from Deir el-Bahri
texts that identify
alike,
1931 (31.3.155)
both as exemplars of the development of
Hatshepsut 's kingly iconography and as indicators of the evolution of style in the joint reign, during
which Hatshepsut 's image
became increasingly masculine and was invested more and more

with male kingship symbolism." Recent studies of Hatshepsut 's
transition
from chief queen of Thutmose
regent of Thutmose
III
confirm the
II to
stylistic
regent and later co-
and iconographic evi-
dence provided by the seated images: Hatshepsut assumed male

guise only after she had already taken a
Two
earlier
that
is
kingly
titulary.''
The
thought to be the badly damaged diorite statue
shows Hatshepsut
cloth, sheath dress,

is
full
seated images portray Hatshepsut in female dress.
of the two
in fully
feminine guise, wearing a khat head-
amulet necklace, and other jewelry
(fig. 65). It
inscribed with her complete royal titulary and uses feminine
gender endings throughout. Hatshepsut 's kingly status

ever, indicated
shows her
headcloth
more emphatically
in female dress
(cat. no. 95).
are poorly preserved,
Although the
we
is,
how-
in the granite seated statue that
and jewelry but with the royal nemes

texts inscribed
on
this
work
can determine that her titulary also uses
feminine epithets. In facial features this statue represents a departure
from the received
artistic style
of her predecessors, but
it
does
not exhibit the heart-shaped face, pointed chin, and aquiline
Fig. 65. Lifesize statue of Hatshepsut in female guise and wearing the khat
headcloth, early i8th Dynasty. Diorite.
New York,
The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Rogers Fund, 1930 (30.3.3)
I59
of Hatshepsut
scribed
back and
its
the belt buckle
gesting that
Perhaps his attacks on sculpture in the temple
seat are unin-
made
was attacked, sug-
masculine in form,
it
represents the comple-
kingship icon
is
any event, Thutmose
best embodied, however, in
on
which her male aspect
monumental
scale.'*
The
is
into a
expressed
(cat. no.
ing
Although some of these
(cat. nos. 92, 93).''
are freestanding,
all
hold their
own
ally
in the
his
Thutmose I and
immediate male
II.'*
To this end, he
titles,
and occasion-
her entire figure from the temple 's relief dec-
images, he did away with her kingly status by
94) and kneel-
were intended
In
oration. Before destroying her three-dimensional
striking off their uraei
and erasing her cartouches
from them. Once they were destroyed, he had the
can be classified as archi-
tectural statuary, for they
Amun.
seems to have planned
removed Hatshepsut's name,
and the colossal figures of the
king shown standing
III
memorial temple for
predecessors,
best-preserved
examples are the Osirides from the upper portico (figs. 59, 68)
it
reluctant to
to convert Hatshepsut's temple, Djeser-djeseru,
the colossal statuary from the temple at Deir

el-Bahri, in
may have been
destroy an entire temple dedicated to
transformation into a
full
Moreover, he
ing.
tion of Hatshepsut 's metamorphosis.
Hatshepsut's
a virtue out of necessity, since tearing
down would have been an enormous undertak-
did indeed portray her. Fully
it
pieces
to
dramatic open courts of
into
removed from sacred ground and tossed
two open quarries located
The fragments
east
of the temple
the temple and to impress viewers from a dis-
precincts.''
that
were thrown into
tance by means of their heroic proportions
the hole south of Hatshepsut's
causeway served
and exaggerated
most
this
facial features.
Among
striking characteristics of the
group are the superhuman
the
works
as
for the
fill
own
in
causeway leading to Thutmose
Ill's
temple, Djeser-Akhet."
Despite Thutmose
scale of the
Ill's
campaign of destruc-
both the number and the variety of the
muscular development of the male torsos;
tion,
the completely male kingly dress; and the
ues of Hatshepsut that survive are impressive. If
enlarged and simplified facial features appro-
the attitudes of these statues are traditional, their
priate to the colossal scale of the figures."' In
appearance
combines
short, these are Hatshepsut supersized.
Although the
masculine
fully
imagery
is
anything but predictable, for each
a time-hallowed conventional posture
with innovative elements that render
exhibited by the portico Osirides and granite
it
unique and
uniquely expressive of Hatshepsut. Indeed,

Fig. 66. Over-lifesize statue of
statuary has been interpreted as a relatively
stat-
perhaps these very touches of originality that
was
it
made
Hatshepsut as king, early i8th Dynasty.
late
sent
development,
a
separate
embodies
it
probably does not repre-
artistic
Granite.
Art,
phase but rather
a specific application
The
Metropolitan
New York,
Hatshepsut statuary unusable by Thutmose
Museum of
Rogers Fund, 1927
when he sought to
(27.3.163)
of the male
ends.
kingship icon. Most of the statues in this cate-
gory are either well over
sions (cat. no. 91) of works that are over lifesize.
from the small number and
While
it is
clear,
relatively early date of the depictions
of Hatshepsut as female that
this
III
own
The time-honored method of usurping stat-
ues by simply altering the inscriptions on them
or extremely simplified small ver-
lifesize
adapt Djeser-djeseru to his
was insufficient if they were
to
the Deir el-Bahri statuary
represent anyone else, so
it
be rededicated to Thutmose
or
II
was simply too much Hatshepsut

had
to
to be destroyed.
Although some of the innovative features of Hatshepsut's Deir
type of image was superseded by
more
the male icon, the essential appearance of her distinctive physiog-
el-Bahri statuary have already been mentioned, certain
nomy was
unusual attributes should be highlighted here. The five series of
retained and remains clearly recognizable. Thus, the
face of the seated female figure in catalogue no. 96, for example,
is
limestone Osiride statues from Hatshepsut's temple conform to
new
which the upper body
covered by a Sed-
without doubt that of the same person represented in the colossal
a single,
statuary (cat. nos. 9294) and the smaller red granite figures
festival,
(cat. no. 91).
form." Although they were broadly modeled on two protoypes at
About year 42 of
his reign,
Thutmose
program of damnatio memoriae
III
began a deliberate
directed against his former co-
type, in
is
or jubilee, cloak and the lower body and legs are
Deir el-Bahri
and the engaged
mummi-
the freestanding, cloaked statues of Mentuhotep II
mummiform Osirides of Amenhotep I
(see fig. 9)
regent;" his central goal was the eradication of any trace of
Hatshepsut's Osirides grasp four implements, two in each
Hatshepsut's claims to kingly status. Her splendid mortuary
'nh
temple
at
Deir el-Bahri was a primary target of
this
campaign.
and nhihi
flail
in the
scepter in the left (see
fist:
the
proper right and the hqi crook and wos
fig.
68)." This combination of implements
is
Not only her Osirides
entirely unique to Hatshepsut 's statuary.
but also Hatshepsut 's small kneeling figures from Deir el-Bahri
present unusual elements, namely, the nemset vase, the djed
and the prominent khat
pillar,
(see cat. no. 91).
A fragmentary sandstone nurse statue found at Deir el-Bahri is

also unusual. Here, a miniaturized
male Hatshepsut
known
the lap of the Royal Nurse, Sitre, also
arranged
at right
shown on
is
as Inet, their bodies
angles to each other.'' Although statues featur-
ing a large figure and a small one juxtaposed in this manner had
been known since the Old Kingdom, they were usually reserved
for depictions of the king
on
mother or a goddess.
the lap of his
The adaptation of the type here
to depict the relationship
between
a royal nurse and her kingly charge, contemporary with the proliferation of imaginative tutor statues of Senenmut
constitutes another
example of the
(cat. nos. 60, 61),
displayed by
artistic originality
sculptors of Deir el-Bahri.'*
Hatshepsut's Statuary Program
throughout egypt
The same
destructive
forces
that
were
upon
unleashed
Hatshepsut's memorial temple statuary were responsible for the
disappearance of her statuary from other
known
Hatshepsut
is
from the Sinai
to
sites.
to have undertaken building projects
Nubia. In most of her far-flung projects she would have installed

Fig. 67. Hatshepsut as king, early i8th Dynasty.
Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New
Under lifesize,
York, Rogers Fund, 1931
diorite.
The
(31. 3. 168)
images depicting herself as ruler of Egypt. However, the very

fragmentary condition of this statuary and
make
its
original inscriptions
attribution uncertain.''
A case in point is statuary associated with one of Hatshepsut's

grandest construction projects
at
Karnak: the Eighth Pylon
Larger than any pylon previously erected

mental sandstone structure became the
at
Karnak,
(fig.
this
new entrance to
69).
monu-
the temple
and accommodated the complex's twin processional axes, northsouth and east-west.''
unusual features:
it
was
The pylon was

entirely
distinguished by two
surrounded by a low wall of lime-
stone,
and an exceptionally large number of colossi stood
of
south face. Ultimately there were six colossi,
its
all
in front
made of
limestone and quartzite, paralleling the combination of materials
Three were placed before each wing of the
in the
pylon
pylon.
The two easternmost were completely
itself.
remaining four have
lost their faces.
The two
gate were set up by Hatshepsut but bear the
having been rededicated by Thutmose
destroyed, and the
flanking the entrance
name of Thutmose
III to his father,
one
II,
in his
year 22, the other in his year 42, as part of Thutmose 's program of
usurpation of the pylon
likely
Fig. 68. Bust of an Osiride statue
at
from the colonnade on the upper terrace of
Deir el-Bahri, early 18th Dynasty. Limestone.
The
head of one statue was placed on the upper body of another similar one for
this excavation
photograph.
itself.
These years
was the year of Thutmose
second was when the

began.
As
it
official
was not uncommon
predecessors,
Ill's
are significant: the first
accession to sole power, the
proscription of Hatshepsut's images

for kings to usurp the statues of
Thutmose 's rededication of
the
first
of these two
l6l
Fig. 69.
The Eighth Pylon, built by
Hatshepsut in the early i8th Dynasty

at the
was not
colossi
destroy her
necessarily part of his systematic
monuments
that
began two decades
campaign
The
later.
to
other
surviving colossi, those fronting the west wing of the pylon, were
inscribed for
The
latter,
Amenhotep
that
Amenhotep
which
I's
II
(the westernmost)
accompanied by
is
and Amenhotep
much
mother, Ahmose-Nefertari, may,
now bear Thutmose
original decorative
II's
like the
examples
name, have been part of Hatshepsut 's
Amun
Karnak must have housed many images of her, both
at
figures
and statues
that
lap of Anukis;'' another triad of the
were elements
in statue groups.
and
single
Only
frag-
same material depicted
Hatshepsut kneeling between seated figures of Amun and Atum.''
The most
with three
nal years
elaborate composition
divinities.
on
palm
At
the
rib;
left,
shown kneeling on
on which
Amun sits.
Hatshepsut was
the dais with her back toward

in her left
Amun
Hatshepsut's brow.
ders with both hands."
temporary royal
was a quadrad of Hatshepsut
Thoth records Hatshepsut 's reg-
immediately to his right Weret-hekau
stands before a throne dais,
hekau holds an ankh
program."
Hatshepsut 's construction within the temples of
Mut
I.
smaller statue of
temple of Amun at Karnak
Amun. Weret-
hand and places her
right
palm on
touches Hatshepsut 's back and shoul-
Some of the
relief decoration
statues closely parallel con-
in particular that in the
ments of two such group portrayals have survived, both of which
Chapelle Rouge, the barque sanctuary that Hatshepsut built for
were associated with the
Amun at Karnak.'*"
bipartite Karautef sanctuary at Karnak:
one shows Hatshepsut with Amun-Re-Kamutef; the other portrays her with
Thutmose
It is likely that
III
and the same
was another of the
The
innovative features of Hatshepsut 's statuary production."'

statue
As
these groups reveal, Hatshepsut's statuary
size
her close relationship to the gods and make explicit their
acceptance of her kingship
a key example (cat. no. 40)
shows
from Deir el-Bahri of Hatshepsut with her nurse has been
her literally merged with the god Horus. Moreover, as four of the
tomb
groups depicted in the tomb of Amenhotep indicate, she deliber-
Amenhotep, a royal steward and steward of
ately chose to be portrayed in the context of the elaborate corona-
mentioned. Particularly interesting are the paintings

of one of her
Amun who
tions of
no
officials,
followed Senenmut in
less
this office.
They
in the
contain depic-
than seven different group statues that portray
Hatshepsut with a variety of
divinities, including
Weret-hekau, Thoth, Khnum,
Satis,
Amun, Atum,
and Anukis.'" In
all
of the
tion ritual in
which the king
symbolize his divine
was
survive
{ss,
meaning
"travertine"), and the stone can also be
ascertained through color (red signifies red granite; yellow

signifies travertine).
One
travertine triad represented
Anukis seated facing one another, with Hatshepsut
Khnum
sitting
and
on the
invested with insignia that
her representation as the chief queen of Thutmose
Amun. However,
have been erased. Text labels designating the
statues' materials
is
status.
Hatshepsut's female identity had been an appropriate aspect of
paintings both Hatshepsut 's figure and the accompanying texts
162
program under-
standably featured images that visually as well as textually empha-
divinity.^*
the devising of group statues
it
was
II
and wife of
not, ultimately, considered adequate if she
to appear as a king with the status equivalent to that of her
male co-regent. In Egyptian
art, facial
translated into ideal forms, and
it
features and bodies
was according
were
to a similar
process of transformation that Hatshepsut's female nature was

altered." In ancient
Egypt kingship had
its
own
idealized graphic
and textual vocabulary, with an icon of kingship that was male.
If
attempt to pretend that as an individual she was anything other
Hatshepsut desired to achieve the status and power of an Egyptian
than female.^^ Yet in the imagery of the statues that presented her
king,
was necessary that she conform
it
to that idealized icon.
royal titulary remained clearly female, and there
1.
2.
Her
was never an
Tefiiin 1979, pp. viiff.
as king she of necessity portrayed herself as male:
the
15.
However, use of numerous
fabrics
and the individual
styles
of the sculptors
3.
4.
His conclusions are summarized
Tefhin 1979,
His
is
585^".).
The
four in the sancmary constitute his series A; see Tefnin 1979, pp. 38-40.
The
ten are series B; see pp. 4143.
Arguments
set
An example is catalogue no.

An example is fig. 68.
forward by Tefnin and
later
74.
The
employ
However,
as Dimitri
Laboury
that
high and the
(fig.
by Tefnin.
II,
ment of relief sculpture and

see
Laboury (1998,
7.
As noted by Tefnin
8.
Chevrier 1955,
9.
As on
pi.
XIX,
fig.
p.
see generally Gabolde 1987b. For the develop-
p.
n. 89,
p. 152, pi. iv;
originated in the limestone shrine but
temple of Montu
at
Winlock
festival":
Museum
It
North Karnak and
na 88b).
For
Osirides
that the
pi. VI,
1,
3,
this subject
These
studies include
1993b;
Dorman 2005.
The
Gabolde and Rondot 1966,
many
5.
However,
place in the corpus of

it
for
New
The Metropolitan
made Thutmose III
We might say,
the preserver of the
proved possible
It
impressive statues from these frf^ments, but others,
made of sandstone and lim^tone, were lost to centuries of
eiqmsure to groundwater or burned in the lime
kilns.
Thus, our knowledge
of the Deir el-Bahri repertoire remains incomplete.

21.
Leblanc 1982, pp. 29699,
pi.
Leblanc 1980, pp. 73,
(A.y, A. 10), 74.
fig. i
implements appears in
23.
For
Sitre as the nurse
reliefs
xlix.
The identical combination of
on the Chapelle Rouge;
see Leblanc 1982,
LIII.
of Hatshepsut, see Roehrig 1990, pp. 3139.
24. It is likely that the sculpture
programs of Hatshepsut and Senenmut inspired
each other. See "Senenmut as Royal Tutor" and "The Statuary of Senenmut"
Tefnin 1979,
in this
25.
stylistic analysis.
volume.
Unfortunately, the only Karnak statue of Hatshepsut with a certain attribution
known
have survived into modern times was allowed
to
to disintegrate,
according to the testimony of Sir WalHs Budge (James 1976; Eaton-Krauss
Chappaz 1993a and
1999, pp. 117-20).
Osirides that front the temple's upper terrace and works of similar style
from Deir el-Bahri belong
its
22.
^"d the faces of two
p. 214;
in chapter
statuary (cat. nos. 88b, 93, 95, 96)
the season of 1922, Winlock's excavations
therefore, that strange twists of fate
89),
and
lost (Metropolitan
30.3.3:
with face restored), limiting their usefulness for
14.
this
^)->
Museum
is
by Dorothea Arnold
collectors in the nineteenth century.
Herbert E. Winlock excavated
art until
particularly those
with face restored; and 27.3.163: Tefnin 1979, pp. 16-18,
13.
1942. See also the essay
pp. 300-305, pis. L, Ll, ui. A,
31.3.168: Tefoin 1979, pp. 1819, P^-
others are largely destroyed (Metropolitan

pp. 2-6, pi.
1988, p. 65.
Some fragments of Hatshepsut 's broken
same images of Hatshepsut that he had ordered destroyed.
statues are discussed here fol-
upper part of one
they reveal the vari-
fact,
works produced by individual teams of
recovered thousands of fragments of Hatshepsut 's statuary.
make reference to the "first occasion
The order in which die
in
volume.
was
in repre-
and Rondot 1996,
Leblanc 1980, pp. 82, 86-87.
must be noted
in this
Museum of Art. Beginning in
refinements of his classifications, see Tefnin 1979, pp. 13539, '45~4^-
Tefnin 1979, pp. 1-36.
Grimm
na 91), sandstone ^huixes wear-
Schott
two limestone portrayals of Hatshepsut as a sphinx with a mane (cat. na
The inscriptions on the portico
her Deir el-Bahri statuary did not reclaim
seated statues, the Osirides from the west wall niches of die upper terrace,
lows Tefhin.
and cover ill.;
p. 6,
For a general discussion of the discovery and excavation of this material, see
and include, in addition to die
and one of the smaller granite sphinxes (cat.
Hornung and
(in
Thutmose III. They are, how-
not to say that these images are identical; in
one would expect to see
to reconstruct
II
to
Dorman
with bibliography).
These works belong to Teftiin's Phase
of the Sed
is
were acquired by European
from Karnak (Chevrier 1934,
Ill's
them
Chappaz 1993b,
19.
xxii and Schott 1955, pi. 2; Mysliwiec 1976, p. 42,
The form
Amenhotep
"o- 4) assigns
18.
20.
sentations of Hatshepsut at Gebel el-Silsila (Gabolde
214 and
C40, C41. Following Laboury, Rita Freed
See chapter
Kingdom
lintel
have not
3"d the
sculptors.
39 (detail).
1955, p. 216, pi. 3).
This
ations
(1979, pp. 3840).

pi.
that
ii<''9))
For both, see Laboury 1998,
17.
statuary of the regency and co-regency period,
pp. 585-621).
40,
limestone
reused in
16.
no), ^diich are more than 23 feet (7 meters)
the Hathor capitals in the goddess's shrine on the middle terrace, in addidon
For the reign of Thutmose
st.i).
Osiride statues (Cairo, JE 56260) and Deir el-Bahri (C5) (Te&in 1979, p. 139).
there are
on the north and south
much smaller Osirides carved on the north and south sides of
to the three posited
The attitude
represent an
continued to
between Phases 11 and III he places a granite sphinx (Cairo, JE 55190) and two
althou^ Tefiiin proposes three series,
are: the colossal Osiride figures
ends of the lower colonnade
III
ing the nemes, and a granite sphinx in Cairo (JE 53114). In a transitional phase
recent studies of the early co-regency period.
These
JE 11249,
594,
smaller kneding 6gures of Hatshepsut (cat.
by subsequent studies of the temple as well as by more
Here we should note
may
and Schoske 1999a, p. 48, figs. 46, 47. Also included in Tefnin's Phase III are
indicates (1998, pp. 59ifF.), the general
of stylistic and iconographic development that Tefhin outlines has
actually Ave.
(CG
Cairo
ever, also ascribed to Hatshepsut in
41,
and
There surely were other standing images
III are in
Bryan 2002, pp. 8284,
299-300, and 1988, pp.
larger than previously used
Karnak Open-Air Museum, Luxor (MPA.T3.

pp. 16975, nos.
[1985, cols.
is
A pair of standing statues with contested attributions that may have
belonged to Phase
by Christine Meyer positing the
existence of a single stylistic trajectory for Deir el-Bahri statuary have been
largely been veriiied
11.
this statue type.
survived.
last
but the scale
questioned (in the case of Tefnin 1979 by Bernadette LetelUer [1981] and in
of Meyer 1982 by Peter Dorman
devotional pose
Middle Kingdom prototypes (see the entry for
late
innovation on the part of Hatshepsut 's sculptors. Thutmose
line
12.
in the
pendant in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (]E 52458) are die
from
cat. no. 94),
212]).
10.
its
clearly derived
(1993) and Laboury (1998, pp.
that
6.
94) and
(s)he live!
only surviving standing stames of Hatshepsut from Deir el-Bahri.
p. 139.
chronology has been followed by numerous researchers, among them Pecoil
are his series C; see pp. 4448.

5.
in his chart in
The red granite, over-lifesize portrayals of the queen

(cat. no.
have contributed to a certain degree of variation among them.
King Maatkare,
Son of Re, Hatshepsut, united with Amun, may
to Tefnin's
Phase
III.
Tefnin (1979) characterizes
phase as a "return to tradition," in which kingship was once again repre-
26.
The
north-south processional
temple, the
site
see Bell 1985.
ment had already taken place during his Phase
vAadi
linked the
festival,
the kingship of Hatshepsut. For
sented according to long-standing male prototypes, although this developII.
of the Opet
way
Karnak temple
to the
Luxor
which merged the divinity of Amun and
more on
The east-west way was
the function of the
Opet
festival,
the route of the Valley festival, during
Amun left Karnak to visit the Gods of the West.
For
this subject, see
163
**Hatshepsut's Mortuary
27.
Temple at Deir el-Bahri*' by Ann Macy Roth in tJiis
is
TT 73 in western Thebes (see Habachi 1957, pp. 91-93, 95, and
SSve-Soderbergh 1957, pp. i-io); recently Laboury (2000, pp. 86-87)
Martinez (1993, p. 71) suggests that the six colossi constituted a "family
analyzed three of the groups depicted in
gallery" of the Thutmosides, whose position, facing south toward Luxor
31.
SSve-Soderbergh 1957,
temple (the shrine associated with the divine lineage of the king) emphasized
32.
the role of the Eighth Pylon as "a gate of initiation, through
power
more
which royal
33.
affirmed."
is
135-37 (with bibliography).
28. Seidel 1996, pp.
29.
The tomb
30.
volume.
A third possible triad is slightly
Two
88.
fig. 38.
pi. iv;
Seidel 1996, p. 130,
fig.
40.
pi. Ill; Seidel
fig.
42.
See the discussion in Seidel 1996, pp. 13234.
35.
As Robins notes
on
(1999, pp- 103, no).
statues
from Deir el-Bahri include a mixture of male and
female gender endings, but those on works from other
were equally innovative.
Colossal Sphinxes of
el-Bahri.*
Their original location was probably
2.
the Egyptian
18A Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and

(1479- 1458
III
b.c.)
terrace to the
Granite
ramp
H. 164
(11
ft.
(see
that ascended to the tem-
were
W. 90 cm
(64Mi in.),
(35?^ in.),
D. 343
cm
3.
Berlin sphinx
b. Granite, paint
H.
13
cm
(51
Agyptisches
in.),
D. 287
cm (9
ft.
counterpart;
in.)
smaller than
is
its
face
is
heart-shaped face that
The depiction of the king as a sphinx, with a lion's
the cheekbones;
body and
izontally set.
head and frequently
with a nemes headcloth, has
very long history in Egyptian

sphinxes date to the
art.
Old Kingdom,
The
shortly before
largest
The prominence of
and
the
example of the genre.
sphinxes in Old
pjTamid complexes, both
On both
earliest
the creation of the great sphinx at Giza
most famous and
middle terrace.
New York
Kingdom
as freestanding statues
in relief depictions of the king trampling his
running
the
its
more
much broader
across
eyes are wide open and hor-
(see her
Previously, Winlock (1935a,
were on the
The problem was reviewed by Tefnin
(1979, pp. 102-3),
^ho
followed Winlock's siting of
colossal kneeling figures
on the upper
terrace.
Provenance: 88a. Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri;

Metropolitan Museum of Art excavations, 1928
prenomen of the
"preeminent
is
king.
preserved and gives
Museum,
Berlin,
The more
intact text
by Karl Richard
Museum of Art
excavations, 1928, ceded to the Agyptisches

Berlin, as part
Museum,
of an exchange in 1929
also contains the epithet of

at Djeser-djeseru," the
use
Bibliography:
88a.
Winlock
1935a;
Winlock
1942,
of which would be consistent with the place-
pp. i6q, 189, pi. 50 (restored);
ment of the sphinxes outside the temple's upper
Aldred 1961, pp. 48-49, no. 23; Tefnin 1979, pp. 102,
cak
terrace.
12-14 (bibliography,
Hayes 1959, pp. 9293;
p. 113), 118, 120, 127, n. i,
175
77, 187, pi. XXVII
Winlock 1929a,
pp. 3-9, figs. 7, 8 (body); Tefnin
1979, pp. 102, 1037 (bibliography, pp. 1034), 115
some fragmen-
from Hatshepsut 's temple
Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri; head, transported
to the Agyptisches
88b.
164
5).
Lepsius in 1845; body. Metropolitan
the breast
of the royal mortuary complex.^
Six colossal granite sphinxes,

tary, survive
Hayes
the granite sphinxes on the middle terrace and the
88b.
sphinxes a battered column of text
down
on the Berlin sphinx
Amun
is
a shorter,
enemies, suggests that they functioned as protectors
bibli-
The head
(31.6.167); see
pp. 159-60) hypothesized that they
facial planes, nar-
The New York sphinx has
coiffed, as here,
14, fig. 15;
Metropolitan
row, slanting eyes, and a small, terse mouth.
a royal portrait
its
The
A primarily single placement of the granite sphinxes

essay in chapter
The
proportionally longer
and narrower, with sharper
in
was suêsted recendy by Dorothea Arnold
arranged along the temple's main axis in two

facing rows, these two are not identical.
in
Tefnin 1979, pp. 114-15.
^959) PP- 93~945
that passed along the route.
31.3. 166
Not in exhibition
nn. 9, 10, p.
and for descriptions and
Museum of Art, New York
Although the sphinxes were symmetrically

Rogers Fimd, 1931
p. 12,
p. 172;
and torso of a sixth are
the temple itself and the religious processions
3 in.)
Winlock 1929a,
Winlock 1942,
ography, see Tefnin 1979, pp. 10712).
in a
position to extend their guardianship over both
cm
two fragmentary whole sphinxes
Museum, Cairo (JE 53114+55191,
JE 56259) and the head from another (JE 55190)
west rows flanking the sacred route across the
ple 's middle level. ^ Therefore they

a.
In addition to the two granite sphinxes catalogued

here, there are
the lower terrace, where sphinxes appear to
have been arranged, evenly spaced, in two eastThutmose
particular
sites, in
Karnak, are chiefly male.
Hatshepsut
Early
1996, p. 131,
34.
The images of her high official Senenraut shown with the princess Neferure
(cat. nos. 60, 61)
Seidel 1996, p. 129,
36. Inscriptions
questionable; Seidel 1996, pp. 138-39.
it.
pi. ui;
at
Deir
I.
Zivie-Coche 1984.
sphinx, see also
On the protective qualities of the
Wit
1951.
16, 120, n. 1, 122, n.

figs. 6, 8, 9, pis.
1,
127, n.
i,
xxviH, XXIX, a
13941, 146, 17476,
Hatshepsut as a Maned
Sphinx
the sphinxes
89-
were placed atop the newel posts
Evers 1929, pis.
at
ramp between the temple's
the head of the
lower and middle terraces, visitors would have
3;
4.
5.
encountered them
Thutmose
imposing gauntlet of large granite sphinxes.
III
(1479 1458
B.C.)
Painted limestone
H. 60 cm
(23/8 in.),
W.
29
cm {iiVs
in.), L. 110
cm
York,
from the
Rogers Fund, 193 1 31.3.94
this
maned sphinx of Hatshepsut
juxtaposes the delicately feminine features of the
king with the lean, taut body of a
lion.
This frag-
mentary example has been restored with

its
mate
in Cairo,
which
retains a considerable
side,
is
casts
of
almost complete and
amount of the
original
on
in
Russmann
(1989, p. 65),
the top of the head has been regu-
and given a nemes~\ike appearance.
still
left
cheek.'
The
statues
The only
Amun, given
difference
is
that
on
life
are
for-
the Cairo
sphinx masculine pronouns are used to refer to

the king, and on the
by
present a truly forbidding aspect.'
Senenmut Quarry; Metropolitan Museum of Art

excavations, 192729
r929a, p. 12;
Winlock
Hayes
1959, pp.
1942, pp. 172-73, pi. 48 (bottom);

92; Tefnin 1979, pp.
12933 (bibliography,
91-
p. 130),
140, 143, 187
The
Hatshepsut sphinxes have a lightness that

only from the different scale and
Relief with Hatshepsut as a
90.
Sphinx
used by the Eighteenth Dynasty
sculptors but also
from the overdy youthful,
feminine features of the king. This characteristic
Provenance: Western
whose tense and furrowed visages
the latter,
materials
"Maatkare, beloved of
inspired
more than simply scaled-down versions of
are
yellow on the body, and traces of reddish brown
inscribed with very similar texts, both reading
maned sphinxes were
Middle Kingdom prototypes; however, they
results not
ever."
Lxvin,
lion.
much of the statuary from Hatshepsut 's
temple, the
pigment: blue on the mane and beard, a tawny
on the proper
emphasizing the latent strength
of the crouching
Like
of a pair,
For example, as noted

the thick hair
larized
pi.
greeting, as opposed to the stern guardianship
of the granite sphinxes, which were approached
Museum of Art, New
Metropolitan
One
passing through the
Vandier 1958,
119, 121-23;
1989, p. 65, no. 89.

p. 133.
Their role would seem to have been one of
(43/4 in.)
The
just after
Russmann
Tefnin 1979,
has caused
some
sphinxes to an
scholars to date the
earlier''
and more
maned
artistically
experimental' phase of the co-regency period.
New York sphinx the forms
CAK
Thutmose
III
(1479 1458
B.C.)
Painted limestone
H.
21.6
cm
(8>2 in.),
W.
37.5
cm
(14^
D.
in.),
7.5
cm
(3 in.)
The
Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New
York,
Rogers Fund, 1923 23.3.172
are feminine.
While the impression given by the much
1.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, ]E 53113. For bibliography, see Tefnin 1979,
larger granite sphinxes

this statue
and
expectancy.
If,
its
is
of quiescent power,
mate communicate tranquil
as Herbert E.
Winlock suêsted,^
2.
Winlock 1942,
3.
p. 130.
This limestone fragment from the temple of
pp. 172-73.
Amenemhat
III
sphinx from
Tanis (Egyptian Museum, Cairo, 394). See also
Hatshepsut
at
Deir el-Bahri depicts a sphinx
with the king's features protecting a cartouche
The
containing her prenomen, Maatkare.

is
relief
noteworthy for the high quality of its execu-
tion.
The
facial features replicate in
sunk
relief
ones seen on much of Hatshepsut 's temple

uary,
stat-
most notably the larger of the two granite
sphinxes discussed above
The fragment was
(cat. no. 88a).
originally part of a square
statue base approximately 26 inches (66
cm) on
No
identi-
each side and 18 inches (46 cm)

fiable trace
tall.
of the image that originally stood on
the pedestal has been discovered, but the base's
dimensions suggest that the statue showed

the king in a standing pose. Assuming that the
statue
was
also of limestone,
it
probably per-
ished in the same near-total destruction visited
on so much of the temple's limestone

This pedestal fragment
that,
although
many
is
a useful
statuary.
reminder
of Hatshepsut's statues
from Deir el-Bahri have been reconstructed,'
cak
the corpus remains incomplete.
I.
Many more
statues
have been reconstructed from
Hatshepsut's temple than from any other
Kingdom mortuary temple,

Amenhotep
III;
see
except that of
Bryan 1992 and 1997.
Provenance: Western

vations, 192223
166
New
Museum
of Art exca-
that this corpus
was completed
sibly for a purported
Sed
in haste, pos-
festival
of the king in
year \6J
cjuc
following Hayes 1959, p- 97-
1.
Tefnin 1979,
2.
Roland Tefnin (1979, pp. 94^97) reviews the possibilities
p- 88,
and concludes that the combined use of the
khat headdress, the nemset vase, and the djed pillar
intended to evoke the erection of the djed
is
pillar at
the Sed festival.

3.
Dietrich
Wildung
(1969, p. 135, n.
3),
followed by
Marianne Eaton-Krauss (1977), suggests,

i^tzf-wearing king in royal statue groups
the king's ka.
The
that the
is
fact that in Hatshepsut's
actually
temple
kings depicted wearing the khat are both making
(Hatshepsut
and receiving (Thutmose
offerings (Eaton-Krauss 1977, p. 28)
and
11)
might signify
the dual role of ka as both the sustainer ("suste-
nance" offered by the king) and the sustained (the

"life-force" that requires sustenance).
1959, pp. 100 loi, 102,
1942, pp. 79-80;
fig. 56;
Tefnin 1979,
Hayes
The
fact that only the eyes
and brows have
4.
The
inscription here faces right
Re of (with feminine
p. 134
been picked out

absence of the
in paint,
final polish
granite sculptures, has
combined with an
seen on the larger
suêsted
to
some
scholars
Amun
5.
t) his
and reads: "Son of
body Khenem (no
t)
Hatshepsut."
Other members of the corpus include examples

in the
Agyptisches Museum, Berlin (22883),
Hatshepsut Kneeling
91.
Thutmose
III
(14791458 B.C.)
Granite, paint
H. 87
cm
C34/4 in.),
W.
32.5
cm (12^ in.), D.
cm
51.5
(20/4 in.)
The MetropoHtan Museum

Rogers Fund, 1923
Among
of Art,
New York,
23.3.1
the statues that originally embellished
Djeser-djeseru was a series of perhaps a dozen'

small
kneeling
of
depictions
proflfering a nemset vessel fronted

lar, a
high
Hatshepsut
by
relief.^
The king wears
fitting pleated kilt,
a short, closely
with only the khat headdress
and uraeus indicating her royal
back
pillars
of
all
nomen
The
status.'
of the figures are inscribed
with one of two types of

the
a djed pil-
sacred object connected with Osiris, in
text,
featuring either
or prenomen of Hatshepsut.''
Although the images closely resemble one

another, demonstrating their derivation from a
common
model, their individual features are
sufficiently distinctive to
the
work of different
body forms
show
sculptors.'
that they
The
are highly simplified,
keeping with their suggested placement

architectural setting characterized
were
facial
which
and
is
in
in
an
by rhythmic
repetition, such as a portico or peristyle court.

If
twelve
is
figures, they
indeed the
total
number of
may be connected
these
with the rituals
of the twelve daily and nightly hours that feature in the decoration of the king's
own
cult
chapel and the solar court, both located on the
upper terrace of the temple.^
167
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 47703-3), and the
Museum
Metropolitan
6.
(23.3.2, 31. 3. 160, .162).
The hours of the day and
night are depicted on the
ceiling of the cult chapel of Hatshepsut (Naville
1894-1908,
pt. 4, pis.
cxiv-cxvi) and
in the solar
court of Re-Horakhty (Karkowski 1976).

7.
Tefnin 1979,
1999a,
p. 94,
Grimm and
followed in
Schoske
p. 84.
Provenance: Western
Museum
of Art
excavations, 1922-23
28;
Winlock
1923, pp. 3233,
1942, p. 141, pi. 53;
Tefnin 1979, pp. 8990, 93,
Hayes
figs.
27,
1959, p. 97;
n. 4, 186, fig. 4, pi. xxiii, a
Hatshepsut Offers Maat to
92,
Amun
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 B.C.)
Granite
H.
cm
261.5
(8
D. 137 cm (54
The
ft.
Metropolitan
W. 80 cm (31K
in.),
Museum of Art, New
Rogers Fund, 1929
Not
in.),
in.)
York,
29.3.1
in exhibition
The
central sanctuary located
on the upper
ter-
race of Hatshepsut 's temple at Deir el-Bahri
was dedicated
to
Amun-Re, whose barque
eled across the river
trav-
from Karnak temple and
then was carried until
it
came
to rest in this
shrine in the yearly Beautiful Festival of the
As
Valley.'
the procession bearing the god's
image crossed the middle

between
terrace,
a series of colossal granite
it
passed
images of
Hatshepsut. These statues, one of which
is
included in the exhibition catalogue, depicted

the king kneeling and offering spherical
and are
and
On this statue
jars
by the head covering
In contrast to her seated images, which are
the king wears the royal
the passive recipients of funerary offerings, the
differentiated only
text.
nw
nemes headcloth, and the text on the base
states
over-lifesize
donor
"truth," or "justice,"
It signified
offering,
that the king
is
offering
maat
to
Amun.'
pants in temple ritual.
The kneeling pose
is
not
stat-
one
that can
ues appear to be the least individualized of
calf
muscle and splayed toes suggest, yet here
those on statuary of Hatshepsut, an impression
has been translated into permanence. In order
At
first
glance, the faces
that has led scholars to date
on these large
them
at or near the
end of the co-regency period.' However, they

share
many
be held
with faces on her smaller
On maat, see Assmann

.
Tefnin 1979,
and
small mouth, although these features are scaled
legs, feet,
significant
and toes have been elongated

degree.
preserved on
its
is
to a
Hatshepsut 's thoroughly
balanced by the use of femi-
back
pillar
and base.
to accord with their colossal size. Clearly,
this architectural statuary
own within
was intended
to hold
a dramatic setting.
1990. For the offering of
p. 87.
to achieve an impression of eternal balance, the
nine gender endings in the statue's inscriptions
thin, aquiline nose,
(who were
this ultimate
reinforced the king's legitimacy as a
Provenance: Western
traits
brows, wide-open eyes,
168
it
maat, see Teeter 1997, especially pp. 81-83.
it
masculine guise
its
on maat") through
and
maintainer of social and, therefore, cosmic order.
indefinitely, as the tensed
statues (see cat. no. 91), including highly arched
up
was a prerogative of the king.
the sustaining of the gods
said to "live
statues are active partici-
cak
Winlock 1942,
1.
On the Valley
2.
Offering maat, usually translated as "order,"
festival, see
Graefe 1986.
fig. 53;
pi. 52 (left);
Tefnin 1979, pp.
1928b, p. 10,
Hayes
4, n. 8,
figs. 9, 10;
1959, pp. 9597,
72 (with bibliogra-
phy), 7475, 78-81, 83, 85-86, iio-ii, n. 4, 171-74,
CoiWfjghioOniflBrjl
New York,
177, *86, figs. 2a, 4, 7, 8, pis. XIX, b, xx;
Metropolitan
Museum
and Schoske 1999a,
1987, pp. 4647, pi. 29;
p. 35, fig.
Grimm
30
Hatshepsut Wearing the
93.
White Crown
Early iSth Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479- 1458
B.C.)
Granite
H. 285 cm (9
ft
in.),
W. 79 cm
(31/3 in.),
cm
D. 142
(55'/, in.)

Rogers Fund, 1930
The
face
on
30.3.1
this statue is the best
any of the faces of Hatshepsut *s
preserved of
colossal kneel-
ing figures from her temple at Deir el-Bahri.
The image
here
a degree not
colossi,
is
and regularized
simplified
to
matched on the nemes-wearing
and the high
crown does not
vertical
frame the face as the nemes does; the overall

effect
is
close-fitting kilt
The
therefore naked and austere.
down
dress has been pared
granite
and
king's
minimum,
to a
belt.
doorway
set at the
back of the
upper terrace court marked the entrance to the

barque sanctuary of Amun-Re.
was
Its lintel
decorated in relief with a symmetrical composition of four images of Hatshepsut, set
kneeling and offering
on the viewer's
nw
jars.'
tall
The two
right, to the north,
crown, and the two on the
left,
on bases,
figures
wear the red
to the south, the
white crown. These depictions, together
with more recent research on the placement of

Hatshepsut 's temple statuary, make
situate this statue
it
possible to
of the king in the southern row
of statues flanking the processional
way
across
the middle terrace (see below, pp. 270, 275, n. 9).
In order to ensure
symmetry between
two rows of colossi, the base of this

of the others with the
significantly
tall
is
is
lower than that on the statue of
Hatshepsut wearing the nemes headcloth

no. 92). It
the
statue (and
white crown)
"...
inscribed
offers fresh plants to
Maatka[re]
(cat.
who
Amun"
and contains a
The
height and slen-
feminine gender ending.'
der proportions of the white crown also must
have played a part

a single
in the
placement of the text in
column on the back
pillar:
"The Horus
1.
Naviile 1894-1908,
2.
Although nw
Powerful of K[as, King of Upper and Lower
images
Egypt Maatkare, Son
plants, as here,
Khenemet
Amun
(or: Daughter.')
of Re]
pt. 5, pi.
jars generally
to
imply other
gifts, for
and maai,
Berlin in 1845, and subsequently given to the
cxxxvii.
held liquid offerings, for
the sake of visual consistency they
as
were used
in
example, green
on catalogue
in the Metropolitan
Museum
of Art
excavations, 192627
Provenance: Western
CAK
museum
of an exchange in [929; body discovered in the
Senenmut Quarry
no. 9 1
Hatshepsut [beloved of A]mun
who resides in Djeser-djeseru, given life."
as part
Thebes, Deir el-Bahri; head
discovered by Karl Richard Lepsius, removed to
Winlock
pi.
1942, pp.
170 71,
1930, pp. 8-10,
pi. 52 (right);
xcix, 6; Hayes 19^9, pp. 5-7,
fig. 53;
figs. 5, 6;
Vandier 1958,
Aldred 1961,
169
p. 48, no. 21;
Provenance; Western
Tefnin 1979, pp. 26, 73 (with bibliogra-
phy), 75, 77-79, 82-87, "8, 155, '59, 177, 186,
excavations, 192728
Bibliography; Winlock
1928b, pp.
Winlock 1942,
Hayes
fig. 52;
Hatshepsut in a Devotional
94.
figs. 2
xxila
4j 8, pi.
pi. 51 (right);
Ratie 1979,
Attitude
figs. 2a, 5, 7, pi.

figP- 34,
111, n. 4, 159,
xxiv;
11, fig. 11, 13;
1959, pp. 9495,
Tefnin 1979, pp. 26, 99-101
p- 125;
(with bibliography),
Grimm and
17174, 177, 186,
Schoske 1999a,
27
Thutmose
III
B.C.)
(1479-1458
Granite
H. (without base) 242 cm

D.
(29^^ in.),
The
(8
ft.
2 in.),
W. 74 cm
Museum of Art, New
Metropolitan
Hatshepsut as Female King
95.
cm (43K in.)
Ill
York,
Thutmose
III
(1479 1458
B.C.)
Granite
This figure, and
pendant
its
now
H. 167
in Cairo,' are
cm
(65)4 in.)
(head and lower parts)
The
Metropolitan
Museum of
the only statues of Hatshepsut striding that have

Art,
survived from Deir el-Bahri.
The
statues
were
found together
in a relatively
undamaged
state.
The New York
statue
New York,
(torso)
is
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden
1928/9.2
lacking only the end of
the nose; even the uraeus
is
almost
As
intact.
with the large kneeling statues, the limbs are
One
bulky and the volumes simplified. The face
portray Hatshepsut in female dress, this
is
features are, however, rather finely
drawn
of two statues from Deir el-Bahri that

is
per-
haps the most arresting of her portraits. Her
broad across the brow, with a narrow chin. The

for
dress and jewelry are understated: a sleeveless
such a large-scale figure, and the mouth appears
sheath, a broad collar, and striated bracelets and
to be smiling slightly. It has been observed that
anklets,
overall the statue displays features characteris-
female royalty. But her headdress
tic
later
less
Those portions
co-regency period.^
The
more or
standard in depictions of
is
the nemes
headcloth and uraeus of a Idng.'
of the fully developed "kingly" style of the
tions
statue originally bore three inscrip-
that remain of the inscrip-
on the throne and back
pillar
seem to use
pillar, belt
feminine pronouns and gender endings in refer-
contain references to
ences to Hatshepsut. Also preserved on the
Hatshepsut using both masculine and feminine
back of the throne are two back-to-back stand-
forms and indicate that the statue stood
tions,
which are located on the back
loop, and base.
They
in
ing images carved in sunk relief of the goddess
Djeser-djeseru, Hatshepsut 's mortuary temple,
Taweret, the only overtly divine representa-
where they surely flanked an important entrance.'
tions
The
rest,
king's
on any of Hatshepsut's statuary
Since Taweret
arms are extended and the hands
women
is
(see detail).
associated with the protection
may have
palms down, on a projecting triangular
of
been intended for either the Hathor shrine or
apron
a pose that expresses reverence toward
Kingdom, and
middle terrace of Hatshepsut's temple. Certainly
in this instance the
the seated pose suggests that
antecedents were right next door at the temple of

94
Mentuhotep
11, just
There Senwosret
cult
south of Hatshepsut 's temple.
III
had erected a
series
the
founder of the Middle
Kingdom.' Hatshepsut 's statue

massive lines than
its
is
built
on more
Middle Kingdom prede-
artists,
who
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 52458; Tefnin 1979,

pp. 26, 99-101, III, n. 4, 159, 171, 173, 186, figs. 2a,
the statue's face,
tion. Indeed, the rest

5.
a focus
of
commands
of the statue
been deliberately generalized
which has
in
atten-
may have
order to func-
2. Ibid., p. loi.
3.
cessors and demonstrates once again the reinterpretive abilities of the early
it is
survived virtually intact, that

1.
was
it
worship and the recipient of offerings.'
However,
of stat-
ues of himself in the same pose, a gesture of

respect toward
on the
the Divine Birth colonnade, both located
a deity. * This statue type had been used during

the later Middle
in childbirth, this statue
The main possibilities

way
are before the granite gate-
leading to the upper terrace (Hayes 1959,
p. 94,
following Winlock 1942, p. 160); or before the por-
Thutmoside
tal
sought to adapt forms already vali-
to the central sanctuary (Tefnin 1979, p. 98).
4.
Edna R. Russmann
5.
Ibid. See also Naville 1907, pi. xix,
in
Russmann
dated by tradition to benefit their royal patrons.
tion as a foil for the face. Large, compelling

eyes, set
below dramatically arched brows,
the viewer with an

is
fix
unwavering gaze. The nose
rather short, thin at the top and broad at the
et al. 2001,
tip,
with a slight aquiline curve.
The mouth
pp. 100-104, iios. 28, 29.
CAK
1910, pi.
11;
Naville and Hall 1913,
Evers 1929, vol.
170
HATSHEPSUT
BUILDING PROJECTS
i, pis.
83-85, vol.
c g; Naville
pis.
i,
2, p.
xxi; and
40, no. 283.
appears a bit larger than those in other images
of Hatshepsut, with a
as usual,
narrow and
full
lower
lip.
The
chin
is,
slightly receding. In brief,
95, detail
of back oi throne with fragmentary image
of Taweret
Metropolitan
torso,
Museum
removed
of Art excavations, 192728;
to the Netherlands
by
1869, acquired
the
by Prince Henry,
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden,
1928; parts rejoined 1998
Bibliography; Winlock
18;
Winlock 1942,
Hayes
ll (bibliography, p. 6),
6, 8, pis.
I,
b, c,
1928b, pp. 15-16,
pp. 168, 171-72,
1959, pp. loo-ioi,
11, III,
20-30, 140-41, 186,
a;
figs. 17,
57 (right);
pi.
Tefnin 1979, pp.
Grimm and
fi-
figs, i, 3,
Schoske 1999a,
36
pp. 37,
fig. 32,
96.
Hatshepsut as King
40,
fig.
fig. 55;
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458
B.C.)
Crystalline (indurated) limestone, painted
95
H.
195
cm (76K in.), W.
49
cm
(19/^ in.),
D. 114
cm
(44'/ in.)
The
this portrayal
of a female ruler
alized presentation but
One
is
resolute and self-controlled
its
no bland,
subject
woman who
cised kingship with authority
tomed
is
ide-
an individualized image.
tempted to infer that
(Musee du Louvre,
New
Paris, E27135); see
Grimm and
Delange
Schoske 1999a,
York only
p. 38,
2.
a ruler accus-
the "efficient seed" of the god.'
3.
In this statue representing the apotheosis of a
See "The Statuary of Hatshepsut," above.
"Pure egg and
efficient
i.
14); "efficient
I.
4); "his living
seed" Urkunden
4, p. 361,
seed on earth" {Urkunden 4, p. 362,
image" {Urkunden
4, p. 362,
1.
6).
female Egyptian king, the attitude, proportions,

physical features, attributes, texts, and material
combine
to achieve a truly remarkable state-
ment of royal
I.
York,
fig- 33-
exer-
to dealing with temporal matters while
embodying
Museum of Art, New
of the Twelfth Dynasty female king Nefrusobek
1987, pp. 3031;
was a
Metropolitan
We know only one precedent for the combination of
Provenance: Western
female dress and nemes headcloth: the quartzite torso
Senenmut Quarry; head and lower part of statue,
same
divinity.
The pose
is
as in the granite seated statue
virtually the
of Hatshepsut
in female dress (cat. no. 95), although here the
CoiWfjghioOniflBrjl
96, detail of back of head
king's feet rest
upon an
Nine Bows, the

and the chin
incised depiction of the
enemies of Egypt,
traditional
slightly raised so that the eyes
is
look beyond the viewer rather than directly

ahead. Although the shoulders are noticeably
broader than on the granite statue, the torso and

limbs remain slender and elongated, and the
small, softly
rounded breasts subtly communi-
cate the female gender of the king.'
The
face,
heart-shaped and broad across the cheekbones,
ends in a small, pointed chin. Almond-shaped

eyes, very slightly angled, are set beneath
arching brows.
The mouth
and
larly in profile)
is
small (particu-
set straight across,
and the
was
thin but
nose, to judge from what remains,
prominent
the most individualized feature
of this idealizing image.

Instead of the form-fitting sheath of the
granite statue, the clothing here
pleated shendyt
bull's tail
is
kilt,
beaded
worn by male
belt,
royalty,
is
the short
and pendant
and the parure
only a broad collar and a set of simple
The
bracelets.
royal nemes encases the head so
it
appears to be an emanation of the
king's person,
from which the protective uraeus,
closely that
now destroyed, once reared.

The inscriptions that run down
the front of
the throne use exclusively feminine forms of the

royal
as
titles
"The
and
epithets.
Hatshepsut
Perfect Goddess,
of the Thrones of the
Two
is
Lady of
Lands, Maatkare, beloved of
described
the
Lands,
may
she live
forever!" (along the proper left leg) and
bodily daughter of Re,

Hatshepsut, beloved of
Gods, may she
172
"The
Khenemet-Amun-
Amun-Re, King of the
live forever!"
HATSHEPSUT
Two
Amun-Re, Lord
(along the right).
BUILDING PROJECTS
The hard
image
this
is
crystalline limestone of which the
made
has an unusually high polish for
period and clearly was meant to be
left
largely unpainted.' When the doors of the shrine

that
housed
this statue
were opened
"the bodily daughter of Re"
at sunrise,
was illumined by
the rays of her progenitor and transfigured into

a radiant being
an
akh.^ Until that
she waited, alert and prepared to
rise,
moment,
her gaze
concentrated not on her priests but upon the
domain of Amun-Re, Karnak, the
"horizon."''
CAK
1.
Roland Tefhin (1979, pp. 16566) suêsts
that the statue
was originally made for use
Karnak and subsequendy was transferred

el-Bahri; in this
new ideal tât combined masculine
well as
this
men
p. 26).
women as
though it is difficult to im^ne how
and feminine aspects
in order to appeal to
on the back of the head
there
on a fragment of the nemes
(see detail),
was in
Kamak, who
is
he
is
by Tefhin
is
fact dedicated to
to
cited as *'Lord
the First Occasion (the creation), the sound eye of
at
Deir
Sun god)."
the All-Lord (the
(1979,
at
Deir
Provenance: Westem Thebes, Deir el-Bahri,
Amun-Re of
Senenmut Quarry; head,
of the Thrones of the
throne, Metropolitan
left
1926-28; lower parts of statue, transported to Berlin
by Karl Richard Lepsius,
it is
appropriate that a major cult
statue of Hatshepsut in the temple
Metropolitan
1845, acquired
Museum in an exchange in
should carry an inscription ei^liddy Unking her with
Bibliogbaphy: Winlock
The original location of this statue has been a mat-
Amun of Kamak. There is therefore no reason to
(head);
of some discussion. Herbert Winlock (1942,
p. 187)
thought
it
doubt that from
was placed in Hatshepsut's cult
sanctuary in her temple at Deir el-Bahri. William
Hayes
(1959, p- 99), noting that the statue's texts
4.
do
its
by the
1929
of Deir el-Bahri
pigment on the belt.
ter
forearm, and parts of
Two Lands" and "King of the Gods" on the west

wall of its chamber (reconstruction in Winlock 1942,
p. 216). In this light,
and some green
followed
However, the central barque shrine
el-Bahri
could have aided her political ambitions.
Only the garments preserve traces of color:

blue and yellow pigment
3.
by
of the a>-ie^ncy, Hatshepsut mi^t have been seeking to express a
2.
that,
using "hybrid" forms, particularly at die beginning
inception this statue
was des-
Winlock
1929a, pp. 4-12,
figs.
4-6
1930, pp. 510, figs. 3, 4 (entire
statue), 1617, ^gs- i5a>
b (restored head); Winlock
tined for Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri.
1942, p. 188, pi. 58; Vandier 1958, pi. xcvii, 6 ^lead
The idea of Kamak as a "horizon"
restored);
and
that
both sees
{Urkunden 4,
Amun-Re as worshiped at Kamak temple, theorized
(Kamak)
is
p. 364,
II.
know that Ipet-sut
14): "I
die horizon
on
earth, the august hill
Hayes
1959, pp. 97-99; Aldred 1961, p. 48,
na 22; Tefnin 1979, pp.
seen is expressed in Hatshepsut's own words
is
not mention Amun of Djeser-djeseru but instead
20-30, 186,
of
1116 (bibliography, p,
figs. 1, 2, 3, 6, 8, pis. Ill, b, c, IV, v;
York, Metropolitan
Museum
11),
New
1987, pp. 4446, pi. 28
THE SHRINES TO HATHOR AT DEIR EL-BAHRI

member of the
building project. Other deposits of votive offerings found at Deir el-Bahri
Egyptian pantheon.' Although her main temple was at Dendera, shrines
probably resulted from periodic cleaning of the various shrines during
Hathor, a daughter of the sun god Re, was a powerful
in her
honor were erected throughout Egypt, and from
at least the First
the
Intermediate Period (21502040 ex.), Hathor was worshiped in the area
of Deir el-Bahri." Mentuhotep
of
his
mortuary temple
shrine to Hathor
II (r.
2051-2000
in her honor,
B.C.) dedicated a portion
and Hatshepsut constructed a
on the southern portion of the second
temple, Djeser-djeseru.
Thutmose
III
terrace of her
continued the tradition by includ-
ing a Hathor shrine in his temple, Djeseru-Akhet, located above and
between the temples of Mentuhotep and Hatshepsut.

Little material
offerings that
once adorned
them were discovered during various archaeological excavations

area.' In the
192223 Metropolitan
Museum
season, Herbert Winlock uncovered what
"Hatshepsut Hole," an enormous ancient

the funerary temples of Hatshepsut and
tion of the Statues of Hatshepsut
Arnold
the
in this volume).'' Ostraca,
ground
for
Thutmose
were concentrated
in
Ill's
in the
of Art Egyptian Expedition

is
now
from the debris used
one area of the
Numerous
pit.
cult's popularity is
demonstrated by the sheer
offerings that have survived, as well as
by the
variety of
object types and the varying quality in their manufacture. Votive

offerings to
of
Hathor are
fertility
easily recognized because they bear her
name or
images of her, or motifs that refer to her primary functions
and rebirth
(cat. nos.
97-99).
They
models of Hathor masks, figures of cows and

objects, vessels, amulets
include stelae, textiles,
cats, fertility figurines
and
and jewelry, and models of ears and eyes so that
the goddess would be able to see and hear her petitioners.'
1.
"The Destruc-
(see
from Deir el-Bahri
III.'
were places where anyone could make a dedica-
The breadth of this
numbers of
dcp
referred to as the
dump of building debris from
Thutmose III
"
as landfill to level
For
a detailed discussion
see
Daumas
For an in-depth study of the Hathor
3.
In addition to Winlock's
Winlock
5.
See Hayes 1959, pp. 29-30.
6.
Pinch 1993, pp. 2324.
society,
shrines, see Pinch 1993.
(1923), see, for example, Naville 1907, p. 17.
1923, pp. 2639.
Discards from the Hathor
7.
Pinch 1993.
Thutmose
work
4.
small votive objects
shrine of Djeser-djeseru, they were deposited there during
of Hathor's many roles in Egyptian religion and
1977.
2.
by Dorothea
causeway, clearly date this material to the
Thutmose
tion.
titulary, cult
has been recovered from inside the remains of the
numerous deposits of the votive
shrines, but
New Kingdom.'
Unlike the large temples, which were largely inaccessible except to
the king, Hathor shrines
Ill's
173
Ducks were popular

as
pets in the
New Kingdom,
evident by their presence in family scenes
is
on tomb
walls.
tive motifs
They
are also
common
on boxes, spoons, and
Manniche suggested
that
decora-
amulets." Lise
ducks had erotic con-
notations for the ancient Egyptians, which, if
may
true,
explain their presence on cosmetic
equipment and among votive offerings to

Hathor."
Scarab with the
b.
Prenomen
of Hatshepsut
(23-3-175)
cm
L. 1.8
These scarabs and design amulets are
97- Votive Stela
all
Thutmose
(1479-1425 B.C.)
III
H.
12
fine preservation
cm (4'/! in.), W.
17.5
cm (6% in.), D. 0.3 cm ()i in.)
(a
and
e) also
Hathor was often depicted
in her
gifts to
Hathor.
The
of the cords on the rings
bears out this interpretation.
bovine form.
seals include royal
names (b d), phrases
honor
and emblems or motifs of
a deity (d),
Hathor
that
with ankh
cm
{'A in.),
H. 0.9
cm
(H
in.)
Rectangular Plaque
c.
(23.3.189)
L.
One
in.),
W.
cm
side of this plaque
and the other side
Amenhotep
d.
a.
cm
1.5
in.),
is
shows
H. 0.65
cm {'A in.)
Hathor
inscribed with the
capital,
name of
I.'
(a, c, e).
On this small votive stela,' most certainly made to

all
1.3
The
designs on the bases of these scarabs and design
honor the goddess, three cows,
W.
of wear, which strongly suggests that they were
purchased specifically as
Limestone
(Kin.),
in
excellent condition, without chips or other signs
Ring with
Rectangular Plaque
Duck
a Sleeping
(23.3.190)
symbols hanging from around
their necks, are

L. 1.55
(23.3.226)
shown. The disks between
their
the sun disk and therefore the
Hathor was
affiliated.
horns represent
god Re, with whom
Geraldine Pinch has inter-
preted these multiple cows as representing the
herd associated with the Hathor
cult.'
The
papyrus plant arching over the cows represents a
dcp
marsh, a location sacred to Hathor.
I.
Pinch 1993, pp.
2. Ibid., p.
85, loi.
94.
Provenance; Western
Hatshepsut Hole in the Mentuhotep causeway;

Metropolitan
Museum of Art
and Moss 1964,
p. 626;
excavations, 192223
1923, p. 38, fig. 33; Porter
Pinch 1993, pp.
94
85,
Scarabs and Seal Amulets,

Probably from the Djeser98.
djeseru Hathor Shrine at
Deir el-Bahri
Early 1 8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
Glazed
The
III
(1479 1425
steatite,
B.C.)
cord (a and e)
Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New
Rogers Fund, 1923 23.3.175,
174
York,
.189, .190, .225, .226
Amulet: L.
H. 0.8
cm
1.2
QA
cm
in.);
('A in.),
W.
cord: ca. 6
0.9
cm
cm
cm Qi in.), W.
j.i
cm
(Hin.), H. 0.6
cm (>4in.)
in.),
(2?^ in.)
One
side bears the
the other
is
name of Amenhotep
inscribed "All praise
I,
and
Amun-Re."
Provenance: Deir el-Bal!as;
e. Ring with a Hemispherical

Design Amulet
Amulet: L.
H.
cm
0.5
1.2
cm
(Â in.),
W.
cm
1.15
cord: L. 2.5
QA(> in.);
On the base,
used
cm
QA
pp. 1012, no. 36b
in.),
(i in.)
a sistrum (a rattle-like instrument
shown
is
rounded top
Bowl with
100.
in cult ritual) that displays the visage
Hathor
Reisner excavations
Bibliography; Elsasser and Fredrickson 1966,

p. 68; Anne K. Capel in Capel and Markoe 1996,
(23.3.225)
is
two
flanked by
uraei.
undecorated.
Floral Scene
of
The
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose UI
DCP
1425 B.C.)
1479
(r.
Egyptian faience
I.
2.
3.
Hermann
1932.
Manniche 1997,
For a close
H.
p. 40.
9.5
cm
(3)4 in.),
Diam. 32 cm (12K
in.)
parallel to this plaque, see
Gretchen L.
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1922
Spalinger in Egypt's Golden Age 1982, p. 253,

22.3.73
no. 358.
Provenance: Western
This fragment of a broad shallow bowl
motifs based on the blue lotus flower.
1922--23
exterior the
all
the rim. Inside the bottom of the
bowl a
is
Dynasty (1550-1295
design also based on the lotus,
B.C.)
the
the
a lotus
way
to
central
framed by a band of zigzag
lines that represent water.

i8th
made
On
open petals and sepals of
spread from the small ring base
square, a pool,
Clapper
99.
is
of turquoise faience and decorated in black with
Hatshepsut Hole in the Mentuhotep causeway;

Metropolitan
single rosette, a
is
centered in the
Ivory
L. 17. 7
cm
(7 in.)

University of California, Berkeley 6-8436
At
certain times during the year, a temple's
was honored with
deity
music was integral

scenes
celebration,
to these events.
show musicians playing
1.
p. 262, no. 369;
and brass instruments, accompanied by percussionists playing
Held one
drums,
in
sistra,
or a pair of clap-
Hans D. Schneider in Agyptens Aufstieg
1982,
p. 179, no. 97;
Anne
1987,
K. Capel in Capel and Markoe
1996, pp. roi 2, no. 36.
each hand, clappers were
struck together for an effect
much
castanets, keeping the music's beat
sizing
Age
Hans D. Schneider xnAgyptens
Aufstieg 1987, p. 179, no. 97.
stringed, wind,
2.
pers.'
For other clappers with similar motifs, see

Christiane Ziegler in Egypt's Golden
and
Temple
like that
of
and empha-
movement. This type of sound was
believed to be magically beneficial.^
Since Hathor, the goddess of joy, love, and

fertility,
was
also the patron of music
and dance,
decorating a clapper with her features was

appropriate.
entirely
Hathor
most
On
this
capital imitates a bracelet.
likely
Hathor's
example, the
The
Clappers were most often used

but
clappers
belonged to a pair employed during
festivals.
many come from
at temples,
private burials and
are inscribed with an individual's
some
name and
title.
Their owners probably spent part of each
year
in service to their local temple,
used the clappers.
where they
dcp
THE SHRINES TO HATHOR
I75
pool, and around the pool are arranged groups
adjacent mortuary temple of Mentuhotep
of lotus flowers and buds and papyrus umbels,
they probably also came from this shrine.*
which reach up
Large numbers of fragments of shallow deco-
Both the
to the lip of the vessel.
Provenance: Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahti,
II;
rubbish heaps of the Hathor shrine of the temple of
Thutmose
III,
near Pit 219; Metropolitan
Museum
of Art excavations, 192022
rim and the base are painted black. The very
rated faience bowls have been found associated
formal design, which radiates from the center
with shrines to Hathor
on both the
Serabit el-Khadim in the
interior
and exterior surfaces,
is
at
Faras in Nubia' and
sjA
Sinai.'*
Krdnig 1934, p.
rigidly symmetrical.
7;
This bowl was found
below the
in the debris
Hathor shrine of the temple of Thutmose

Deir el-Bahri, and
Pinch 1993, pp. 30815.
2.
Naville and Hall 1913, pp. 1718, 26, pis. xxvi,
III at
was probably dedicated to
it
Hathor as a votive
similar bowls
1.
Many
gift.'
were found
fragments of
in the debris over the
155, pi.
fig. 25;
1922, pp. 32, 35,
xxvi,
c;
Strauss 1974, p. 16,
Barbara A. Porter 1986, pp. 96-99, no.
pi.
fig.
15, fig. 13,
29
xxvii.
3. Griffith
1921, pp. 85-86, pi. 20.
1906, pp. 140-41,
4. Petrie
figs. 147, 155, 156.
FAIENCE BOWLS
Egyptian faience, a nonclay ceramic material made from quartz, soda,
and lime, was used
and
The
vessels.
to
make
amulets, scarabs, beads, rings, figurines,
word
ancient Egyptian
for faience, tjehnet,
"dazzling"; because of the reflective properties of
faience
was equated with
its
means
glazed surface,
and therefore, magically, with
light
life.
Objects of faience had already appeared in the Predynastic Period

(ca.
3400
along with others of glazed
B.C.),
versatile
inlaid before
steatite, a related technique.'
medium, faience can be molded, modeled, carved, or
it is
fired.
by forming over
The bowls discussed below may have been made
a core, then cutting and trimming the base and rim
before the faience paste had completely hardened.
The surface was
often
published in 1934 by Wolfgang Kronig,

collection of the Agyptisches
other examples
known
Museum
at the time,
who examined
in Berlin,
and looked
the bowls in the
comparing them
at the origin
ied the
bowls
in the
"Nunschale," that
tive
is,
to
of some of
their motifs, especially the tilapia.' In 1974 Elisabeth Strauss,
who stud-
Egyptian collection in Munich, called the bowls
Nun bowls, because
she believed that their decora-
scheme, usually with a central pool and aquatic plants and
resented the birth of the sun god
Re from
fish,
the primeval lotus and
the ancient Egyptian waters of creation.'"
rep-
Nun,
1986 study by Barbara
Porter examined excavated bowls in the collection of The Metropolitan
Museum of Art
in
New
York." Geraldine Pinch,
in her 1993
study of
painted with designs in a blackish color using a manganese-based paint.
votive offerings to Hathor, offered the neutral term "marsh bowls,"
The characteristic blue and green
arguing that the symbolic meaning of all the motifs used
colors of the glaze derive from copper
compounds and develop during the firing process.*
Its
blue-green color
led faience to be associated with the goddess Hathor, the
Lady of
Turquoise, and to be used for making votive objects dedicated in her

shrines, including a bowl discussed
this exhibition
Thus
were placed
above
in burials,
(cat. no. 100).
Similar bowls in
where they symbolized
associated with Hathor than with

in both temple
the faience bowls catalogued here, low, open vessels decorated
By
the early Eighteenth Dynasty, the production of high-quality
bowls decorated with aquatic vegetation and
Kingdom (which ended about
the Middle
at Thebes''
(cat. nos.
101-105), most of the bowl fragments found in excava-
come from temples and
shrines associated with Hathor,
were given to the goddess as votive offerings from the
where they
living.
Bowls
bom both sources are similar in shape, decoration, and the symbolism of
the motifs employed
lotus, tilapia fish, papyrus,
water
which was
probably equally effective in both temple and funerary settings for evoking
fertility, rebirth,
Hathor shrines and temples

Faras' have received
little
at
in great quantities in excavations
attention until recently.'
More work has been
contexts,' which, because of their bet-
ter state
of preservation, have frequently been displayed
lections
and special
176
of
Deir el-Bahri,' Serabit el-Khadim,'' and
done on the bowls from funerary
exhibitions.*
The
and
in provincial
such as bottles and
and sepals have
jars,
also
fish
from the
later years
of
i6;o b.c.) have been foimd both
tombs." Small dishes and closed vessels,
adorned with an open lotus with radiating petals
been uncovered.'^ The faience industry continued in
Egypt through the Second Intermediate Period (1650 1550
B.C.),
but the
best evidence for an imbroken tradition of faience bowls decorated -with
aquatic plants and animals
may come from Kerma
in Nubia.
George
Reisner found large quantities of fragments of elaborately decorated

faience bowls, cups, and jars in the ruins of the temples and tumuli there
and regeneration.
The fragmentary bowls found
closely
Nun and has several layers of meaning
and funerary contexts." To date, no comprehensive study
of these faience bowls has been made.
and temples. While the most complete bowls have usually been found in
tions
more
faience objects and vessels already had a long history. Faience cups and
rebirth.
with motifs of aquatic vegetation and animals, come from both tombs
tombs
is
first
in
museum
col-
general study on them was
dating to the Classic
Kerma Period (1750-1550 B.C.).'' Peter Lacovara

may be broken vessels imported to Kerma from
has suggested that these
Egypt and reused there to make new vessels or

ration.''
they
Like the Middle
may
Kingdom
inlaid architectural
statuary that
represent spoils removed from Middle
The shapes of the
faience vessels found at
Kerma
was taken
Kingdom
to
deco-
Kerma,
cult places.
are similar to those of
Middle Kingdom pottery
and drop-shaped
deep bowls and cups with carinated
with short everted rims.
jars
profiles
They are decorated
in the
center of the interior and often on the base of the exterior with an open
lotus or rosette
and on the upper body with a band of fish, birds, animals,
and lotus flowers. This decoration
off
is set
from the rim by
single or
ors of these bowls completely with an often dense design that has a
highly symmetrical, radial organization. This format differs markedly
from
triangles,
and zigzag and maze patterns." The elements of their decoraand use of patterned bands,
partic-
Kerma bowls and cups with the
ularly the running spiral, closely ally the
fragments of bowls found in the early Eighteenth Dynasty Hathor
however, that no well-dated faience ves-
shrines. It is interesting to note,

sels
of the Middle Kingdom or Second Intermediate Period have been
found
in the
Hathor shrines
in
The imagery of fish and
Egypt, Nubia, and Sinai.
on
aquatic plants
New Kingdom
was
faience bowls might be related to those
on
light-
colored marl clay pottery "fish plates" of the Middle Kingdom.'' These
handmade
large oval
of
designs
incised
pondweed.
dishes are decorated on the interior with deeply
gles,
pond of the faience
element,
fish itself is the principal
the bottom of the dish; in others there
the central
All of the motifs
and
filling
it
Some examples have
it.
clear that these trays
were not meant
domestic use." These marl clay plates seem to
The
sors or successors but
in the late
ing.
1.
And marsh
by
its
hatchhngs
from the mother's
scenes themselves are symbolic of
the living to
Lady of
fertility.
may have made them
Thus
suitable
the
both as
Hathor and as potent iunerary gifts to the dead
exist as
specific uses.
They
are found
late
Middle Kingdom
at
Kahun" and
sjA
In the later
cat. nos. 16, 141, 194).
New Kingdom, the production of faience was closely related to
Naville and Hall 1913, pp. 17-18, pis. xxvi, xxvii; Griffith 1921, pp. 8;-86, pi. 20;
Winlock 1922, pp. 3132; >Xôck

4. Petrie 1906, pp.
140-41,
Griffith 1921, pp.

6.
1923, p. 38.
figs. 147> tjj, 156.
8586, pi. 20; Karkowski 1981, p. 109,
Pinch 1993, pp. 308-15,
7. Strauss 1974;
fig. 1, pis. 3, 7, 32, 39,
in Egypt's Golden Age 1982, pp. 14245,
nos. 138-44; Barbara A. Porter in Mtanmies
9.
76; F. D.
pi. xi.
63.
Barbara A. Porter 1986.
Milward 1982; Angela J. Milward
na
shallow open bowls of blue and blue-
was often used for scarabs and other sealing devices, as well as
such as smelting. See Nicholson 2000, pp. 18384.
Tell
green faience decorated with marsh, aquatic, or Hathoric motifs became
steatite
glassmaking and probably was also associated with other refractory industries,
for everyday
a unique, highly
Glazed
cosmetic vessels and shawabtis (see

2.
In the early Eighteenth Dynasty, especially during the reigns of

III,
shelters
fish
to assist their rebirth in the next world.
el-Daba."
god each morning. The
mouth and
a potent symbol of regeneration to the ancient Egyptians.
symbolic meaning of the bowls
a raised
Middle Kingdom; they have no precur-
must have had quite
setdement contexts of the
its
blue color of the bowls, which ties them to Hathor, the
offerings
8.
in
eggs in
and so the emergence of the newborn
from whence the dead are reborn, provided additional layers of mean-
decorated class of forms separate from the normal corpus of domestic
and funerary pottery
on these marsh bowls are symbols of regeneration
blue lotas, which opens in the morning and closes at
associated with the rebirth of the sun
mouth was
3.
which makes
is
tilapia incubates its fertilized
there,
a central rectangle analogous to
is
dishes, with lotas flowers, hatched trian-
and pondweed radiating out from
fish,
The
rebirth.
night,
platform in the center of the dish decorated with incised cross-hatching
or
single
playing a lute or a fishing
blossoms with spotted sepals, and
lotus
fish,
On some dishes the
woman
Turquoise, and their association with this deity, the Goddess of the West,
the interior of vessels
not limited to faience vessels. Kronig suggested that the designs on the
early
New Kingdom faience bowls, which show a
scene."^
multiple bands of geometric motifs, including running spirals, hatched
tion, diverse representational motifs,
that of the later
narrative composition such as a
and Magic 1988, pp. 13839,
Friedman 1998, pp. 112-13,21112,005. 76 79; Spurr, Reeves,
and Quirke 1999, pp. 2829, nos. 2631.

Kronig 1934.
70-71.
10. Strauss 1974, pp.
The collection is in the Staadiche Sammltmg
Agypdscher Kunst, Munich.

popular.
The
sides
of these bowls
flare
and turn upward near the rim, which
out from a small disk or ring base
manganese. The exterior
is
Barbara A. Porter 1986.
They
12.
Pinch 1993, pp. 30815.
The bowls
13.
A faience dish with a wavy rim and lotus blossoms on the inside and a small
finished with a flat edge.
is
range from 4 to 16 inches (10 to 40 centimeters) in diameter.

are decorated with linear designs
11.
drawn
in a black pigment,
carinated cup decorated with lotuses and an inscription invoking the goddess
probably
Hathor on behalf of the owner, the lady Ibiau, were found by Lord Carnarvon
almost always decorated with the radiating
and Howard Carter in

petals
and sepals of the Egyptian blue lotus {Nymphaea caerulea
Savigny).
The
which the
artists
sepals of this flower
indicated
have purple dots on the
by dashes or
stippling.
exterior,
14.
The base of the bowl
The
decoration inside these bowls
is
that
may
represent a
pond of water, or
less frequently, a rosette
from
which the lotus flowers and buds, the papyrus umbels, and the pondweed
{Potamogeton
litcens
Linnaeus)"' reach
up
fish
na
form of a
ill.
and other pondweeds (Bourriau 1988, pp. 131-32,
p. 128).
15.
Bourriau 1988, pp. 128-29, ""s- '"î b, pp. 130-31,

Reisner 1923, pp. 134-75,
17.
Lacovara 1998.
figs.
18.
See Reisner 1923, pi. 46.
19.
KrSnig 1934, pp. 146-47, pi. xxiv,

Bader 2001, pp. 79-99, pis. i, 11.
tilapia fish
rosette
The artists endeavored
fills
to
the interi-
125.
a, b.
21. Petrie 1891, pi. v.
23.
Bader 2001, pp. 79-99,

Keimer 1929.
24.
For examples of this type of bowl, see Angela }. Milward
the interior
fill
na
172-88, pis. 4547.
20.
of a bowl. Other elements such as Hathor heads, Hathor cows, gazelles,

also used.
126,
decorated on the inside with tilapia and on the out-
16.
22. See
and inscriptions were
It is
Animals associated
porated into the designs as well. Less frequently a single Nile

(Tilapia nilotica) or lotas blossom in the
Hu.
and birds, are incor-
to the rim.
with aquatic and marsh environments, such as
at
side with birds, lotus buds,
also usually a radial
arrangement of motifs, most often based on a central square or rectangle
52,
A small carinated cup now in the Petrie Museum, London (UC18758), was
found in a tomb
forms the center of the flower, and the tips of the petals reach up to touch
the rim.
Tomb 24 at Thebes (Carnarvon and Carter 1912, p.
pl.xuv,4,5).
pis. i,
n.
1982, pp. 144-45, nos. 143, 144; Spurr, Reeves,
in Egypt's Golden Age
and Quirke 1999, pp. 28-29, na
FAIENCE BOWLS
31.
I77
102. Small Bowl with Stylized

Lotus
Bowl with Lotuses
lOi.
Thutmose
III
(1479 1458
B.C.)
Egyptian faience
H. 6 cm
Thutmose
Diam.
(i/s in.),
Museum
17.3
cm
(6)4 in.)
H. 4.6
Fund 09.377
Exploration
III
(1479 1458
B.C.)
Egyptian faience
of Fine Arts, Boston, Gift of the Egypt
cm (i>4 in.), Diam.
cm
13.2
(5^^ in.)
The Syndics of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge

.35.1921
Found
bowl
in a private
in the debris
Thutmose
has a
tomb
Abydos,
Deir el-Bahri
III at
On
this faience
size
The
of the one
from the Hathor shrine of
disk base and a
flat
black.
at
approximately half the
is
found
flat
tion:
rim, both painted
the exterior, petals and sepals of a
blue lotus radiate from the base.
On
101,
is
surrounded by lotus flowers and
buds with both

fill
straight
and drooping stems that
bowl
tal line.
from Abydos
Renennefer:
is
it is
one found next

the
same
size
to the
and
is
head of
with
a central
pinwheel within nested squares
lotus blossoms
the interior of the bowl.
Hathor
at
her shrines, low open faience bowls
in private
fish,
largest
One
to
SJA
of the
offi-
cial in
the court of Hatshepsut (cat. no. 105). His
tomb
in
Asasif,
MMA
Tomb
729, con-
This also appears to have been true in the Middle
Kingdom,
tomb of Ramose and Hamefer,
178
cat. no. 45).'
deco-
the interior, the bottom of the
bowl
is filled
On
by
Among all
motif sometimes found as the central element of

the square pool (see cat. no. 100).
The
upright
Carnarvon
Hayes
Lansing and Hayes 1937, pp.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, 65366; Barbara A. Porter
1935b, pp. 3032, fig. 14.
1986, pp. 5558, no.
30, 34, fig. 42.
2, fig. 2, pis. 6, 7, 9.
Provenance: Abydos, Tomb

Fund, 1909
in the
is
painted black.
4, 5,
3.
W. M. Flinders
daughter, Neferure (see
Ibiau;
xliv,
2.
Renennefer, and daughter, Ruyu.^ Three more
parents of Senenmut, the steward of Hatshepsut 's
pi.
4.
tained seven intact bowls buried with his wife,
were found
Lady
as in burial of the
and Carter 1912, pp. 5152,
be
groups of such bowls was found in the
family tomb of Neferkhawat, a midlevel
Lower
1.
and birds
tombs and seem
associated with female burials.'
the exterior
is
single flattened-out, stylized blue lotus flower, a

sprout.''
decorated with lotuses, papyrus,
and the rim
and papyrus umbels
In addition to their use as votive offerings to
were deposited
The upper body on
rated simply with widely spaced groups of three
decorated
vertical lines,
from which
skillfully
from the black-painted ring
upward, a juncture marked by a black horizonthese examples, the closest parallel to this
pinwheel
of the usual lotiform decora-
the exterior, the petals and sepals of the
base but stop where the body of the bowl turns
base
the inte-
squares marked with dashes and enclosing a
on
lotus radiate out
pool consisting of four nested
rior, a central
sharply carinated profile of this small bowl
affects the layout
(cat. no. 100). It
Petrie for the
F15; excavated
by
Egypt Exploration
Bibliography: Ayrton and Loat
1908-9; Barbara
A. Porter in Mummies and Magic 1988, pp. 138-39,

no. 76
102, base
CoiWfjghioOniflBrjl
wall of the bowl interior
with a running
is filled
Bowl with Pond and
104.
design of eight elongated, partially open lotus
Lotuses
buds. Simpler bowls decorated with only a single

rosette
were found
and Aniba,' and

rosette
Hatnefer
at
tombs
in private
at
Saqqara'
Thutmose
a small saucer with a central
comes from
the
Deir el-Bahri (see
III
(1479-1458
H.
cat. no. 45).'
II
cm
(4'/^ in.),
Purchase, Edward
1.
Jequier 1933, p. 45,
Steindorff 1935-37, vol. 2, p. 142,
3.
Metropolitan
pi.
Museum of Art, New
Lansing and Hayes 1937,
XCI,
i.
103, base
examples of the type (see
right);
13, fig. 11,
with a checkerboard motif.
From
the sides of
the pool, four large blue lotus blossoms

straight stems extend to the rim.
Provenance: Sedment, Tomb
1723; excavations of
lotus
blossoms are four
pointing
Flinders Petrie for the British School of
Archaeology, 192021
pool and their
tails
upward
Petrie
and Brunton 1924,
vol. 2,
(lower right, "J"); Kronig 1934,
Barbara A. Porter 1986,
fig.
p. 157,
the
bowl
is
on
Between the
mouths
tilapia, their
downward toward
the corners of the
to the rim,
painted the customary black.
Bibliography:
fig. 19;
28
cm
Harkness
This blue faience bowl
York, 36.3.10;
42 (lower
p. 30, fig.
Barbara A. Porter 1986, pp. 9192, no.
p. 26, pi. Lxiii
S.
(11 in.)
Gift,
1926 26.7.905
pi. x, 20.
pi. 27.
W. M.
Diam.
SJA
2.
B.C.)
Egyptian faience
tomb of Ramose and
The
which
is
exterior of
covered with alternating lotus petals
and sepals radiating from the black-painted disk
is
one of the larger
cat. no. 100). It
the
rim.
open
lotus
blossom radiate up to
As with other examples of
Eighteenth Dynasty bowls, the rim

center of the interior
rate
solid,
square
filled
is
has a
from which
thick, flat disk base, painted black,
the petals of an
early
is flat.
The
decorated with an elabo-
with alternating checked,
and reserved bands surrounded by a
plaited pattern,
which represents
a pond. All
around the pond and extending up to the rim of
49
base.
For the ancient Egyptians the

incubates
103.
Small Bowl with Lotuses
and Fish
its
eggs in
its
which opened each day
tilapia,
which
mouth, and the
lotus,
at
dawn, were symbols
of regeneration and rebirth. This made bowls

decorated with such motifs suitable as offerings

in
Thutmose
III
(1479 1458
tombs.
sjA
B.C.)
Egyptian faience
H. 4
cm (i/i in.), Diam.
Agyptisches
Museum
13
cm (5%
in.)
Provenance:
der Universitat Leipzig 6057
Aniba,
The
inside this
bowl
centers around a pool of nested rectangles
filled
simple, rather
open design
Tomb Sx; excavations of the
Mission Archeologique de Nubie, 1929-34
Bibliography:
42, pi. 90,
no. 70
i;
Steindorff 1935-37, vol.
Frank Steinmann
in
2,
pp. 141
Krauspe 1997a,
p. 86,
104, base
FAIENCE BOWLS
179
CoiWfjghioOniflBtjl
bowl
the
is
a continuous design of lotus blos-
soms, some fully opened with erect stems and
some
opened buds with drooping
partially
heads. Lotus buds also
fill
the
empty spaces
around the stems.

This beautifully preserved bowl came from
one of the tombs
Thebes, the area
in Birabi at
where Hatshepsut
later constructed her Valley
Temple. These tombs, originally cut

Middle Kingdom, were reused
in the
in the early part
of the Eighteenth Dynasty.' The bowl was
found
in the coffin
of the Mistress of the House
Teti/ which contained the bodies of two adults
and
sjA
a girl.
1.
2.
The
Metropolitan
1912, pp. 5188.
12.181.302; unpublished.

burial 12; excavations of Lord
Birabi,
Tomb 47,
Carnarvon and Howard
Carter, 1912
Bibliography:
Ancient Egyptian
no. 10, pi. 38 (top);
Kronig
N. E. Scott 1947,
fig. 16;
An
Barbara A. Porter 1986, pp. 80-83,

pis. 22, 23;
1922, p. 58,
1934, pp. 14950,
N. E. Scott 1973,
N. Strudwick 2001,
fig. 6;
fig.
buds. Just below the rim, between the flowers
24;
and buds, are
9> ^g- 9)
waterfowl that stand on the
six
lotuses with their heads pointing
p. 27, no. 10
downward
A seventh bird was begun but
toward the pond.
apparently not finished, and instead of a bird,
one of the flowers has two
The
side.
Bowl with Pond,
105.
Birds,
Lotuses,
and Fish
now
the very loosely
remains
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458
H.
5.5
The
clear,
The bowl
2t
cm (8/4 in.)
and the drawing has not
is
lost its
one of three found in the
coffin
royal scribe at the court of Hatshepsut, from
their family
Rogers Fund 1935
is
drawn flowers and animals
of the lady Renennefer, wife of Neferkhawat, a
cm (2/3 in.), Diam.
Metropolitan
one on either
vitality.
b.c.)
Egyptian faience
fish,
blue-glazed surface of the bowl
discolored to brown, but the lightness of
tomb
in
Lower
Asasif.'
The bowls
35.3.78
were placed near her head and were probably

originally contained in a basket.
This low, wide bowl
is
decorated on the exterior
complex
Neferkhawat and Renennefer, who was buried
pond represented by
with
wavy
side of the
a simple rectangle filled
lines signifying water.
pond
is
a closed
to the rim,
daughter
of
another chamber of the tomb."
From each
bud on
and
at
a straight stem.
intermediate spaces close to the pond are
figs. 2, 3, pis.
(cat.
2.
Hayes
6 n.
1935b, pp. 3032,
fig. 14;
1986, pp. 63-76, nos. 4-7,
figs.
Barbara A. Porter
4-7,
pis.
12-21.
SJA
each
The
filled
The second bowl (The Metropolitan Museum of

An, New York,
rectangular
stems that emerge from the larger flowers and
The
35.3.77)
is
rather similar to cata-
Provenance: Thebes, area of the Ramesside

Tomb 729 (West A), burial II (Renennefer);
temple,
logue no. 103 from Aniba, which also has a central
with smaller inverted lotus buds on drooping
180
Ruyu,
with
a large lotus fliower in full
bloom extends upward

corner
in
associated
bowl from Abydos
no. loi); Barbara A. Porter 1986, pp. 5562, nos. 2,
were
however, centers around a
squares, similar to the
faience bowls covered with fish and lotus motifs
with a standard open lotus blossom. The more

interior,
Cairo (65366), has a pinwheel design within nested
Four other blue
pond
third bowl,
filled
now
with a checkerboard pattern.
in the
Egyptian Museum,
Bibliography: Hayes
1935b, pp. 3032; Barbara
A, Porter 1986, pp. 5254, no.
i, fig. i, pis.
5-8
3,
THE TEMPLE OF MUT

New Evidence on Hatshepsut's Building Activity
Betsy M. Bryan
The
whom
goddess Mut, Mistress of Isheru,
woman
depicted as either a
hostile
with lion
whose temperaments
deities,
were thought
while the Opet festival celebrated at the Luxor temple was com-
Mut was
The
Mut temple
form atop which are walls

about 1375
B.C.; the front
or
A great
Karnak housed sanctuaries and the
site, called
Isheru,
was named
for the
sacred lake that wrapped around the rear of the main temple.
in a ruinous state, the
also
benevolent
determine the fate of mankind.
to
religious enclosure in southern
central temple of Mut.
Hatshepsut's quartzite shrine at Karnak (the Chapelle Rouge),
woman, was
Amun-Re, whose Theban
temple, Karnak, stood on the east bank of the Nile.

identified
the Egyptians
or a Uon-headed
the wife of the national god,
consists of a
Thutmoside
earliest cult place for
Kingdom
the Middle
known
in the
Mut may have been
in
may be
constructed in
that a structure
stone only in the Eighteenth Dynasty
Hatshepsut's rule.
no
It is
information about
during
secret that during the co-regency
Hatshepsut chose to carry out construction
Our
was erected
perhaps
this
comes from
at the
temple of Mut.
a variety
Several of Hatshepsut's best-known courtiers
it
The view
and
Mut was worshiped
had been assumed
roles within her
own
in the ruler's
that these
as wife
temple
at
were
and mother. Until
also Mut's
primary
precinct during the Eighteenth Dynasty.'
that the goddess
part
festival,
was mainly venerated
by
of sources.
of the king himself)
as the
from the precinct
pa-kherod (Khonsu the
Fazzini as a
mammisi
is
queen
influenced in
The best-preserved
in the so-called
child).
the enclosure, this temple
was
Located
identified
the place in
have given birth to Khonsu

fifth
may have been
the poor state of preservation of several temples and
chapels within the precinct of Mut.

ration
written reference to the temple dates from

it
recently
that small building
should be stressed, however, that in the context
Opet
or the Second Intermediate Period, but
the Seventeenth Dynasty,'
cult,
of the gods and mother of Amun's offspring Khonsu (or, in the
remains of the original structure have yet to be identified. While

the oldest
It
plat-
Twenty-fifth Dynasty, about 700 B.C.
The
Deir el-Bahri.
of Amun-Re 's
Now
built in the late Eighteenth Dynasty,
of the temple was transformed
memorated both on
and
wall deco-
temple of Khonsu-
in the northeast
corner of
by the excavator Richard
which Mut was thought to
dated by him to the Twenty-
Dynasty,' some seven hundred years after Hatshepsut.
relief
shows
a striding
Amun-Re
posture
on
The
as a central actor in the birth
scenes, while Mut, not surprisingly, appears

a bed, or in the sanctuary
on
most often
a throne.
column drums of the same period, now placed
in a seated
Fragmentary
in front
of the west
in particular the
high priest of Amun, Hapuseneb, the steward Senenmut, and the
Second Priest of Amun, Puyemre
installed statues in that
own
with inscriptions that mention their

building of
monuments
for the goddess.
co-regency, Mut's role as the divine consort of
emphasized
in rituals for the
processional path between
god
in
temple
supervision of the
During Hatshepsut's
Amun-Re was
Thebes. At that time the
Amun-Re 's
sanctuary and the Luxor
temple was enhanced by the building of the Eighth Pylon, a
monumental doorway facing south toward

by
the creation of a group of shrines, or
god's
movement could be
involvement in the
the
way
Mut
temple, and
stations,
where the
halted temporarily to encourage public
festival.
double shrine was erected on
processional route near the north entrance to the
this
Mut temple
Fig. 70.
enclosure.'
The way
stations are
named and
depicted in rehefs on
View looking north from the back of the temple of Mut, Luxor, showing
remains of limestone walls from the early to mid- 1 8th Dynasty building
i8i
wing of the main Mut temple's
pylon, also feature
first
Amun-Re
was found
the doorway's upper right jamb
the
name Thutmose
III
prominently.' Moreover, fragmentary wall scenes (of probable
and a reference to the goddess as Mut, Mistress of Isheru-Bastet.
Twenty-fifth Dynasty date) uncovered in 2004 treat similar
The left jamb shows the king before Mut, who is called
themes: these decorations, originally located on the temple plat-
the Per-wer, probably here meaning the shrine to which this gate
Ptolemaic doorway foundation, show
gave access.* The upper portion of this mirror-image jamb, which
form and reused
Amun-Re
in a
receiving offerings, with
Mut
in a protective stance
The few remains of reliefs from
the Eighteenth
Dynasty temple
however, reveal a different emphasis. The upper portions of
walls,
would have named the
also
the sandstone
behind him.'
Mistress of
was not uncovered; however,
ruler,
column drums reused together with the blocks were
Thutmose
inscribed for both Hatshepsut (Maatkare) and
(Menkheperre).
It
may be
one referred
that this shrine is the
a statue dedicated by Puyemre, second priest of Amun, in the
but the legs of figures in an offering scene are preserved. There
temple. In the inscription
Mut is
the center of the cult ritual.
Two texts from doorways east
and west of the central barque shrine are also preserved. Both are
dedicated to
Mut alone
the Eighteenth
central
and, like the offering scene, indicate that in
Dynasty she was the focus of the decoration
new
in ebony,
mother Mut, Mistress of Isheru.
for her
in the
the doors out of
limestone works
good limestone of Tura on behalf of the King of
extant in the temple are the badly deterio-
still
The
findspot of the blocks.
to light in the course of study of the
platform foundation;
structure
elec-
oversaw the erection of
Upper and Lower Egypt Maatkare, Mistress of Isheru."' The only
rated east and west walls of a shrine a
came
worked with
trum, on behalf of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Maatkare,
Mut's divinity that was worshiped in Hatshepsut's new temple.

material
on
Mut
that image, the priest states "I over-
saw the erection of a per-wer shrine
information emerged concerning an aspect of
Mut temple.
This year
on
III
to
the walls are missing along the east side of the temple platform,
its
original early or mid-Eighteenth
temple 's
Dynasty
had been enlarged with stone rubble and sandstone blocks
from the Thutmoside building. These blocks,
parts of square piers
The
surprising
new evidence
function and the role of
Mut
few meters behind the
on the temple's
that sheds light
in Hatshepsut's reign is a text pre-
served on the sandstone column drums that reads: "[She
monument for her mother Mut]
made
it
approximately one meter to a side, were cut vertically and used in
as a
the perimeter of the expanded platform. Reliefs on these piers rep-
her a columned porch of drunkenness anew, so that she might do
resent rulers, including

inscription)
Thutmose
and Hatshepsut
III (identified
by name
in an
by the presence of
(identifiable
[as]
one
who
is
in the Middle
These sandstone blocks, lying
until the
directly
on
were penetrated
earth,
are in an extremely deteriorated state. For
this reason, archaeologists
have begun to dismantle a portion of
the platform and treat and preserve the blocks in concert with
their study
feet
of the
New Kingdom remains.
behind the front of the platform,
at the
Approximately seven
northwest-west corner
of the temple, the rubble of stone used behind the large
pillar
blocks ends and a solidly built foundation, mortared into place,'

stands. This well-constructed foundation,
whose breadth west
to
as yet undetermined (approximately 130 square feet are
east
is
now
exposed), contains large blocks of limestone as well as sand-
stone column drums of various lengths.
When the limestone blocks were
vulture headdress (see
who
is
fig. 71).
removed, they were discov-
blocks in the precinct, the
depicted as a
On
ties
Kingdom but not
show
the ruler
woman wearing the
the other visible
Thutmoside
name and image of the goddess Mut were
The
reference
Ptolemaic and
Roman
periods." However, ritual activi-
associated with drunkenness carried out in the reign of
Hatshepsut are
also part
of the
known from
ritual
statues of the king
texts
from Deir el-Bahri" and were
of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley (when
and gods from Karnak were brought across the
Nile to visit the temples of deceased rulers); in both cases they
were
specifically associated with funerary rites.
The
ment of
lion deities such as
Rattawi,''
year.""
was celebrated
At Dendera
Sekhmet, Ai, Nehemetawai, and
principally during the
the goddess
first
feast that
took place. She then
traveled through the temple's hypostyle hall to arrive in the front
court of the precinct, where a kiosk

at the festival there
and
became so inebriated
at
was
Medamud
erected.''
the goddess's
name and
figure
untouched. This definitively demonstrates that the solid foundations
were
182
built before the reign of
Akhenaten
(r.
13491336
B.C.).
On
The
as well as at the
celebrants
Mut temple
that they fell asleep in the temple forecourt,
only to be awakened in the wee hours by the sounds of singing
they awaited the appearance of the goddess.
show
month of the
was propitiated with beer and
and dancing, apparently accompanied by sexual
limestone blocks, however,
Festival of
Drunkenness, intimately connected with Hathor and the appease-
mutilated as a result of King Akhenaten's proscription of her,
The
to the loca-
known to have existed
Amun-Re, and
other deities (later the scenes were restored).
is
making for
identified in temple architecture
enthroned in the temple during the
ered to be parts of a doorway; reliefs on them
before the goddess Mut,
life [forever]."'"
tion of the Festival of Drunkenness, a ritual
feminized grammatical form in the accompanying inscription).
by groundwater and
given
Mistress of Isheru,
At
the
Mut temple
and Thutmose
in the time
activity.
Then
of the co-regency of Hatshepsut
III, a court, similar to
the present second court,
fronted the temple, and a porch of fluted columns and square piers
of Hatshepsut,
late in the sole reign
of Thutmose
III.
The name
of the female ruler was not destroyed on the gateway, and an
image of Senenmut, carved

remained
reveal, also
in
sunk
doorway's
relief in the
The reason Thutmose
intact.
left
III altered
Hatshepsut's temple remains uncertain, but the archaeological
evidence makes
it
clear that in the mid-Eighteenth
Dynasty the
goddess Mut was not merely worshiped as the queen of heaven or
mother of Khonsu but played other
1.
Fazzini and Peck 1982 and 1983; Fazzini 198485 and 2001.
2.
Cabrol 1995.
3.
Velde 1982; Troy 1997.
and Peck
4. Fazzini
5.
Ibid.; Fazzini
1981.
and Peck 1982; Goyon 1983.
6.
To be published by Richard
7.
The method of construction used

employed
For
this,
at the
Fazzini.
8.
Thutmose
in
jamb block of a limestone gate from the period of Hatshepsut and
III,
temple of Mut, Luxor. Discovered
in the
Per-wer (Great House)
10.
Urkunden
The
with
last
words, "given
"may
she do very
life," refer to
returned.
As
to
welcome back
p. 359, a text
the goddess in her
to offer her beer to ensure that she
described on the Ptolemaic gate to the
Mut
jubilee,
to
was
red, constituting
the goddess
Mankind, where
ter
Sekhmet
it is
myth of
established to associate
it
at the
the Destruction of
with other Theban
feasts,
likely that
Nubia.
national shrine in
was
it
also used to
shown by
the paired
1015.
Compare
also
Urkunden
4,
that ends: "first occasion of the
forever."
A. Spalinger 1993a.
a festival
mentioned
in
Papyrus Boulaq
probably a portion of the Festival of Drunkenness. See also A. Spalinger

Darnell 1995, p. 47.
13.
Darnell 1995; M. Smith 2004.
For a discussion of the dates and the routes of the

Cauville 2002, pp. 5059.
Thoth
as the
ated with
16.
is
wish naming Maatkare ends
Menkheperre ends with "may he
14.
including the
seems
1961;
1993b, pp. 16667,
15. Ibid.,
it
was dismantled before the proscription
life
Drioton 1927, pp. 1215, referring to
Mut temple may have been
Beautiful Festival of the Valley. In any event,
the porch for inebriation
given
12.
temple,
an allusion to the red brew offered
in the
II.
on the obelisk of Hatshepsut
may she do
Gutbub
used to make her drunk and stop her slaugh-
of humans.'^ This festival
4, p. 355,
jubilee
that for
11.
18,
the beer
Hatshepsut, as
where the
many" and
do very many." Urkunden

gate, that led to Mut's shrine. In that court the Festival of
form of Sekhmet and
in
removal to Khartoum.
4, p. 521.
inscriptions at Deir el-Bahri
Drunkenness was celebrated
its
name of the Upper Egyptian
the
is
refer to sanctuaries in various other temples. Spencer 1984, pp. 111, 112.
9.
Stood before a limestone gate, or, more probably, more than one
lion
Buhen
III at
see Emery, H. S. Smith, and Millard 1979; H. S. Smith 1976 details
El-Kab, which was dedicated to the goddess Nekhbet, but
temple foundations
2004
for this foundation closely parallels that
temple of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
the dismanding of the temple and
Fig. 71. Left
roles as well.
day of the
The
late
festival,
festival at
Dendera, see
calendar identifies the twentieth day of
although several days before were associ-
it.
pp. 58-59; Darnell 1995, pp. 59-63;
M. Smith 2004.
A. Spalinger 1993b; for the myth, see the translation in Lichtheim 1976,
pp. 197-99-
THE TEMPLE OF MUT
183
THE TWO TOMBS OF HATSHEPSUT

Hatshepsut
queen
began her ascent to power
of her
half brother,
Thutmose became
as the principal
Thutmose
II.
When
king, less than sixty years into the
Eighteenth Dynasty, no clear-cut traditions governing the burial

of
New Kingdom
Theban necropolis
the
map on page
the immediately pre-
ceding Second Intermediate Period,
some Seventeenth Dynasty
in their
own graves."
tombs
shaft
tion,
or on the ridge above

(see the
map
in the
of Deir el-Bahri
;;
we know
is
the
nally entered
5).'
bottom of
many of Queen Hatshepsut 's
immediate predecessors,
Thutmose
I,
who had
new cemetery
the
and Di were prepared
cliff
tombs
most
identified as
elaborate.'
Hatshepsut's tomb
Although we cannot identify with certainty

the tombs of
attempt-
tradition for queens'
Wadi Qurud, of which Hatshepsut's,
Wadi Ai,
Dra Abu el-Naga
of western Thebes, page
only four
Wadis Ai, A2, Ci,
own multichambered
in their
may have been

new
doing so she would have been
recently established a
Several of Hatshepsut 's
in the vicinity
in the
Valley of the Kings. Whatever her inten-
buried
predecessors in the Eighteenth Dynasty
were buried
Tomb
ing to introduce a
imitating her father,
rulers provided
women were
Queen's
tomb, Hatshepsut
burials.' In
at least
space in their tombs at Thebes for their

wives, but other royal
(see Hatshepsut's
5).''
In choosing the southwest wadis as the location of her queen's
queens had yet been
During
established.
that cut into the cliffs of the high desert in the southwest section of
by
(fig.
was
73)
origi-
a staircase (i) cut into the
a cleft in the cliff face.
corridor (2) ends in a
room
long
(3) that
has
a second corridor (4) leading off to the
that the
This goes to a larger room
most important of them were buried with a
right.
wealth of jewelry, in immense, beautifully
contained a yellow quartzite sarcophagus
crafted anthropoid coffins
made of wood
inscribed with Hatshepsut's

as
(fig. 72).'
In preparation for her
own
tomb
by creating
new
The
first
name and
for Eighteenth
The
Dynasty
kings.'
plan of the tomb
is
similar in
respects to those of the shaft
some
tombs
that
probably belonged to Hatshepsut's prede-
Hatshepsut's Queen's Tomb
cessors Ahmose-Nefertari and
Ahmose-
Meryetamun." However, Hatshepsut's
Sometime between her husband's accession
own
and her
it
foreshadows the long series of quartzite
necropolis.
to the throne (ca. 1492 B.C.)
titles
stone sarcoph-
sarcophagi that would become traditional
type of
unused section of the
in a previously
Theban
(fig. 74).
agus made for a royal family member,
burial as
queen, Hatshepsut demonstrated her talent

for innovation
queen
(5) that
tomb includes
Queen Ahmose-Meryetamun,
I, early i8th Dynasty. Wood,
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (]E 53140). The tomb
ramp
cliff
that descends to a
Fig. 72. Coffin of
adoption of kingly
cliff
titles (ca.
1473 B.C.), a
tomb was prepared for Hatshepsut

TTr.
^
^
Wadi Gabbanat el-Qurud,
a huge
o
^
the
1-
'
drainage system of wadis, or dry riverbeds,
HATSHEPSUT
BUILDING PROJECTS
the wife of Amenhotep
room on a lower level (fig.
not present in the earlier examples, and
of this queen, near Hatshepsut's temple
at Deir
..
jt, ^-u ,
iel-Bann, was discovered
by The Metropolitan
general configuration has
Museum
common
of Art Egyptian Expedition.
73:6, 7), elements
some
its
features in
with the tombs of kings in the
cemetery
located in a desert wadi west of Deir el-Bahri,
is
where
the mortuary temples of the Eleventh Dynasty king Mentuhotep

II
and Hatshepsut stand (see map, page
The tomb
base of the
5).
associated with Hatshepsut,
on the
cliffs
east side
KV 20, was cut into the
of the Valley of the Kings, almost
The
directly behind the Deir el-Bahri temples (see fig. 75).
entrance was visible in 1799,

e
when Napoleon's expedition of scien-
and scholars entered the Valley. However, the accessible por-
tists
tomb was undecorated, and
tion of the
unknown until
fig.
76)."
1903,
when Howard
owner remained
its
Carter excavated the tomb (see
At the entrance (A) he uncovered pieces of a foundation
deposit inscribed with Hatshepsut's throne name, Maatkare. In the

burial
chamber
he found two quartzite sarcophagi.
(J 2)
inscribed for Hatshepsut as king; the second
Hatshepsut but had
Thutmose
father,
Fig. 73. Plan of Hatshepsut's
cHfFtomb
in
Gabbanat el-Qurud, Wadi Ai, western
was
One was
also inscribed for
been adapted and reinscribed for her
later
(cat. no. 108).
From
logically concluded that Hatshepsut
Carter quite
this evidence.
had commissioned the tomb
Thebes. Drawing by Julia Jarrett
for her joint burial with her father,

his original tomb,
and reinterred
probably
in her
own
KV
whose body she removed from
38, at the
tomb.''
The
south end of the Valley,
reburial of
Thutmose
in
Hatshepsut's tomb has generally been interpreted as one of the

steps she took to legitimize her position as king.''
In 1974, after carefully studying the architecture of

(fig. 76), British
Egyptologist John
Romer
and intriguing theory about the tomb's
KV
20
presented a different
KV
history. In his view,
20
had been constructed by Thutmose I and later altered by Hatshepsut,
who added a second burial chamber (J2)
Romer's theory has been accepted by some
scholars, but others
still
believe
Thutmose
KV
believe that
early i8th
Dynasty. Quartztte. Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 47032)
built
38
is
the
am among
tomb of Thutmose
I."'
with part of Romer's hypothesis, namely, that

nally
by
made
for
When
her.
tombs
and was
Thutmose
(KV
opinion), and that of her husband and half brother,
the edge of the ramp,
room
when
the
which suggests
that
it
at
The tomb of
was being moved
to
because no tomb in the Valley of the Kings
tomb was abandoned, probably
at the
time
agree
one of Hatshepsut's predecessors and then adapted
was positioned
it
20 was origi-
Hatshepsut became king, there were only two royal
in the Valley: that of her father,
room
the largest element of the complex,
who
those
However,
KV
Valley of the Kings.' Although her sarcophagus was found in

5,
origi-
KV 38."
For reasons elaborated elsewhere,
tomb (Wadi Ai),
accommodate both her
father and herself.'"
nally buried in
Fig. 74. Sarcophagus found in Hatshepsut's queen's
to
this
38, in
Thutmose
my
II.
king has never been identified with certainty

is
inscribed for
him
and no tomb has yielded even fragmentary burial equipment
Hatshepsut became king.
belonging to him. However, on the basis of its plan and
Hatshepsut's King's Tomb
Although
its
location,
KV 20 was the tomb originally made for Thutmose II.

KV 20 is the longest tomb in the Valley of the Kings, its
suggest that
plan
when
Hatshepsut
accompanying
officially
political
assumed the role of king, with
and religious implications,
longer appropriate for her to be buried in a
cliff
tomb
it
all
the
was no
in the
Wadi
Gabbanat el-Qurud. Therefore, she moved her burial preparations to the
new
royal cemetery, the Valley of the Kings.'" This
is
relatively simple. If
it is
compared with the
earliest datable
in the Valley, KV 20 can be chronologically placed

KV 38 (Thutmose I) and KV 34 (Thutmose III)."
It has long been assumed that the location of KV 20 was chosen
kings'
tombs
between
proximity to Deir el-Bahri, and that the tomb and
because of
its
the temple
were intended
as part
of the same funerary complex.'*
185
Map of the Valley of the Kings showing the

I (KV j8), Thutmose II and
(KV 20), Hatshepsut's wet nurse, Sitre
(KV 60), Maiherperi (KV 36), and Thutmose III
(KV 34). Drawing by Julia Jarrett
Fig. 75.
tombs of Thutmose
Hatshepsut
However, there
for the
it
is
some question
suggested by
Thutmose
logical to
as to
which king was responsible
building phase of Hatshepsut's mortuary temple.
first
Hatshepsut, or was
her husband, Thutmose
it
Zygmunt
II, as
Was
has been
Wysocki.' If one accepts the theory that
II initiated the first
assume that he also
building phase of the temple,
initiated
it is
work on KV 20.''
After her husband's death, Hatshepsut seems to have taken
over some of the building projects begun during his reign. At
Karnak, for example, she raised two obelisks in his honor, and
Deir el-Bahri she and her architects
may have
at
redesigned and
completed construction of the temple." Having risen to power in
an unorthodox though not imprecedented maimer, Hatshepsut
may have found
it
more expedient
to appropriate her husband's
funerary monuments and adapt them than to build her own.
To
KV 20 she added a second burial chamber (J2)." The two quartzite

sarcophagi discovered in this
room
indicate that Hatshepsut envi-
sioned a double biuial in the tomb: her
own and her
father's.
Each
sarcophagus can be associated with one of the small side chambers

(J2, ai
and
third side
J2, a2)
chamber
burial in the tomb.

is
Thutmose
I.
according to
II,
its
position."
The presence of a
me
was
(Ji, a3) suggests to
The most
the original
that there
a third
likely candidate for this third burial
owner of the
tomb.''
Both papyrus Abbott B and the Amherst Papyrus record that Queen
Nubkhas was buried

describe
in the
tomb of her husband, King Sebekemsaf, and
how both burials were later violated; see Winlock 1924, pp. 23739.
The wifeoflntefVI, Queen Sebekemsaf, was buried in her own family

cemetery at Edfu (Winlock 1924, p. 233). The Seventeenth Dynasty queen
whose burial is now in Edinburgh (see above, pp. 1516 and cat.
an example of a royal woman with her own tomb.
186
nos. 26)
Fig. 76. Plan
of Hatshepsut's tomb in the Valley of the King
(KV 20). Drawing by Julia Jarrett

is
2.
The tomb of Ahmose-Meryetamun,
wife of Amenhotep
The
Art.
site
I,
Valley of the Kings was the principal cemetery of New
was discovered
The Metropolitan Museum of
near Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri by
had probably been chosen for the tomb because the area had
about four centuries, from

11.
long been sacred to Hathor, a goddess closely associated with queens. Not
far
away, Amenhotep
had
built a
Amenhotep
I,
was found
I,
tomb above Dra Abu
which seems
to
Abu
gold jewelry and other accoutrements, was found on the slopes of Dra
el-Naga; the contents are
now in
Museum,
the Egyptian
Cairo. For images
The huge
coffins
of Ahmose-Nefertari and Queen Ahhotep
ered in the Deir e!-Bahri cache of royal
mummies (Daressy
II
The tomb was
discovered by local residents in 1916.
Howard
reported to
who
Carter,
first
bers.
5.
He
discussed the
tomb
Carter suggested that the
Its
commented on
CG
61003,
location
tomb
the
was
in
Carter 1916b,
Wadi A2 has
owner
(see
is
Neferure. Wadi
chamber;
it
Di
dispute
18.
William C. Hayes even suggested that
its
the
Hayes
Thutmose
III (see
Lilyquist 2003, p. 79,
fig.
sarcophagi were
3 in
is
Wadi Ai
10.
is
5
similar to
chamber E
in the royal
can be compared to chamber
probably comparable to chamber
J,
F,
tombs
in the Valley
chamber of a
Romer
106.
Roehrig 2005. For other
theories, see E.
Thomas
1974 and 1976; Reeves 1990b; Reeves and R. H. Wilkinson 1996.
Two Jars
(1492-1473
Thutmose
III,
year 7
B.C.)
Travertine
H. 23
cm
(9 in.),
Diam.
15.3
cm
(6 in.)
H. 12.3 cm (4% in,), Diam. 13 cm (5/8 in.)

b:
(a) Fletcher
(b)
Fund, 1926; Rogers Fund, 1926
Rogers Fund, 1918
These two
to store
vessels,
which would have been used
unguents or
Hatshepsut's personal
queen.
The
26.8.
18.8.15
oils,
are inscribed with
name and her
titles as
spherical jar bears the inscription:
King's Daughter, King's
Sister,
God's Wife,
King's Great Wife (principal queen)

Hatshepsut,
forever.
may she
live
and endure
like
Re
io6a. b
to tunnel straight to
first
same
architects
Deir el-Bahri (see Roehrig forthcoming).
1966;
The
Wysocki 1992,
was subsequendy
cat. nos. 75,
76
in the present vol-
first
phase of the
and
officials
II
(Wysocki
pp. 23344).
1987b; Gabolde 2003.
It
seems
likely that the
(among them Senenmut) were involved
projects of both
Thutmose
As suggested
Romer
22.
For the significance of these side chambers
in
to the right
unlikely that the builders ever
suggested, because of the position of the foundation
On the obeUsks, see Gabolde

II
in the
and Hatshepsut.
1974.
in the royal
tombs, see Roehrig
forthcoming.
23.
Like his predecessors, Thutmose

structed of
Early 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose II joint
a:
king's
For the interpretation of the early history of the Valley of the Kings on which
this essay is based, see
it
at
1935a, pp. 17, 14647;
tomb curves markedly
it is
21.
usually a pillared hall;
the burial
Roehrig fonhcoming.
this subject, see
since the
(Winlock 1942, pp. 13435; see also
1986, pp. 22528;
made of wood.
author identifies them as kings' tombs; and Reeves 2003.
from the entrance (Hayes
feet
However,
ume). More recently, Zygmunt Wysocki argued that the
29, for a
For a discussion of these tombs, see E. Thomas 1966; Romer 1976, where the
tomb. For more on
1959, p. 103).
Herbert Winlock
altered
20.
this time, royal
KV 20, which is close to 650 feet
temple 's construction was begun during the reign of Thutmose
See catalogue no. 108. Until
who
1990, passim.
allowing the burial chamber to be located beneath the temple
deposits, that the original plan of Hatshepsut's temple
for the burial of the three foreign wives of
8.
room
19.
her daughter,
7.
of the Kings; room
cliff,
almost immediately after the entrance,
has a stairway leading to a corridor that ends with a
was used
Hornung
(200 meters) in length, was originally intended to extend farther through
Deir el-Bahri, some 820
a small side chamber;
1983a, pp. 25-38;
On this subject, see ibid.
Carter
plan of this tomb).
Room
him include Altenmiiller
Roehrig 2005.
17.
Wadi Ci, made up of a cruder version of elements 24
Hatshepsut's nephew,
9.
1974.
intended
room with
p. 64.
16.
a lost cemetery for
may have belonged to
For a report on the exca-
Reeves 1990b, pp. 1318; Reeves and R. H. Wilkinson 1996, pp. 91-92;
p. 179.
a stairway leading to a
not known.
73) of Hatshepsut's tomb,
fig.
Island.
Romer
queens that dates from before the better-known Valley of the Queens; see
6.
Rhode
15.
further in Carter 1917, pp. 114 18.
Wadi Gabbanat el-Qurud was
B.C.
XIV- XV.
14.
group of would-be tomb rob-
1916b, giving a lively account of chasing off a
pp.
N. Strudwick and H. Strudwick 1999, pp. 9798, accept Romer; those
61006).
4.
rulers for
Upper Egypt. He
Winlock 1929b,
were discov-
1909,
for
with the financial support of Theodore M.
13.
of some of the jewelry, see Saleh and Sourouzian 1987, nos. 12026.
3.
in the Valley
vation of the tomb, see Naville and Carter 1906.

12. Ibid.,
have included
Kingdom
founding in approximately 1504 to about 1070
its
was Chief Inspector of Antiquities
Davis, an American from Newport,
The name of Ahmose-Nefertari,
in a shaft
The burial of Queen Ahhotep
el-Naga.
the time, Carter
had been excavating
mud-brick barque shrine for the yearly
Beautiful Festival of the Valley procession.

the mother of
At
wood
dence for his burial

that
in
KV
20,
would have contributed
artifacts.
II
probably had burial equipment con-
rather than stone. This might account for the lack of evi-
which has been subject to periodic flooding
to the destruction of highly perishable
wood
The
the top of the box, twelve
on the pyriform, or pear-shaped,
text
sides,
jar reads:
God's Wife, King 's Great
The
may she
lows the pattern of inscriptions on
jars
Museum
Thutmose
located at the end of
Wadi
this part
Great Wife
whom
which
pyriform
jar
was made before
jars
may
Kings (KV 20)
to
became
after she
the death
jars, to
be placed
in the buri-
of individuals she deemed important (see
"The Tomb of Ramose and Hatnefer"

ter 2).
Thus,
in
chap-
titles
107
Amun"
head, and "Hatshepsut, linked with

inscribed
on
its
is
chr
the back of the neck.
Wiese 2001,
equipment of her nephew's foreign wives.
Cairo Temporary Register 26.7.14.52;

tion
CHR
3.
and
p. 91, no. 53.
this
informa-
on one
side, a
board for twenty squares on
gaming
xxxn; Hayes
along the
lip
The
I.
of the
name and
per-
filled
colored paste into which the names of
her father were incised (see detail).
on
more than
The original
was
the outside of the sarcophagus
The new
half an inch.
then carved with
new
to a
The
texts.
depth of
surface
inside of the
sarcophagus has also been carved away

foot,
was
presumably because the
at the
coffin
of
fit.^
The
sold at Sotheby's, London, July 1221, 1911; Carnarvon
1948, pp. 11, 53-57,
purchased for the Metropolitan
collection;
1959, p. 80, fig. 43; Lilyquist 1995,
dedication begins with Hatshepsut's
Hilton Price collection,
Museum
full titulary
and
reads:
May the Hams
Wosret-Kau (Powerful of
in 1926
Kas),
pp. 141, no. 54, 142, no. 57, figs. 21 (top), 126 (second
left),
with
rec-
is
names and
pp. 3435, nos. 58, 60, figs. 67, 68; Lilyquist 2003,
from
visible
Thutmose I was too long to

Provenance: Unknown;
in
head and
pieces.
1920 (b), with other stone vessels presumed to be from
pi.
here,
(enclosed in cartouches) were
Lilyquist.
See catalogue no. 128 for a gaming box with a board
the other, and a drawer for the
Tomb
most
king.
titles as
removed by cutting away the stone
was provided by Christine
for senet
western Thebes, Gabbanat el-Qurud, Wadi D,
is
name
inscription
1.
in Luxor, 1917 (a)
sonal
larger of
JE 37678/
of Hatshepsut's father, Thutmose
recarving
on the top of
visible
is
2.
Purchased
inscribed with her
box, where Hatshepsut's throne
name, Maatkare,
tributed the vessels seen here to the burial
Provenance:
The
Cairo,
head and thus a cartouche-
tangular and was recarved with the
quite possible that she con-
it is
is
at the
The smaller sarcophagus, shown
such as linen, pottery,
titles,
and stone storage
rounded
shaped box,
II.
have distributed materials inscribed
with her queen's
als
52459),
tomb in Wadi A.
king, Hatshepsut
Though made of yellow
in 1904.
both were painted red.
quartzite,
them (Egyptian Museum,
at
originally have been intended
to furnish Hatshepsut 's queen's
of a sarcophagus.
discovered in her tomb in the Valley of the
is
Wadi
in the
he loves" suggests that
of Hatshepsut 's husband, Thutmose
seems
top of
Hatshepsut's two other sarcophagi were
tomb of the
III,
Gabbanat el-Qurud. The designation "King's
However,
The
however, carries a huge incised car-
lid,
touche, a royal device not previously used on
with groups of stone vessels and other
three foreign wives of
The
coffins
dating from the Middle Kingdom.'
were purchased by the Metropolitan
objects that are associated with the
least the
wood
live.
the
The
near
left side
distribution of the text fol-
he
ofthe Two Lands, Hatshepsut,
loves. Mistress
columns around the
and the eyes of Horns on the
the head end.
Wife whom
127a, 128a
Bibliography: Towry-Whyte
1902, pi.
i,
Two Ladies Wadjet-renput (Green of
Years), Golden
10
Horns Netjeret-khau (Divine
ofAppearances)
live.
The King of Upper and
Ixtwer Egypt, Maatkare, Son ofRe,
Hatshepsut-united-with-Amun,
Gaming
107.
Sarcophagus of Hatshepsut,
108.
Piece(?)
Recarved for Thutmose
III
(14791456
e.g.)
Jasper
H.
Thutmose
cm
3.2
W.
(ilîn.),
cm
(i/a in.),
D.
cm
H. 82 cm
Metropolitan
Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
(1479-1458
e.g.)
(7
Gift, 1926 26.7.1452
ft. 5
(32?^ in.),
it
as a
may she
live
monument for her
Good God, Lord ofthe Two
Aakheperkare, Son ofRe, Thutmose, justified.
The decoration of the sarcophagus
Yellow quartzite, painted
(i/gin.)
The
III
She made
belovedfather, the
Lands, King of Upper and Lower Egypt,
Thutmose
forever.
exterior
includes images of the funerary goddesses
cm
D. 87
(34/4 in.), L. 2.25
at the foot,
and Nephthys,
at
Isis,
the head. (These
in.)
Museum
two goddesses are
also painted in correspon-
of Fine Arts, Boston, Gift of Theodore M.
ding positions on the inside surface of the sarDavis 04.278
cophagus.)
Two
this
jasper
gaming pieces almost
one are known. One
Antikenmuseum
Basel,'
is
identical to
on loan
the other
is
Egyptian Museum, Cairo.^ Presumably
were part of
to the
in
all
New
the
three
a set used for playing senet
twenty squares, two board games popular
and
in the
Kingdom.'
The leopard head
that
is
has been carved with great
188
cartouche with Hatshepsut 's throne
sarcophagus made of
and an image of Anubis, god of mummification,
one of three quartzite sarcophagi
stands near the center on each side of the box.
first
ruler of the
changes in her status led her to commission
during her lifetime.
in
Wadi
removed during
mification, stand near the corners (see detail),
Kingdom who had

stone. This
who
mum-
four sons of Horus, gods
New
Hatshepsut was the
The
earliest,
made before
she became king, was found in her
detail.
The
protect the four organs
(see
fig.
cliff
tomb
74). Its decoration is quite
simple, consisting of a
band of inscription around
The
top of the
lid is
inscribed with a cartouche,
and the small figure of Nut, goddess of the sky,

kneels at the head end.
Two
figures of
Nut
the
length of the sarcophagus also appear, one on

the inside of the lid and the other
on the bottom
io8
J/
io8, foot, with Isis
inside the box,
108, details:
where her raised arms, carved
along the sides, wait to embrace and protect the
body of the
king.
CHR
2.
son of Horus
recarved names
sarcophagus of Princess Neferuptah of the Twelfth
excavations of Theodore M. Davis, 1904; acquired
Dynasty.
Davis
Thutraose
had been buried
in
another tomb,
KV 38,
in the division
of Fine Arts
in
of finds and given to the
by
Museum
1904
from which he was transferred by Hatshepsut.
Bibliography: Hayes
!.
See Grajetzki 2005 for a comparison of the texts
on Hatshepsut's sarcophagus with those on the
Provenance: Western Thebes, Valley of the Kings,

Tomb KV 20; discovered by Howard Carter during
1935a;
Der Manuelian and
Loeben 1993
189
IV.
DECORATIVE ARTS
JEWELRY IN THE
EARLY EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY
Diana Craig Patch
I ewelry from any period of Egyptian history commands

I
tion.
Using colorful materials, technological
a iconography,
pieces.
As
is
was
the case today, jewelry
sonal adornment.
Ornaments were
principally
also used to
atten-
scenes at Deir el-Bahri, as well as statues and stelae, reveal not
worn
as per-
honor a temple's
mummy, and
members of his court.
Identifying a piece of jewelry's function
factors such as material,
is
confer the king's esteem
on
not always straightforward, and
manner of stringing, securing mechanism,
and imagery must be considered
in
during the
first
half of the Eighteenth Dynasty.
The context in
which they were found, supplemented by a study of tomb scenes and

other representational
art,
from about 1560 B.C.,
Dynasty, into the reign of Araenhotep
III (r.
society. In
in the Seventeenth
1390-1352
an understanding of the function of jewelry
B.C.),
allows
in ancient Egyptian
order to define what was considered proper jewelry for
formal occasions in ancient Egypt-
a funeral, for example, or pre-
senting an offering in a temple, or a royal audience

effective to study the people
who composed
the influence to acquire
adornment.
it is
most
the upper class in
ancient Egyptian society. These individuals possessed the
means and
what was considered the most appropriate
By contrast, graves belonging to lesser officials, soldiers,
and workers offer an excellent opportunity to study the types of jewelry the majority of ancient Egyptians
wore and
to identify
only the choices available to ancient Egyptians of the time but
which jewelry they believed
also
which
materials were accessible to the general population.
consistent.
sources.^ Archaeological finds
certain jewelry forms
were
Dynasty comes from two
show us what jewelry
the ancient
Nebamun and his family adorned in ritual and fancy-dress

From die Theban tomb of Nebamun and Ipuky (TT 181), late i8th
Opposite: Fig. 77.
Dynasty. Facsimile painting by Nina de Garis Davies. The Metropolitan
1930 (30.4.106)
rituals.
By
B.C.), the
and painting appear
Totob paintings and statues indicate that by the middle
dynasty's beginning.
tomb wall
In
paintings, people
who
are represented participat-
ing in the funeral activities of the tomb's owner, toiling in the various temple workshops, or laboring in fields are rarely
wearing jewelry. Although

jewelry
when
actively
impractical to
it is
engaged
mentation in such tomb scenes
may have been
Banquet scenes and scenes
ation.
offerings to the tomb's
owner
in
shown
wear most types of
in labor, the lack
the religious nature of these scenes than
of personal orna-
influenced
more by
by any practical consider-
which female servants bring
are the exceptions.
The
attendees in
banquet scenes wear a variety of jewelry t3ês, including broad

collars
and bracelets, and sometimes earrings, and the female and
male servants are often adorned as well (see

vants seem to have only collars,
if
fig. 78).
The male ser-
they have any jewelry.
Women
dressing and serving female guests wear broad collars and
78).
some
Although known from archaeological contexts, girdles
(see cat. nos. 119, 120) are rarely depicted
on anyone except
female servants and musicians (for an unusual example of girdles

see
fig. 79).''
In general, the figures represented in Egyptian statues display
little
jewelry. Statues of women are
more
likely to display
jewelry than statues of men, and in pair statues the
more
jewelry.
relief,
of the Eighteenth Dynasty, people wore greater quantities of
worn in a ritual context,
when
in the first half of the Eighteenth
1479-1425
III (r.
combination of earrings, bracelets and armlets, and girdles (see
Representations of Early Eighteenth

Dynasty Jewelry
worn
be appropriate in
jewelry forms depicted in sculpture,
fig.
Information about where and
to
Thutmose
the end of the reign of
jewelry and more types and variations than they had at the
making a determination.
Archaeological finds indicate that a variety of jewelry forms were

in use
afterlife.
Depictions of people in wall paintings from private tombs,' relief
cult statue,' protect a
personal, fiinerary, or ritual
Egyptians owned and wanted with them in the
and rich
impressive
skill,
many
ancient jewelers fabricated
likely to
wear jewelry than the man.' The
woman
difficulty
is
of
carving stone, especially hard stone such as granite, probably

limited the
amount of added
essential.
Furthermore,
detail,
such as jewelry, to only the most
many elements were added
to early
191
Fig. 78. Servants attend a
From
the
woman at a banquet.
Theban tomb of Tjener (TTioi),
mid- 1 8th Dynasty. Facsimile painting by Charles
K. Wilkinson.
New York, Rogers Fund,
Eighteenth Dynasty statues and stelae with

often does not survive,
them today do not
When
it is
paint.''
Since paint
not surprising that statues as
we
see
consistently depict elements of jewelry.
the subject of the statue
is
positioned in the traditional
seated pose of one ready to receive offerings, however, the

figure frequently does
below
wear the divine
(see cat. nos. 7, 8, 10, 96).'
On
set
of jewelry, discussed
statues
whose
subjects are
participating in pious activity, such as presenting a stela or

offering containers, jewelry seems to be absent even
remains intact (see

collar
is
cat. nos. 91, 93).*
Even
when
paint
the ubiquitous broad
where color decoration has
nos. 95, 96, 114, ii6a, 116b)."' In places
been preserved, the beads on the broad collar are alternating rows
of gold and green, as
the predominant pattern
is
band
bracelets, although occasionally a red
some scenes where
deities
The
is
tently
or the couple are
wear broad
officials is
generally
either the
shown receiving
collars, often
offerings,
ritual
the best illustrations
jewelry the gods and the king wore in the early
Eighteenth Dynasty.
The gods display a broad collar, with rows in
alternating colors, and one or
two
pairs of rigid cuff bracelets
and
armlets on each limb, both with vertical bands of alternating colors (see
fig. i).'
The
consistency with which the gods wear this
combination and style of jewelry indicates that
this set
must be
considered "divine jewelry," the most formal ensemble (see
192
DECORATIVE ARTS
both consis-
with matching rigid cuff bracelets,
and
royalty.''
There
officials.
is
another
Given by
the pharaoh, these pieces are generally referred to as gold of
The surviving reliefs at Deir el-Bahri provide

of the
the cufiF
by his wife. When
combination of jewelry forms exclusive to high

Divine and AwardJewelry
on
added." Except for
remarkably consistent.
tombs of high
subject of the scenes in
the tomb's owner, often accompanied

official
is
and queens have beaded anklets," jew-
elry in ritual scenes at Deir el-Bahri
paralleling the ensemble of deities
rarely represented.
1930 (30.4.8)
cat.
honor, gold of valor, or award

fully outfitted official will
jewelry.'''
In private-tomb scenes, a
wear two choker-style necklaces of
thick gold beads, or shebiu collars (cat. nos. 52, 54); a set of
narrow gold bands,
called a'a armlets,
on each upper arm
two
(cat.
nos. 52, 54, nob); and the thick curved gold cuff bracelet called a
meicto bracelet
either bare or
(cat. nos. 52,
iii)on one
wrist.''
The other wrist is
adorned with the divine gold-and-bead cuff bracelet,
or with a second type of mesektu bracelet, green bordered with
bands of gold." The combination of shebiu
and
collars, a'a armlets,
one mesektu bracelet must be considered a second
at least
royalty,
on
rare occasions
Although few earrings are
all
wear them
in
tomb
illustrated before the
complete set of formal jewelry.
Eighteenth Dynasty, finds from tombs of lesser
PersonalJewelry
paintings.'"
middle of the
officials, soldiers,
and workers indicate that earrings were popular during the reigns
The most common
type of jewelry in early Eighteenth Dynasty
tomb paintings and sculpture
is
the broad collar; if a person
depicted wearing only one piece of jewelry,
Most broad
collar (cat. nos. lo, 15, 25, 38).
will
it
is
be the broad
collars illustrated
on
tomb and temple walls and on statues are simply rendered, semicircular
rows of cylinder beads
Broad
green, and gold.
in alternating colors, usually blue,
made from
collars
plain cylinder beads
continue to appear in ritual contexts, and judging by the representhese broad collars
tational evidence,
significant
seem
to have been a
component of the parure of any upper-class Egyptian
on following custom, although few examples
intent
exist (cat.
Broad
collars
forms (see
figs.
on women often displayed new patterns and
77, 78). Designs such as zigzags,
triangles,
beads
cylinder
and
ball
shapes.
were not
Kingdom
part of the Middle
both
that appear new, because they
in
However, many patterns
repertoire, are in fact
well-known
Old Kingdom compositions.'* Collars with beads in the forms
new
of amulets and flowers were

Pectorals
to rest
designs (see
laiê decorative elements
on the chest
hung from
no. 115).
cat.
a string of beads
are only occasionally illustrated or recov-
ered from burials (for a possible pectoral, see
In representations, bracelets and armlets are the most
archaeologically. In the
all
first
is
just
wear
is
common
and armlets are generally worn in unmatched
women
attending banquets or accepting
with an open lotus or lotus bud positioned
fillets
(figs. 77, 78).
The most remarkable
was buried with
the one that
Dynasty queen Meryetamun." She wore a

gold wire and beads. Other illustrated
as rosettes or rectangles,
fillets
which suggest
kinds of bracelets are
and
worn in quantity. Women wear bracelets
and multiple
The
made from wood
strings of beads,
bracelets display a
meant
to
of different colors.
or ivory, and
hang loosely on the
wide variety of patterns created
Women
cuff bracelets, both rigid

figs. 77, 78).
and
also put
on
several varieties of
flexible (cat. nos. ii6a, ii6b, 117;
Displaying a variety of bracelets at one time or wearing
only one are
new
traditions.
children are
fillets,
and diadems. Men, women, and sometimes
shown wearing penannular hoop
smooth and ribbed

as well as leech
earrings in both
styles (cat. nos. ii8a-e; fig. 78).''
and
spiral forms, are also
Gender and
status
members of
their family,
do not
affect
and
These shapes,
found in many
who wears
burials.
earrings, as ofiicials,
their female servants
made from
display patterns, such
that they
were made from
cat.
na
113)
and one for a king.^
Archaeological Finds of Early

Eighteenth Dynasty Jewelry
Archaeological information on jewelry comes from two sources:
finds
from high-ranking tombs'' and from cemeteries with numer-
ous burials of nonelite people. In general, the burials of the highranking
and even
whose tomb paintings
individuals
have
supplied
important depictions of people wearing jewelry (see above) have
The undisturbed tomb
Kha and
Deir el-Medina of the
at
his wife, Meryet,"* provides a rare opportunity
which jewelry an
an interment.
for
Kha
official
believed important or desirable
served three kings in the middle of the
Eighteenth Dynasty (14271352 B.C.) and must be counted at least
among the
ranks of middle-class
officials.
his wife contained royal gifts, which
strand of shebiu beads
The burials of Kha and
adorned the mummies: a single
was around the neck of Kha's miunmy, and
an elaborate broad collar of amuletic beads lay on the body of his

wife."
The other pieces indicate that their mummies wore a mix of
personal and funerary jewelry and that these two categories were
not mutually exclusive.
Archaeological excavations at five
Aniba, Fadrus (Qadrus), and Birabi''

the
Personal jewelry in the early Eighteenth Dynasty also included

earrings, rings,
fillet,

floral fillet
metal and inlaid with stone.'' Only three examples of actual
to study
pairs,
in buri-
77).
above the forehead
however
architect
through the use of beads of diverse geometric shapes and materials
offerings
common
and armlets more frequently than men, and they wear many more
arm.
fig.
In tomb paintings,
common
half of the Eighteenth Dynasty,
types, including bangles, often

single
fingers (see
while
more than one on some
offering wine are rich in blue rings, with
not survived.
cat. no. 112).
jewelry form after broad collars, although neither
bracelets
III." Rings,
tomb paintings. The hands of a young woman
and
banding were produced through the creative use of
different-colored
late
are unusual in
diadems survive: two belonging to royal women (see
no. 114)."
vertical
als,
New Kingdom,
early Eighteenth
Dynasty on the
Abydos,
Buhen,
cemeteries of
basis of scarabs, pottery,
stone vessels associated with the burials.
must be considered
sites
uncovered
and many of the graves can be dated to the
The finds from
carefully, since for a variety
the
and
tombs
of reasons few of
the tombs survived intact, so that for most of the sites only general
conclusions can be reached.
The occupants of these tombs must
largely have been middle-ranking
and
lesser officials, soldiers,
local entrepreneurs, and, possibly, successful farmers
who lived in
JEWELKY
193
the immediate vicinity of the
such as statues,
stelae, or
educated class
is
were poor, however,
Much of the
sites.
papyri
absent.
Overall, inscribed material
indicative of Egyptian society's
That does not mean
as the burials can
jewelry in these burials
that these people
have precious materials.

is
made from
such as stone, ivory, and metal, designed to
rials
necessarily for everyday wear. Faience
is
last
sturdy mate-
design
some
lars
total
Since they are not
made of gold,
honor jewelry. They may be
to
it is difficult
be sure they are
local survivals of the gold bracelet's
precursor or royal gifts of local manufacture for lesser
officials.
common, but many
Conclusion
and gold. Strings of beads, scarabs and
seals, bracelets, earrings,
in
Buhen and
at
of three mesektu bracelets, made of ivory.
Fadrus produced a
although not
beads are made from more durable materials such as turquoise,

carnelian, lapis lazuli,
formal jewelry, whether divine or honor. Burials
and rings occur
regularly,
and
numbers. Broad collars are not found. Given that the col-
were a jewelry form of long standing and were
used to decorate statues and
coffins, their
absence
still
widely
is interesting. It
Personal adornment was just one of
Egyptian
life
that
underwent change
many
aspects of ancient
at the
beginning of the
Eighteenth Dynasty. Although some jewelry forms and designs
Kingdom
are tied to the Middle
number of
tradition, a
others,
seems reasonable to suggest that the owners of these graves, who
including the divine and honor sets of jewelry, amuletic broad col-
were not members of the
lars,
elite,
did not wear broad collars. These
few opportunities to attend
individuals probably had
affairs
and a variety of earring
styles, originated
no
earlier than the
Second Intermediate Period. The highest stratum of Egyptian
wore
the divine and
honor jewelry,
conveyed the
requiring such fancy dress. Instead, one or two strings of beads
society
were the fashion among these people.
king's highest regard. Broad collars, an integral part of the divine
At Fadrus, Lana Troy's
analysis indicates that about fifty per-
cent of the burials at the largest cemetery. Site 185, had design
seals,
generally scarabs, and
some type of bead necklace
nos. 121126).^' Figurative pendants
were part of the
(see cat.
common
posed of one kind of bead, but mixed strands were also
Small pendants in the shape of cornflowers, poppy buds,
and amuletic signs match those from the fancier broad

Other forms, such
flies,
and
fish,
unknown
are
as the
collars.
Bes-image and Taweret, wedjat eyes,
occur regularly but generally in small numbers and

in representations (cat. nos. 123, 124a, b).
The most
popular amuletic bead takes the form of a poppy bud or

cornflower (they are
Some
difiicult to differentiate; cat. nos. 125a, b).'
design seals were mounted in a bezel to make a ring
many
nos. 42, 44, i28f, 129a, 131b). In addition to these,
and design
seals
(cat.
scarabs
were found on or near the hands of mummies;
they had probably been tied to a finger with string
(cat. nos. 98**?
and an important royal
for the
selection in
ied broad-collar designs
tomb
ii8a-e). In striking contrast to the representations in
paintings, bracelets
than one percent of the
194
were
rare (cat. nos. ii6a, ii6b, 117). Less
mummies had
DECORATIVE ARTS
one. There
is little
sign of
is
had no gender or
women had more
supported by the var-
and the variety in the bracelets they wore,
although the forms are consistent. Certain pieces, such as girdles,

that
were deemed inappropriate for most adult
were depicted participating
on
the
women when they
in a ritual nonetheless could
be worn
mummy.
Although much of the jewelry depicted
in
tomb paintings has
not been found in excavations, the paintings in

accurately record
ety that
owned
how
the jewelry
all
was used by the
likelihood
class
the tombs. Surviving fragments
of soci-
from royal
parure support this assertion. Most Egyptians, regardless of

class,
were buried
afterlife,
cat. nos.
set,
paintings,
what they put on. This point
their lifetimes.
(see
such as the divine
To judge by tomb
age limitations.
for scarabs and seals, see cat. nos. i28a-e, 129b, 130b, 131c).''
had earrings
as they
seem to have been reserved
upper class, as they are not found in the burials of lower-
Many pieces of jewelry,
About twenty percent of the
burials at Fadrus
gift, also
ranking members of Egyptian society.
string of
beads in twenty percent of the cases. Necklaces could be com-
(fig. 79).
set
in the jewelry they regularly
When
placed on the body.
all
of the jewelry worn
few additional
in life
was
pieces, generally funerary
amulets and a heart scarab, completed the

for eternity.''
wore during
an individual was prepared for his or her
some or possibly
mummy's adornment
(TT
thank Claudia Farias for help in locating and cheddng information and Catharine H.
Roehrig for support of this research.
181) is
shown reviewing a set of formal jewelry that includes
types of bracelets (Metropolitan
two
the
30.4.103;
C. K. Wilkinson and Hill 1983, p. 36).

1.
Carol Andrews (1990,
suêsted once adorned a

2.
169) published a miniature gold collar that she
fig.
cult statue.
The data in this essay is based on
See also the entry for
research that the author
17.
Eighteenth Dynasty (James
cat. no. 112.
preparing for
is
no. 166).
The
concentration of evidence cited comes from tombs that date prior to the
reign of Amenhotep
4.
Norman de G. Davies 1923, pis. iv, v (TT 75, Amenhotepsise), xxiii

(TT 90, Nebamun); Norman de G. Davies 1943, pi. lxiv (TT 100,
Rekhmire); Nina de G. Davies 1963, pi. 6 (TT 38, Djeserkare-seneb). Both
See
1968, p. 79, pis. i-iii)
Thutmose HI
were buried wearing
tomb of the
Russmann
AST 69) in H. D. Schneider 1997,
to use the
III
word
pieces of gold with hinges into
17); in both, a
n6a,
b),
23.
25.
form seems
later in the
und Papyrussammlung,
na
Staatliche
which beads
statuette
Museen zu Berlin, 23725)
the
Ibid., pis. in, xiii, pt. 2, pi. xxxiii, pt. 3, pi. xvi, pt. 5, pp.
13.
See
i, pi.
27.
of a
Museum
of Hathor
in
29.
At Deir
is
el-Bahri,
Curto and Mancini 1968.
rows of beads
that include sev-
and palmettes (Rosati
lilies,
in
Norman de
Romano
al.
Woolley
1911; for Aniba, see
Thutmose I has such a bracelet on
cat. nos. 52
i, pl.
Troy
tively
pl. xx (TT 90,

(TT 96, Sennefer).
his right
depicted making an offering (Naville 1894-1908, pt.
Lana Troy in Save-S6derbergh and Troy
were
and
hand when he
xiv).
Nebamun
still
the
Troy
is
at
1991, pp. 78-79. Finds
Aniba appear
1991;
now study-
Cemetery S
from the
to be fewer, but necklaces
most common jewelry. Rings,
also recorded at
(in
at
earrings,
and
and a few
Aniba (Steindorff 1935-37,
Save-Soderbergh and Troy 1991, pp. 12930) discusses
alternating red-
1979, pp. 6465, no. 82.
1912. Christine Lilyquist
b more depth, for a future publication.
identify each flower
G. Davies 1923,
1986, pp. 26, 47
vol. 2).
1990, pp. 18184.
For statues of figures wearing the basic gold of honor, see
16.
although her
et al. 2000.
fig. 321).
bracelets
30.
Andrews
Nebamun); Desroches-Noblecourt et
Luxor Ji
finds,
For a thorough discussion of the finds from
For Abydos, see Arthur Cruttenden Mace in Randall-Maclver and Mace
design seals are
types of award jewelry, see Feucht 1977. For examples
of the styles of each type, see
54, as well as
late.
quite impressive, with seven
Ei^teenth Dynasty tombs
Nina de G. Davies 1963,
Kenamun).
summary of the
Dynasty queen Meryetamun. Alix Wilkinson
Dynasty queen, see Eremin
ing this material
See Aldred 1971, pp. 18-19, 2.2829, ^gs. 117 120; A. Wilkinson 1971,
For
too
1902; for Buhen, see Randall-Maclver and
1012.
G. Davies 1917, pi. xii
pp. loi, 108; Eaton-Krauss 1982;

5.
is
is
of hieroglyphic signs, a leafy plant,
for Birabi, see
depicted in private tombs wear the same set of jewelry as those at Deir
162,
Her necklace
1988,
28.
in Kaiser 1967,
(TT 52, Nakht); Norman de G. Davies

1948, pi. II (TT 45, Djehuti); Save-Soderbergh 1957, pi. xxil (TT 17,
Nebamun); Nina de G. Davies 1963, pi. i (TT 38, Djeserkare-seneb). Deities
(TT
1971,
foreign wives, see Lilyquist 2003. For a recent discussion of
26. Schiaparelli 1927;
xiv.
el-Bahri. See, for example, a depiction
p. 29);
a woman who may be a

Abu el-Naga; Ahhotep, the wife of
Steindorff 193537, vol. 2; for Fadrus, see Save-Soderbergh and
12.
pl. 17
tomb of the
the Seventeenth
552.
Naville 1894-1908, pt.
14.
(SSve-Sdderisei^ and Troy 1991,
9396) provides a good summary of these
Meryetamun
eral types
and a
Aniba, Cemetery S (SteindorfF 1935-37,
185
1957, pl. xxi (TT 17, Nebamun).

Museum of Art, New York, 68.136.1; Aldred
date for
be used exclusively.
11.
Norman de
I;
(1971, pp.
Eighteenth Dynasty (Agyptisches
pl. Liii);
Cemetery
Nubkheperre Inyotef, a Seventeenth Dynasty king;
those that
(see figs. 77, 78).
See, for example, Naville 1894-1908, pt. 2, pis. XL, xliii,
goddess dating from
Nebamun]).
Save-Soderber^
tighdy at the
alternates with a stripe of

to
90,
H and J (Handall-Maclver and Woolley 1911, pl. lx ).
Seventeenth Dynasty queen, from Dra
and those that are strung on wire
row of colored beads
women wear both forms
fit
[TT
from Abydos, Tombs D102 and D116 (Randall-
pis. 82, 83.
1987, no. 137.
styles:
7, pl. i).
For Meryetamun, see Winlock 1932b.
Tao
"cufF' for large bracelets that
gold. In the divine jewelry, the rigid
pp. 52-53,
Buhen, Cemeteries
(Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 43507A)
Dynasty, there are two different
inlaid (see cat. nos.
Upper-class
Amenhotepsise], xxiir
75,
Maclver and Mace 1902,
22.
27.3.163); Isis
CG 42072) in Saleh and Sourouzian
made from formed
(see cat. no.
10.
statue
1989, pp. 8990, no. 39.
have decided
have been
was
The wives of Amenhotepsise and

(Norman de G. Davies 1923,
See, for example, finds
24. Metropolitan
wrist. In the Eighteenth
are rigid,
XIV [TT
5,
For a good discussion, see A. Wilkinson 1971, pp. 12128.
on the statue
group
na 78.
See also the statue of Thutmose

in
9.
p. 234,
in shenu
152-54. See also Desroches-Noblecourt
figs.
96, Sennefer).
21.
vol. 2, pl. 58); Fadrus,
1999, p. 89, no. 44). See also the
See Hatshepsut (Metropolitan
(E^ptian Museum, Cairo,
(TT
ribbed penannular hoops
20.
CG 42080) in
Nebet-ta's jewelry exists only as paint
Romano, and Cody
(Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden,
8.
Lilyquist 2003, pp. 162-63,
pis.
234).
on the patterns found
whereas the zigzag and triangular motifs are derived from odier
Nebamun wear
fig. 184.
Much of Nebamun and
p, 61,
7.
in
semicircular shape that this broad collar
vertically divided necklaces are based
et al. 1986, pp. 58, 73
and three have been
girdles,
See Thutmose IV and his mother (Egyptian Museum, Cairo,
(Fazzini,
(40.522) has been dated to the
Romano
F.
its
varieties of collars (Brovarsld 1997, figs.

19.
1932b, p. 15, pi. 17) and Meryet (Curto and Mancini
(Lilyquist 2003, pp. 17475,
Vandersleyen 1975,
The
collars,
reconstructed from finds in the
5.
18.
III.
Meryetamun (Winlock
6.
evident from
It is
not worn and was intended only for funerary use.
publication.
3.
An example in the Brooklyn Museum
by the decoration on
and blue-faience flowers
the bud.
how to
wonderful necklace in
poppy and
cornflower, respec-
indicates that the Egyptians clearly intended to depict both kinds of
flowers (Kunsthistoriches
Museum, Vienna,
8167; Seipel 2001, pp. 84-85,
no. 85).
31.
Troy
32.
In the case of the three foreign wives of Thutmose
in
Save-Soderbergh and Troy 1991, pp. 13941.

III, their
royal status
provided for more elaborate funerary items in sheet gold (see
cat. nos. ijza,
132b, 134, 135a, 135b).
JEWELRY
195
Strand of Lentoid Beads
109.
1479-
III (r.
1425 B.C.)
Egyptian blue
L. 41
cm
(16/8 in.); bead:
in.),
Th.
0.1
Diam. 1.2-1.8 cm
cm (Me in.)

Fletcher Fund, 1926 26.8.69a
The components
of a set of award jewelry
shebiu collars,
armlets (cat. nos. iioa, nob),
and
at least
were made
a'â
one mesektu bracelet

in royal
(cat. no.
them
these items, donated
bestowed them on the favorites

high-ranking
officials
who
were made
The pharaoh
for him, they often bear his name.'
wore
11)
workshops and then delivered
to the pharaoh. Because these objects
to temples, or
The
in his court.
received these special
pieces stood out as honored individuals. These

officials
included pieces of award jewelry in their
burials,
and
from
in the paintings
man-made
tombs
their
material that
is
Shebiu collars were traditionally
made of
5.
seems
generally blue in color.
See the discussion of faience bowls in chapter
they are depicted wearing them.
Eaton-Krauss 1982; Andrews 1990,
3.
(see cat. nos. 52, 54;
beads, however,
is
fig. 77).^
of two
in sets
This string of
made from Egyptian
blue.''
Such faience or Egyptian-blue versions of the
are
Provenance: Western
Qurud, Wadi D, Tomb
Thebes, Gabbanat
el-
royal
fig.
120
way
in
onto the internal
high-ranking
Egyptian-blue a' a armlet could be paired with a
no, Aâ Armlets
gold one, collars of faience or Egyptian-blue

a.
lentoid beads
collar.
were made
complement
to
Although no known
artistic
a gold
representa-
tion can be cited to support this interpretation,

the burial of
Tutankhamun
(r.
1336 1327
B.C.),
for example, did include shebiu necklaces that
ranking
III (r.
1479-
was manufactured by beat-
The
wood form
final side
to
make
wore
mummy
The king and
this type,
may have been
but lower-
given a simpler
of the architect Kha,
for example, has only a strip of gold
wrapped
around the upper arms.'
1425 B.C.)
DCP
Egyptian blue
Diam.
10
cm
(4 in.),
Th.
1.4
cm QA in.)

Fletcher Fund, 1926 26.8.140
1.
Andrews
2.
Edward Brovarski in^/jf!r Golden Age

no. 326;
have faience beads mixed among the gold ones.

3.
1990, p. 183.
Andrews
1990, pp. 18384,
Curto and Mancini 1968,
p. 79, pi.
fig.
1982, p. 243,
169.
xn.
DCP
b.
Early i8th Dynasty (1550- 1425 B.C.)
Gold
1.
Amenhotep
III displays a
mesektu bracelet with his
cartouche in an audience scene (Metropolitan
example belonging to Thutmose
1995, fig. 193).
name of Amenhotep
III.
Not all
0.4
cm
Andrews
must
1990,
to
be the most commonly
piece from the set of gold award jewelry
(see cat. no. 109).
When
to have
been
clasp
visible
tied
on
blue.
why no
is
(fig.
One, two
77) were
the armlets
(cat. no.
52),
or
worn on each upper arm.
were
tripled, the
upper and
in faience,
Thus
the
faience
and
Egyptian-blue
on the
mummy of the mid-Eighteenth
These beads are often found
iioa.
el-Qurud, Wadi D,
1968, p. 78).
another
examples
(cat. no. iioa) that
Western Thebes, Gabbanat
Tomb
Unknown
2c
(lower
owned
three
pi. xii;
Dynasty official Kha (Curto and Mancini

4.
AO
lower ones were gold and the middle one was
That these necklaces seem

probably explains
one worn by the
cm (K in.), Th.
nob.
A'a armlets appear
p. 183, fig. 169.

3.
1.9
pieces of royal jew-
elry bear inscriptions, however; those that did
See Curto and Mancini 1968,
cm (4'/^ in.), W.
Bibliography:
2a;
An a'a bracelet bears the
have been especially desirable.

2.
Provenance:
10.5
III is in the
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden (AO
Raven
Diam.
(/sin.)
Museum of Art, New York, 33.8.8; C. W. Wilkinson

and Hill 1983, p. 125 [TT 120, Anen]). An excellent
was soldered
face, creating the armlet's dis-
officials
officials
version; the
have survived indi-
rectangular outline.^
tinctive
faience.
that
ing a sheet of gold over a

three-sided shape.
that a faience or
that
extant.
cate that the armlet
Lilyquist 2003, pp. 136-37,
(top)
One wonders, however, why a
award would be imitated
Perhaps, in the same
no longer
The few examples
shebiu have been interpreted as imitations of the
gold examples.^
were worn with gold armlets
III
Bibliography:
found with other jewelry
tomb of the three foreign wives of
Thutmose
lentoid beads of gold^ strung together and tied
around the owner's neck, often
likely that those
the
in
p. 183.
have often been
called imitations oi a'a armlets or "poor man's
armlets"' were in fact part of a triple
set. It
left);
iioa,
Winlock
1948, pi. xv,
nob. H. D. Schneider 1997,
fig. 121
p. too, no.
153b
Lotus Clasp
112.
Early 18th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose
III (r.
1479
1425 B.C.)
Gold, stone, glass
H. 8.7
cm
(3/8 in.)
The
size
AO
ib
and quality of this spectacular
well as the cartouche of
underside, indicate that
Thutmose
it
clasp, as
III
was made
on the
in a royal
workshop. Remains of the ring attachments for

joining strings of beads to the clasp are visible
on the two removable
sidepieces.'
was possibly part of
clasp
meant
to
adorn a
This large
very large collar

an
cult statue in a temple, or
element of a pectoral,
would have been the
in
which case the flower
central element in the
dcp
jewelry.
nob, in
I.
III.
Mesektu Bracelet
1.
Only four examples survive
in collections
(Andrews
1990, p. 184).
2.
Early i8th Dynasty (1550-1425 B.C.)
Hans D. Schneider (in Agyptens Aufsdeg

p. 233, no. 165)
Gold
Diam.
10.5
cm
(4/8 in.),
W.
5.4
cm {2%
The mesektu
bracelet
is
pieces of jewelry that
gold-of-honor
set,
109).^ If
an
official
Thutmose
mented
owned
III,
but his ownership
is
not docu-
(see Lilyquist 1988, p. 40).
1917, pi. XXIV;

fig.
had shebiu
collars
and C. K. Wilkinson and
Hill 1983,
63.
Provenance: From Thebes
Provenance:
Bibliography: Hans D.
Bibliography: Leemans
officials (see cat. no.
a mesektu bracelet, he
Schneider in Agyptens
Aufstieg 1987, p. 233, no. 165;
H. D. Schneider 1997,
Raven
1995, p. 115;
p. Joo, no. 153a
no. 362;
Perhaps from Saqqara
Raven
and a'a armlets.

46, no.
1846, p. 25, pi. 42,
H. D. Schneider and Raven
H. D. Schneider 1987, no.

60;
also
tombs of Thenuna
the so-called
or award jewelry that the
kings gave to high-ranking
in
belonged to Djehuti, one of the generals of

in.)
AO 2a
the rarest' of the three
compose
1987,
suggested that catalogue no.
(TT 76) in
Save-Soderbergh 1957, pi. Lxxii; Kenamun (TT 93)
in Norman de G. Davies 1930, pi. xv; Nebamun
(TT 181) in Norman de G. Davies 1925, pi. xxxvii;
Amenhotepsise (TT 75) in Norman de G. Davies
1923, pi. X; Nakht (TT 52) in Norman de G. Davies
1981, no. 70;
83; Lilyquist 1988, pp. 40,
1995, p. 122; H. D. Schneider 1995, pp.
44-
15
DCP
112,
back
JEWELRY
197
CoiWfjghioOmaurjl
Diadem with Two
113.
Heads and Rosette
Gazelles'
Inlays
1479
III (r.
1425 B.C.)
Gold, carnelian, opaque turquoise
glass, crizzled
glass
L. (of forehead band) 48
of vertical
cm
strip) 3
cm {18% in.), W.
(at
bottom
(i>i in.)

Purchase, George
Everit
Macy
Baker and Mr. and Mrs. V.
F.
Gifts,
1926 26.8.99
Head ornaments have
long tradition
in
ancient Egypt, with at least three different types
known from
Predynastic burials dating from
about 36503100
dom,
pictures in
B.C.
including
fillets
During the Old King-
tomb chapels and
statues show, there
were
seen here, a thousand years
Kingdom banquet
fillets
scenes,
Once an emblem of
is
added
becomes a diadem,
In
later.
113
New
A few illus-
Christine Lilyquist has discussed in detail
were made
the possible meanings of the use of rosettes,
royalty, such as
leopards' heads (located at the end of each
trations clearly indicate that circlets
the uraeus,
on
of types,
many women wear
with a lotus above the brow.
in metal.
details
a variety
with the inlaid rosette pattern
to the
fillet,
the piece
strip),
Most
this piece.'
women from
important, she concluded that
of the princesses
like those
and gazelles' heads on

el-Qurud, Wadi D, Tomb
t
Winlock
1935b,
VII, VIII, b,
Neferure and Nefrubiti
examples are
here
the
rare.
(fig.
79).
Surviving
shape seen
However, the
form created when the three
are pulled together with a
among Tutankhamun's
tie
parure,
the royal harem probably

gazelle 's-head
wore diadems with
protomes when taking part
in rit-
uals honoring the goddess Hathor.
strips
later
Hayes
1933, pp. 15660,
I.
fig.
figs. 26, 27;
iv,
rii,
70;
Aldred 1971,
pp. 2056; A. Wilkinson 1971, pp. 115-16, 219, n. 15,

LXi, colorpl. IV; Elfriede Haslauer in Seipel 2001,
460, no. 186; Ziegler 2002b, p. 263,
2003, pp. 15462, 347-48, no. 108,
Eighteenth Dynasty.
fig. 3;
1948, p. 16, pis.
1959, p. 133,
pp. 7475, no. 74; Christine Lilyquist in Ziegler 2002a,

p.
the
in
XLi, a, b;
Winlock
N. E. Scott 1964, pp. 231-34,
pi.
DCP
has parallels
fig. 8;
fig. 31;
figs.
Lilyquist
9ig, 92a-d, 155
Lilyquist 2003, pp. 159-61.
BROAD COLLARS
As
early as the beginning of the Fourth
lars, a
type of necklace
made from
endpieces, or terminals, were
ranking
official
took part
in a
Dynasty (2575
B.C.),
broad col-
multiple strands of beads gathered in
worn whenever
formal event
a deity, king, or high-
at a temple, palace,
no. 114)' belonged to
have been his
one of the foreign wives of Thutmose
gift to her, as
III
such collars are well documented
and may
among
As
or tomb.
Dynasty (1640 1550
early as the Seventeenth
B.C.)
some
were made of decorative beads.^

a royal
the rest of ancient Egyptian history this set remained the most traditional
nefer signs'
Egyptian jewelry. The conventional broad collar consisted of cylindrical
collar with falcon-head terminals, such decorative collars are
in
green, blue, and red, strung vertically in rows of solid colors.
Sometimes a row of
here
gold-foil beads
(cat. no. 11 5), a thin
was included, or
row of much
as in
in a variety
of beaded patterns
(fig. 78).
Ill's
Aarim
and palmettes, a floral-bead type
royal
is
made from gold and
(cat. no,
5).
blue
Like the broad
found
dcp
gifts.
an example
smaller beads separated each col-
ored row. By the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose HI,
broad collars
among
woman from Thutmose
collars
A reconstructed collar that belonged to
In the early Eighteenth Dynasty, the formal dress jewelry of the gods
consisted of a broad collar and rigid cuff bracelets and armlets, and for
beads
the
products of the king's workshops.
1.
For a complete discussion of the source of the beads
in
catalogue no. 114, see
Lilyquist 2003, pp. 16972.
women wore
must have come from
2.
Queen Ahhotep had beads
3.
W. Raymond Johnson (1999) has
Tear-shaped drop
that
this
type of collar (Aldred
I97i,fig- 55)-
pendants often hung from the bottom row, and although terminals could
be simple semicircles, in the Middle
minals are well known.
Kingdom and
later,
A reconstructed collar with
falcon-head ter-
such terminals
(cat.
stated that the amulets read as nefer signs
should be identified as hrw signs, but further study of this interesting suggestion
seems necessary.
114. Broad CoUar with

Falcon-Head Terminals
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
Gold, obsidian or black stone, jasper, carnelian,

turquoise glass, transparent crizzled glass
Collar:
W.
cm
36.5
H. 0.50.95 cm
H. 2.6
cm (1
(14/3 in.); cylinder beads:
drop-shape beads:
{'AVs in.);
in.)


el-Qurud, Wadi D, Tomb i
p. 208, fig. 65;
Andrews
1935b,
Aldred 1971,
fig. 13;
1990, pp. 120-21,
H. W. Miiller and Thiem 1999, pp.
fig.
103;
162, 163, fig. 347;
Lilyquist 2003, pp. 16973, no. 129,
figs.
91a, 163
115. Broad Collar of Ne/er

Amulets
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
Gold, crizzled
Collar:
1.7
W.
31
glass,
cm
Egyptian blue
(iz'A in.); ne/er amulets:
cm (>8 K in.); palmette beads: H.
1.25
H. 1.4-
cm
(X
in.)

Purchase, Frederick
P.
Hundey
Bequest, 1958
58.153.9, 58.153.10
Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 1982

1982.137-3
Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 1988 1988.17

(selective)
Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 1988 1988.25.

(selective)

Tomb
el-Qurud, Wadi D,
Bibliography: Aldred
1971, pp.
Andrews
102;
Thiem
1990, p. 120,
1999, p. 163,
fig.
fig.
208-9,
fig-
H. W. Miiller and
348; Lilyquist 2003, pp.
73, no. 132, figs. 9id, 164
169
BRACELETS
In the
wore
first
at
bracelets, typically
wore the
solid inlaid cuff
women expressed
nos. ii6a, b),
in the
manner
in
which they were strung, allowed craftsmen
wide variety of designs. Most
set (cat.
by varying the num-
offerings
Apparently,
paintings depict four forms in addition to the solid cuff: the flexible
some women did,
(cat. no.
117), the non-fitted bracelet
women
wore more than one
ber and styles of the bracelets they wore. Representations from tomb
beaded cuff
(cat.
The use of beads of different sizes and colors, and variations
nos. 166, 167).
when they wore
from the divine
their personal taste
and the bangle
strings (figs. 77, 78), the single string of beads,
half of the Eighteenth Dynasty, the types of jewelry people
formal events, such as a banquet, were consistent and the styles
hmited, except in the case of bracelets. Although men,
it
to
produce a
attending banquets or partaking in
bracelet and often an armlet as well.
was unnecessary
to
wear matching
bracelets, although
especially the solid cuff type.
DCP
of multiple beaded
Pair of Solid Cuff Bracelets
116.
from the Divine Set

III (r.
1479
1425 B.C.)
a.
Gold, carnelian, turquoise glass
H. 7 cm
X 6.3
5.1
The
(2'X in.),
cm (2
Diam.
X 2%.
Metropolitan
in.;
4.8 x 6
cm
{1% x
1%
in.; top),
bottom)
b.
Gold, carnelian, turquoise
H. 7.2
cm (2%
top), 5.1
X 6.3
in.),
cm
Diam.
glass, crizzled glass
4.8
(2 X I'A in.;
cm
x6
(1% x
lYs in.;
bottom)

Tomb i
117.
el-Qurud, Wadi D,
Made from
fused sheets of gold with beads
cemented into place, these large
had hinges so
the wrists.
solid bracelets
that they could be clasped
around
A pin was slipped through interlock-
ing openings opposite the hinge to keep the
Aldred 1971,
figs. 61,
Miiller
62;
of
his
The bracelets were
appears on the inside of each
gifts to
one
III,
whose name
cuff.
dcp
wives from Thutmose
Cuff Bracelet with
III (r.
1479-
64 (bottom); Lilyquist 1988,
1990, p. 154,
and Thiem 1999,
Haslauer in Seipel 2001,

Roveri 2002,
bracelet in place.
p. 208, pi.
Andrews
Flexible
a Spacer Depicting Cats
1948, pi. xvii (bottom);
fig. 125;
1425 B.C.)
H. W.
Gold, carnelian,
p. 164,
lapis lazuli, turquoise glass
6g. 350; Elfriede
p. 76, no. 76;
Donadoni
p. 335, figs. 10, 11; Christine Lilyquist in
L. 16.8
cm
(6/s in.); cat spacer: L. 6.2
W.
cm
(i/s in.);
2.9
amulets: H. 2
Ziegler 2002a, p. 461, no. 188; Lilyquist 2003, pp. 178
barrel bead: L. 0.60.9
80, no. 141, figs. 89e, 9ii, 172, 176, 225 (left)
The
Metropolitan
(J^
cm
cm (zK in.),
{Yt in.);
in.)
Museum of Art, New
York,
Fletcher Fund, 1919,1920 26.8.121a

1
1948, pp. 29-31,
PP- 134-35,
fig-
A. Wilkinson
7^;
fig. 9;
Winlock
Hayes
Aldred 1971, pp. 214-15,
1959,
fig- 84;
1971, pp. 1034, pi. xxvii, a; Feucht
1975, pp. 39091, no. 396a;
Andrews
1940,
pis. XVI, b, c, XLii, d;
1990,
p. 160, fig. 342;
fig. 134;
Casson
1981, pp. 5657;
H. W. Mulier and Thiem 1999,
Reeves 2000,
p. 151;
Christine
Lilyquist in Ziegler 2002a, p. 461, no. 187; Lilyquist
2003, pp. 176-78, no. 137,
!6a,
200
DECORATIVE ARTS
figs.
91m
(below), 170
EARRINGS
Earrings were popular jewelry in both the Near East and Nubia before
their
appearance
Egypt, and in time Egyptians borrowed styles from
in
both these cultural
areas.'
The
first
evidence of Egyptian earring use
found on statues of servants made about 1850 1640
Middle Kingdom. These
statuettes,
found
in
B.C.,
during the
is
late
ribbed versions.
The
thin spiral earrings of the Middle
as the leech type based
appear, too.
highest-ranking
officials
they are rarely portrayed adorned thus.'
Andrews
Eighteenth Dynasty, earrings are regularly part of funerary equipment.
2.
Eaton-Krauss 1982; Bourriau 1988,
3.
A. Wilkinson 1971, pp. 12123; Eaton-Krauss 1982.
most
common form
is
dcp
tombs, have thin spiral1.
this time, the
as well
earrings, although with the exception of the
shaped pieces of wire slipped through a hole in the earlobe.' By the early
At
Kingdom
on forms known throughout the Mediterranean
Men wore
penannular, in plain as well as
1990, p. lii.
p. 124.
118.
Pair of Penannular Earrings
a.
Gold
Diam.
2.8
cm
(i/s in.),
Th.
cm QA in.)

Rogers Fund, 1916 16.10.473, 16.10.474
of Wire Earrings
b. Pair
Early i8th Dynasty (1550- 1425 B.C.)
iiSa.b
Electrum
Diam.
The
2.2
cm
(^b in.),
Metropolitan
Th. 1.2-1.3 cm
(/i in.)
Museum of Art, New
York,
Rogers Fund, 1916 16.10.469, 16.10.470
c.
Pair of Beaded Penannular
Earrings
Early i8th Dynasty (15501425 B.C.)
Gold, lapis
lazuli
Diam. 1.9-2 cm
in.),
Th. 0.7
cm {V^ in.)

Purchase,
Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift,
1926 26.7.1355,
26.7.1357
d. Pair
of Earrings for a Queen

(r.
1479-1425
18c. d,
B.C.)
e.
Gold
Diam.
III
3.5
cm
in.),
Th. 1.92
cm
in.)
Pair of Ribbed Penannular
Tomb
Gold
This pair belonged to one of the foreign wives

III.
Predictably, wealthy
members
of Egyptian society wore larger earrings than
ii8e.
cm (K in.), Th. 0.8 cm

in.)
1.8
Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1926 26.7.1335,
archaeological finds like this pair.

in catalogue
style but
number
come from
11 8e,
The
by
rare
earrings
which are similar
in
Provenance:
CC41,
Pit
3,
ii8a.
Western Thebes, Lower Asasif,
burial Bi; Metropolitan
Museum of Art
ii8c.
Ancient Egyptian Art 1922,
Winlock
1935b,
XIV;
fig. 13;
Hayes
Winlock
1948, p. 18,
1959, p. 70; A. Wilkinson
1971, pp. 122, 220, n. 15, pi. XLV, a; Lilyquist 2003,

p. 163, no. 113, fig. 154
ii8h.
dcp
Bibliography:
ii8d.
Western Thebes, Lower Asasif, CC41,
a less elaborate burial, are
smaller although well made.
pis. viii, a, IX,
burial E4; Metropolitan
much
Western Thebes, Gabbanat el-Qurud, Wadi D,
Western Thebes, Birabi; Carnarvon excavations,
1911
p. 19, no.
26.7.1336
did others, and the representations seen in
upper-class tombs are corroborated
Western Thebes, Mandara; Carnarvon
excavations, 1914
Early 18th Dynasty (1550 1425 b.c.)
Diam.
of Thutmose
ii8c.
Earrings
ii8d.
Pit 3,
1915-16
JEWELRY
201
GIRDLES
Girdles are one of the few jewelry forms
although apparently not in public
dence of tomb scenes and

times do wear girdles
when
worn
exclusively
when
by women,
at
78).
fig.
Female musicians seem
to
we have examples from
women, wives of middle-ranking
banquets or
they are included in the decoration on a cosmetic item (see
no. 167;
girdles, as
servants.^ Girdles illustrated in
cat.
be another group that wears
are at work, playing their
New Kingdom women
instruments, or dancing.' All
young ones, some-
they are depicted working
when they
girdles in public, but again only
formal event, to judge by the evi-
at a
statues. Servants, especially
at least
apparently wore
four strata of society: royal
nobles, wives of nonliterate
tomb scenes have one or two
of small beads, often with a large decorative bead inserted

intervals
among
the beads (cat. nos. 119, 120, 167).
The two examples

different
here represent girdles
economic and
foreign wives of
metal
men, and
thin strands
at consistent
social groups.
Thutmose
(cat. no. 119). It
III
The
owned by women from
first
and, as a result,
belonged to one of the
is
made from
a precious
may even have been a formal gift from the king,
second
(cat. no.
of red and white beads,
120), a string
identified as a girdle because
matches others found
it
is
tentatively
in burials
still
See the tomb of Djeserkare-seneb

the Middle
moved
tion
Kingdom, many
they
made
seem
to be designed to
(TT
girdles
38) in
Nina de G. Davies 1963,
were constructed so
making
a light jingle,
must have continued into the
in
dcp
position around the hips of nonroyal women."*
1.
as
The
products of royal workshops include girdles resembling this one.'
that
when
pi. 6.
In
the wearer
girdles fitting for musicians. This tradi-
New Kingdom, although the girdles do
make sounds. Servants may have worn them
not
for the
same
reason, although in their case youth appears to have been a factor as well.
1.
Queens: Seventeenth Dynasty royal

wives of Thutmose
III
woman (Petrie
1909, p. 9,
pi.
(Lilyquist 2003, pp. 17475, nos. 135, 136,
Meryetamun (Winlock
i932.b, p. 15, fig. i, pi. xvii, a);
xxix); foreign
figs.
middle- ranking
167, 168);
women:
3.
p. 79); women of the working class: western

Tombs 37 (Burial 75), Lower Asasif, CC41, R2, Burial F5
Museum of Art, New York, 16.10.275); servants: numerous tomb
scenes, for example, Rekhmire (TT 100) in Norman de G. Davies 1943,
pi. LXiv, or Djeserkare-seneb (TT 38) in Nina de G. Davies 1963, pi. 6.
Rekhmire (TT 100) in Norman de G. Davies 1943, pi. xxxvii.
4.
This color combination
Meryet (Curto and Mancini 1968,
Thebes, Birabi,
(MetropoHtan
is
a popular one, at least in Thebes. See, for example,
1912, pi.
P2, Burial Ci (MetropoHtan
Fig. 79.
Two young princesses,
Neferure and Nefrubiti, wearing elaborate
of jewelry, including diadems and girdles. Painted
temple
119.
at
reliefs
Lxxni; Western Thebes, Lower Asasif, CC41J
16.10.394).
sets
from Hatshepsut's
Deir el-Bahri, early i8th Dynasty. Nineteenth-century copies
Girdle with Wallet Beads
It is
generally accepted that the larger so-called
120.
Girdle (?)
wallet beads represent stylized cowrie shells.'

III (r.
1479
1425 B.C.)
The
dcp
girdles.
Th. 0.25
Metropolitan
P.

Calcite, carnelian
L. 98
cm
(32
cm (K Ks in.), W.
cm
in.), lapis lazuli

I.
0.81.2
Andrews
The
1994, p. 42.
cm
cm
(38ys in.); bead:
Metropolitan
Purchase,
Edward
Diam.
0.3
cm
Q/s in.)
Museum of Art, New

S.
Harkness
Gift,
York,
1926 26.7.1389
(/s in.)
Museum of Art, New
York,
Huntley Bequest, 1958

Tomb
el-Qurud, Wadi D,
Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 1982 1982. 137.5

burial 78;
58. 113.
(selective)
Bibliography: H. W.
Miiller
fig.
167
Birabi,
Tomb
37,
Carnarvon excavations
and Thiem 1999,
p. 165, figs. 355, 356; Lilyquist 2003, pp.
no. 135,
(selective)
cowries were very popular in
lazuli
Girdle: L. (as strung) 81.3
Frederick
like
Middle Kingdom
Gold, lapis
bead: L. 1.2 1.5

QA'/i in.),
Beads shaped
174-75,

pi.
Lxxni, 78
Carter 1912,
p. 85,
NECKLACES
Single strands of beads, sometimes accompanied
almost certainly the most
common
ancient Egyptian history.' In
found on mummies and
in small
by amulets, were
chest, just
type of jewelry in any period of
New Kingdom burials,
boxes or baskets nearby' Both
colors that
occasionally
show
could be worn
(see cat. no. 167;
fig.
78).
have been looped over the head to look
of beads seem to have been designed, however, to
121.
Choker of Gold Rings
Early i8th Dynasty (1550-1425 b.c.)
Gold
L. 33.5
strings, they
like several strands.
rest
cm (i3J4in.), Diam. 0.6 cm
(Â in.)
Rogers Fund, 1916
Lana Troy
most
may
(in
red, white,
Most strands
caught
and black
common finds
in
77) states diat beads are the
p.
New Kingdom sites and are mosdy neck ornamentation.

tomb
Carnarvon and Carter 1912,
3.
In the Eighteenth Dynasty, beads no longer seem to be
purple stone
change
common
p. 80,
earlier, in the
53.
made from amethyst,
Middle Kingdom. Whether
in color preference or to a lack
of access to the stone
is
the
due to a
this is
unclear.
on the upper
Thin chokers made from
tiny ring beads strung
seems that a few, perhaps wealthier, individuals
over a pad of fiber are rare and seem to be a
had increasing numbers of strands of gold
style largely
earliest
less likely to get
beads as early as Predynastic Egypt.'
2.
More than one necklace
and given the length of some
for
DCP
1.
strands of beads around the neck, sometimes hanging
at a time,
were common
men and
women probably wore necklaces, but judging by details on statues, necklaces were clearly more popular with women. Representations of women
between the breasts
below the neck, where they would be
and break. Popular colors are turquoise, dark blue,
necklaces have been
found
identified
Theban
in the
example dating from the
Eleventh Dynasty (2040
some
16. 10.314
five
hundred years
number of
area, with the
B.C.).'
Burials
later, at Birabi,
from
yielded
similar necklaces, including this
one, of early Eighteenth Dynasty date.'
It
rings:
two-stranded example comes from
Birabi,'
and
a rich burial of a
woman
at
Qurna
produced a necklace with four
strings that
together in a clasp
3).''
seems
to
necklaces
two
(cat. no.
come
This design
be the foundation for a number of
known from
collars
Psusennes
such as
later periods,
of the Twenty-first Dynasty king
I (r.
1040992
B.C.).'
Neither the thin rings nor the necklace's

style
matches that of collars specifically identi-
fied as shehiu,
although these chokers have
often been referred to as such. Several of these
examples come from women's tombs, and there
is
no evidence from the early Eighteenth Dynasty

that
women were awarded honor collars.

DCP
1.
Metropolitan
Museum
New York,
of Art,
22.3.322,
from Deir el-Bahri, temple of Mentuhotep

of Mayet; Andrews 1990,
See the entry for catalogue no.
3.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 45661;

burial
the
II,
tomb
p. 117.
2.
PiAi (photograph 5A
for a
list.
Tomb 37,
105 in the archives
of
Department of Egyptian Art, Metropolitan
Museum).
4. Petrie
5.
Cairo,
fig. 5;
figs-
1909, pp. 6-11,
pi.
XXIX.
JE 85751 and 85752;
see
Andrews
H. W. Miiller and Thiera 1999,
1990, p. 10,
p. 209,
433> 434-
Provenance: Western Thebes, Asasif, CC41,

Cl; Metropolitan Museum of Art excavations,
1915-16
121
R4,
122. String of Beads with

Feline's-Head Amulets
Early i8th Dynasty (1550-142; B.C.)
Gold, Egyptian blue
cm (26Hin.); bead; Diam.
L. 67
0.7
cm
(Ytin.)

Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1926 26.7.1364
The use of feline 's-head ornaments

is
known from
well
the Twelfth
in jewelry
Dynasty (1981
1802 B.C.) and continues in the early Eighteenth
Dynasty
tify the
(see cat. no. 117).'
to iden-
It is difficult
type of cat that the Egyptians had in
mind, although most seem to be leopards, an

animal that in the Middle
tropaic properties.'
On
Dynasty tombs,
Kingdom
has apo-
several necklaces with
matching beads found
in
early
a feline 's-head
Eighteenth
bead was used
as a centerpiece, so that the result looked like a
string
1.
dcp
tie.'
Regine Schulz
in
228,
p.
no. 157.
2.
Andrews
3.
Randall-Maclver and Mace 1902, pp. 88-89,
1994, pp.
6466; Lilyquist 2003,
p. 159.
XLVi; Marianne Eaton-Krauss in Egypt's Golden
pi.
Age
1982, pp. 24041, no. 320; Patch 1990, pp.
50
51, no. 35.
Provenance: Western
Thebes, Mandara;
Carnarvon excavations, 1914
123. Necklace with Nefer

Amulets
Early T8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose HI
(r.
1479
cm
(Jîn.)
1425 B.C.)
Gold
L. 18.;
The
cm
(7>în.); amulet;
average H. 0.9
Museum of
Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia,

Gift of British School of Archaeology
The
nefer sign
was
a hieroglyphic
5789
symbol
that
stood for "good," "happy," or "beautiful."
was
a popular
laces,
and
both
as a
amulet in
New Kingdom
in simple forms, like the
component
in
one here,
broad collars (see
W. M.
cat.
DCP
no. 115).
Provenance; Sedment, probably Tomb
It
neck-
123
254;
Flinders Petrie excavations, 1921
Bibliography; Marianne Eaton-Krauss mEgypt's

Golden Age 1982, p. 237, no. 310; Denise M. Doxey in
Silverman 1997, pp. 19091, no. 54
JEWELRY
205
CoiWfjghioO maurjl
124a, b
Necklace with Amulets
124a.
Catalogue number 124b

beads
disk
Early 18th Dynasty (1550-1425 B.C.)
Gold over pitch,

L. 42
W.
cm
carnelian, lapis lazuli
{i6'A in.); amulets:
0.30.5
cm {%'/4
H. 0.9 i.i
('/s
in.),
in.)
quite
Gift, 1926 26.7.1384
of Beads and
become
rare
Kingdom. Some images, such

and
124b. Necklace
hand, and a
Kingdom, when they were
they
fish,
symbolize
fertility,
the falcon offer protection.
the
in
L. 34
nefer sign con-
box
in a
(13V8 in.); amulets:
H. 0.5 i.i
cm
DCP
S.
Harkness
cm
in.);
amulet: H.
1.5
cm
(%'m,),
{'A in.)
Museum of Art, New
Metropolitan
of Mrs. Edward
S.
York, Gift
Harkness, 1940 40.9.26
125b. Cornflower-Bead
Necklace
i8th
Dynasty (1550 1070
L. 37
p. 80.
cm
B.C.)
(14/8 in.); amulet:
in.),
(y^î in.)
W.
0.6
cm
H. 1.21.5
cm
('A in.)
Provenance:
^2.^12.
Western Thebes,
Birabi,
Tomb
Gift, 1926 26.7.1375

37, burial 78;
t24i.
Carnarvon excavations,
Western Thebes,
Birabi,
Bibliography:
p. 85, pi.
1246.
206
0.6
The
(13K
Faience, glass

Purchase, Edward
cm
L. 35
man's
burial.'
I.
cm
B.C.)
Faience
while Taweret and
The
Carnelian, gold, silver, faience, glass, yellow stone,

tin
Dynasty (1550 1070
as the lotus, frog,
three stored in a small jewelry

Early i8th Dynasty (1550 1425 B.C.)
i8th
W.
New
veys a good wish. This necklace was one of
Amulets
Poppy-Bead Necklace
125a.
of
from
the Middle
Harkness
tiny
variety
nefer sign. Falcon amulets are a survival
popular;
S.
composed of
with
lotus, bolti fish, a shell or bullae, a
cm

Purchase, Edward
is
interspersed
amulets, including falcons, a frog, Tawerets, a
224a.
Tomb
Bequest of Mary
Anna Palmer Draper,
1914 15.43.82
1911
37, burial 53;
191
1912,
Lxxin, 78
p. 85, pi.
Lxxni, 53
DECORATIVE ARTS
CopynghiM
maBrial
125a,
A large group of New Kingdom bead types are

based on flowers or their buds. Like the nefer
signs, these elements are
of beads
found
broad
as well as
in single strands
collars,
although
flowers as components of broad collars seem to
be most
common
after Hatshepsut's time.
of the most popular
floral
Two
beads depict the buds
of poppies and of cornflowers. Both were staples

of the Egyptian garden and were used to fashion
fresh bouquets for shrines and fioral broad collars.'
Because the buds of these flowers have a
similar shape,
which one
1.
Germer
is
it is
sometimes
difficult to
be sure
dcp
represented/
1985, pp. 4445, 173;
Manniche 1989, pp.
13,
24, 27-32, 85, 130-31.

2.
Lana Troy
p. 130)
have
Save-Sbderbergh and Troy 1991,
(in
26a, b
126a.
Melon-Bead Necklace
striations
around the edge, imitating the
However, a necklace from
laciness of the flower.
Amarna
(Elfriede Haslauer in Seipel 2001, pp. 84,
85, no. 85)
L. 75.5
cm
(29'/4 in.);
bead:
Diam
1-1.3
cm
finest
example of a necklace of cornflower
Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
Museum of An, New

30.8.66) was made from
tiny gold rings soldered together to

flowers.
It
was found
in a royal
New Kingdom, dating about
form the
tomb from
1070 B.C.
Unknown
from
a large
number
had been placed
a basket that
Provenance:
126b.
String of Scaraboids
the late
in a
dcp
37, burial 13;
126a.
Western Thebes, Birabi,
izGL Western Thebes, Birabi,
Tomb
Tomb
191
37, burial 31;
1911
Bibliography:
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose I reign of
Thutmose
i25a, b.
New York,
child's coffin.
III
(15041425
B.C.)
Faience
Provenance:
of Art,
Harkness Gift, 1926 26.7.1369
Gift, 1926 26.7.1365
or poppy buds (Metropolitan
York, 26.7.1346, 26.7.1348,
S.
These scaraboids were among

spilled
(K-/.in.)
The
Museum
Faience
with a mixture of red and blue bud beads,
colors.
Metropolitan
suggesting poppies and cornflowers, shows the
marks on beads of both
The
Purchase, Edward
observed that cornflower-bud beads could
p. 71, pi.
L. 80
cm (31)1 in.); scaraboid:
(/4-/S in.),
L. 0.7-1.5
W. 0.5-0.9 cm (K-H
in.)
cm
126b.
pi.
Lxxni,
126a.
1912,
13
1912, pp. 69, 78,
Lxxui, 31
JEWELRY
207
SCARABS, SEAL AMULETS,

From
the earliest times, the ancient Egyptians carried charms,
carved in the shapes of animals, and by the Middle

1650 B.C.), the scarab beetle was the most
Egyptians chose
common
form and movement across the
association with the sun, the scarab
that these
sky.'
sides.
stone, the base
Kingdom design amulets
When
became a potent symbol of rebirth
the amulet's back. Its legs
name and
either with a
The result was a sturdy blue or green amulet.
faience, a ceramic material that could also
Old Kingdom (26492150
scarabs, small
stamp
seals
B.C.),
common, although
to protect himself
In the
from the many

or hunger,
infertility,
The
scarab beetle itself most certainly

fish
was a
or ankh signs.
The
Egyptians wore scarab and design amulets in rings, strung them in jew-
New Kingdom,
kept them in a basket or
elry,
them
in a small
pouch when
wooden box at home, and may have carried

was not
it
DCP
wear jewelry.
practical to
seal amulets.
1.
For discussion of the scarab beetle 's
994,
human, animal, or geo2.
damp
New
scarabs never
a protective or sympathetic sign, such as a
good-luck charm, as were the depictions of bolti
before the appearance of
whose backs could be
metric shape were used to impress
owner wanted
wedjat eye (cat. no. 75f ).'
or with a design.
be glazed, and glass were likewise
used to produce scarabs and the related design or

In the
a scarab's
god or king, or depicted
After carving, the finished object was generally dipped into a glaze and
baked.
again became
he would wear an amulet that bore a powerful name, such as that of
were often oudined
title
appear to
Middle Kingdom, scarabs sup-
deity. In the
negative forces around him, such as disease, injury,
When the scarab was made from steatite, an easily carved
was inscribed
now known,
seals or amulets, as they are
wish to a
went out of use.
Scarab amulets are easily identifiable, as the beede 's head, body, and
along the
planted stamp seals and design amulets in popularity, but in the
its
and an immensely popular amulet.
wing cases were delineated on
communicate
to
were rem-
Because of
new design
have been used as good-luck charms, sources of protection, or a means
Khepri, the god of the morning
this insect to represent
sun, because of specific behaviors in the beetle 's life cycle that
iniscent of the sun's
many
Kingdom (2040
amulet type. The
AND RINGS
To
life
Ben-Tor 1989 and Andrews
cycle, see
PP- 50-51-
see a complete range of designs
on scarabs from the reign of Thutmose
III,
clay sealing containers or other

see Jaeger 1982.
goods. Over time, the amuletic aspect of seals became pronounced, so
127.
Cowroid Beads Mounted
c.
Gold,
L. 1.7
for Rings
The
in.),
W.
Purchase, Edward
128.
lapis lazuli
cm (H
Metropolitan
1.4
cm (/4 in.), Th. 0.4 cm
(Xi in.)

S.
Harkness
Gift,
a.
Plaque Inscribed for King
Ahmose
1926 26.7.1127

a. Silver, calcite
L. 1.7
Glazed
cm (J4 in.), W.
i.i
cm
('/a
in.),
Th.
0.3
cm (/b in.)

Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1926 26.7.1 125
These rings are three of at

in a
woman's
grave.
steatite
least five discovered
Two were
H.
cm (/i
1.4
in.),
W.
dcp
finger.
Provenance: Western
Gold, glass
L. 1.8
cm (y, in.), W.
1.6
cm ('/s
in.),
Th. 0.4
cm QA in.)
burial 78;
Thebes, Birabi,
Tomb
Harkness
Gift,
Th.
0.5
cm
1926 26.7.1126
pi.
LXXII, 78
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1926 26.7.121
37,
The base of the

S.
in.),
19 11

Purchase, Edward
('/i

Purchase, Edward
b.
cm
1.2
found together
(/4in.)
on her
Carter 1912, p. 85,
Ahmose
I's
design amulet
is
inscribed with
prenomen, Nebpehtyre. The winged
sphinx on the back
a protective device
is
symbolizing the king's power.
appended
to the lion
may
identity of the sphinx,
The wings
relate to the original
which was
that of
Horus
of the Horizon, a falcon-headed god merged

with the sun.
b.
Scarab of Ahhotep
17th Dynasty, reign of
Tao
I (r.
1560 B.C.)
Glassy faience
L. 2.1
cm (K in.), W.
1.5
cm QA in.), Th. cm
1
('/s
in.)

Purchase,
208
DECORATIVE ARTS
Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1926 26.7.120
The
Tao
128, bases: a, b, c (top), d, e
c, d, e
128a, b,
was made
scarab
I,
honor the wife of
to
a Seventeenth Dynasty king, and the ele-
ments on
its
back and base are typical for that
The
period.
on
inscription
the
This scarab shows a reclining
Thutmose
II,
probably
jackal,
Aakheperenre, above
its
Thutmose
Glazed
Scarab with a Protective
e.
Th. 0.7
Glazed
L.
1492-
II (r.
Glazed
L.
('/s
in.),
W.
cm QA in.), Th. 0.6 cm
Edward
Edward
1.2
cm ('A
in.),
Harkness
S.
Harkness
Gift,
cm {Ys in.)
1926 26.7.484
on the base of the amulet
reads "Nefertari" and

Nefertari, the wife of
mother of Amenhotep
regard throughout the
may
refer to
King Ahmose
I.
scarab's
base
depicts
falcon-headed
it
Purchase,
Edward
S.
Harkness
This ring
Herakhti, or the god Horus
when he
is
merged
with the sun, while the sphinx represents
and the
another aspect of Horus as well as the might of
in high
the pharaoh.
New Kingdom.
The
atef
crown
is
most closely
associated with Osiris, the ruler of the under-
make
is
II (r.
1492
in the
steatite
(/ in.),
two realms
cm
('A in.),
mounted
New Kingdom
scarab.
It
was discov-
left
hand.
DCP
Provenance:
Tomb 47, burial
1286.
128c.
128a.
13;
Western Thebes,
Birabi,
background also was
The uraeus
a powerful
seen
symbol
i28e.
Tomb 44,
burial 4;
12S1J.
that protect Egypt: that of
the king and that of the gods.
1479 B.C.)
cm
cm
1926 26.7.770
typical in shape for
Western Thebes,
Tomb
37, burial 59d;
Tomb
37, burial 59d;
191
Birabi,
this
scarab an excellent amulet, as the image con-
II
nects the
The
Gift,
ered on the third finger of a man's
L. 1.6
1.2
subdues an
AhmoseI
She was held
Scarab of Thutmose
Glazed
W.
falcon represents Re-
world. Such iconography would
d.
in.),
Gift, 1926 26.7.125
enemy of Egypt. The

inscription
diam. with bezel 2.7
QA
cm QA in.)
rings having a
sphinx wearing the atef crown as
The
cm
Th. 0.8
(/, in.)
The
S.
B.C.)
(i in.),

Purchase,
cm
steatite
cm (H in.), W.
Metropolitan
Purchase,
steatite
cm
1.5
1.5
The
'479 B-C.)
(1479 1458
III
{I'A in,); scarab: L. 1.4
Design Amulet of a Bolti
Fish
a Scarab Bezel
steatite, silver
Ring: Diam. 2.4
Motif
c.
Ring with
back.
base reads
"King's Wife, Ahhotep."
f.
prenomen of
representing Anubis, with the
191
Western Thebes, Lower Asasif; Carnarvon
excavations, 1907 11
!28f.
Western Thebes, Birabi,
Tomb 37, burial
21;
of protection.
W.
Metropolitan
Purchase, Edward
1.2
cm (/.
in.),
Th. 0.8
cm (>/ in.)
Bibliography;

S.
Harkness
Gift, 1926 26.7.145
i2S(i.
128/.
i28f,
Hayes
Hayes
128c.
1959,
1959, pp.
p.
5, fig. i,
1959, p. 44
10
1912, pi. LXXii, 59d;
46
Hayes
I28f
128a.
i28b.
Hayes
pi.
Lxxii, 59d;
1959, p. 79
p. 73, pi.
LXXii, 21
base
JEWELRY
209
Ring with
I29a.
a Feline's
Head
from the
three
burial of
Queen Ahhotep,
wife of Seqenenre and mother of

Glazed
steatite,
Ring: Diam.
L.
bronze
cm (K
2.1
the
I
rulers. It
seems unlikely, though, that the piece here

x
in.)
2.2
cm
amulet:
(Â in.);
cm (H in.), W. 0.9 cm (/a in.), Th. 0.7cm
I.I
Ahmose
two kings who fought the Hyksos
related to the large
in.)
cially
of Art,
is
award examples, espe-
given the long history of
amulets in
fly
New York,
ancient Egypt.
Purchase, Edward
Harkness
S.
Gift,
1926 26.7.773
The underside
is
inscribed with a group
of hieroglyphs inside a cartouche, which
The animal
amulet
depicted on the back of this design
most
is
be certain
likely a cat,
that
although
we cannot
would imply
a royal
name, although whose
unknown.
is
dcp
the animal the craftsman
is
Nor can
intended to represent.
the amulet be
I.
Andrews
1994, pp. 62-63.
precisely identified with any one goddess, as
number of deities
there were a
felines.
It
is
wished for
associated with
which the ancient Egyptians
associated with cats.

help, as the signs
The
inscription
do not convey
message, although the ankh reads

lotus
tion
a rebirth symbol.
is
owner
possible that the ring's
fertility,
The
is
of no
Provenance:
izga.
Western Thebes, Lower Asasif;
Carnarvon excavations, 1907 11

Western Thebes, Lower Asasif; Carnarvon
i2Cfb.
excavations, 1907 11
a particular
"life"
and the
Bibliography:
i2â.
Andrews
130a, b, bases
1994, pp. 32-33
excellent condi-
and the subject matter of the ring suggest
that
was
it
Hathor
at
a votive offering to a shrine of
cm
L. 1.8
with a Fish
130a. Scarab
Deir el-Bahri.
The
Holding the Bud of a Lotus
in.),
cm
(/i in.),
Th. 0.9
Museum
of Art,
New York,
W.
Metropolitan
Purchase,
Edward
1.3
Harkness
S.
Gift,
cm QA in.)
1926 26.7.133
Early i8th Dynasty, probably 2nd half of joint reign
Design Amulet Depicting
129b.
L. 1.4
The
Glazed
(1473-1458 B.C.)
cm
(/j in.),
W.
Purchase, Edward
S.
Gift, 1926 26.7.644
Examples of amulets shaped
like
fly
1.2
cm
in.),
Th. 0.7
Museum of Art, New

S.
Harkness
Gift,
cm
in.)
York,
why
37;
bolti flsh
It
was
and the lotus inscribed on the
specifically
fly
made
need to
During
early
gold
rid
the
Western Thebes,
130b.
Birabi,
Tomb
1911
CC 37, burial
Carnarvon excavations, 1910 1911
16, basket;
deceased with a successful transition into the
Bibliography:
afterlife.
p. 80, pi. Lxxii, 52
130a.
Hayes
1912,
1912, p. 72, pis. lxv, lxxii,
1959, p. 51
its
fecundity and the
oneself of this
common
pest.'
130b. Scarab
of Amenhotep
Second Intermediate Period and the
New Kingdom,
fly
its
is difficult
to assist the
r6;
depiction include both
ijoa.
possessed an
amuletic purpose; possible explanations for
which
dcp
Provenance:
Both the
stone,
common in the New Kingdom.
the king.
130b.
the
made from hard
This one bears the prenomen and nomen of
1926 26.7.525
base were symbols of rebirth, suggesting that
are
Predynastic graves (3600 B.C.).
remains unclear
W.
Edward
this scarab
known from
in.),
Harkness
Scarabs
to carve, are not
cm (/z
Metropolitan
Purchase,
steatite
cm QA in.), Th. 0.7 cm (/4 in.)

L. 1.4
III
Jasper
a Fly
valor alongside
the king bestowed large
men who had fought with

him. The best known are the
amulets on

1504 B.C.)
I (r.
1525-
131.
a.
Scarab with a Rearing Ibex
Jasper
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose I reign of
Thutmose
Glazed
L. 1.4
III
(1504 1425
B.C.)
steatite
cm {Vi in.), W.
1.2
cm QA in.), Th.
0.7
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

Purchase, Edward
The
29a, b, bases
Harkness
Gift,
cm QA in.)
York,
1926 26.7.539
ibex was often employed as a symbol for
renewal.'
129a,
S.
Scarab in a Ring Bezel
b.
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose I-reign of
Thutmose
Glazed
Ring
III
Th. 0.7 cm
(yi in.),
The
(1504-1425 b.c.)
electrum
steatite,
cm
bezel: L. 1.6
Th. 0.7
in.),
('/s
W.
cm
cm
1.2
in.),
cm (/z in.), W. 0.9 cm
scarab: L. 1.2
(14 in.);
(/* in.)
Museum of Art, New
Metropolitan
Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift,
York,
1926 26.7.560
A giraffe is the central image on the base of this

scarab,
which was once part of a
ring.
This ani-
mal was associated with prophecy,"" so that
it,
in
combination with the hieroglyphs, predicted for

its
owner
a "life of
good
all
things."
Man
Scarab with a Seated
c.
II (r.
1492-
1479 B.C.)
131a, b, c, bases
Glazed
L. 1.4
steatite
cm (/lin.), W.
i.i
cm (/gin.), Th.
0.7
cm {'A in.)

Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift,
1926 26.7.506
Provenance:
The motif of a
seated
man
smelling a lotus was

37, pit
common one
dcp
for the base of scarabs.
D, burial
ijia.
59;
Western Thebes,
1.
2.

Brunner-Traut 1977.
2JIC.
p. 13.
Birabi,
Bibliography:
Tomb
Western Thebes,
Birabi,
Western Thebes,
Tomb
p. 81, pi.
37, burial 59a;
191
Birabi,
Tomb 37, burial
ijia.
59
ijic.
Hayes
59d;
Lxxn,
ijih.
p. 81, pi.
lxxii, 59a
1912, p. 81, pi. LXXii, 59d;
1959, p. 36, fig. 17
FUNERARY JEWELRY
The
western Thebes, of the three foreign wives of Thutmose
burial, in
III (r.
1479 1425
burials of the
women's
B.C.)
is
in
lives as well as objects
sizable quantity of the
made
some ways
New Kingdom.
distinguished from pieces

it is
fragile, as
it
typical of
most ancient Egyptian
contained objects used during the
manufactured solely for use
in the
tomb.
ornaments recovered from the tomb were
exclusively to adorn the
because
It
mummies. The funerary jewelry can be
worn during
the
women's
lifetime either
did not need to withstand the rigors of frequent
use, or because the pieces depict religious
iconography associated with
Middle Kingdom
Since the period of transition from this world to the next was a dan-
mummies were
given amuletic pieces to protect them.
the burial of
Thutmose
Ill's
foreign wives were meant to protect the
death and rebirth.
The
such objects are
among
had long
those depicted on
Similar pieces found with Tutankhamun's
mummy indicate that they were to be placed on the mummy's chest.'

In order to embellish their mummy for the afterlife, the wealthy could
also afford gold sandals (cat. no. 134)
(cat.
nos. 135a, b).
fingers
and
stalls for
the fingers and toes
During the mummification process the
and toes became
fragile,
and
stalls
the highest-ranking individuals in ancient Egyptian society
tion
makes them
The use of sheet
nails
kept them in place. In
of the
life,
only
wore sandals
gold for the sandals in the exhibi-
dcp
clearly funerary jewelry.
The
heart scarabs, gold collars and breastplates, and certain beads found in
women between
ritual:
coffins.
as an article of dress."
the afterlife.
gerous one,
the vulture breastplate (cat. no. 132b) display iconography that
been part of funerary
1.
Reeves 1990a, pp. 112-13.
2.
Sandals were also
Kingdom
among the
objects depicted
on the frise
d'objets
on Middle
coffins.
falcon collar (cat. no. 132a) and
JEWELRY
211
Collar with Falcon-Head
I32a.
Terminals
1479-
III (r.
1425 B.C.)
Gold sheet
Max. W. 32
cm
(izVs in.),
mm
Th. 0.12 0.14
('Aao in.)

132b. Vulture Breastplate

III
1479-
(r.
1425 B.C.)
Gold sheet
Max. W.
37.3
cm (i4'/4 in.),
Th. o.i 0.13
mm
(Yi-ic-'Aoo in.)
The
Metropolitan

i
Bibliography:
132a.
Winlock
1948, pi.
xxiv
in
(center); Lilyquist 2003, pp. 130-32, no. 27, fig.

1J26,
Winlock 1948,
pi.
XXV
(top); Lilyquist 2003,
pp. 13032, no. 28,
fig.
133. Sweret
Bead on
109
Wire
1479
III (r.
1425 B.C.)
Gold wire, carnelian
cm (K in.), Diam.
Diam. 10 cm (4 in.)
Bead: L. 1.9
cm Q/s in.);
wire:

Fletcher Fund, 1926 26. 8. 113
The
was
sweret bead
about 1981
nelian
Worn
B.C.,
during the
at the throat, a car-
bead was often inscribed with
deceased's name, to insure
The
from
a popular amulet
about 1650
B.C. to
Middle Kingdom.
have included sweret beads
its
the
preservation.'
Thutmose
III
in their burials
may
out of
a desire to continue this old practice, although
the beads
early
may have
new meaning
too.
By
the
New Kingdom, it was no longer necessary
to place the sweret
bead
at the throat. Instead,
the beads were strung on a strand of wire,

its
ends twisted so that the amulet could be
slipped onto the
Tutankhamun's
tice, for
I.
Andrews
z.
Photographs
arm during mummification.
mummy
illustrates this prac-
he has a number of amulets, including
sweret beads, attached in the
same manner.^
1994, p. 99.
TAA
1015, 1232,
and 1250
in the

Tomb i
el-Qurud, Wadi D,
archives of the Department of Egyptian Art,
1948, pi. xxxiii,
Lilyquist 2003, p. 130, no. 20,
DCP
fig.
a;
104 (top center)
134
134.
Sandals
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
Gold
L. 25.8
The
cm
(lo/s in.),
Metropolitan
W.
9.6
cm
(3K
in.)

i
Bibliography: Winlock 1948, pi. xxvi (bottom);

H. W. Miiller and Thiem 1999, p. 164, fig. 351;
Lilyquisl 2003, pp. 133-35, no. 33,
fig.
118
135a. Finger Stalls

III (r.
1479-
1353 (top), 135b
1425 B.C.)
Gold sheet
L. 4.5-5.4
The
cm
(iK-2/8
Metropolitan
in.)
Museum of Art, New
135b.
163,. i66
This nearly complete
Toe StaUs
York,
Fletcher Fund, 1926 26.8.149, .154-. 155, .157-. 161,
set is
known examples of such

Early i8di Dynasty, reign of Thutmose
III (r.
1479-
among
the earliest
coverings, which
appear to be the prerogative of royalty.'
DCP
1425 B.C.)
Gold
sheet
L. 4.5-5.4
The
cm
(i>i-2/8 in.)
Metropolitan
I.
Fletcher Fund, 1926 26.8.190 .192, .195-. 197,
.200 .202

ei-Qurud, Wadi D, Tomb
i
Bibliography:
Lilyquist 2003, p. 136, no., 35,
JEWELRY
fig.
114
213
HEART SCARABS AND AMULETS

New Kingdom,
In the
spells protecting the
deceased during his travel to
the underworld and his judgment before Osiris

lection that the Egyptians referred to as the
Day,
now more popularly known

one (chapter 30B)
spells,
calls
as the
were formalized
Book of the Dead. Among these
upon the deceased's heart
an individual's heart was
journey to the
made during
afterlife,
no error
his lifetime
is
silent
worthy of an
would catch
that the heart's
Osiris's attention.
owner had
To ensure
the deceased would be without difficulties, the Egyptians began to
now known as heart scarabs (cat. nos.
facture large scarabs,
which they frequently inscribed
when
The
that
manu-
41, 136),
upon
earliest
example
inscribed with the spell dates from the reign of the Thirteenth
Dynasty
king Sebekhotep IV
Ownership of
especially
upper
136.
when
class.
The
(r.
this vital spell."
1731 1719
either a heart scarab or a heart amulet (see below),
seems
to
scarabs' significance
reinforced
III (r.
1479
1425 B.C.)
5.3
cm
(2/3 in.),
chain: L. 133
cm
(52/8 in.)
cm (3^ in.), W.
(I'/s in.);
This heart scarab
is
AO
titles.
la
large and heavy, with an
extremely long gold chain. Djehuti's
one of his
name and
Overseer of Northern Foreign
Lands, are inscribed on the back, and the spell
from chapter 30B of the Book of the Dead

inscribed
136, base
heart scarabs
among the
on the base.
is
DCP
by
the
way
from the tombs of Sennefer and
large scarab pectorals
they are on long necklaces
among
may have been
presumably
heart scarabs, as
their funerary equipment."*
royal gifts, as a scarab pectoral
is
Some
illustrated
products of a king's workshop.'
Heart amulets had a different function, as they were designed to

replace the heart if
it
was somehow
lost
or
damaged
considered the heart to be the center of a person's
the Egyptians
intellect. It
seems that
the functions of the heart amulet and heart scarab occasionally merged,
resulting in a heart amulet inscribed with chapter 30B
the
Dead
from the Book of
dcp
(cat. no. 137).
Andrews
1994, pp. 5659, 7273.
2. Ibid., p. 56.
have been the prerogative of the

is
Gold, green stone
cm
Rekhmire depict
3.
inscribed,
Heart Scarab of General
Th. 2.7
thick gold chain.' Wall paintings
1.
B.C.).'
Djehuti
Scarab; L. 8.3
worn: generally mounted in a gold bezel and often hung from a long,
silent at this crucial point in the
judgment
in
be
to
he stands before Osiris, while the god decides whether he

afterlife. If
in a col-
Book of Coming Forth by
Curto and Mancini 1968,
(TT
p. 78, pi. xil.
96) in Desroches-Noblecourt at
4.
Sennefer
5.
Puimre (TT 39)
they were
in
Norman
al.
1986, p. 66.
de G. Davies 192223, vol.
i, pi.
xxni.
Provenance:
Perhaps from Saqqara, tomb of
General Djehuti
Bibliography: Urkunden 4,^.

Leemans
p. 69;
1001,11.4-6;
1846, p. 20, pi. 35, no. 94;
Deveria 1896,
Oudheden
p. 36;
1981, no. 15;
1981, no. 67;
Maspero 1886,
Leiden, Rijksmuseum van
H. D. Schneider and Raven
Hans D. Schneider
in
Agyptens Aufstieg
1987, pp. 344-45, no. 296; Lilyquist 1988, pp. 13-15,

59;
Raven
H. W.
1995, p. 115;
p. 148, figs. 295,
Miiller
and Thiem 1999,
296
Heart Amulet of the Royal
137.
Wife, Manhata
Early iSth Dynasty, reign of Thutmose
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
Gold, green schist

Wire: L. 20.4
H.
5.5
The
cm
cm
(8 in.),
Th. 0.2
cm
QA(, in.);
bezel:
(2/8 in.)
Metropolitan
137

i
1948, pi. xxii (right);
Lilyquist 2003, p. 129, no. 17,
figs.
103 (right), 106,
264c
COSMETIC EQUIPMENT
To
the ancient Egyptians,
it
was
essential to stay clean, smell sweet,
New Kingdom
love poetry of the
these goals were. In one stanza a
how
help us understand
woman
says that she
is
important
so lovesick she
cannot even undertake the basics of getting dressed, painting her eyes, or
anointing her body.' Other
fuming and oiling the
the hair and per-
They
women and men,
used cosmetics to enhance
outlined their eyes with kohl," the most
which
it
was
numerous eye
diseases.'
The importance of eye
was reinforced by the decorative motifs on
paint as a medicine
stored.
These small containers, often with
the jars in
a place for
nerable occupants.
Ipi, all
Some
powerful protectors of the
home 's most
vul-
morifs on cosmetic equipment, rather than hav-
were stored
fertility
symbols
(cat.
(cat. nos. 138, 139).
When Egyptians employed
cosmetics
but also rouge, which was applied to the cheeks and

they arranged their hair
(cat. no. 148),
dog or
lips
they used mirrors
tell
resins, for
made from
example myrrh; flowers, such as
kit,
materials as
lilies
and
irises;
marjoram and cinnamon.
way
and tweezers
together as a cosmetic
most commonly made of Egyptian
us that perfumes were
spices, including
knife, a razor,
evaporation, these scented substances
A number of recipes for the manufacture of scents
Keeping hair short was
combat the heat and stay
to
(cat. nos. 46, 145b, I4;c) are
clean.
often found
along with a mirror, and are standard compo-
nents of burial equipment in
1.
Lichtheim 1976,
2.
Simpson
3.
nos.
mouse
not only kohl
and when
(cat.
gum
and herbs and
jars
it
helped them smell sweet during the
oils
To reduce
capped stone
have survived.' These
New Kingdom
DCP
tombs.'
p. 183.
1973, pp. 301-2, 307, 311.
Manniche 1999, pp. 12742.

Kohl (the word is from the Arabic)
brown
Others do not appear to have a particular meaning but
instead feature things familiar to people 's lives, such as a
in
days.
alabaster (travertine).
4.
ing a protective function, are straightforward

146, 147, 194).
summer
an
applicator (cat. nos. 140, 141, 142a, 142b, 145a),' frequently depict the Bes
image, Taweret, or
ancient Egyptians rubbed oils and salves into their skin to keep
and supple, while perfumed
hottest
common
cosmetic, to enhance their beauty. But kohl also served as potent medicine for the Nile valley's
soft
varied as
skin."
Ancient Egyptians, both

their appearance.'
poems speak of anointing
The
and
protect hair and skin, despite a dry climate and a blazing sun. Passages in
is
mixture of galena, oxide of manganese,
ocher, and sometimes other materials with animal
fat,
vegetable
oil,
and
beeswax (Lucas and Harris 1989, pp. 8084; Schoske 1990, pp. 53505.
Lucas and Harris 1989,
6.
For more examples, see Brovarski 1982.
7.
For a
fine discussion
which includes
nos. i45e,
8.
W.
p. 80;
Schoske 1990,
p. 25.
of perfumes, salves, and unguents and their manufacture,
recipes, see
Manniche 1999.
v. Davies 1982; Freed 1982.
146, 147).
215
Provenance:
Formerly Rev. C. Murch
ijS.
collection
Formerly
US)-
J.
Pierpont
Bibliography: Hayes
Morgan
Dorothea Arnold 1995, pp.
140.
collection
1959, pp. 190, 191,
fig.
106;
57, 58
Kohl Jar Inscribed for

as God's Wife
Hatshepsut
two regnal years of Thutmose
11
or
first
(14921477
III
B.C.)
Egyptian alabaster
H.
6.3
The
cm
(I'/z in.),
Metropolitan
Purchase,
Edward
Diam.
4.5
cm (iK in.)

S.
Harkness
Gift,
1926 26.7.1437
Egyptians used bundles of several pieces of reed

joined together with leather strips to
compact
139, 138,
kit' in
which they could have
make one
at
hand a
variety of different eye paints.' This kohl jar
spoon sides
name of Queen Hatshepsut is
inscribed with the
an imitation in stone of such a reed bundle. Six
Cosmetic Spoon in the

Shape of a Resting Dog
138.
such spoons in sanctuaries, or they could per-
by placing
petuate the rituals in the afterlife

these objects in tombs.'
i8th
Dynasty (1550-1295
B.C.)
cm
D. 0.8
cm
The
to a
variant of the type that has no handle but
L. 9.7
W.
(3^8 in.),
('/g
2.7
cm
(i/g in.),
differentiated
in.)
from
by the lack of both
Metropolitan
and
seventh central tube,
all
flat
now missing, swiveled around
a metal pin, a
piece of which remains in the vertical hole that
was
drilled for
it
into the top of the outer wall of
A horizontal hole just below the
box
(cat. no. 144)
the back tube.
a flat
base or foot.
top of the inscribed tube
a cosmetic
a lid
is
carved out of a single piece of alabaster.

lid,
These two bone cosmetic spoons belong
Bone
tubes surround
at
the front of the jar
Gift
People must have held minicontainers of
this
accommodated the peg of
knob
that corre-
of Helen Miller Gould, 1910 10.130.2520
kind in the palms of their hands, and, indeed,

the
Cosmetic Spoon in the

Shape of a Crouching Mouse
sides of the present examples
139.
i8th
Dynasty (1550-1295
D. 0.9
cm
(2K
in.),
W.
3.2
cm {lY^ in.),
cm QA in.)
in prehistoric times
Egyptians deposited
elegant spoons of bone or ivory in graves, close
of the deceased. During the entire
pharaonic period, implements of
have been used
this
in daily life to
type must
bring small
amounts of cosmetic substances close
to the
face and body, thus facilitating application.
some
probably
most elaborately carved spoons
made of stone or
in rituals,
fine
wood
the rituals
between the corresponding
vous humor
which Egyptian
in
the mischie-
belly
on
front
paws
all
dog
subjects.
the ground,
its
indulged
artists
The dog
the loftiest
lies
with
head resting on crossed
in an expectant posture familiar to
lovers.
Are
the crossed
paws
a satirical
reference to the well-known pose of

dignified Eighteenth
ues.'"'
Dynasty royal
The mouse with its
around
its
its
body
thin
some
lion stat-
little tail
displays the typical
wrapped
demure
expression that has endeared these rodents to
doa
children and adults through the ages.
it.
On the problems of determining the function

functions.'')
(or
of cosmetic spoons, see Wallert 1967,
The
lid
small holes
in the left side
of
Metal strips threaded across
of holes must
sets
have served to hold an applicator.

Inscribed
Khenemet
with the queen's birth name,
Amun
Hatshepsut, and the
God's Wife, which she acquired
in
title
her early
years, this elegant vessel can hardly have
been
part of Hathsepsut's final burial equipment. It
must have been made during the time of the

queen's marriage to Thutmose
her regency for Thutmose
given
it
II
III.
or the years of
She may have
to a valued courtier or family
during that same time.
have found
its
way
It
member
might subsequently
into the burial of that
courtier or family member.'

1
Two
proper right side of the back tube corre-
expresses
deities.
were completed, the pious
in the
around the two knobs.
The rendering
pp. 49-52, 6970; Delange 1993, pp. 514 (with
could express their veneration by dedicating
a string
the tube next to
some of
lid.
could be securely fastened to the vessel by tying
spond to two additional holes
of them
served
knob on the
intimate environment of a private household.
when precious ointments were offered
or actually applied to the images of
Once
The
that
to a similar
decorate these two spoons are taken from the
and most serious
to the bodies
snugly into a
when they were not concerned with
Even
fit
cupped palm. The delicately carved images
B.C.)
Bone
L. 6.5
smooth animal bodies carved on the under-
sponded
We have no
of ascertaining whether she used the

herself before she passed
it
on
means
little
vase
as a queenly gift.
There are remains of various cosmetics inside
bibliography).
2.
Hourig Sourouzian
pp. 13031, no.
51.
in
Russmann
the tubes.
et al. 2001,
doA
Provenance: Abydos, Tomb D

the
ro;
excavations of
Egypt Exploration Fund, 1900
Bibliography: Randall- Mad ver and Mace 1902,

p. 86, pi.
Age
1.
Schoske 1990,
2.
EA
3.
There were
xxx; Schoske
the goddess Hathor.
symbol of
flank a head
On
one side are two was
(dominion) scepters with a small ankh

vessels inscribed for Hatshepsut as
royal wife in a
number of burials,
III,
and the royal tomb
on
sign between them, and
KV 20:
Lilyquist
feline
climbing a ropelike standard
elry in chapter 4.
The
other animals are
life
of herds, here symbolized by two
goats flanking a
tree,'
and the hunt in the desert,
here evoked by two hares in
hunting dog.^
Bibliography: Hayes
Reeves and Taylor 1992,
1959, pp. 80-81,
p. 118;
fig.
43;
themes symbolizing rejuvenation: the
outdoor
collection
(no. 1205)
is
an ancient
from age-old Egyptian representa-
familiar
tional
Provenance: Formerly Carnarvon
symbol for the goddess Mafdet, who embodied

the triumph over evil.
1995, pp. 34-35, nos. 5761. For gifts of royal
objects to courtiers, see also the discussion of jew-
(life)
the other side
for instance, those
of Senenmut's parents, the three foreign wives of
Thutmose
The emblems
the body.
p. 158.
5337: Glanville 1928, p. 297, pi.
1990, p. 26.
the tree
is
and
full flight
We should, however,
notice that
not the usual acacia or sycamore but a
The whole ensemble
less naturalistic palm.'
is
no.K
not without echoes of ancient Near Eastern
which underlines the
images,**
Kohl Jar
141.
tians
were open to the
tries
when
this jar
art
fact that
Egyp-
of neighboring coun-
was made.
DoA
(r.
Glazed
H.
III
1.
1479-1425 B.C.)
3.8
1969, pp. 86-92, 233-34; for one of the less
steatite
cm
For Old and Middle Kingdom examples: Vandier
Diam.
{I'A in.),
3.8
cm
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,
com-
mon examples of the New Kingdom: Norman de

{lYi in.)
Davies 1927,
Gift of the Egypt
pi.
xxxiv.
2.
Vandier 1964, pp. 787-825.
3.
For Egyptian associations of the palm tree with
Exploration Fund, 1900 00.701a, b
Hathor, see Wallert 1962, pp. 105-6; for Near

Eastern parallels, see
The shape of
Kingdom
The
this vessel is typical for
New
containers of black eye paint, or kohl.
container
motifs on the
is
decorated with incised plant
lid
and shoulder, and divine
emblems and animal
figures are carved
around
figs.
4.
W.
Smith 1965b,
1
S.
p. 105;
Smith 1965b,
Harper 1995,
p. 29,
p. 44,
thank Joan Aruz, Daphna Ben-Tor, and
Irit Ziffer
on
W.
40, 48.
S.
no. 44.
for discussing and providing references
this piece.
G.
141
xxxviii; Janine Bourriau in Egypt's Golden
1982, p. 219, no. 266
142. Kohl Jar and Applicator

belonging to Senenmut's
Mother, Hatnefer
Thutmose
a.
III,
year 7 or earlier (1479 1472 B.C.)
Jar
Serpentine
H.
5.6
cm (2/^
in.);
rim:
Diam.
cm
(2 in.)
Applicator
b.
Ebony
H.
9.5
cm (3 '4 in.), Diam.
1.2
cm
in.)

Rogers Fund, 1936
36.3.62, 36.3.63
Hatshepsut 's great courtier and
on
the hillside of what
is
II in
own tomb
today called Sheikh abd
el-Qurna, northwest of the
of Ramesses
Senenmut
official
buried his parents directly below his
later
mortuary temple
western Thebes. The parents'
rock-cut tomb chamber was primarily

Hatnefer, Senenmut's mother,
who
made
for
outlived
thus stowed was a beautifully decorated basket.
were
Inside
it
vessel,
and
by
its
143.
Gold-Rimmed Ointment
a smaller basket,
an alabaster
a.
this graceful kohl jar
accompanied
Jar with Lid
applicator.
Lady Hatnefer may well have
eye-paint container and
her husband to witness the early days of her
used the
son's lofty career. Senenmut's father, Ramose,
applicator during her lifetime.
little
its
kohl

(r.
DoA
1479-1425
III
B.C.)
Serpentinite, gold
was reburied beside Hatnefer, and

people
probably
entombed,
The
in
two
four coffins
family
left little
six other
members
coffins, in the
room
were
same
crypt.
Among
the
for Hatnefer's
many
containers
H. (without Hd) 10.7

(3^8 in.),
The
1935-36
grave goods, which were tightly packed around

the four coffins.
Provenance: Western Thebes, Sheikh abd

el-Qurna; MetropoHtan
Th. 0.4
cm
Metropolitan
cm
(4;^ in.); tid:
Fletcher Fund, 1926 26.8.36a,

Dorman 2005
1937, p. 28;
Diam.
8.7
(/s in.)

b
cm
Gold-Rimmed WideNecked Jar with Lid
b.

(r.
III
B.C.)
1479-1425
Anhydrite, reddish gold
H. (without
(I'X in.),
lid)
Th.
cm
cm
0.3-)
{xVa in.); lid:
Diam.
4.5
cm
(/ in.)

Gold-Rimmed Kohl Jar
c.
with Lid
(r.
III
B.C.)
1479-1425
Porphyritic diorite (?), gold
H. (without
(i Vs in.);
The
cm
lid) 7.8
Th. 0.7
cm
Metropolitan
(3/K in.); lid:
Diam.
3.4
cm
in.)
Museum of Art, New
144
York,
Three of the four carry the

"the
Gold-Rimmed Toilet
d.
Flask
The bulbous body of
life."
room only
III
from the pharaoh
sels as gifts
Homogeneous
H. (without
lid:
Diam.
Good God,
for the phrase: "the
Menkheperre." The inscriptions mark the ves-
B.C.)
1479-1425
women
cm
cm (3K in.); Diam. 8 cm (3/s in.);

in.), Th. 0.4 cm (/s in.)
with
Elephant ivory, Egyptian blue
H. 2.6
cm
Th. 0.4
The
(i in.),
cm
W.
cm
(with peg) 9.2
(3'/k in.); lid:
(/s in.)
Museum
Metropolitan
New York,
of Art,
Rogers Fund, 1916 16.10.425
travertine, gold
lid) 9.4
6.5
to the
Box
144. Toilet
III),
the fourth,
the wide-necked jar (cat. no. 143b), provided
with Lid
(r.
incised inscription
Good God, Menkheperre (Thutmose
given
whom
they were buried.
New
York only
DCP
{2%

1.
Norman de
2.
According to Christine Lilyquist (2003,
G. Davies 1943,
no. 89), catalogue no. 145c
On
a wall in the
tomb of Rekhmire,
of
vizier
pis.
was
Cosmetic containers made of wood, bone, or
lxiv, lxvi.
filled
p. 147,
ivory must have been used for storing fairly dry
"within i.o
hardened kohl," and catalogue no. 143d contained
King Thutmose
III,
group of guests are
an oily residue and considerable incrustation inside
depicted at a festive event.' While a lute player
the vase and
on the bottom of the
lid.
Catalogue no.
and two harpists make music, servants adorn
143a had a clean but stained and weathered interior,
the guests with fioral collars and anoint their
the contents having left a white ring.
arras, chests,
and necks with perfumed
and
oils
show they were made
3.
of precious stone. In their materials as well as in
some of their shapes they
outfit
of Manuwai, Manhata, and Maruta, the
King Thutmose
III.
some
filled
residue of the oily substances that once
them.^
The shapes of two
(cat. nos. 143a, c)
follow the dictates of age-old Egyptian traditions, while a third (cat. no.
Another
(cat. no.
143d)
is
new
143b) reflects influences
from the Levant, demonstrating the tendency

of Eighteenth Dynasty artisans to incorporate
new forms
into the Egyptian vessel repertoire.'
is
its
XXX,
143a.
Winlock
Lilyquist 1995, p.
5;
Winlock
51,
1948, p. 51, no.
1948, p. 52, no.
no.
D,
51,
no.
figs. 140, 141
143c.
xxx,
i;
Winlock
peg inserted through the
figs. 137a,
143d.
while
As
box serves
knob on
as a
the pro-
usual for such containers, a
wound around
string
the
p. 148, no. 94,
the
two pieces together.
two knobs fastened
On the upper surface of
the lid a flower petal design surrounded
p. 147, no. 89,
1948, p. 52, no. G, pi.
xxx,
zigzag circle
floral
1376 (left)
Winlock
p. 462, no. 191; Lilyquist
lid,
now-missing knob on the front
part of the lid.
1948, p. 51, no. A, pi. xxx, 4; Lilyquist
X; Lilyquist 2003,
to a
i,
Lilyquist
(upper right)
1995, p. 52, no.
flat lid
circular central
pi.
Q; Lilyquist 2003,
the
back
smaller than the lid and covers only the
sponded
Bibliography:
pi.
is
incised.
The
2003, p. 148, no. 95,
by a
incised lines of the
morif must have been made with the help
of a compass. They are

7;
filled
with Egyptian
Lilyquist
1995, p. 52, no. V; Christine Lilyquist in Ziegler 2002a,
type.
The shape of
at the front.
follows that of the box, but
at the
trusion at the front of the box once corre-
All
(cat. no. 143b) retain
and one
swivel pin for the
1995, p.
but the wide-necked jar
little
hollowed round lower part
rear protrusions of the lid and
143b.
with two squared protrusions, one
container's cavity.

closely resemble the
present four vases, which were part of the funeral
box consists of
part
ointments. These unguents are stored in vessels
painted with patterns that
substances such as powder or rouge. This
[cm] of top with hard gray substance, no doubt
figs.
DoA
blue.
142b,
142c (right)
Provenance: Western
CC 41,
Pit
3,
chamber
Thebes, Lower Asasif,
B; Metropolitan
Museum of Art
Sheet gold trimmings on rims and bases enhance

the luxurious appearance of these masterpieces
from the royal workshops of Thutmose
p. 21;
III.
Hayes
1917, p. 17, figs. 19, 20,
and
1959, p. 65
COSMETIC EQUIPMENT
CoiWfjghioOniflBrjl
145a, b, c, d, e
Kohl Tube and Applicator
145a.

pi.
Lxv,
i;
Hayes
1959, p. 64,
fig.
Carter 1912, p. 72,
33
Wood,
Tube: H. 7.9
I45b-e. Toilet Set

cm (yA in.), Diam.
applicator: L. 6.5
cm (I'A
in.),
2.6
cm
Diam.
i.i
(i in.);
cm
S.
Harkness
Gift,
b.
Razor
(cat. no. 145a) in a
"Cosmetic Equipment," above)
Th.
o.i
c.
Tweezers
swivels around a
head.
a neat little
lid.
wooden peg with
The
lid,
pairs
cm
W.
2.4
cm
(i in.),
body of the
container.
Carter wrote,
is
Bronze
L. 7.2
cm
"The preservation
so good that the knife edges are
W.
1.2
cm
(K
in.)
visible
upon
its
keen, and
Whetstone
were
accurately shaped replica of a kind of bolt used
still
polished surfaces."' In ancient
Egypt both men and
d.
Howard
[of the razor]

still
the prints of the ancient finger-marks are

(274 in.),
The
on the front of the body hold a small,
a kohl container
rush basket that had been
deposited in a tomb. Curator William C. Hayes

appropriately called the whole group "dressing-
(Ks in.)
a studded
and two pairs of such loops are
attached to the main
(3>4 in.),
table accessories," while the excavator
lid
A copper-wire loop has been fixed to the
front of the
two
is
cm
consists of an octagonal
ivory base and
of which are cast separately, a bronze razor,
were discovered together with
Bronze
It
and
This set
materials.
bronze tweezers, and a whetstone. The objects
1926 26.7.1447
L. 8.4
portable object.
and other hard
includes a bronze mirror, the handle and disk

in.)
This container of black eye paint, or kohl (see
wooden box with an
a supply of ointments
but also certain implements made from
metal

Purchase, Edward
demanded not only

oils
ivory
body
In ancient Egypt, as today, care of the
women used
razors,
also often used to shave the heads
dren, leaving only tufts of hair or a braid
which
of chil-
on one
Granular stone
in ancient
Egypt
to close
doors of houses and

L. 9.9
shrines.
When pushed upward
the wire loop
The two
on the
lid
cm
side of the head.'

(3^! in.)
Egyptian hand mirrors are known from
this bolt fits into
and thus closes the box.
other wire loops hold the implement
with which the owner applied the kohl.
least the
e.
Mirror
sist
L. 9.1
at
They conat its
lower end and a handle of metal, wood, ivory,
Bronze
DoA
time of the Old Kingdom. ^
of a polished metal disk with a tang
cm (3/8
in.),
W.
6.8
cm
(2/8 in.)
or faience.
The tang
is fitted
into a hole at the
top of the handle. Mirror disks usually are not
Provenance: Western Thebes, Lower Asasif,

Tomb 37, hall C, central passage, no. 16; Carnavon
excavations, 191
DECORATIVE ARTS
Purchase,
Edward
26.7.837a
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1926
completely
circular
but
instead
flattened at the top; the lower part
is
slightly pointed, as in this example."*
noticeably
sometimes
Again
as in
this piece,
many
mirror handles take the shape
of a stylized papyrus plant or a variation of that

motif.
From
early on, papyrus plants
were asso-

pi.
LXV,
Hayes
i;
Carter 1912, p. 72,
1959, pp. 21, 64,
fig.
33;
p. 115, no. 16;
is
dated accordingly.' This mirror demonstrates
that the personal arts of the early Eighteenth
Reeves and Taylor
Dynasty frequently embody the
1992, p. 102
styles
of earlier
ciated with important female deities such as
Egyptian tradition, although elements of the
and the papyrus
handle's decoration are characteristic of the
Hathor, Bastet, Neith, and
swamp was
Isis,
Kerma
a mythical place of regeneration.
DoA
146.
on
1.
Hayes
1959, p- 64;
1912,
p. 72.
them. This point
cm {%% in.);
disk:
W.
12
cm (4K in.);
handle: Th. 1.4
120.
University-Museum of Fine Arts Expedition, 1927
4.
Hayes
cm
('/a
is
reinforced by the mirror's
shape, which imitates the solar disk as
L. 21.9
(cat. nos. 60, 61).
Lilyquist 1979, pp. 4-14; Schoske 1990, pp. 27-28,
(life)
consist-
ing of two mountains with a valley between
Feucht 1995, pp. 497-98, and see Princess Neferure
(1959, p. 63) likens mirror disks of this shape
on the handle
falcons
Bronze
3.
an ankh
The two
mimic the horizon symbol
this piece
2.
to palm-leaf fans,
culture.^
are solar symbols' and their shape and position
Mirror with Two Falcons
in.)
between the mountains
Boston, Harvard
Nile River.
rises
it
that lie to the east of the
DCP
27.872
but the mirror case in the shape of

1.
hieroglyph from the tomb of
Tutankhamun suggests an
association with the
uppermost part of an ankh sign
(see
The
Metropolitan
Museum
has a mirror that
close parallel (30.8.1 12), but
This mirror
Reeves 1990a,
to the
is
of a type more
commonly dated
Middle Kingdom and the Second Inter-
it
is
does not have a con-
text.
Christine Lilyquist in Egypt's Golden
2.
Age
1982,
p. 159).

Tomb 37, hall C, central passage, no. 16; Carnarvon
mediate Period (1981 1550
B.C.)
early Eighteenth Dynasty.
However,
found
in association
than to the
it
was
with objects in a burial near
the fort at Semna, in Nubia, that
p. 186,
under no.
214.
Christine Lilyquist in Agyptens Aufstieg 1987, p. 213,
3.
no. 137.
show charac-
excavations, 1911
teristics
of early Eighteenth Dynasty style and
Provenance: Semna, Tomb S552; Harvard

University- Museum of Fine Arts Expedition,
Bibliography: Dunham and J.M.A.
p. 93, pi. 129; Christine Lilyquist \n
Age
1927
Janssen 1960,
Egypt's Golden
1982, pp. 185-86, no. 214; Christine Lilyquist in
Wildung
Jean Leclant in
p. 213, no. 137;
1997b, p. 83, no. 89
147. Mirror with

Hathor- Face Handle
(r.
III
1479-1425 B.C.)
Silver (disk), gold foil over
L. 30
cm (11% in.); disk: W.
modern wood (handle)

14.5
cm (5K
in.)

Although occasionally found
in
men's graves,'
Egyptian mirrors are usually decorated with

feminine motifs.^
plant
The
simple stylized papyrus
was an old symbol of
powers (see
cat, no. i45e).
ple, the face
creative female
In the present exam-
of the goddess Hathor
is
inserted
between the stem and umbel of the papyrus
to
embellish the plant design. Hathor was not only

the Aphrodite of ancient Egypt, in charge of
love and beauty, but also
sun god Re
a sky
as daughter of the
goddess
who commanded
both the creative and destructive forces of

nature. Egyptians believed that at set intervals
the goddess withdrew to faraway countries
beyond the reach of humans and reappeared
COSMETIC EQUIPMENT
in
221
The
the
1.
was polished
in
dcp
See, for instance, the mirror

in the
2.
front surface of the disk
Museum.
from the burial of Wah
Museum (Winlock
Metropolitan
Lilyquist 1979,
p. 97;
1942, p. 30).
Schoske 1990, pp. 27-28,
120-21.
3.
Desroches-Noblecourt 1995.

i
1948, pi. xxix(left);
Elfriede Haslauer in Seipel 2001, pp. 77, no. 78, 79;
Christine Lilyquist in Ziegler 2002a, p. 462, no. 189;
Ziegler 2002b, p. 263,
fig. 32;
no. 106, figs. 149, 151
148.
Comb
Wood
L. 7.1
The
cm
{iVi in.),
W.
cm
(2 in.),
Th.
i.i
cm
('A in.)
Metropolitan
Purchase, Edward
S.
Harkness
Gift,
1926 26.7.1448
This beautifully preserved comb has three

neatly carved shallow indentations at the top to
allow the fingers a secure grip.
The
flat
area
between the undulated top and the comb's teeth

is
embellished with groups of perfectly straight,
incised, parallel lines.
The comb does not show
wear and thus cannot have been used

at all,
before
it
was deposited
for long, if
use
in a burial for
doA
in the next world.

Tomb 37, chamber A, no. 73; Carnarvon excavations,
H7
1912
a glorious epiphany in a
new
season.'
The well-
known image of the Hathor cow emerging from

a
papyrus thicket evokes that reappearance. In

2;
Winlock
1935b,
fig. 7;
Hayes
Carter 1912,
pi.
lxx,
1959, p. 63, fig. 32
the symbolic world of this mirror, Hathor's face
appears united with the papyrus plant to bear
what might be interpreted

disk.
as a sun or
For the owner of the mirror,
this
moon
reminder
of heavenly beauty must have signified both a
compliment and
a wish.
The name of Thutmose
III is
inscribed
the umbel and suggests that the mirror

gift
on
was
of the pharaoh to one of the three foreign
wives from whose tomb
Another mirror
(26.8.98)
was
in the
also
found
it
probably came.
Metropolitan
in this
Museum
tomb, indicating
that each of the three ladies buried there proba-
bly
owned her own
mirror.
DECORATIVE ARTS
CoiWfjghioOmaurjl
POTTERY AND STONE VESSELS IN THE REIGN OF

HATSHEPSUT AND THUTMOSE III
Many new vessel forms were introduced with the beginning of the New
Kingdom and the estabHshment of the Theban Eighteenth Dynasty's
rule over the
of imported and
Stone
the joint reign of Hatshepsut and
New Kingdom
was
Thutmose
Egypt were
rare.
To
the
III the
styles
new Egyptian
By
earlier
were added
Kingdom.* That they were included
them but
forms
vessel
jars.
Age
styles.
as jugs
and
Two-handled Canaanite trade amphorae, which
had been imported into Egypt
as containers for
wine and
oil since
Dynasty but were soon replaced by a
the
black-and-red designs but
later featuring
side
like the flaring
more formal compo-
side with those adopted
to appear
from foreign sources throughout the
Bourriau 1997, p. 168.
1.
(cat. nos.
Egyptian
76h, 761, 151b) continued to be
Bourriau 1981b, pp. 133-35, nos. 16164.
3. Ibid., p. 127,
Types based on a combination
c.
149.
na
251.
4.
Bourriau 1984,
5.
Aston, Harrell, and Sliaw 2000, pp. 5960 (travertine), 5657 (serpentine).
col. 365.
Basket-Handled Ointment
ing the present three,
du Louvre),
Lid
now
collections in Turin, Leiden,
Jar with lid
Pyriform Ointment Jar
'with
by
such as glass and faience.
New forms were introduced, such as the pyriform, or pear-shaped,
jar (cat. nos. io6b, 149a, 149b, 151a, i5id).
a.
(cat. nos. 157, 158,
reflect foreign
styles (cat. nos. i6oa, b).' Traditional
beaker
both imported
foodstuffs, include
and locally made products
New Kingdom not only in pottery and stone but also in other materials,
2.
forms
used.
containers for precious oils and medicines found
(cat. no. 156)
Bichrome ware' and Cypriot White SUp
influences, here of Levantine
and White Pendant Line
The
which oumumber those for
examples
Forms developed from indigenous prototypes continued
similar Egyptian-
with plant and animal elements, which again
sitions
many cosmetic
i6oa, i6ob).
made form. Decorated pottery became more common, initially employing

linear
burials during this
were becoming more widely
and serpentine, which could be secured from quar-
in burials,
Early Dynastic period, were often depicted in the tomb paintings of the
early Eighteenth
New
Light-colored marl clay fabrics and polished white coatings were in
travertine vessels.
flasks,
of the influence of Levantine
as a result
many
oils,
manu-
in the
favor for pottery ointment vessels, perhaps because they resembled the
adaptations of them in which elements of the foreign prototypes were
Late Bronze
of precious
numbers
Eastern Desert,' were the preferred stones for
ries in the
Egyptian craftsmen produced copies of the imported originals and
combined with native forms. Types with handles, such
in so
also that their precious contents
available. Travertine
imported from the Aegean, Cyprus, the Levant, and Nubia.
became more popular, perhaps
jar (cat. nos. 149c,
suitable than clay for the preservation
period indicates not only that more and more individuals could aflbrd
Middle
of both Upper and Lower
style
more
factured and deposited in tombs in increasing
pottery style of the
and traces of the
fully developed,
Kingdom and Second Intermediate
is
ointments, and medicines. Stone vessels for such substances were
however, an Upper Egyptian ceramic tradition, which had existed independently since the Thirteenth Dynasty,' spread throughout Egypt.
and the basket-handled
154) -
region had been dominant during the Middle Kingdom; now,
Fayum
local ceramic prototypes are the Canaanite jar (cat. no.
153) , thebilbil (cat. no. 156),
whole of Egypt. The pottery tradition of the Memphis-
III (r.
divided
among
and Paris (Musee
are thought to have
come from
1479
museums
Djehuti's tomb.' All entered these

1425 B.C.)
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose III
(r.
1479
1425 B.C.)
H. 26.4 cm {loVs
Travertine
H. 26.6
cm
between 1824 and 1826 and were originally

Travertine
in.),
Diam.
in.),
Diam.
18.6
cm (8^ in.)
21.2
Museo Egizio, 'Rarin, Drovetti

(loX
collected
Giovanni Anastasi
Collectton 3227
cm {yVs in.)
de Lescluze Collection L.Vin.20
that the vessels
These three stone ointment
titles
Pjîform Ointment Jar

with Lid
b.
1479
142; B.C.)
of general,
Diam. 20.4 cm (8
in.)
Drovetd Collecdon 3226
Egypt
jar
there
tall
cylindrical
during
the
Hatshepsut and Thutmose IIL'

are
among
the
vessels in the
i;ia, 155).
joint
first
of
The two forms
commonest used
Saqqara by
present three jars are
shapes
reign
in
Giuseppe Nizzoli between 1820 and 1822.' The
beginning
neck
were discovered
probable
the
and Overseer of
at the
(Turin),
and Jean-
It is
the
of the Eighteenth Dynasty,' and the basket-
appeared
(loy^ in.),
Egizio, 'Birin,
scribe,
in
handled jar with
Travertine
Museo
come from
Northern Foreign Lands. Pyriform
were introduced
H. 26.6 cm
jars
tomb of Djehuti, who bore
unidentified
(r.
(Paris, Leiden),
Baptiste de Lescluze (Leiden).
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden, Barthow/
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose III
by Bernardino Drovetti
for ointment
New Kingdom (see also cat. nos.
A total of seven ointment jars includ-
talline travertine, are
made of
polished crys-
approximately the same
two
height, and are similarly inscribed with
columns of incised hieroglyphs

paste.
The
filled
inscriptions all follow the
with blue
same
for-
mat, beginning with a wish for a desired

offering and ending with a
the
name
ment or
Djehuti.
oils,
title
or epithet and
They do not mention
but
all
oint-
three jars contained
residues of ointment or resin.
The
inscriptions
can be translated as follows:
223
Id
"ft
149a
149b
149a:
An invocation-offering of bread
and beer, meat and poultry for the ka of /
(Type
Provenance: Unknown, possibly from
1.
Aston 1994,
2.
Janine Bourriau in Egypt's Golden

no. 114;
the Overseer of Northern Foreign Lands,

3.
Djehuti, justified.
p. 154
Aston 1994,
185).
p. 152
(Type
Age
1982, p. 127,
175).
4. Ibid., p. 37.
i4C)b:
5.
May whatever comes from off
Djehuti.
off the
offering table of Osiris /be for the ka of the

trusted
one of the king
in the
God 's-land,
Djehuti.'
The jar from Leiden (cat.

after Djehuti's death
tant
and interesting
connect
in the
this
no. 149a)
and bears
title:
Foreign Lands. This

to
title
his
was made
most impor-
Overseer of Northern
has led
some
scholars
Djehuti to the Djehuti in a story
Nineteenth Dynasty Papyrus Harris 500.'
According to
this text,
Djehuti captured the
Canaanite coastal city of Joppa (modern-day

Jaffa) for
King Menkheperre
Thutmose
den
III)
(the
prenomen of
by sending Egyptian troops hid-
in baskets into the city. It
is
likely that the
conquest of Joppa took place in the second half
of the reign of Thutmose
Annals of Thutmose
Djehuti
who owned
III
III as detailed in the
in
Karnak.' If the
these ointment jars
is
the
hero of Joppa, his tide of Overseer of Northern

Foreign Lands would be appropriate.
224
identification.
7.
May whatever comes from
DECORATIVE ARTS
sja
Formerly Barthow/ de Lescluze collection
1494
c.
Formerly Drovetti collection
Bibliography;
P.
Allen.
Weinstein 2001.
of the evidence for
i4s)a.
Agyptens Aufsteig 1987,
Allen 2001. See also Lilyquist 1988, pp. 6-7,
for a detailed discussion
of the king's follower in every foreign land,
149c:
Translations by James
6. J. P.
Onnophris's offering table /be for the ka
Saqqara
149a.
Lilyquist 1988, pp. 10-13, PP- ^7~58) ôs. 5 11.
this
pp. 10-13,
Hans D. Schneider
in
p. 341, no. 294; Lilyquist 1988,
fig- 13 (l^ft), 58,
no. 11; Lilyquist 1995,
p. S2,fig. 15! (left)
149b. Elvira
D'Amicone
in
Agyptens Aufsteig 1987,
p. 341, no. 293; Lilyquist 1988, pp. 1013, fig- ^3
2003, pp. 126-27, no. 4,
1948, pp. 46-48; Lilyquist
9;c
figs.
(left),
263a (right),
267 (center)
151.
a.
Pyriform Ointment Jar
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
Serpentine
H. 20
cm (7% in.), Diam.
15.2
cm (6 in.)

Rogers Fund, 1918 18.8.17a
b.
Flared
Ointment Jar
III (r.
1479
1425 B.C.)
Travertine
H.
17.4
cm
Diam.
(6^8 in.);
14.4
cm
(5/g in.)

Rogers Fund, 1926
c.
26.8.1a, b
Shouldered Ointment Jar
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
Crystalline travertine with limestone lid
H.
23.5
cm
(9>4in.),
Diam.
17.5
cm (6% in.)

Pyriform Ointment Jar with

Handle
d.
III (r.
1479
1425 B.C.)
(second from
fig. 155
left), 58, no. 6;
(second from
14^. Elvira D'Araicone in Agyptens Aufsteig 1987,
fig. 155
cliff
tomb deep
in the
southwest
wadis of the Theban necropolis. With a few

exceptions
p. 340, no. 292; Lilyquist 1988, pp. 1013, ^g- ^3
(second from right),
same
in the
left)
the
58, no. 7; Lilyquist 1995, p. 62,
notably, a glass vessel that
women may
dowry
(second from right)
(cat.
one of
have brought as part of her
no. 32)
Serpentine
cm (8y8 in.), Diam. 15.2 cm (6 in.)

H.
22.5
Fletcher Fund, 1926 26.8.163, b
the objects associated
with their burials are typically Egyptian. Only

the
150.
Canopic Jar of Manuwai
women's names, which were
tify their
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose IH
(r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
H. 36.2
non-Egyptian
Each of the wives had
for her burial a
Museum of Art, New

18.8.12a,
com-
which were used
to store the four internal organs
cm (14/^ in.)
Metropolitan
Rogers Fund, 1918
ing mummification. This jar
These stone vessels are part of a
is
of thirty-
They were intended
III.
component of New Kingdom
Two
of the jars
burials.
(cat. nos. 151a, d) are pyri-
form, or pear shaped, a type that was especially
York,
Manuwai. The
lid, in
the shape of a
human
popular for ointment
jars (see cat. nos. io6b,
head,
is
beautifully carved.
The
eyes were high-
149a, 149b).
Both are made of light brown
lighted with black paint, of which only traces
pentine that probably came from the
III
remain; the inscription, which invokes the god-
hills
acquired three wives from the area of modern
dess Neith and the minor god Imsety, retains
At some time during
his reign,
Thutmose
Syria, probably for political reasons.
women were
sent to
into the royal court.
These
traces of blue paint.
They seem
all
to
three
have died
at
were buried
chr
modern-day Qena and

in

el-Qurud, Wadi D, Tomb i; acquired in 1918
travertine are
tery'
ser-
Red Sea
and wadis northeast of Thebes, between
Amenhotep
Egypt and were absorbed
about the same time, and
for
the storage of valuable ointments, a necessary
removed durinscribed for
set
nine jars from the burial of the three foreign
wives of Thutmose
origins.
plete set of four canopic jars,
Limestone
The
transliterated
phonetically into the Egyptian language, iden-
and
Quseir.' Pyriform jars
known from
the reign of
onward.^ They also occur in pot-
as so-called
dummy vases,
jars
of wood, gesso, and paint that imitate hard
POTTERY AND STONE VESSELS
made
stone."*
225
i5ia,b, Cj d
The pyriform
jug with a handle (cat. no. i5id)
displays the
has an inscription that has been determined to
very broad,
be modern on the basis of paleography and the
nmst
fact that
it is
placed next to rather than opposite
the handle.'
beaker with a
flat
disk
lid,
ritual
full
A third vessel (cat. no.

flat
151b)
a deep, flaring
is
ledge rim, splayed foot, and
a type used for ointments from the
time of the earliest dynasties;
it
appears in the
jar,
flat
base, short cylindrical neck, and
11.
Hayes
ledge rim characteristic of the
12.
Jequier 1921, pp. 30911; Dorothea Arnold 1984,
flat
which
cols.
is
and funerary
This example
rites.'^
inscription of
is still
On its barrel-shaped
of hardened ointment.
body an
Thutmose
enclosed
III is
Son of Re, Thutmose Perfect of Being, given
Bibliography:
tombs dated
of Old
lists
as early as the Third
in the frise dôbjets
on wooden
Middle Kingdom.^ This
Kingdom
Dynasty^ and
coffins
shapes associated with the seven sacred

is
used in specially made boxed
jars,
of the
one of the vessel
is
oils
and
Each of these
"oil" {mrkt).^
Large
jars
ings
1.
in the
tomb
for the storage of
jars
in
travertine
with
them
founda-
76h,
i)
were found
in
to
4.
226
DECORATIVE ARTS
c;
Lilyquist 1995,
123
Winlock
sjA
Carter 1916a,
pi.
1948, pp. 53-57, pl- xxx, d;
2003, p. 144,
na
Hayes
1959,
77, figs. 133, i34d
xxii, 1-4.
Brunton 1930, p. 13, pi. xxviii, 136; RandallMaclver and Mace 1902, p. loi (tomb D102),
152.
Janine Bourriau in Egypt's Golden Age
Quibeil 1908, pp. 42-45,
Mummies and Magic
pi. xx;
Peter Lacovara in
1988, pp. 139-40, no. 79a.
in the
Pitcher
Jequier 1921, pp. 14142.
8.
An eighth jar is added to make two equal

the
wood box.
xxi.
41, pi- 34a-
Winlock
Reisner and
10. J. P.
1934, pp.
68-69,
Allen 2000, p. 445,
III (r.
1479
Crystalline travertine
7.
pi.
W.
pl-
S.
rows
Smith 1955,
^^^1 h;
Hayes
in
p. 42,
The
cm
(8/s in.),
Metropolitan
Diam.
Wi.
15
cm (5%
in.)
Museum of Art, New
York,
1953,
This handled pitcher
pp. 243-44.
no. 151c)
Ointment Jar
Form of a
1425 B.C.)
Quibeil 1913,
9.
Deir el-Bahri."
The broad-shouldered container (cat.
(right); Lilyquist
Lilyquist 2003, p. 141, no. 49,
p. 38, no. 74, fig. 83;

fig.
xxxn,
1948, p. 54, pl.
Aston 1994, pp. 5659; Aston, Harrell, and Shaw
6.
tion deposits in the forecourt of her mortuary

at
Winlock
H. 20.7
such
inscriptions of Hatshepsut dedicating
Amun
temple
25zc.
133 (left), 134a
122
fig.
1982, p. 81, no. 58.
5.
Two
narrow mouth. These Uds were probably
pi. LV, 61;
paint-
metics and were also included in foundation
(cat. nos.
the
1948, pp. 5357;
figs.
xxxiv
1948, p. 56, pl.
2000, pp. 5657.
3.
ointment. Smaller jars were receptacles for cos-
deposits.
fit
them.
such as the present
shaped to
Winlock
of eight
used to write the word
example and those depicted
Winlock
2003, pp. 14041, no. 48,
iSid.
2.
it is
stone
flat
held in place by linen covers that were tied over
Hetepheres, of the Fourth Dynasty,^ and Prin-
a hieroglyph
is
with a
p. 140, fig. 76; Lilyquist
sets
such as those found in the tombs of Queen
cess Sithathoryunet, of the Twelfth Dynasty.'^
As
jars is closed
Hd, the underside of which

vessel's
iSia.
Lilyquist 2003, p. 144, no. 74,
forever."
life

"The Young God, Menkheperre,
in a frame:
i5ib.
decoration and offering
1959, pp. 8485, figs. 46, 47.
21416.
associated with the purification
is
an ointment
jar. It
has
a globular body, a tall, straight cylindrical
152, i53>
neck with
The
'H
a flat ledge rim,
and
a ring base.
from the neck
to
the shoulder. Surrounding the neck where
it
flat
strap handle extends
1.
2.
3.
joins the handle
is
The same
carved
at the
The
S.
Smith
to the reign
1955, p. 42, fig. 41, pi. 34a.
is
meets
it
surface of the handle has
three deep grooves.

in sets
of
III, is
decorated with
fig. I35f.
containing incense.''
residues found in

1948, p. 63, pi.
(lower right); Lilyquist 2003, p. 145, no. 83,
Handled jugs were included
of Thutmose
scenes showing the princes of Retenu' bring-
ing as tribute amphorae of this kind, labeled as
Lilyquist 2003, p. 145, no. 84,
a twisted
raised-relief decoration
base of the handle where
the shoulder.
W.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, 51106; Quibeli 1908,
double-ribbed raised
band with diagonal notches imitating

cord.
Reisner and
p. 48, pi. XXVI.
And
indeed, analyses of
New Kingdom amphorae
from Amarna have shown

pistacia resin, a substance
figs. 135b,
that they contained
from the Levant used
as incense.'
xxxvn
Later in the
New Kingdom, this vessel shape
was incorporated
jars
into the Egyptian pottery cor-
for the seven sacred oils as early as the Fourth
pus and produced locally' The Egyptian-made
Dynasty.' However, specific features of this
pottery jars were produced in marl clays and
are derived
from the so-called bilbils, or
of Cypriot Base Ring
ware
jar
covered with light-colored polished
juglets,
(see cat. no. 156),
which were imported into Egypt from the
153. Amphora-Shaped Jar

on Stand
numbers of such
beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. In particular, the
double raised band around the neck
and the spherical shape of the body are
attri-
stone
butes copied from Base Ring juglets.
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
H.
24.5
cm
Egypt
(9/8 in.),
Diam.
14.2
cm
(5/8 in.)
18. 8. 19
in other
The
the base of the handle.^
found in the tomb of the
taller
Thutmose
III,
though
and with a more ovoid body, has the same
broad grooved handle and raised-relief decoration imitating twisted cord.
It is
now in a private
This travertine amphora with an attached stand

is
modeled
jar.'
after a vessel type called a
Commodities such
as
Canaanite
SJA
were used
Sed
in the
all
festivals
over
of the
on stands are
fre-
wine and
oil
were
New Kingdom tombs.'

present jar was found in the
tomb of
Thutmose
III. It is
the three foreign wives of

still
full
of hardened ointment. The
alabaster
and imported into Egypt from the Levant
although no
in
Kingdom.' The tomb of Rekhmire, which dates
jar
may
originally have been closed with a small disk of
traded throughout the Eastern Mediterranean
Canaanite jars from the time of the Middle
collection in Switzerland.'
Malqata,
at
quently depicted in vineyard and estate scenes

Rogers Fund, 1918
similar jug also
that
king. Similar vessels resting
type but adds papyrus umbels in raised rehef to
III
where, according to hieratic dockets inscribed
Tjuya even more closely copies the Base Ring
have been recovered from
on them,^ they contained wines from
Travertine
ointment flask from the tomb of Yuya and
jars
of Amenhotep
palaces
the
slips that
resemble the polished stone used here.' Large
to
protect
its
valuable
contents,
lid survives.
An identical
jar,
now
in Cairo,
the Egyptian Expedition of
was found by
The Metropolitan
POTTERY and STONE VESSELS
227
Museum of Art
of the early Eigh-
in a burial
154.
Two-Handled Ointment Jar
155.
Carinated Jar
teenth Dynasty in Deir el-Bahri.' Another
example,
one inscribed for Thutmose
this
was found
tomb on Crete," and
in a
III,
was
a third
1040992
at Tanis.'^
and stand of the same type
jar
Amenhotep
inscribed for
Museum,
is
now
of similar shape with
attached or accompanying stands have also
been found
tombs of Maiherperi,
the
in
Thutmose
courtier of Hatshepsut and
H. 22.8
III,'"*
Yuya, the father-in-law of Amenhotep
and
III, in
the Valley of the Kings."'
1.
S]A
Grace 1956, pp. 8081; Amiran 1970,

Bourriau 1990,
3.
F.
Norman de
S.
J.
G. Davies 1935,
pi. x;
xxni (top
pis. xxii,
Norman de
G.
The shape of
XI.111/120), pi. Liii
1943,
"Two-handled
jars," Kvri,
(Type xLni/67,
bottles," xix,
handled jars"); Rose 1984, pp.
Nicholson and Rose 1985,

Nicholson 1992,
135, fig. 10. i
p. 136;
(Types
CC41,
Pit 3,
pp. 17,
fig.
cm (7K
first
The baggy shape and
in.)
or basket, handles seen here appeared on
pottery jars in the reign of Hatshepsut' and on

stone containers in the reign of
Thutmose
III.
thickness of the wall of this example varies
it is
quite thin in the neck and
hole has developed in one of the
thinnest areas, near the juncture of one of
sharp carination of the
lower body of this limestone vessel copies a tra-
form
common
is
Kingdom onward
called the
dsn
jar.'
The
pottery from the Old
in
in burials
and
ritual.^ It is related to similar
in the funerary
pottery forms that
appeared in Upper Egypt as early as the Second

Intermediate Period.'
A raised band with carved
diagonal lines imitating a twisted cord decorates
the handles and the
body of
rior.
on the
the vessel.
interior
xxx (Nebamun,
the base of the neck, and
limestone used here
it is
possible that the
meant to mimic pottery,
is
and exte-
No lid has survived.
Metropolitan
1951, pp.
left), 21.
9394, no. 331,
pi. LXii.
Museum of Art, New
York, 66.99.23.
1953, p. 7, no. 21, pi. xvin; Lilyquist 1995,
BE,
fig.
146.
14.
Daressy 1902, pp. 12-13,
15.
Quibell 1908, p. 48,
pi.
P^-
24007
XXIV.
Provenance; Western Thebes, Gabbanat

Tomb
el-Qurud, Wadi D,
1948, p. 63, pi.
xxxvn
Karetsou and Andreadaki-Blasaki 2000,
p. 224; Lilyquist
specifically the light-colored
for jars of this type. Stone jars with
This vessel was deposited in the lowest
chamber of a
xxxvin (Type
51).
pit
reused Middle
tomb
cut into the forecourt of a
Kingdom
The tomb was
tomb."
covered over during the construction of the
causeway of Hatshepsut's mortuary temple

sometime

pi.
flat lids,
however, were made to contain ointment.
Daressy 1902, pp. 1718, pi. v, 24021, 24023

(Maiherperi); Brunton and Engelbach 1927,
pi.
marl clay employed
after
excavated by
in 1916,
year 7 of her reign.*
1948, pp. 63, 67,
xxxvii (upper right); Lilyquist 2003,
p. 145, no. 81,
two
coflins
The
burial,
belonged to a
man named
Nakht."^ In
tomb yielded
(one a finely decorated and gilded
anthropoid inner
coffin),
four bronze vessels, a
22 (top), i35d,g
bronze mirror, a bronze sword and other tools

burial 4; Lansing 1917,
from
21; Lilyquist 1995, p. 41, no. 95, figs. 90, 91.
Montet
There
addition to this stone vase, the
chamber B,
13.
228
was
form
tal,
figs.
18 (second
12.
left);
19
used until the Twentieth Dynasty. The horizon-
pi.
90).
Karetsou and Andreadaki-Blasaki 2000, pp. 220-
(lower
round body,
fig. 151.
1959, p. 248,
G. Davies 1923,
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, 45638. Deir el-Bahri,
p. 53, no.
its
Bourriau and
p. 56.
Hayes
1951;
Norman de
Theban tomb
Cooney
with
cylindrical neck,
tall
"Two-
20, 21), 137.
11.
Metropolitan
ditional Egyptian
I.
lii
(Type Lxx/130); Frankfort and
Pendlebury 1933, pp. 112 13 (Types xvi, "Wine
10.
this vessel,
ring base, and
SJA
White 2000, pp. 43436.

Peet and Woolley 1923, pi.
Hayes
Diam.
(6/8 in.),
introduced in the Eighteenth Dynasty and was
are traces of ointment
registers).
Norman de G. Davies
Serpico and White 1998, p. 1038; Serpico and
8.
cm
Rogers Fund, 1916 i6.io.45ia,b
18. 8. 18
XXI.
II,
5.
9.
H. 16.7
The
considerably;
Allen 1995,
6.
7.
e.g.)
Limestone
(6!^ in.)
Rogers Fund, 1918
shoulder.
Arnold, and
Virey 1889, pp. 3738;

p. 28, pis.
cm
fig. 6.
Davies 1943,
4.
pi. 43;
p. 18.
Dorothea Arnold,
pp. 27-29,
17
The
2.
and Thutmose HI (1479 1458
and banded travertine
cm (9 in.), Diam.
the Metro-
in
thought to have come from
this king's tomb.'' Jars
Early i8th Dynasty, early joint reign of Hatshepsut
formerly in the
II,
Gallatin Collection and

politan
1479
of the Twenty-first Dynasty,
B.C.),
(r.
1425 B.C.)
Crystalline
discovered reused in the burial of Psusennes

(r.
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose HI
2003, p. 145, no. 79,
DECORATIVE ARTS
figs. 135a,
and weapons, a porphyry stone
jar (possibly
an
antique),
two hard stone cosmetic or ointment
bronze
vessels,
toilet
equipment, and a large
heart scarab set in gold.'
SJA
long, thin cylindrical neck of the juglet
represent the stem.
may
The mouth and neck of the
vessel are very small
and narrow, probably
to
protect the contents, which, if opium, must have

1.
2.
Reisner and
3.
Brunton 1930,
pi.
4.
Lansing 1917,
p. 16, fig. 15
5.
Dieter Arnold 1975, col. 1017.
6.
Lansing 1917, pp. 2224.
W.
21416.
cols.
Smith 1955,
S.
been
p. 64, figs. 59, 60.
7. Ibid., figs. 8, 21,
(showing
1917, pp. 16,
fig- 35;
with
was
oils
Certainly the association of the vessel shape
were
and export opium.
(1600 1450
specially
If this
B.C.)'
produced
were
so, the
shape of the vessel served as an advertisement
fig. 15,
its
with opium and
these juglets have been
tested for opium,"^ only
2224;
was
its
beneficial medicinal proper-
a factor that
and inclusion
Soon
in
encouraged their reuse
tombs.
after these juglets
one example, which
locally or
were
first
imported,
produce new vessel types derived
from them,
in the
same way they had adapted
been shown
many
other foreign vessel forms in local Nile
have contained the drug.' All the others con-
clay.'
They
Most of the
ment
vessels in other materials, such as stone
lacks an excavated provenance, has
ties'
Egyptian craftsmen began to imitate them
contents.
Though many of
to
1959, pp. 66-67,
refilled
The sudden appearance of Base Ring
indicate that they
to contain
for
fig-
probable that the juglets
or ointments, resealed, and placed in tombs.
form and dispensed
juglets in Late Cypriot
may

courtyard of Tomb CC41, pit 3, chamber D;
Hayes
linen. It is
entered Egypt containing opium, which
used up by the living, and were
jar in situ).
23-25.
Egyptian
in small
in liquid
amounts.
xvi (Type 55 with round base).
example, had been stoppered or sealed with
tained oils or fatty substances.

juglets
have been found in tombs and,
like this
also adapted these
forms for oint-
(see cat. no. 152).
159 (right)
Cypriot Base Ring
156.
Juglet
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
Pottery, linen stopper
H.
14.3
The
cm
Diam. 7 cm
(5/8 in.),
(2?^ in.)
Museum
of
E 15425
Cypriot Base Ring
juglets,
or
bilbils,
were
first
imported into Egypt
in the early
Dynasty and reached
their greatest popularity
in the reign
of Thutmose
common
very
is
on
it is
by
in Syria."
narrow neck tapering
came
The
a spherical or pyriform
a small trumpet- shaped or
tall,
juglets are
likely that they
Egypt via Ras Shamra,
characterized
The
throughout the eastern Medi-
terranean world, and

into
III.'
Eighteenth
type
body
low ring base, a
to a funnel-shaped
rim, and a single loop handle extending from
below the rim
to the shoulder. Applied
clay around the neck at
its
juglets are finely
bands of
juncture with the
handle, as seen here, are also
common.' The
made and have
a highly pol-
ished surface, which ranges in color from red to
brown to black. The body of the
vessel
is
some-
times also decorated with raised clay bands.

It
vessel
has been suggested that the form of the
was modeled
and was intended

contents,
after
an inverted poppy pod
as a deliberate reference to its
namely opium.* The spherical or
slightly pyriform
body does indeed resemble
the seed capsule of the
opium poppy {Papaver
somniferum), and the small low ring or high

flaring
trumpet base on which
be modeled
it is
after the stigma of the
set
seems
to
poppy. The
229
This juglet
is
one of
Cypriot vessels found
five similar
in
the reign of Thutmose
111.'
tained the remains of two
They had been
child.
its
A single coffin cona
man, and
2.
ointment
jars,
IBa(n)
two small painted and
alabaster kohl tubes,
inlaid boxes, a
203. This
in his typology,
commonly found form

4.
a scarab,
juglets
wedged
been
and
were found
had
into the corner of the coffin. All
filled
five
and one was
8.
9.
10.
mouths.
Two
over their
tied
in
Egypt
(p. 151).
H. 10
The
The Cypriot chronology used here
is
based on that
cat. nos. 157, 158),
were
also
found
in
one of the
baskets.
sja
cm
Diam.
(4 in.),
cm (2% in.)
Museum of
7.3
14337
1996.
Bruhn, and Zenk 1996.
Merrillees 1962, p. 292; Merrillees 1974, p. 36.
Pilgrim flasks became popular throughout the
Merrillees 1968, pp. 14954; Bourriau 1981b,
Aegean and Levant during
pp. 13536, no. 266.
Age,
Petrie
and Brunton 1924,
p. 26.
and
Kingdom.' (Only much
Provenance:
W. M. Flinders
Sedment, Cemetery A,
the Late Bronze
Tomb 254;
Petrie excavations for the British
known
Robert Merrillees (1968,
p. 191), in his
study of
Cypriot pottery in Egypt, maintained that Base
Ring
vessels
were
first
imported into Egypt
Second Intermediate Period. Recently
this
in the
Bibliography:
Petrie
and Brunton 1924, pp. 24,
they were
halves. After the halves
pil-
did they
become
This
of red-
sites,
as pilgrim flasks.)'
polished pottery has a lentoid

1.
New
the
in
later, after
manufactured as souvenirs for Christian

grims visiting holy
School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1920-21
form was
canteen -shaped
their
adopted by Egyptian potters
other vessels, both Egyptian
made, of unusual shape, and red polished (see
1479
III (r.
1425 B.C.)
most
states is the
Merrillees 1962, p. 289, pi. xlii; Merrillees 1968,
7. Bisset,
with some sort of resinous material
and had been sealed with linen
Type
published in Karageorghis 2000, p. xn.
wood
few beads. Four of the
in the baskets
which he
to
pp. 154-555.
6. Bisset et al.
comb,
form corresponds
Pottery, linen stopper
furnished with five beau-
wood and
Merrillees 1968, pp. 187-91.
3. Ibid., p.
preserved baskets containing alabaster
tifully
Pilgrim Flask
157.
from the Second Intermediate Period.
at
excavators to
women,
argues that there are no firmly dated examples
imported
an intact burial
Sedment, which was dated by
flask
body made
in
two
were joined, the neck
26, pis. LV (upper left), lvii, 32; Merrillees 1968,
pp. 6264, pl-
Merrillees 1974, pp. 3035,
fig.
22
and rim were added and the two loop handles
were applied. The
vessel
is
stoppered and sealed
has
been questioned by Kathryn Eriksson (2001),
who
with linen placed over the mouth and tied
around
it.
This flask was found in a basket that accompanied a multiple burial in a single coffin
at
Sedment. In the same basket were found a redpolished flask imitating a leather original (cat.
no. 158)
and a Base Ring
juglet (cat. no. 156).
Although canteens are today associated with

water or other liquid to be drunk,
this vessel
probably contained some sort of oil or ointment.

SJA
166 67,
I.
Amiran
2.
Bourriau 1981b, pp. 7576, no. 143.
1970, pp.
Provenance:
W. M. Flinders
pl. 51.
Sedment, Cemetery A,
Tomb
254;
Petrie excavations for the British
School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1920-21
Bibliography:
26, pis.
LV (upper
Petrie and
fig.
1479- 1425
late reign
of Thutmose
III
B.C.)
Pottery with remains of linen and string
H. 12
cm
(4 '4 in.),
W.
9.9 (3^8 in.), D. 6.3
cm
Museum
of
(2/. in.)
The
Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia,

Gift of Egj'pt Exploration
230
DECORATIVE ARTS
24,
Merrillees 1968, p. 63;
26
Flask
158.
Early i8th Dynasty,

(r.
Brunton 1924, pp.
left), lvii, 36;
Merrillees 1974, pp. 38-39,
Fund E 15426
flask or
This pottery vessel imitates a leather

canteen.
nished
The body
slip,
is
covered in a thick red bur-
and bands of clay
along the vertical side seams with both incised
and painted black

stitches that
lines indicate the welts
would have held
rises
from the body of the
made of string and
linen
and
the separate pieces
of the leather body together.
thin
tall,
flask,
is still
to late in the reign of Thutmose III based
and
neck
a stopper
Traces
in place.
of linen that held the stopper in place appear
of other objects found in
style
on the
most
examples are more simply made than the
Two
present piece.
tomb
the
at Sedment,''
are
known from another
one from Abydos,
now
in
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford,' and one,
probably from Thebes,
Museum of Art
in
alabaster are also
ners.
The
strap handle
and the two raised
ribs
of
York."
Two
juglets,
examples of which were found
same tomb
The
as this flask (see cat. no. 156).'
flask
was discovered
inside
Petrie
3.
Janine Bourriau in Egypt's Golden Age 1982, p. 103,
five
basket held other toilet articles,

that this vessel contained
it
is
the
possible
some valuable cos-
metic or medicinal compound."
The flask
is
dated
p. 26;
Petrie
and Brunton 1924, pp.
Bourriau
i8th
and Brunton 1924,
p.
24
(Tomb
3738,
m Egypt's Golden Age
Metropolitan
Hayes
Dynasty (1550-1295
7.
From tomb S66
at
p. 146, pi. 95, 1)
and
Shape of a
cm
B.C.)
Diam. 7 cm (2K
(5/B in.),
in.)
191
30.8.209
York, 25.7.26;
123.
Aniba (SteindorfT 1935-37,

in the collection
vol. 2,
of the Musee
Georges Labit, Toulouse (GuiUevic and Ramond

'971, pp. 14-15)-
14.3
Theodore M. Davis,
fig.
Janine
Theodore M. Davis Collection, Bequest of
XIX; Bourriau 1981b,
Museum of Art, New
1959, p. 209,
fig. 25;
1982, p. 103, no. 85
Pottery
H.
53).
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, E2405, tomb E178;

p. 14, pi.
24,
26, pis. LV (upper left), 12, Lvii, 33; Merrillees 1968,
Merrillees 1968,
pp. 76-77, no. 144.

6.
As
Bibliography:
p. 63; Merrillees 1974, pp.
no. 85.
Garstang 1901,
Flinders
Basket
and Brunton 1924,
pp. 6264.
4. Petrie
5.
one of
Tomb 254; W. M.
159. Vessel in the

2.
baskets placed in a coffin containing the undis-
turbed bodies of three adults and a child.
Sedment,
Egypt, 192021
sjA
Merrillees 1974, p. 38.
in the
in
copies in
1.
clay seen on the vessel's neck below the rim are
adapted from the ones on Cypriot Base Ring
Archaeology
now in The Metropolitan
New
known.'
around the mouth. There are two small loops

for carrying or suspending the flask at the cor-
Provenance:
Petrie excavations for the British School of
this burial.'
Vessels of this type are rare, and
in raised relief
Ancient Egyptian potters often copied the form

of a container normally made in a material
other than clay. This practice
by the present
basket
is
demonstrated
vessel in the shape of a
gathered
shut by
its
round
two handles.
Large, round two-handled baskets of this kind
were common
in ancient
Egypt' and are
still
in
use today. Workers employed similar baskets,

for example, to carry
firom the
away
dirt
and debris
temples of Deir el-Bahri during
The
23I
i6oa, i6ob
Metropolitan
Museum of
between 1911 and
Art's
excavations
1931."
This vessel was formed by pinching the rim

of a small, deep round-bottomed cup closed
and applying two small loop handles
The
surface of the pot
cream color and
is
woven basket. The handles
red,
red lines bordered
by black dots extend down
that the handles are
lines are
meant
from separate cords
to
Winlock
and are burnished. The burnishing strokes are
vol. 2, pi. xxi, b.
1942, pi.
vol.
I.
i,
still
pp. 8384,
fig. 145.
sels.
1932b, pp. 3436, 7578, pis.
xxxiv-xxxvi, XXXIX,
that are
into the basket to reinforce their attach-
The
black band outlined in red dots at
may be purely decorative
some
functional element of
visible, especially
on the necks of the ves-
Their painted decoration
is
applied with a
xxxn,
brush or reed.
a.
The
Provenance: Formerly Theodore M. Davis
jug (cat. no. i6oa) has a pyriform
The
flat
at the
top and has a flattened ledge rim.
base.
tall,
body
slender neck flares out
and a
A single
collection
strap handle runs
Jug with Handle
made up of
from the neck below the rim
The
to the shoulder.
i6oa.
show
ment.'
or perhaps imitates
Gourlay 1981,
and two pairs of forked
woven
each end of the vessel
Winlock
coated with a pale
and rim are painted
from the handles. These
Gourlay 198!,
3.
at its top.
lightly ribbed to imitate the
individual strips of a
1.
2.
4.
decoration on the body
is
alternating patterns, a black line
bordered by two red lines and a black ladderlike

and Thutmose
III, after
year 7 (1479-1458 B.C.)
Pottery jug
H. 20.3
The
cm
band bordered by two red Hues, which descend

from the base of the neck and divide the body
into zones.
(8 in.),
Metropolitan
Diam.
13.3
Museum
cm
(5
of Art,
in.)
Four groups of four
tick
marks each
are arranged around the top of the rim.
New York,
The
black outline of the handle continues around
Rogers Fund, 1916 16.10.426

the original basket, such as a leather reinforce-
ment.
The
pot's small size
almost completely closed
was meant
and the
may
fact that
it
i6ob. Jar with Basket
Handles
and Thutmose
at the rim.
Round or
lids,
lines are
it is
indicate that
to contain a precious substance that
could be poured from one of the two small
openings
the neck of the vessel; at the base of the handle the
oval baskets, especially those with
were commonly placed
in
New Kingdom
III, after
year 7 (1473-1458 B.C.)
Pottery jar
H. 20.3
cm
and black
lines
along
its
lower edge. This design
meant
to represent a floral element, as a similarly
and with four small half circles

is
perhaps
decorated jug found at Badari has three clearly

(8 in.),
Diam.
13.3
cm
(5/^ in.)
leaflike
The
extended downward and diverge to form
a trapezoid filled with alternating horizontal red
Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New
elements
at the
base of its handle.'
York,
burials as containers for personal items such as
In
both
its
shape
and
decoration
this
Rogers Fund, 1916 16.10.427
cosmetic
ing,
may
jars, jewelry, toilet
and wigs. Eight large lidded baskets
have stored clothes or linen and two
in the
tomb of Queen Meryetamun,
wife of Amenhotep
232
I.''
DECORATIVE ARTS
S]A
is
similar to Cypriot
White
Pendant Line juglets that were imported into
that
smaller baskets for toilet articles and false braids
were found
Egyptian-made jug
implements, cloth-
Both the jug and the biconical
made of marl
jar are
clay and are probably of
wheel-
Upper
Egyptian origin. They are covered with a coating that ranges from pale yellow to pale
brown
Egypt from the end of the Second Intermediate

Period into the early years of the Eighteenth
Dynasty.'
The
division of the vessel
body
into
zones by bands, the use of groups of tick marks
New Kingdom
on the rim and bands on the handle, and the
was used during the
contrast between the Hght-colored background
jars
and the dark red and black paint of the
tally applied basket handles,
designs are
The
style.
is
so
The
red and black
rims, and handles of these vessels.
style to
have
made of marl
usually finely
ally
skillfully.
is
were produced
They
cat. no.
shows any traces of
its
that
meant
they were
1.
with one of four burials in a five-chambered
into the pottery
New Kingdom
and applied
SJA
Brunton 1930,
p. 14, pi.
carinated, jar (see cat. no. 155).
Such squat
nated jars with outturned rims were
cari-
common in
4.
Lansing 1917,
the construction of the causeway of Hatshepsut's
5.
Dieter Arnold 1975, col. 1017.
of her
6.
Bourriau 1981b, pp. 78-79, no.
was covered over during
mortuary temple sometime
after year 7
reign.'
The burial
included an anthropoid coffin
New Kingdom
and a cartonnage
mummy mask, a large bronze
form evolved so
that the
bodies became less sharply carinated, a long
and
cylindrical neck with a ledge rim
flat
serpentine, a glass hairpin, three
combs
pi.
I,
24,
pi. II, i, 2.
fig. 6.18.
p. 21.
150.
includ-
ing one of ivory, and a circular toilet box with a
base developed, and a clear distinction between

the body, neck, and rim
from
New

courtyard of Tomb CC41, pit 3, chamber B;
Metropolitan Museum of Art excavations, 1915-16
mirror, a set of ointment jars in alabaster and
or ring
vessel
human hair.
of
Bourriau 1997,
the Second Intermediate Period.' In the early

the
plaits
Merrillees 1968, pp. 14547,
3.
that
The
pit
Middle
into the forecourt of a reused
Kingdom tomb'
purely Egyptian forms such as the biconical, or
xxix, 200.
grave 5297, which the excavator dated to the
2.
tomb cut
to
of the
use
clay but occasion-
in Nile clay fabrics.
Kingdom, contained
was adopted
light surface
repertoire of the
the
for
tableware."
are
These two pottery vessels were deposited
This style of red and black decoration painted
on a
Neither jar
144).
original contents or of
deceased, either for storing cosmetics or as
applied to the bodies,
ladderlike decoration
must have
Egyptian blue (see
sealing or closing, but their fine quaUty suggests
for jugs or
The
been familiar with the decorative

it
and
freely applied rather

artist
for plain
without handles, for jars with two horizon-
pitchers with a single handle.
characteristics of this Cypriot
all
decoration
than rigidly symmetrical.
applied
linear
was made. The shape
swiveling
lid
and incised designs
filled in
Bibliography;
with
Lansing 1917,
p. 21;
Hayes
1959, p. 66
FIGURE VASES
Elegant, finely crafted pottery vessels shaped like animals and
among
are
humans
the art forms that thrived during the mid-Eighteenth
Dynasty, beginning in the reign of Thutmose
III.
Scholars making the
of these vases thought they were of foreign manufacture
earliest studies
or at least heavily influenced by cultures outside Egypt.'

studies argue that they
were made
in
Egypt by Egyptian
More
recent
potters.' Figure
vases appeared at a time of great creativity and experimentation in
During
the arts in Egypt.
this period,
all
Egyptian potters both copied and
details
of the vases
reflect foreign influence,
when compared with
Because of the similarity of their material and manufacture,
80).
Janine Bourriau has suggested that the kneeling

all
made
workshop over
in a single
women were probably
a period of a generation or two.'
Unfortunately, only a few of these vases are from excavated contexts,
and these range from Sedment

cat. no. 164);
The
of
adapted the forms of vessels imported from abroad.' However, although
some
fig.
in the
north to Abydos in the south (see
thus nothing indicates the location of such a workshop.
question of
how
figure vases depicting a
mother and
child
were
used has been discussed extensively by a number of scholars, and a variety of interpretations have been put forward.'
that these vessels
The
current consensus
is
had some connection with medicine and/or midwifery.
contemporary Egyptian painting the figures appear recognizably

Egyptian both in style and in subject.*
Some of the human-shaped
figure vases are unique, such as those rep-
resenting a lute player, a serving

nos. 166168).
girl,
However, similar
ondary characters
and
a scribe, catalogued here (cat.
figures can be
(entertainers, servants,
paintings in contemporary tombs. These vessels
containers in this
sible that the
life
and servants
By
more unusual vases were valued
far the
most
common
kneeling mother and child

a
more
hair
on her
it is
lap,
also pos-
principally for their inher-
by Genevieve
(cat. nos. 161
Pierrat."
164). These
is
in the elaborate styles
woman
sometimes suckling
it
is
the
figures depict
usual in Egyptian
are clothed in simple garments, including shawls, and
down, not
porary tomb paintings.' The
in wall
served as both
although
type of human-shaped figure vase
private and domestic milieu than
women
may have
in the afterlife,'
ent beauty and charm, as suggested
found among the sec-
and workers) depicted
art.
wear
The
their
seen in banquet scenes in contemis
usually
(cat. no. 161),
shown holding the
child
sometimes merely cudFig. 80.
dling
it
(cat. nos. 162, 163); in a
mother's back
in pose,
(cat. no. 164).
few
cases, the child is in a sling
Although
number of the
no two are ever exactly the same,
on the
figures are alike
either in size or in style (see
Two pottery figure
vases, each in the
the
left,
the head of the child
London (EA
54694,
EA
is
missing.
The
woman with
On the vase at
form of a kneeling
a child suspended on her back in a sling. Early i8th Dynasty.
24652; see cat. no. 164)
Museum,
Mother's milk, especially that of a
was considered
adies," and
it
woman who had borne
male
child,
a potent ingredient for the treatment of certain mal-
has been suggested that the vases were containers for
The image of a mother and

suckling her infant
more
child, and,
(cat. no. i6i),
Such images are symbolically
Egyptian concept of rebirth in
What
life.
better
container could there be for medicine than one depicting a mother and
And considering the Egyptians' belief in magic, it is also pos-
sible that
any type of milk, or any
woman suckling or holding
liquid decanted into a bottle
a child,
ally
of unspecified sex, but one of the vessels in

holding what
is
It
obviously a baby boy
is
figures hold
that
one
Assuming
is likely
this
and the pot
where one would expect
These accoutrements suggest
is
vessels depicting
are clearly pregnant (cats. nos. 169, 170).

jars
that the
to
CHB
2.
For an in-depth study, see Bourriau 1987; for shorter discussions, see Bourriau
1981b and 1982. For a differing view, see "Egypt and the Near East"
It
4.
women
As pointed out by Janine Bourriau
women who
7.
8.
9.
has been suggested that these
no. 170)
were
in the
a pottery vase (cat. no. 164)
same tomb. The
and
Other "servant" figure vases are discussed
cat. nos.
was a unique vase
burial also included a large
Bourriau 1987,
been described
hanging from the tree," although the pendant

gestive of a
234
human breast. This
DECORATIVE ARTS
<&m-palm
fruit
fruit is also strongly
sug-
as resembling
fantastic jar
who
describes the figure
Bourriau 1987, pp. 9093.
(n. 2,
seems impractical for ordi-
p. 94.
Desroches-Noblecourt 1952; Brunner-Traut 1970b; Rand 1970; Bourriau 1987,

pp. 93-95.
For examples, see Doll 1982,
11.
For an Old Kingdom example
Age of the Pyramids 1999,
mother suckling her
ods there are also
monkey and
num-
100-105), ^'^^ * scribe's palette. In the same group
that has
in
For another interpretation, see Lilyquist, "Egypt and the Near East"
10.
a stone vase (cat.
ber of small containers of pottery and stone, a faience bowl (for similar
bowls, see
(1987, p. 83),
vases as "aHen" to the pottery traditions of western Asia and the Aegean.
5.
see
by
See "Pottery and Stone Vessels," above.
6. Pierrat 2005, p. 41.
noteworthy that of the few figure vases found in closed archaeo-
two
it
mother and her child rather than a wet nurse
See Murray 191 1.
ease the discomfort of pregnancy and childbirth for the expectant mother.
logical contexts,
wet nurses or their milk.
that the vases contained mother's milk for use as medicine,
that they depict a
above).
naked
held a substance used to ensure the health of the imborn child or to
It is
quality associated with
Christine Lilyquist in this volume.
are associated with
their laps (cat. no. 164; see also cat. no. 2),
made up of stone
women represent wet nurses,"
nothing about the vases that would identify them as such.
1.
perhaps
represented are themselves practitioners of medicine. Another category
of figure vase
scribal palette,
shaped
catalogue depicts a
(cat. no. 163),
women
figure has slung over her shoulder
find a child (cat. no. 165).
The
with her nursling, and that the infant is to be understood as a boy.
supported by the simple horn container that several of the
on
is
Nor is there any magical
3.
idea that vases depicting kneeling
midwifery
the figure vases.
has been proposed that the kneeling
but there
imparting to the container a potency greater than the others'.
The
would complement
a doctor, midwife, or other medical practitioner.''
took on the healing properties
of real mother's milk. The infants represented on figure vases are gener-
woman
it
magical vases, and array of small jars suggest that one of the tomb's
of a mother
specifically,
has a long history in Egyptian art."
tied to the
the next world and to rejuvenation and healing during
like a
liquid inside,
owners was
breast milk.
her child.^
nary use; however, as a magical container intended to give potency to the
12.
13.
a statuette of a
p. 393, no. 17.
Hayes
For
woman suckling her children

a
Middle Kingdom statuette of
1953, p. 222,
fig. 138.
From both peri-
many examples of cosmetic vessels that depict a mother
her infant.
Bourriau 1987,
The tomb
p. 291.
infant, see
p. 93, pi.
has a
XXX.
number of chambers and contained
eight burials.
According
Snape (1986, pp. 360-61), there were two undisturbed burials in room 949,
a photograph of the objects,
which contained the objects described here. For

see Garstang 1909, pi. xvi.
14.
Emma Brunner-Traut (1970b) suggested that the vases represent wet nurses.
to
i6i
i6i. Vase in the Form of a

Kneeling Woman Suckling a
Child
bangles on her right wrist and a necklace of
i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose III reign of
wears
Amenhotep
player discussed below (cat. no. 166).'
amulets or large ball beads.
(see cat. no. 122), or
III
(1479-1352 B.C.)
Pottery, painted
H. 17
cm
(6^
in.),
W.
7.5
cm (3 in.), D. 9.5 cm (3'/^ in.)
Paris
969 (formerly
AF 6643)
it
is
1.
Because the woman's right breast
left
to that
third
necklace of disks and crescents, as described by
breast
ing
women below
Lilyquist in this volume.
woman
woman
has a wide face with
broad cheeks, huge almond-shaped eyes, and
bared, preparing to suckle her child. She wears
pointed nose with flaring nostrils. She wears her
a shawl that obscures her
arms
in the
back and
has a similar
figure
is
The neck
tie at
area of this
best seen in Robins 1993, p. 81,
fig.
27,
which shows the vase before the baby's head was
smiling
with her right breast
is
(cat. no. 164)
See "Egypt and the Near East" by Christine
restored.
figure
completely covered, presumably by a
her throat, which appears to be part of a garment.

2.
Christine Lilyquist."
The
The
is
garment worn beneath the shawl. One of the kneel-
of the lute
that the decoration represents a
bared, this last
is
explanation might seem unlikely; nevertheless, the
line painted
a tie necklace
might indicate that she
garment similar
possibility
Musee du Louvre,
around her neck may represent
hair
down, with two long locks pulled forward
The
the child's
original head
left,
was probably turned
to
as in catalogue no. 162.
formerly Drovetti collec-
tion (no. 192); purchased in 1827
crosses over her
fringed
body
in the front.
edge of the shawl
wrapped around
The
appears
painted
to
be
the child's back, covering the
lower part of his body (although his legs are

sharply modeled) and leaving his
The woman's
well-defined
left
arm
free.
hands protrude
from the edges of the shawl. She wears three
over her shoulders and the
behind her ears
below her
figure
is
drawn back
waist. In
its
kneeling position, this
well balanced, with back straight and
head jutting slightly forward.

a small handle attached
head.
rest
in a thick ponytail that reaches
is
A tall
set far
Bibliography: Brunner-Traut
figs. 9, 10;
Robins 1993,
1999. P- 34,
fig-
1970b,
p. 81, fig. 27;
p. 149, no. 6,
Quaegebeur
3'
spout with
back on the
CHH
FIGURE VASES
235
the figure leans distinctly backward, as though
weighted by the spout and handle on
head.
its
CHR
I.
A similar vase, with mother and child in the same

pose but with the mother's back straighter,
is
in the
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (1985.336); see James

F. Romano in Capel and Markoe 1996, pp. 61-62,
no. lob.
The
similarity
of the infants' poses suêsts
that the child in catalogue no. 161 should
restored to
show
its
head turned
have been
to the left,
toward
the oiFered breast, rather than facing forward,
toward the mother's chest.
Deibel Legacy
Bibliography: Desroches-Noblecourt
Brunner-Traut 1970b,
p. 147, no.
i, fig. i;
1952, fig. 3;
Susan K.
Doll in Egypt's Golden Age 1982, pp. 29394, no. 405
163. Vase in the Form of a

Kneeling Woman Holding a
Child
i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose III reign of
Amenhotep
(14791352 B.C.)
III
Pottery, painted
H.
II
cm (4?4 in.), W.
On
woman
this
vase the
distinctly
His
(1479 1352 ^-Ô
Staatliche
Not
left
modeled and
hand
his
arms
The baby boy
arms and
legs are
his sex clearly indicated.
rests rather limply
on
his
mother's
arm, but with his right hand he clutches her
(^/i in.)
Agyptisches
holds her child facing
show clothing is gone,
on top of this garment;
i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose Ill-reign of
Pottery, painted
cm
(3/1 in.)
Although most of the
suggests that she wears a shawl.
Araenhotep
14
cm
1660
the lack of definition of the mother's upper
sits
III
lap.
D. 9
(iVi in.),
AF
painted detail that would
162,
H.
cm
Paris
forward on her
Vase in the Form of a

Kneeling Woman Holding a
Child
Musee du Louvre,
right wrist, suggesting an interaction lacking in
Museen zu
two comparable examples
Berlin 14476
The woman
in exhibition
sits in
back straight and chin
(cat. nos. 161, 162).
a well-balanced pose,
slightly lifted.
Her hair-
style is similar to those seen in the previous
Like the infant on the previous vase

this child
mother's
has his legs on either side of his
long ponytail in back. While the woman's feet
The
can be seen on the other figure vases in this cat-
lap,
and
his left
head, with large ears,
is
arm
is visible.
turned to the
this figure the paint that
would
woman's garments or jewelry
is
left.'
alogue, here they are not indicated.
On
back of the woman's head, not to the spout.
not preserved,
The woman's
hairstyle
is
CHR
similar to
that in the previous example, except that her
ears are covered.
In profile, the pose appears badly balanced;
The now-
missing handle was attached in two places to the
indicate the
but an amulet worn around the child's neck

remains.
two
examples, with two locks drawn forward and a
(cat. no. 161),
162, profile
Provenance: Unknown
Bibliography: Desroches-Noblecourt
figs.
4-7,
pi. 3;
Brunner-Traut 1970b,
1952, p. 51,
p. 148, no. 3, fig.
164
i63
Vase in the Form of a

Kneeling Woman with a Baby
164.
and an
OU Horn
Amenhotep
III
(1479-1352 B.C.)
Pottery, painted
H.
12.2
The
EA
cm (4)4 in.), W.
cm (iVs in.), D.
10
cm (4 in.)
Museum, London
54694
This vase
is
shaped
woman carrying a
On her lap she holds a
like a
small child on her back.
simple horn container, with the spoon resting
on her open
left
palm.'
The
child
his mother's shawl, the fringed
visible along his back.
is
wrapped
edge of which
in
is
His legs can be seen
beneath the shawl; with his free right arm, he

clutches his mother's upper arm. Although the
baby's head
the British
165, profile
is
missing, a similar figure vase in
Museum
suggests that he was origi-
nally depicted looking over his mother's shoul-
der (see
fig.
80, above).
Egyptian
women
are
seldom represented carrying
an infant
their children, but
one other instance
in at least
in a sling that is
woman
edges of which can be seen on her back, over her

shoulders, and crossing her chest.
carries
ment
probably fashioned
The
difficult to interpret,
shawl there
is at
least
to
be covered by the shawl. The hair is
shorter than that in the previous examples, with
tied at the
shown
neck. Although Egyptians are usually
the front locks ending at the
wearing a minimum of clothing, they must have
and the ponytail
worn shawls
waist.
in cold weather.
There are
of men wearing enveloping cloaks
statues
The pose
woman
(cat. no. 60),
decidedly to her
lists
spout
round handle attached
The woman's hairstyle is
left.
The wide
of the head and the
to the
back of the head.
CHR
similar to that seen
no. 163, but the eyes here are larger
formerly
Nahmen collec-
tion; acquired in 1912
shape and features the face resembles catalogue
shorter.
at the center
and here the long
ponytail partially covers the child's body. In
neck somewhat
breasts
back reaching only to the

relaxed in profile, but the
and similar garments were undoubtedly worn
is set
woman's
in
is
by women.
in the previous examples,
arms are well defined
figure's spindly
seem not
but beneath the
one garment,
An undergar-
tied at the neck.
even above the elbow both front and back, and
crossing edges of the mother's gar-
ments are
is
The
out a shawl.
and the
Bibliography; Desroches-Noblecourt
The woman wears two
8-1 1; Brunner-Traut 1970b,
figs.
1952, p. 63,
p. 150, no. 10, fig. 3
strands of beads around her neck; the child
wear
The
seems
to
pose
well balanced and relaxed.
is
a single bracelet.
figure's
The spout
completely separate from the handle, which
is
is
166.
chr
ring attached to the back of the head.
Vase in the
Form of a
Female Lute Player

1.
For an example of a more elaborate horn container,

see catalogue no.
2.
This scene
69).
is in
For an
iSth Dynasty, reign of Thutmose III reign of

2.
the
tomb of Menna
illustration, see
at
Amenhotep
Thebes (TT
H.
p. 16, fig. 7.
3.
In Egyptian tomb paintings people are not shown
165
The
open
palm. At
pose of the paintings was to perpetuate circum-
spoon lying
stances that were ideal in
she also seems to carry a baby on her back, but
life.
in her
left
first
closer inspection reveals that the object
Although the surface of the vase

in
1920
1909, p. 129,
Brunner-Traut 1970b, pp. 14950, no.

Bourriau 1987, pp. 93-94,
pi.
glance
is
is
(1479 1352
(8/. in.),
W.
quite
III
pi.
woman
originally
wore
a shawl, the
12
cm (4K in.), W.
xvi;
8, fig. 12;
xxxi; Robins 1995, p. 76,
cm (2K
in.),
D. 9
cm
(3/i in.)
11276
Like the figure in the previous entry, this
woman
holds an
oil
horn on her
the large end grasped in her right
lap,
with
hand and the
cm
165, profile
body
arm back
so
more easily play her instrument. To
Thutmose III reign of
Paris
5.7
lute player depicted here twists her
that she can
(1479-1352 B.C.)
Musee du Louvre,
D.
slightly to the left, holding her left
Pottery, painted
H.
(3/8 in.),
Museum, London
5114
The

Kneeling Woman with a Pot
and an Oil Horn
B.C.)
cm
40
Amenhotep
a pot.
degraded, remaining traces of paint indicate

that the
no.
cm
949; excavated by
John Garstang, 1909; given by Mrs. Russell Rea
Bibliography: Garstang
21.5
(2/, in.)
wearing cold-weather garments, because one pur-
III
Pottery, painted
Capel and Markoe 1996,
165,
back
Form of a
Vase in the
Serving Girl
167.
Thutmose Ill-reign of
Amenhotep
III
(1479 1352
B.C.)
W.
cm
Pottery, painted
H.
18.5
cm
(7/4 in.),
Musee du Louvre,
15.1
Paris
(6 in.)
AF 6335
In certain respects, this figure of a nude serving

girl is quite similar to the lute
In both, the
hips,
body
is
and the arms are
player (cat. no. 166).
short-waisted with wide

partially separated
from
the body. Both also have shoulder-length hair
(although here the neck
is
longer). Like the lute
player's, the girl's feet are side
by
side
and the
toenails are highlighted with black paint; the
nude
girl's left
foot
is
slightly advanced.
While
l6fi
Steady her right hand she places her
on her
belly.
She wears
fringe at the
hem; the
around the
sleeves,
ties at
is
finger
the neck, the
On
her right wrist
At the back of her head, two
a single bangle.
down
slightly
figure leans back,
stand on
its
it is
impossible for the vase to
CHR
own.
hem
and the stitching up the
sides are indicated in paint.'
braids hang
little
long dress with a
I .
similar
garment
is
worn by
a female
musician in a
wall painting in the
tomb of D jeserkare-seneb
Thebes (Tomb
For a photograph, see Capel
38).
and Markoe 1996,
p. 15, fig.
at
5.
below her shoulder-
length hair.
The
frets
lute has
been carefully painted, with
on the neck and
tassels at the end.
The
Provenance:
Thebes; given by James Burton
in
1836
openings on the front of the sound box are indi-
Bibliography:
cated,
and the back
made of a
is
painted as though
it
were
large tortoiseshell.
Bourriau 1987,
Bourriau i9Sib, pp. 3536, no. 49;
p. 92, pi.
Russmann et al.
XXX; Edna R. Russmann
in
2001, p. 170, no. 80
This object would have been impractical for

use as a vessel. Because the base
is
small and the
167
FIGURE VASES
239
most
the surface of the vase has suffered damage,
of the painted
detail is visible, presenting
beaded necklaces, bangles
The
both wrists, and a
at
around the hips (similar to
girdle
an
more
array of jewelry that includes one or
cat. no. 119).
holds a flask in her right hand and a
girl
small double pot similar to a cruet in her
The spout on
figure vases
the head that
left.
typical of
is
lacking here. Instead, a tube
is
extends along the figure 's back from her heels
There are two large holes
to her buttocks.
and
one of which may have been
back
top of the tube
at the
Some
ing for a spout.
at the
the open-
elements of the vase are
making it difficult
missing,
in the
another
neck
to understand
how it
functioned as a vessel.
Both
and the
this figure
lute player bring to
mind the servants and
entertainers pictured in
the banquet scenes in
Theban tombs, where
wearing only jewelry pour perfume and
girls
wine from small
and musicians play for
flasks,
assembled guests. Perhaps figure vases
were used on such
these
like
festive occasions, serv-
ing either as decoration or as containers for
CHR
wine or perfume.
Provenance: Unknown
Vase in the
168.
III
Form of a
Scribe
Amenhotep
(14791352
B.C.)
Pottery, painted
H.
15.3
cm
W.
(6 in.),
8.6
cm
(3/8 in.),
D.
9.5
cm
(3/, in.)
The
EA
Museum, London
24653
This figure vase

sents a
man.
He
one of the few
is
is
shown seated
that repre-
in the position
of a scribe, with the right leg raised. The
hooks around the
foot
back
and
straight
is
right ankle.
his
head Ufted
left
Although
as
his
though he
awaits dictation, the scribe appears relaxed,
leaning slightly to the
with the legs in
one might expect
left as
this position.
He wears a kilt, on
the surface of which he has unrolled a papyrus.'
With
his spindly
arms and
listing pose, this
figure brings to
mind the kneeling woman of cat-
alogue no. 165.
On both these vessels the spout is
an organic part of the head, while on most figure

vases
vase
I.
it
is
The
seems
like
an afterthought. This scribe
also imusual in having
left
hand and part of the
no handle.
left
restored.
240
DECORATIVE ARTS
arm have been
chr
purchased in 1893
Bibliography: Parkinson
Edna R. Russmann
53, no.
1999, p. 130, no. 45;
Russmann et al.
in
2001, pp. 152-
64

Pregnant Woman Playing a Lute
Amenhotep
III
(1479 1352
B.C.)
Egyptian alabaster
H. 20.3
The
EA
cm (8
in.)
Museum, London
30459
Figure vases of stone are
made of pottery. The
those
less
common
than
stone versions gen-
nude pregnant
erally represent
women
either
standing or kneeling, and as a group they are
much
less detailed
parts.
This woman, shown standing with her
than their pottery counter-
knees slighdy bent, holds a lute similar to the
one depicted
in catalogue no. 166.
pulled back and
At
falls just
Her
hair
is
below her shoulders.
the back of the vase, the prominent handle
loops from the base of the spout on the woman's
head
to her
back
at the level
of her shoulder
below the ends of her
blades, just
Provenance: Unknown; purchased

Chauncey Murch
Robins 1993,
170
169, profile
170, profile
through Rev.
in 1899
Bibliography: Brunner-Traut
Egypt 1999,
169
chr
hair.
p. 66, fig. 20;
1970a, p. 38, pi. 6;
Art and Afterlife
in
Ancient
no. 134

Pregnant Woman with a Child
on Her Back
Amenhotep
III
(1479 1352
B.C.)
Egyptian alabaster
H. 19
The
EA
cm (7/2 in.), W.
7.5
cm
(3 in.),
D. 7
cm
(2K
in.)
Museum, London
65275
From
nant
the front, this vase representing a preg-
woman appears unremarkable. She
with her bowed legs slighdy bent
at the
stands
knees
and her hands brought together above her

swollen belly. Her hair, parted in the middle,
is
drawn back from her face, and her features have

been rendered
figure
in a
rudimentary fashion. The
becomes more
from the
side, as
of the vase
is
interesting
one discovers
when viewed
that the handle
carved in the form of a naked child
clutching either side of
its
mother's head.
The
child's features are rather crudely indicated, but
the hair
is
rendered with more
one of the pottery figure vases above
(cat. no. 164).
John Garstang
CHR
949; excavated
in 1909, acquired as a bequest
Robert Ludwig
This vase was discovered in the same intact

burial as
detail.
Mond
Bibliography: Garstang
1970a, p. 37, no.
by
of Sir
in 1939
3, pi. 5;
pi.
1909, pp. 128-29,
pi.
xvi;
xxxvi; Brunner-Traut
Robins 1995,
p. 73, no. 38
FIGURE VASES
241
CoiWfjghioOmaurjl
ANIMAL VASES
Animal-shaped vessels have a long tradition
in
Egyptian
to prehistoric times; they display the great skill
drawn from nature
motifs
and
art dating
sensitivity
back
Naqada
toward
their
that the Egyptians developed over the cen-
The earliest examples in pottery, which include vessels shaped like
turies.
birds, fish,
hedgehogs, and perhaps even monkeys, date to the
II
period (40003000
young
shaped
like
are found in the
monkeys and
continued into the
B.C.).'
Stone vases of female monkeys and
Old Kingdom," and stone cosmetic
fish
were popular
variety of animal figure
The animals
vases of clay were produced (cat. nos. 171 174).'
later
sented on the vases catalogued below include a bolti
and two
ibexes, subjects that are
depicted in
The
ics,
tomb scenes of hunting in
in
repre-
hedgehog,
fish, a
Egyptian
art
and often
the desert or in the Nile marshes.
contents of these small containers were almost certainly cosmet-
perfumed
oils,
or unguents.
store these expensive

result
common
vessels
Middle Kingdom and
in the
New Kingdom, when a wide
The
vases seem to have been used to
commodities despite the danger of spillage as a
of the placement of the spouts (see
cat. no. 171),
although some of
The
these vessels appear to have been kept suspended.
animals repre-
sented had particular meaning to the Egyptians, because of their association with a specific god, with fertility, or with rebirth in the next
a vessel in one of these animal forms
may have imbued
magical qualities of strength or healing.
Many
crafted, exhibiting the practical skill, artistic sensibility,

artists
who made
valued as
much
them. Indeed,
it
seems quite
its
life,
and
contents with
are also beautifully
and humor of the
likely that these vases
were
for their visual appeal as for their usefulness.
RD
Fig. 8i.
Animal vase
in the
form of an ibex with two fawns, early i8th Dynasty.
Painted clay. Musee du Louvre, Paris (E 12659;
"o- ^74)
1.
Bourriau 1981b, pp. 3032.
2.
Age of the Pyramids 1999, pp. 44647,
3.
Bourriau 1981b,
no. 1783-0.
p. 30.
Fish Vase
171.
III (r.
1479-
1425 B.C.)
Clay with burnished red
H.
cm
8.8
slip
(3/. in.), L. 16.8
cm
(6'/b in.)
Boston, Harvard University-
Museum of Fine Arts Expedition
The
fish
24.1785
depicted in this figure vase
is
a bolti
(Tilapia nilotica), a type abundant in antiquity

in the
shallow parts of the Nile where water
vegetation was plentiful, and then as
important source of food.'
As
now an
early as the
Predynastic Period, slate palettes were carved

in the
were
form of
also
made
were revered
bolti
and many other objects
in this distinctive shape. Bolti
as symbolic
and the renewal of life,
of
fertility, rebirth,
a significance that
may
mouth
much the same
have derived from the species' resilience and
spout of the vessel in
high rate of fertihty and from the unusual fact
way. The body of the molded vase was in two
that the female incubates her
and young larvae
in her
newly
mouth
hatched and expelled as young
laid
eggs
until they are
parts,
and handle were appHed
was covered
fish.
its
in
found
separately.
in red slip
The
1.
surface
and burnished
after
2.
In
many
representations the bolti
sucking on a lotus blossom,' and here
242
DECORATIVE ARTS
it
is
shown
holds the
firing,
in a rock-cut
tomb
in
Semna, with objects
datable to the reign of Thutmose
RD
III."
which were joined lengthwise; the neck
and the spines of the dorsal
roimded
tail
were painted
in black.'
fin, gills,
and
The vase was
Wallert 1970, pp. 24-27, 109-13; Brewer and R. F.
Friedman 1989, pp. 7679.

For example, see Angela J. Milward
Aufstieg 1987, p. 167, no. 82, and
in
Agyptens
Andre Wiese
Wiese and Brodbeck 2004, pp. 170-71,
no. 21.
in
3-
See Janine Bourriau in Egypt's Golden Age 1982,

pp. 103-4, no. 86,
4.
Dunham
and Bourriau 1987, pp.
and J.M.A. Janssen 1960,
Bourriau 1987,
85, n. 2, 89.
p. 76, fig. 33;
p. 89.
Provenance: Semna, Tomb S ^02; Harvard

University Museum of Fine Arts Expedition
excavations; acquired from
Sudan
in the division of
finds in 1924
Bibliography: Dunham and
J.M.A. Janssen i960,
Bourriau in Egypt's Golden Age
p. 76, fig. 33; Janine
1982, pp. 1034, no. 86; Janine Bourriau in Agyptens
Aufstieg 1987, p. 219, no. 148; Bourriau 1987, pp. 85,

89, pi. XXIV, 2
Hedgehog Vase
172.
III (r.
1479
1425 B.C.)
Clay with burnished red
H.
7.4
The
cm
slip
Diam.
(2/3 in.),
22.5
The
artist
who
cm (8%
in.)
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford,
Visitors of the
Gift of Egypt Exploration
Fund
E. 2775
created this delightful hedge-
172
hog-shaped vase observed that normally neither

the legs nor the
visible.
When
itself into a ball
ing
tor.
it
tail
of a hedgehog are clearly
hedgehog
threatened, a
rolls
of interlocking spines, render-
almost invulnerable to any natural preda-
This vessel takes the form of a spherical
body and projecting head,

added stumpy
feet,
to
which have been
an applied top spout, a small
handle for suspension, large, erect ears, and a

protruding snout.
The body is embellished with
defensive strategy of curling itself into a ball
with projecting spines;

resistance to poison,
it
with
or,
may have
its
natural
provided pro-
tection against snake bites, as described in
Hedgehog
tian folklore.
Egyp-
vases were popular,
New
especially during the
Kingdom, although
examples are known from Predynastic times to
rd
the Twenty-sixth Dynasty.
stylized tendrils of lotus-fiower scrolls that
frame the tiny appealing face and cover the
1.
in Egypt's Golden
hindquarters, forming a heart-shaped flourish.
This foliage decoration

treated
Hayes
recalls the similarly
hippopotami of the Middle
faience
Kingdom, which
are covered with depictions of
lotus fiowers and pondweed.'
and stems are executed

hairs
on the
tendrils, ears, eyes,
vessel^
brows, and fur
fig.
142, for a faience hippopota-
the Twelfth Dynasty.
Bourriau 1987,
3.
Muscarella 1974, no. 230

p.
4.
296,
fig.
Murray
and
191
p. 87.
See also Berman 1999,
bis.
227.
1,
xxv; with a description
p. 40, no. 68, pi.
of the type of hedgehog
common
was covered with red
slip
light reddish
in Egypt.
the
Dii; excavations of
Egypt Exploration Fund, 1899 1901
surface; the unslipped, burnished surface
on the stomach
is
Bibliography:
a yellowish red.
Apparently not a sacred animal but one with

magical properties,' the hedgehog
is
frequently
represented throughout Egypt's long history.

Its
1953, p. 227,
mus from
51,
1982, p. 104, no. 87). See also
The
in black.
and carefully burnished, creating a
brown
and the
Age
2.
Here the fiowers
in raised relief,
of the hedgehog are painted
wheel-made
See Janine Bourriau (1981b, pp. 36-37, no.
importance has been variously explained. As
a hibernating animal,
it
may have been
ated with self-renewal and resurrection.
associIt
could
have had apotropaic significance because of its
Mace
J.
L.
1902, pp. 73-75;
no. 68, pi. xxv;
Myres
Murray
von Droste zu
in
Randall-Maclver and
1911, pp. 40, 45-46,
Hiilshoff 1980, p. 121,
no. 77, pi. VII, 77; Bourriau 1981b, pp. 36-37, no. 51;
Janine Bourriau inEgypt's Golden

no. 87;
Moorey
p. 87, pi.
6970
xxv,
i;
1983, p. 57,
fig.
24;
Age
1982, p. 104,
Bourriau 1987,
Houlihan 1996, pp. 66-67,
fig-
49,
Bibliography:
d'Histoire 1934,
pi.
p.
740;
Brussels,
pi. 81;
Un Steele
Musees Royaux d'Art
Capart 1947,
et
p. 38, no. 740,
de fouilles frangaises en Egypte 1981,
227; Elisabeth Maraite in Agyptetts Aufstieg 1987,
p. 205, no. 128;
Quaegebeur 1999,
p. 71, n.
64
Ibex Vase with Two Fawns
174.
Amenhotep
III
(1479-1352 B.C.)
Terracotta, painted
H. 10
cm
(4 in.), L. 15.5
Musee du Louvre,
The
ibex
to bring
renewal'
Paris
good
where
'73
luck. It
led
away
as offerings
the ancient Egyptians
was
also a
perhaps because of
its split
its
its
Or
it
to navigate the
perhaps the connection
on the walls of tombs and
with regeneration stems from the animal's ridged
rd
horn, which in appearance somewhat resembles
funerary temples.
the hieroglyphic sign for "year" that
Amenhotep
(1479-1352 B.C.)
III
1.
Clay with
H.
light
10.9 cm
brown
slip
For discussions of the distinction between these
rwo species of ibex, see Un Steele defouilUs
(4}^ in.), L. 12.3
Musees Royaux d'Art
cm
(4^8 in.)
fraTifaises en
et d'Histoire, Brussels
Egypte 1981,
1999, p. 115, in
E. 6729
reclining but
which
more
p. 227,
also p. 32,
Agyptischer Kunst, Munich,
clay and
in the forin
of an ibex
is
made of fine
was modeled by hand, with
given to the delineation of contour and
The
legs are
the head
is
drawn up
in a resting pose, while
turned to the right as
were twisting
details.
if the
AS
28, for another
Sammlung
2729),
ibex backward onto

2.
Quaegebeur 1999,
3.
Dorman
its
p.
body
to
on which
young
form a handle.
n6.
1980, pp. 11-12.
animal
The
to sense potential danger.
Provenance; Unknown
combination of relaxation and movement lends

to the figure a presence that
contained.
is at
The spout of the
once
alert
and
vessel sits atop the
animal's head between the paired ears and
horns (one of which
broken).
is
The
long,
curved horns and goatee identify the figure as a
male Nubian ibex {Capra ibex nubiana)^
a wild
goat native to Egypt, as distinguished from the
Capra aegagms, which has horns curved only at

the ends and which originated in Asia, perhaps
Syria."
The ibex,
was
a desert animal valued for
a frequent subject in
the Predynastic era,
its
meat,
Egyptian art even
when
it
vases of the Naqadean and Gerzean periods."
became
especially popular during the
Kingdom, when
it
began
in
was depicted on
to appear
It
New
on such
objects as unguent jars, cosmetic dishes and
spoons, combs,
amulets,
and pottery
jars.'
be made
in the
Images of ibexes continued
to
Late Period (743332 B.C.) and figure in scenes
of hunting and processions of livestock being
244
DECORATIVE ARTS
leafless
began
as an
palm branch.'
This elaborate vase takes the form of a
and Quaegebeur
fig.
the innovative artist curved the horns of the
great care
image of a curved,
simplified ibex figure vase, also
with the spout on the head (Staadiche
This vase
symbol of
ability to sur-
inhospitable natural habitat,
hooves enable
rocky high reaches.
Ibex Vase
in.)
E 12659
was thought by
vive in the desert,
173-
cm {6'/%
174, underside
reclining female ibex flanked
by her two young
fawns, each pressing against her

pletely natural manner.
The
at the
body in a com-
animal's
mouth
base of the neck (see
fawn on the
loss
is
makes
right has lost
it
Year's gifts and the rites performed at
The
face.
festivities
were
modeled separately and applied
open to receive the spout of the vase, and a pro-
from the jaw
formed a loop
to the chest,
may have been
that
once
a suspension cord (observable in the 1908
The
image).'
ibex
shown
is
pose resting on
its left
folded beneath
it
and
body of
4.
to accentuate outlines
and
See Janine Bourriau in Egypt s Golden Age 1982,

p. 105,
na 89.
were added
lines
rd
details.
Provenance: Dra Abu el-Naga,

its
forelegs
1.
hoof peeking
rear
p. 13.
See also Quaegebeur
2.
1906
for
"year."
and the large ear (one hoof, one horn, and one
p. 120,
"horn of an ibex"
The
on the use of the
p. 38, no. 740, pi. 740;
term meaning
as a
sharp ridges on the horn
251; Janine
iiO'
Egypt's Golden Age 1982, p. 105,
na
89;
Bourriau in
Quaegebeur
been associated with the annual rings indicating
999>
the age of the animal, a correlation perhaps support-
The head of the fawn on
ing the idea of regeneration and rebirth. For this
broken
is
Capart 1947,
UnsiecU defouUUs jrangaises en
^gypte 1981, pp. 22617,
may have
ear are missing) are depicted with great care."

rear
Chassinat 190; -d, p. 84; Benedite
1908; Gauthier 1908, pp. 14445, pl>
See Quaegebeur 1999,
word
hooves, the sharply curved and ridged horn,
left
Bibliography:
1999, p. 122.
out from under the right side of its body. The
the
p. 13).
pi. ni.
in a characteristic
haunch, with
its left
and burnished, and black
slip
to the
The surface was covered in a thick red
the vase.
used for
(Dorothea Arnold 1995,
Gauthier 1908,
3.
jecting spur,
New
New Yearns
reason images of the ibex were appropriate for
81), while the
fig.
most of its
possible to see that the fawns
figP- 32>
29
METALWORK
Copper was found
in
abundance
in the Eastern Desert,
and during the
Eighteenth Dynasty, additional amounts were imported from Syria and
When copper is alloyed with a small portion of tin, the result-
western Asia.
ing metal
is
harder than pure copper,
its
melting point
is
lower, and
it is
more easily cast.' Bronze, the alloy formed by this combination, is used to
with clay or a clay mixture and pierced with a hole.

fired, the
and
The
mented. By
this
were orna-
time the Egyptians had become accomplished metal-
refining designs
smiths,
objects
was unstable. They were given
(cat.
as gifts
for valiant military service; those with protective signs appear to
have
served amuletic and apotropaic functions.' Scenes of animals and some-
extraordinary for
180)
earliest
cate
fighting are
common. One blade
example showing an animal triumphant over
(cat. no.
haps the
is
period.
One such stand
thickets, a
is
83)
is
mering.
It
was used
sheet of metal,
vessel
make
to
by working
had taken shape
(cat. no. 179)
in
by two
position that originated in the
on bronze
Near
vessel stands of this
contains images of birds in papyrus
tomb
reliefs.
goats, a formal
mered from the back

to
Another
(cat. no. 178)
and symmetrical com-
to
form
time was cold ham-
from a single
vessel, often
form, which was removed once the
The
repertoire of itmovative met-
a raised relief
produce sharp outlines and
the
on the
details, is carried
front.
Chasing, used
out on the face of the
same
object, as is the case with the
were used on
sumptuous gold patera seen below
(cat. no. 176).
Gold, both mined and
alluvial,
was
plentiful in the Eastern Desert,''
and during the Middle Kingdom, Egypt began extracting gold
Nubian
From
territories as well.
in its
the earliest times Egyptian goldsmiths
displayed a high degree of skill, producing luxury items that were shaped
by hammering and casting and then elatorately decorated. The
made by Egyptian metalworkers, whether practical,
objects
decorative, or cere-
monial, combine sophisticated design with superb craftsmanship.
RD
East.
techniques of solid and lost- wax casting were perfected during

Lucas and J. R. Harris 1989,
metal into open molds of stone, pottery, or even sand. Most molds
2.
Kiihnert-Eggebrecht 19753;
known from
models used
this period,
in the
however,
may have been
model
is
Petschel and
used to make the wax
lost-wax casting process, rather than to cast the
directly. In this process (already
casting copper), the

is
body of a
piece with a thin, sharp tool. Often both of these processes
1.
bronze
the
over
(cat. no. 177).'
New Kingdom. The simplest method of casting is to pour the molten
the
it
New Kingdom created a wide variety of effects. Repousse work is ham-
man, and another
depiction of a horse and rider, per-
also found
well-known subject
depicts a palmette flanked
The
its
(cat. no.
such representation from Egypt.' The same use of intri-
openwork patterns
ready for the finishing
at this
chasing, and repousse,' by means of which the Egyptian craftsmen of the
tional, since the perforated blade
rare
is
is
alworking techniques also included soldering, burnishing, engraving,
Kingdom
weapons were more often ceremonial than func-
men hunting and
broken, and the casting
the clay
Then molten
the metal has cooled
openwork
designs that date back to the beginning of the Middle
times
is
Once
and improving upon already-established
techniques. Examples are the elaborate bronze axe blades with
nos. 180184). These
mold
Another metalworking method perfected
decoration of metal objects became increasingly intricate in the
Kingdom, and even the most commonplace
solidified, the
When
flows out through the hole.
touches.*
make tools and domestic utensils as well as many more-elaborate objects.
New
wax burns away or
metal can be poured into the hardened mold.
used in the Old Kingdom for
molded of wax or some other material
easy to form and has a low melting point. This model
is
3.
W.
p. 217;
W.
von Falck 2004,
Ogden
2000, p. 153.
V. Davies 1987, p. 53; Christian Schulz in
p. 125.
V. Davies 1987, p. 53; Hall 1931.
4.
Ogden
5.
Ibid., p. 158.
6.
See G. L. Spalinger 1982,
2000, p. 157.
that
then coated
7.
Lucas and
].
p. 116.
R. Harris 1989, pp. 224-35.
245
176, interior
Libation Vessel of Manuwai
175.

Tomb i; acquired in 1918
patera,
el-Qurud, Wadi D,
Eariy i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose
III (r.
142^ B.C.)
pi.
Silver
H.
by
19.5
cm
1948, pp. 60-61,
xxxvi; Lilyquist 2003, pp. 128, no.
figs.
(754 in.)
99 (top), 100
an excellent example. Djehuti must
his sovereign,
much valued
who bestowed upon him
numerous gifts of exceptional
quality.'
13, 195,
This vessel
is
bowl popular
in the
New Kingdom
commonly made of blue faience and
that
was
often deco-
18.8.21a,
rated
with plants and aquatic animals.
delightful interior design centers
Manuwai was one of
of a type of
a version in gold
(left), loi (left)

Rogers Fund, 1918
is
have been an outstanding general
1479
three
minor wives of
III who came from western Asia.

When these women died, they were mummified
Thutmose
176.
Patera belonging to
and shows, as
General Djehuti
if
on a
Its
rosette
seen in a pond from above,
bolti fish {Tilapia nilotica)
swimming in
six
a circle,
surrounded by papyrus umbels. Water, an

III (r.
1479
important symbol for the ancient Egyptians as a
and buried with the same equipment one would

1425 B.C.)
expect to find in an Egyptian royal tomb.
Among other things, each was provided with a

silver canister like this one,
which
is
similar in
shape to a type of libation vessel but has no
source of
Gold
H.
2.2
cm
(?B in.),
Diam.
17.9
Musee du Louvre,
cat. nos. 171, 194)
Paris
in the Valley
The
Amenhotep
II
inscription reads
justified."
"Given
Manuwai could be
as a blessing
the Amorite
Manawa, which may derive from

love."'
The name can be
patera
According
of the King to the King's Wife, Manuwai,
name
the verb "to
seen, written in hiero-
glyphs, in the column of text on the
left.
and the papyrus-reed thicket
symbolic of regeneration and renewed
and Thutmose IV
of the Kings.
suggested by the zigzag line
(associated with the goddess Hathor) are also
N 713
spout. Similar spoutless vessels were found in
the tombs of
life, is
surrounding the central flower. The bolti (see
cm (7 in.), weight
37i-!g(i3-ioz-)
to the dedication along the outside
rim, this gold dish

to a general
was presented by Thutmose
named Djehuti
III
as a royal gift, in
recognition of services rendered in foreign

countries and
The
among
the Mediterranean islands.
inscription also specifies that the general
had
filled
ver,
and
honor
the royal treasury with lapis lazuli,
gold.' It
his
was customary
is
made of hammered
gold.
were embossed from underneath

form a
raised relief; then details
For
a discussion
of the names of the three women,
see Lilyquist 2003, pp. 32932.
vessel of such high-quality
were created by
have been produced by craftsmen employed by
rd
the royal family.'
sil-
most dedicated servants with
tomb and funerary
"Given
as a sign
of the King's favor, by the King of
gifts,
furnishings,
or luxury objects, of which this shallow dish, or
246
DECORATIVE ARTS
workmanship must
for the king to
which might include the highly prized "gold of

valor" necklace, a
The
figures
outlining and chasing with an incising tool.
Upper and Lower Egypt, Menkheperre,

I
life.
The
in repousse to
to the
prince and earl, father of the god, beloved of the
god, companion of the king in
and on the islands
in the
all
foreign lands
middle of the sea,
who
fills
the storerooms with lapis lazuh, silver and gold,
Golden Age 1982, pp.
governor of the foreign lands, commander of the
in
army, praised by the perfect god, whose rank
Clayton 1994,
granted by the Lord of the

scribe, Djehuti the justified
Thiem
Two Lands,
is
the king's
one" (H. W. Miiller and
1999, p. 144). See also Urkunden 4, p. 999;
Rutschowscaya, and Ziegler 1997, pp.
ill.
19 21,
no. 107; Janine Bourriau
p. 110; Christiane Ziegler in
no 12,
H. W. Miiller and Thiem 1999, pp. 142-45,

291; Ziegler 2002a, p. 59,
Gretchen L. Spalinger in Egypt's Golden Age 1982,

p. 119-21, no. 107; Christiane Ziegler in
2.
Agyptens Aufstieg 1987, pp. 338-39, no. 290;
Rutschowscaya, and Ziegler 1997, pp.
fig. 7;
Isabelle
common
and was
being made in
Andreu,
during the
many
New Kingdom,
different materials includ-
ing pottery, stone, and
glass.'
The flaring,
everted
no. 46;
rim of the vessel

figs.
is
set
on
a long, elegant,
290,
slightly
Franco in
body.
Ziegler 2002a, p. 429, no. 105
Andreu,
concave neck emerging from a bulbous
The
ring stand was found with the flask
and probably was used with
10-12, no. 46.
mered from
it." It
too was
ham-
which was
a single sheet of metal,
In addition to alabaster vases (cat nos. i49a-c), a
formed into
gold bracelet, and a heart scarab (cat no. 136), there

is
a second cup with his
also in the
Louvre
name,
this
3. Isabelle
one of silver,
collection (Ziegler in
Rutschowscaya, and Ziegler 1997,

Franco in Ziegler 20023,
p.
the flask. Both stand

i8th
429, no. 105;
Ziegler in Andreu, Rutschowscaya, and Ziegler
Dynasty (1550-1295
stand:
hammer
cm (8)^ in.), Diam. of rim 7.7 cm (3
H. 9 cm
Museum
in.),
( 3!^
Diam.
13.4
cm
947, p. 24, no. 669,
flask,
669;
184, fig. 159, 187;
304; Gretchen L. Spalinger in Egypt's
fig.
Aldred
pi.
Kayser 1969, pp.

pp. 230, 280,
et al. 1979,
single sheet of bronze,
is
were subse-
upright were a necessity for such
Stands were
matching
flask
hammered from
of a type that began to
appear toward the end of the Middle
some other means of holding them
stands or
1929 29.1204, 29.1201
collection
This graceful pyriform
and
marks. Since vessels with a rounded or
tapering bottom cannot stand unsupported,
in.);
(5)^ in.)
of Fine Arts, Boston, Harvard University-
Museum of Fine Arts Expedition,
formerly Drovetti
shape of a
in the
quently scraped smooth to erase any trace of
B.C.)
Bronze
Flask: H. 21
1997, pp. 11012, no. 46.
hollow ring
spool with flaring rims, echoing the curves of
Flask and Stand
177.
Andreu,
p. 112).
Kingdom
made
flasks,
in the
objects.
same materials
and containers
sitting
as their
on ring
stands were so widespread that they themselves
became
a popular motif.
vessel
made
shape of a vase on a ring stand was

type in the
This
in the
common
New Kingdom.'
flask
and stand were found
Semna, under the
mud
in the fort at
brick temple of the
rd
Twenty-fifth Dynasty king Taharqa.
1.
For a description, see Gretchen L. Spalinger
in
Egypt's GoldenAge 1982, pp. 118 19, nos. 104, 105.

2.
Jean Leclant (in Wildung 1997b,
however, points out that
p. 132, no. 134),
this stand
might have been
fashioned for a larger vessel.
METALWORK
247
3-
An early example, from the Early Dynastic Period,

mentioned by Spalinger
is
in Egypt's
Golden Age
1982, p. 119, no. 105; see no. 153 in the present cata-
logue for a combined amphora and ring stand made
of a single piece of stone, another popular type in
New Kingdom.
the
Provenance: Semna, beneath the Taharqa temple,

room BN; Harvard University- Museum of Fine Arts
Expedition, 1929
W.
S.
Smith 1952, pp.
1947, p. 30, no. 698, pi. 698;
i!2, fig. 69, 113;
Spalinger in Egypt's Golden
Radwan
nos. 104, 105;
Age
Dunham and
Gretchen L.
p. 54, pi. 130D;
J.M.A. Janssen i960,
1982, pp.
1819,
1983, p. 140, no. 397, pi. 70;
Gretchen L. Spalinger
in
Agyptem Aufstieg
pp. 220-21, no. 151; Jean Leclant in
1987,
Wildung 1997b,
pp. 131, 132, nos. 133, 134
Openwork Stand
Flask and
178.
i8th
Dynasty (1550-1295 b.c)
Bronze
Flask:
H. 16 cm {6%
stand:
H.
9.5
cm
Diam.
in.),
(3'/^ in.),
On each
side of this
cm
8.5
Diam.
The Field Museum, Chicago
7.5
cm
(354 in.);
(3 in.)
30177a, b
openwork ring
stand,
two
confronting goats rear up on their hind legs to

nibble at the top blossoms of a palmette that
is
the central feature. Small upside-down versions
of the palmette
fill
backs, separating the
palmette motif
is
two scenes. While the
a stylized design
meant
to be
a flowering tree, the animals
understood as
178
the space between the goats'
flanking the palmettes are realistically rendered
the previous one (cat. no. 177),
mered from
was cold ham-
rd
a sheet of bronze.
and naturally posed, and the openwork conveys

the sense of real animals in a decorative or even
a tree
is
See Petrie 1894, p. 29,
2.
Near East and
also
theme
expresses on a symbolic level essential concerns
about plant fecundity and animal
Hansen
in
Aruz 2003,
pp. 121-22,
from
Ur, in southern Mesopotamia.
one of the most engaging and pop-
ular images in the ancient
P.
no. 71, for a third -millennium B.C. example
symbolic space. The representation of a goat
and
See Donald
1.
in a
mold
to Petrie, at Tell
fertility'
no. 25,
Objects in Egyptian art depicting goats on
lar
which shows
this
made, according
el-Amarna. See also catalogue
a painted box the ends of which carry a simi-
image. For an example of a palmette that closely
resembles
either side of a floral composition appear to
pi. xvi, 181,
for a cylinder seal
this
one, see Tiradritti 1999,
p.
264, the
vase with a handle in the form of a rampant goat.
have been inspired by Near Eastern examples.^

3.
The
flaring
bottom rim of the stand
short inscription:
"What
the
Majesty, Pa-aam, made."

tall
flask
is
carries a
L. Spalinger
helmsman of His
On
the
body of
Gretchen
SteindorfF 1937, pp. 12223, pl- ^'^h
m Egypt's Golden Age 1982, pp. 119,
120, no. 106.
178, stand
the
an identical inscription placed
between two horizontal
lines,
and
just
above
Provenance: Unknown
it
are partially erased remains of another, perhaps

earlier, dedication.'
The openwork
stand was
Bibliography:
pi.
cast
by the lost-wax method and then chased
to
bring out the texture on the palmette and the

animals' horns.
248
The
flask,
which
decorative arts
is
similar to
Steindorff 1937, pp. 122-23,
xxi; Capart 1947, p. 30, no. 698,
L. Spalinger in ^/r'.j Golden

no. 106;
W.
S.
Age
pi.
698; Gretchen
1982, pp. 119, 120,
Smith and Simpson 1998,
p. 137, fig.
238
them
extensively. In the
New Kingdom
horses
became more common, but ownership was

confined primarily to the military
elite
and
wealthy individuals. In general, Egyptians did

not ride horses but used them in pairs to draw
HD
chariots."
1.
Renate Krauspe
m Agyptens Aufstieg 1987, p.
222,
no. 152.
2.
See Kelley 1976, vol.
i,
pi. 11. i,
nos. 36, 37,
and
Meistenverke altdgyptischer Keramik 1978,

pp. 123-34, no. 147, for example; also Jean Leclant
in
3.
Wildung
Krauspe
\n
1997b, pp. 130-31, nos. 130, 131.
But see catalogue no. 180 for
4.
p.
a rider
222, no. 152.
mounted on
horse.
Provenance:
Aniba,
Tomb S
91; Ernst
von Sieglin
expedition, 1912
Bibliography:
199, pi. 98, 2
pi.
and
Steindorff" 1935-37, vol. 2, pp. 148,
4;
Capart 1947,
p. 30, no.
697; Kayser 1969, pp. 191, 192,
Krauspe
in
fig.
168;
697,
Renate
Agyptens Aufstieg 1987, pp. 222-23,
no. 152; Jean Leclant in
Wildung 1997b,
pp. 130-31,
nos. 13031
179
179-
Bowl with Openwork
of papyrus plants blowing in the wind with
Stand
flying ducks
between them. The wings of the
birds have been chased to delineate feathers. In

i8th
Dynasty (1550-1295
B.C.)
the next register, at the narrowest part of the
Bronze
stand,
Bowl: H.
3.5
cm
stand: H. 16.5
Agyptisches
(I'X in.),
cm
Diam.
16
cm
(6J^ in.);
openwork stand
are
the
The
its
cast
from the tomb of
in Aniba,'
Lower Nubia between
is
which
is
its
a scribe
situated in
the First and
stand, with
bronze
Second
double funnel
of a form found in pottery as early as
Old Kingdom.* Here
petals that
form a
large papyrus plants
the stand has been
reins are
horse
that
is
divided horizontally into
four registers. In the top band
is
a lively depiction
is
thickets
a spirited third horse,
whose
hanging loose, runs wild. Beneath the
a bent papyrus stalk, suggesting a natu-
ral setting.
ters
shows two
holding horses by their bridles, while
between them
These representations of papyrus
and the waterfowl on the upper
might indicate that
regis-
in this scene the horses
are being brought to a spot for watering.'
Horses were introduced into Egypt during
transformed by a delightful, decorative open-
work design
Two
register at the foot of the stand
men
Cataracts.
row of droplike
embellish the next band and echo the top motif.
The
This shallow bronze bowl and
shape,
with ducks perched on the overlapping branches

der Universitat Leipzig 4804,
4807
named User,
is
wreath or garland.
{6'/i in.)
Museum
the
Second Intermediate Period (1650 1550
by
the
B.C.)
Hyksos from western Asia, who used
179, top
and foot of stand
METALWORK
249
pp. 83, 135, no.
XXV,
51, pis.
and Murphy 1983,
p. 174
and
p. 52, no. 163, pi. 28, fig. 163,
181.
i8th
Axe Blade
I,
XXVTII, 3; el-Sadeek
n. 73;
W.
Davies 1987,
93, 109, 116, 128
Hunter
Avith a
Dynasty (1550 1295
V.
and pp. 87,
B.C.)
Bronze
H. 8
cm (3^^ in.), W.
Museo
10.4
Egizio, Turin
In this unusual
cm (4)4 in.)
6307
openwork composition,
bow
taking aim with his
and arrow
a hunter
an
stalks
The hunter wears
unsuspecting
lion.'
wig and
and carries a quiver on his back.
a kilt
a short
He kneels behind a bush where he is out of sight

of the
at
180
lion,
hand.
which seems imaware of the danger
The animal walks
at
an easy pace,
frame,
180. Axe with an Equestrian

Figure on the Blade
the haft with a leather thong,

still
much of which
is
rd
intact.
tail
its
nose meeting the edge of the blade;
Dynasty (1550 1295
B.C.)
For
1.
Blade: L. 11.4
cm
The
cm (4/. in.),
H.
(at cutting
cm (17/8
(2/8 in.); haft: L. 43.5
complete description, see W. V. Davies 1987,
p. 52, no. 163.
which occupies the center of
Eggebrecht 1969,
Astarte
is
In art of the
p. 83.
often depicted
attributes,
EA 36766
from the top
New Kingdom,
on horseback, with warlike
blade of this axe contains openwork deco-
the back of a galloping horse.'
design
an
Egyptian
it is
is
a floral motif con-
of two papyrus umbels, one upside
down
and on top of the other. The upper umbel
is
is
similarly striated
on one
side.
The
rider,
who
perhaps represents the Syrian war goddess

Astarte,' appears to be riding sidesaddle.
The
forward hand grasps the looped end of a rein,
On
hand.'
rein
one face of the blade, the figure
shown wearing
collar; the
mouth.
held in the rider's right
is
eye
a long
is
wig and
is
a necklace or
indicated, but not the nose or
On the other side the head is unmarked.
Although few
details describe the rider, the
horse, with an incised mane,
is
well defined
on
both sides of the blade.
The
haft consists of a curved piece of wood
painted reddish
brown and decorated with black
stripes arranged in a crisscross pattern.
end
is
painted black.
The
The butt
blade was bound to
the fact that
this
it is
care.
hunting scene exceptional
an ordinary
man who
is
pur-
commonly
the
whose exclusive prerogative
this
suing the lion and not, as was
batde-axe.
case, the king,
was during
Provenance:
Uncertain, said to have been found at
while the king
is
Bibliography:
J.
G. Wilkinson 1878, vol. i,p. 278,
no. 92, figs. la, 2 (detail);
Hall 1931, pp. 35,

pi.
XXXIX,
14;
Yadin 1963,
4;
pi. i;
Erman
1894, pp. 49293,
Schulman
is
New
Kingdom.' Moreover,
always portrayed as a worthy
figs.
and therefore
hunter sneaks up from behind. This
is
the
not the
ill.;
1957, pp. 265!?.,
Kiihnert-Eggebrecht 1969,
lion
shown confronting him head-on, here
standard lion hunt scene
Leclant i960, pp. 3537, no. 6a,

p. 218;
the
opponent of the powerful
and perhaps
incised with striations and the lower one
and the other
Thebes; formerly Athanasi collection, 1845
crude
appears
nonetheless a lively portrayal.
In front of the horse there

sisting
is
mace or
Although the
early example of horse and rider in
art
unfinished,
The
and the textures of
the wig, the foliage, and the animal's muscular
What makes
1957, p. 266, rather than
on
ration representing a figure, perhaps a deity,
extend
body and mane have been modeled with
and sometimes accompanied by a floral
According to Schulman
reins the rider holds an object, possibly a
The
bow
bottom of the frame, and the
details are finely depicted,
element.
3.
to the
quiver connects to the rear of the blade.
See Leclant i960, pp. 3537. See also Kiihnert-
2.
edge)
in.)
Museum, London
its
can be seen on both faces of the blade in
front of the plant,
the scene. Both the hunter and his

l8th
Bronze, painted wood, leather
5.3
its
four legs anchored to the curved bottom of the
12
the ancient
Near East
common
which
throughout
belongs to royal
iconography expressing the king's overwhelming
power
but
instead a depiction with a certain
is
RD
realism.
For
1.
Kiihnert-Eggebrecht
a full description, see
1969, pp. 7980, and Elvira
D'Amicone
Agyptens
in
Aufstieg 1987, pp. 118 19, no. 19.

2.
m Agyptens Aufstieg 1987, p.
D'Amicone
118.
formerly Drovetti
collection
Bibliography:
80, 135, no.
Kiihnert-Eggebrecht 1969, pp. 79-
44, pi. XXVII,
D'Amicone
Elvira
i;
Agyptens Aufitieg I ^^j, pp. 118 19, no.

1987, pp. 88, 95;
19;
W.
V.
in
Davies
Donadoni Roveri 1990, p. 47

182
Axe Blade with
182.
Dog
Axe Blade with

Throwing a Man
183.
Attacking an Antelope
a Bull
The
Dynasty (1550 1295
energetic scene
this
axe blade captures a
man, who has been
into the air
B.C.)
i8th
Dynasty (1550-1295
B.C.)
on
bull in the act of goring a
thrown
18th
blow and
is
now
by the force of the animal's
falling to the
ground.
The
Bronze
Bronze
H.
cm (2% in.), W.
7.3
The
Visitors of the
cm
10.9
(4'A in.)
H.
7.3
shapes of the bronze figures beautifully coun-
cm (2% in.), W.
11.4
cm (4K in.)
Ashmoiean Museum, Oxford

Agyptologisches
Institut der Universitat
1927.1389
Tiibingen 1736
The openwork
attacking an antelope.
onto
its
back and
is
The
dog
fiercely
antelope has fallen
struggling to fight off
predator, looking up and with
its
hind leg vainly
its
attempting to push the hound away. But the ferocious lop-eared hunting dog, slim and muscular,
is
already sinking
abdomen, and the
fits
its
teeth into the antelope's
animal
fallen
is
no match for
The dramatic
powerful jaws.
attacker's
its
scene
harmoniously into the open space within the
blade, and the animals' bodies
form interlocking
half circles in a balanced composition.
Models
on axe blades
for the hunting scenes
Kingdom
wall reHefs.' In
these depictions, trained dogs
accompany the
can be found in Old
huntsman,
and a
who
lasso.''
often carries a
shown
in the reliefs
carried their
weapons and
means
with attendants,
who
provisions.
are far
The
more
bow and arrow
Egyptians enjoyed the hunt, and
those of greater
are
representations on axe blades
savage, however, since they focus
on the moment when the
final
blow
is
delivered.
RD
I.
Kiihnert-Eggebrecht 1969,
2.
For examples, see Age of the Pyramids 1999,

pp. 33436, no. 112,
p. 79.
400 4Q1,
no. 147.
formerly John Evans
collection
Bibliography: Capart 1947,
p. 39, no. 745, pi. 745;
Kiihnert-Eggebrecht 1969, pp. 79,

pi.
xxvi,
2;
W.
135, no.
V. Davies 1987, pp. 88,
no,
P 41,
115
183, reverse,
design.'
The
empty spaces
bull's
in this
openwork
powerful body conveys the
sense of forward motion as his right foreleg
decoration of this axe blade cap-
tures the violence of a hunting
terbalance the
showing clean-shaven man
bends beneath him on the ground,
The man's hands
his victim.
are just land-
ing on the ground, while the rest of his body

still
The
his right rear
leg propels him, and his left legs advance to-
ward
is
held aloft by the animal's horns. His head
subject of a
mouth can be
boy with
his finger to his
Isis, as a child.'
After the murder of Osiris by his brother Seth,

Isis
gave birth to a son, Horus,
who
after
many
touches, and appears to push out, the enframing
ordeals triumphed over the wicked Seth. In
edge of the axe blade, while on the opposite side
Greek
the bull's bushy
In Egyptian mythology, the battle for supremacy
and right rear leg are an-
tail
chored to the frame. Chasing emphasizes the

realistic details.
show
One
face of the blade seems to
bearded Asiatic, while on the other,
which has been restored, the man appears

clean-shaven.
It
possible that the figure
is
meant to represent an Asiatic on one
Horus was
Horus had
dealt with at length.
enemies of Egypt being subdued by the
and that
in return for valor in battle,
possession
was
later
his king
this
youth
The form of this elegant bronze dagger, with its

smoothly finished circular pommel of ivory,
its
sim-
rd
Eva Kuhnert-Eggebrecht
to the
(1969, pp. 8485) refers
Pyramid Text describing Horus
as a
mouth (Utterance
little
378), and
notes that Horus as a child possessed apotropaic
power and
that the
symbol
is
found on amulets as
well as ornamental axe blades (p. 76).
3.
The
slender proportions,
scarcely long
and thumb
enough
for the
long,
tapering
and
ribbed blade of this dagger, however, reveal
New Kingdom
origin.
Moreover,
its
1552 1550 B.C.) at Dra
The
Abu
Kamose
el-Naga' indi-
Dynasty date
based on an earlier model demonstrates the
135, no.
52, pi.
XXIX,
2;
1969, p. 251,
W.
fig.
228;
55, 61, 64, n. 23, 84,
V. Davies 1987, pp. 87, 92
pride of the
New Kingdom
Thebans, who, after
ousting the Hyksos from their land, looked to

their past glories for artistic inspiration.'
115, no. 92.
The dagger was discovered

Ballas, a site
University of Tubingen in personal
at
Deir el-
on the edge of the Western Desert
some
Brunner-Traut, Brunner, and Zick-Nissen 1984,
tion of a small royal city of the late
p. 114.
Provenance: Unknown
Bibliography: Brunner-Traut and Brunner
Davies 1987, pp.
114, 115, no. 92;
W.
V.
88, 95
Axe Blade with
184.
i8th
1981,
Brunner-Traut, Brunner,
and Zick-Nissen 1984, pp.
Dynasty (1550-1295
a Child
B.C.)
Bronze
H.
J. 8
cm (2% in.), W.
9.3
cm (3'/4 in.)
Kestner-Museum, Hanover 1935.200.323
In this extraordinary design, the openwork of
nude
the axe blade contains a representation of a
boy with
his index finger to his lips.
The
figure
stands frontally aligned with the long axis of the

blade, perpendicular to the now-lost handle. It
cast almost in the round.
touches one end, and his
on
side, rest
hangs
The
elbow and
is
right
now
clenched
fist
left
arm
connects with
arm had been broken
reattached.
is
head
child's
placed side by
the other. His straight
at his side; the
the edge.
The
feet,
for this
evolution of this form
correspondence.
p. 203, no. 1736, pi. 1736;
its
similarity
to a ceremonial dagger buried with
type of weapon.
Kiihnert-Eggebrecht 1969, pp.
This was suggested by Professor Karola Zibelius-
Chen of the
seen in daggers with lunate handles of
cates an early Eighteenth
and Brunner-Traut,
Brunner, and Zick-Nissen 1984, pp. 114,
first
forefinger
(r.
valued
Bibliography: Kayser
2.
was
narrow grip
I.
RD
1981, p. 203, no. 1736, pi. 1736,
evolved from Middle Kingdom weapons and
the Twelfth Dynasty.'
buried with him.'
For a description, see Brunner-Traut and Brunner
cm (9)4 in.)
is
as a
Provenance: Unknown
1.
L. 23.5
representations of
unusual for
and lack of embeUishment.
child, his finger in his
has been suggested that the axe blade might
have been given to a favorite soldier by
undergo
is
and an
side
victorious king, symbolically depicted as a bull.'

It
to
Bronze, ivory
University of California, Berkeley 6-17311
Among
the child Horus, this one

plicity
Dagger
called Harpokrates.
is
African on the other, thus presenting the two traditional
literature
the untried
185.
identified as a depiction of the
god Horus, son of Osiris and
at the
thirty miles north
of Thebes and the loca-
Second
3.
The resemblance reflects a trend in which New

Kingdom craftsmen deliberately imitated the art
of the
4.
Eleventh and early Twelfth Dynasties.
late
See W.
S.
Smith 1965a, pp. 156-59, and Lacovara
1981.
5.
Now in the Museum of Fine Arts,
6.
Lacovara
in N.
Thomas
Boston (47.1682).
1995, p. 168, no. 72a, b.
Provenance: Deir el-Ballas, North
Palace;
Phoebe
A. Hearst Expedition of the University of California,

discovered by George A. Reisner, 1900
Bibliography:
Fredrickson 1966,
Reisner 1923, p. 188; Elsasser and

p. 67;
Fazzini 1975, pp. 59, 70, no. 47
Dagger
186.
Second Intermediate Period (1650 1550
B.C.)
Bronze, horn, ivory, gold
cm
L. 40.5
(16 in.)
Agyptisches
This elegant dagger, with
its
long blade, trape-
zoidal ivory handle, and slender
horn grip dec-
orated with gold studs, exemplifies an important

stage in the evolution of the dagger into a short
sword.
its
It is
longer than a standard dagger, and
blade tapers almost imperceptibly up to the
end, where
it
forms a sharp point. Both daggers
and swords were used by the Egyptians for

close combat; the sword,
New Kingdom,
the
is
by
which came
far the
into use in
more
effective
weapon.
Axes and clubs were the

weapons
i85
infantry's primary
for close combat; spears
Intermediate Period that was abandoned in the

early Eighteenth
Dynasty/
number of other weapons,

weapons
in
were used
for
intermediate distances; and for long-distance

battle the principal items in the
It
was found with
as well as
models of
in painted clay used as votive offerings,
and around the royal residence known
North Palace. The dagger
good condition, suggesting
as the
remarkably
in
is
that the leather
Egyptian arse-
were bows and arrows. Weapons used
nal
battle
mark
in
were simple and unadorned.
The
it
much
decorative elements on this dagger

as an
like
Buhen,
ornamental or ceremonial object
the narrow-bladed
in Nubia.'
been referred
dagger from
186
A similar weapon, which has
to as a Classic
Kerma sword,
1.
ap-
See Petrie 1917,
dagger
sheath with an openwork floral design' that was
found nearby
1.
2.
may have protected
rd
it.''
Fazzini 1975, pp. 59, 70, no. 47; Kiihnert-Eggebrecht
W.
1975b. See also
Hayes
1959, p. 43,
Simpson 1998,
p. 126,
and, especially, Aldred 1978.
Isabella
Franco in Ziegler 2002a,
In addition there
from Ahmose
found
in her
is
p.
S.
Smith and
at
Ahhotep
11,
that
was
Dra Abu el-Naga. See
Petrie 1917, p. 29, for a discussion of the
two dag-
gers from her tomb; see also Fazzini 1975, p. 70, and
Peter Lacovara in N.
p. 168, no. 72a, b.
Thomas
1995,
is
p. 29, pi. xxxiii, 14,
probably was made in Nubia.^ Daggers of
this
type and also the one from Deir el-Ballas in
this
2.
O'Connor
contain two small holes
3.
Reisner 1923, p. 188.
4.
See
catalogue
(cat. no. 185)
between the pommel and the
hilt.
Too narrow
to allow a finger to be inserted in them, they
where the
described as a Nubian form of the Twelfth
Dynasty. See also the section on daggers in Reisner

1923, pp. 187-94, and Kiihnert-Eggebrecht 1975b.
p.
J.
1993, p. 137, no. 51, pi. 8.
G. Wilkinson 1878,
p. 212,
460, for the dagger with
its
and Erman 1894,
sheath.
428, no. 103.
a similarly shaped dagger, a gift
to his mother,
tomb, also
pears to be based on an Egyptian prototype but
make
it
possible for the fingertips to grasp the
dagger and remove

this
it
dagger was found
from
its
sheath.' In fact,
in a close-fitting leather
Provenance:
Said to be from a burial in western
Thebes; purchased from Giuseppe Passalacqua
sheath/
RD
Bibliography:
J.
G. Wilkinson 1878,
p. 212;
Erman
1894, p. 460; Petrie 1917, p. 29; Reisner 1923, p. 1S7;
Schulz and Seidel 1998,
p.
367
METALWORK
253

The dry
climate of Egypt has preserved
furniture of the
New Kingdom,
numerous examples of wood
and much of it has survived
in
Egyptian carpenters,
main
remark-
tools
were the
and the bow
ably good condition. These pieces, together with the detailed representa-
kinds,
tions of furniture found in painting, relief, and sculpture, constitute a
sawing. Sawing
body of information
pull
that
invaluable for the understanding of daily
is
life
who
achieved a high level of competence. Their
mallet, the axe, the adze, the saw, chisels of various
drill.
First the
wood was
wood was reduced
difficult
to a proper size
by
because Egyptian carpenters used a
saw with teeth pointed toward the handle.' Then the adze
was used
the
in ancient Egypt. Shortly after the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty,
chief woodworking tool of ancient Egypt
new
knife and a plane, for trimming, shaping, and finishing. Finally, a fine fin-
trends in furniture design appeared. Stools, chairs, beds, and tables
embody a refined and elegant style that reflects the cosmopolitan tastes of
ish
the time and frequently display superb craftsmanship as well.
basic joinery have continued with
Egypt produced
little
wood, and most indigenous timber was
was achieved with an abrasive stone or

little
scraper.
as
both a carving
These techniques of
change to the present day.
RD
either
too small or of too poor quality to be used in furniture production.
Therefore
wood had
to be imported, principally
boring the eastern Mediterranean
from those areas neigh-
especially Syria
and Lebanon
1.
For useful descriptions of Egyptian
2. J.
is
were numerous, and
themes
their occupations are
in the paintings that represent
All the
one of the most important
G. Wilkinson 1878, vol.

illustrated
by a model
2,
pp. 196-98.
in the
finishing surfaces,
and sharpening tools.
both hands and pulls
it
The importance given
to the pull
saw
Eleventh Dynasty tomb of Meketre. In the model
carpenters can be seen sawing, trimming
Egyptian trades.
hand techniques used today were already employed by ancient
Box with Two
187.
and the wood and tools used,
see Killen 1980 and Baker 1966, pp. 17160.
that
had a wide variety of good-quality wood.' Carpenters and cabinetmakers
fiirniture
wood with adzes, cutting mortises,

One carpenter grasps a saw handle with
toward himself. See Killen 1980, pp.
12, 20, no. 24.
Sliding Lids
rSth Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
Cypress,
13
(14791458 B.C.)
boxwood
H. 6.7 cm
D.
III
(2S< in.),
W.
cm
13.8
(5)^ in.),
cm {fA in.)
of Art,
New York,
Rogers Fund, 1936 36.3.199
This compartmented box of cypress and box-
wood was found

anonymous burial
inside a rush basket in an

in a small
enough
for the coffin, a
and the
basket.'
The
been associated with
chamber only large
few pieces of pottery,
burial
and the box have
a sister
of Senenmut's,
although because of the lack of inscribed evi-
dence one should be cautious about

cation." Small boxes like this
in addition to jewelry
this identifi-
one have yielded,
and cosmetics,
wide
array of odds and ends, such as lichen, leaves,

nuts, flint flakes, acacia thorns, scarabs, amulets,
187
clay sealings, beads, shells, and bits of resin, wax,

pitch,
and aromatic wood.' This box contained a
knobs on one side of the box.
drop-shaped ornament of faience, a small lump
open, the
of bright blue pigment,
back.
chunk of rock
salt,
lids slide
When
pushed
beneath the crosspiece
coffins discovered inside Hatnefer's burial
may be members of Senenmut's
at the
3.
and
five purple berries,
1.
Hayes
1959, p. 196,
see Lansing and
of her lifetime.
The box is fitted with four boxwood legs and
2.
Dorman
The
lids
were held closed
by means of cord wrapped around

knobs on the
254
lids
the
two
and around the two similar
DECORATIVE ARTS
fig. 111.
Hayes
p. 147.
For the original report,
1937, p. 8,
1988, pp. 16569;
Senenmut,"
sliding lids.
Baker 1966,
presumably precious
belongings collected by the owner in the course
two small
chamber
family; see Lansing
and Hayes 1937, pp. 31-32.
RD
fig. 12.
"The Career of
in this catalogue, n. 2.
Senenmut
Provenance; Western
Thebes, Sheikh abd
el-Qurna, anonymous burial no.
II;
Metropolitan
Museum of Art excavations, 193536
appears to have had at least three brothers and two
who are named in Tombs 71 and 353. Six

mummies that were interred in two whitewashed
sisters,

fig. 12;
Hayes
1959, p. 196,
fig. 11
1937, p. 8,
88
Multicompartmented Box
i88.
The box was discovered

within a rectangular
i8th Dynasty, sole reign of Thutmose III (1458
lid
1425 B.C.)
which held
Wood
H.
5.8
The
wood
in
an unusual burial
coffin with a gabled
a set of perfectly preserved baskets.
This box and a second casket, of the
cm
(2)4 in.), L. 9.4
cm (3^^ in.)
were found
gable-lid form,
Museum
of
kets.
in
inlaid,
one of these bas-
variety of pottery and stone vessels
uncovered
of British School of Archaeology E 14198
Game Box with Lions,

and a Hound
189.
Gazelles,
and projecting rectangular end boards,
in the
tomb can be dated
of the reign of Thutmose
to the
end
Late 17th or early i8th Dynasty
Wood,
H.
ivory, bronze
cm
The
(2 in.),
W.
Metropolitan
cm (9% in.), D.
25
three lidded compartments. All are secured
cords sealed
knot where they are
at the
1.
The elements
of
are held in place
by
wood
flat
The
box's
vol. 2, pp. 24, 26, pis. Lvn,
Age
1982, p. 202,
no. 235.
3.
on
Tomb 254, see also the section "Ancient

Tomb 254" in
and
the rear that opens
hinged
lid.'
type of
lid,
a gabled
compartment
by swinging back
Most small boxes had

and such containers,
in
its
just
in the
tombs
in
both
styles,
Kingdom
found empty, perhaps indicating
made
to
form part of
equipment.'
that
it
had been
the deceased's funerary
game box overlaid with ivory
times."
Dampness and
damaged
severely
and
has been restored.
it
one
side of the
testifies
amusements among
Hyksos and
tomb
On
Sedment.^ Small
other keepsakes. This casket, however, was
reversible
alike.
burial of this small,
the Egyptians of late
Provenance: Sedment, Tomb 254; excavated by

W. M. Flinders Petrie and Guy Brunton for the British
Period.'
Seventeenth or early Eight-
Theban
to the popularity of these
School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1924
were found
boxes were used to hold jewelry, cosmetics, and
in a
Merrillees 1974.
at
one
The presence
Egypt's Silent Majority: Sidmant
two-
Egypt from
Roman
the dead beginning in
graves of commoners, nobles, and kings
eenth Dynasty
the most popular type of lid for small caskets in
ancient Egypt
(2j^ in.)
the earliest dynasties and have been found in the
MerriUees 1968, pp. 62-63, and Merrillees 1974,

p. 24;
sliding lids
and Brunton 1924,
see Rita E. Freed in Egypt's Golden
serve as trim and
tiny dowels.
unusual design combines two
Petrie
They were buried with
lid (cat. no. 25).
Lxni, 254, LV, Lxxxn. For a description of the box,
are assembled with butt
darker
in ancient
sliding lids
and the painted chest of Perpauti,
which has a double gabled
around the projecting mushroom-shaped wood
joints; strips
box with two
Predynastic times to the late

(cat. no. 187)
by
wound
2.
knobs.
See, in this catalogue, the
cm
rd
III.
Board games existed

This unique four-legged rectangular box has
6.7
Rogers Fund, 1916 16.10.475
the
early
New
termites in the
wood
of the box,
box (not shown
here),
squares and strips of ivory are arranged to form
Bibliography:
p. 24, pi. Lvii, 31;
Petrie
Ranke
and Brunton 1924, vol.
1950, p. 79, fig. 48; Merrillees
1968, p. 63; Merrillees 1974, pp. 23,
Freed
2,
fig. 10,
a board with three
Egyptians called the game played on
24; Rita E.
m Egypt's Golden Age 1982, p. 202, no. 235
rows of ten squares each. The
senet,
"the
which
this
board
modem writers sometimes refer to as
game of thirty
squares."
The
other, better-
preserved side of the box carries the board for a
companion game, newly introduced from the
255
i39
Headrest
190.
1
Thutmose Ill-reign of Amenhotep
II
(1479-
1400 B.C.)
Wood
H.
18
cm
in.)
Brooklyn Museum, New- York Historical Society,

Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund 37.440E
Headrests are
Near East and in
spool shaped, as well as six ivory casting sticks
tombs, where they supported or were placed
seem
pointed at both ends and a pair of knucklebones.'
next to the head of the
which oppo-
RD
games of position
to have been
in
backgammon. Each was played with two
more
or
pieces,
whose moves were
mined by throwing knucklebones or
sets
of
1.
deter-
sticks, the
sets
of
equivalent of dice.
fig.
82).
gazelles appear
lion
is
on one
panel, and
on
the other a
3.
acteristic
Hayes
of the style developed during the
most
deposited in tombs
1959, pp. 25-26, fig. 10.
Hyksos
era.
The game box
Bibliography; Pusch
Needier 1983,
DECORATIVE ARTS
They were usu-
made of wood or sometimes

Dynasty
cious materials
is
stone,
wood example from
embellished with pre-
and
ivory, faience, glass,
overlays of gold and silver sheet.'
New Kingdom,
imagery was thought
elaborately
to possess a magical
amuletic significance, giving

ers.
locked with an ivory bolt, which slides into three
were found twelve ivory
use pillows.
ornamented headrests were created. Decorative
bronze
staples. Inside
we
it
protective
and
pow-
1915 16
has a small drawer
playing pieces for the games, six conical and six
ally
as
During the

Metropohtan Museum of Art and Carnarvon excavations,
256
far the
confronted by a lop-eared hound. These
stippled animals in lengthened postures are char-
were used
the Fourth
was by
strips
of cloth to soften the hard surface, headrests
although one well-known
that this
during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties.
crouching lion and two
also an essential ele-
Often wrapped with
Pusch 1979, pp. 199-201; Needier 1983, p. n6.

thirty examples of this boxlike type are
common form of senet board
decoration on the long panels flanking the central
life.
known, suggesting
About
An unusual feature of this board is the incised

grid (see
On the board
Egypt's Golden Age 1982, pp. 26672, nos. 37076.

2.
marked
flattened
Kendall 1978, pp. 743; Pusch 1979.
games, see Kendall 1982; Timodiy Kendall in
mummy. From the First
Dynasty on, they were
ment of daily
nents race each other, like our Parcheesi or
five
known from Old Kingdom
antiquity called "20" or "twenty
squares." Both senet and "twenty squares"
p. 116;
1979, pp. 199201, no. 22;
Hayes
1959, p. 25,
fig.
10
The
ancient Egyptians
darkness as the time
when
saw the hours of

they were most
defenseless against malevolent forces, and the
head, the most vulnerable part of the body, was
190
and
2.
Quirke 1992,
dangerous snakes and scorpi-
3.
See
particularly threatened
demons
as well as
by
evil gods, spirits,
ons. Therefore they protected themselves with
and
representations on their headrests of the god
Bes and a hippopotamus deity with
and
a crocodile tail
running
down
lion's
its
claws
back.'
p. 108.
New-York
Historical Society 1915, p. 31,
James 1974,
no. 486;
p. 90, no.
207; Fischer 1980;
a description of the headrest
Romano
by James
F.
can be found in Egypt's Golden Age 1982,
PP- 74-75, no- 46.
By
the Eighteenth Dynasty, these potent guardian

deities
rests
had become standard images on head-
and other bedroom
articles,
such as foot-
boards and the legs of beds.
This
wood
Provenance:
p. 31, no. 486;
headrest has a
flat
oblong base, a
neckpiece curved to accommodate the head,
Said to be from Saqqara
Bibliography: New-York
Lii;
James
F.
James 1974,
Romano
in
Historical Society 1915,
p. 90, no.
207, pis. ix,
Egypt's Golden Age 1982,
PP- 74-75, no- 46
and a faceted vertical support inscribed on one

side
"Doorkeeper and Child of the Nursery,
Yuyu, repeating
life" (see fig. 83).'
side of the support
is
a frontal
On the other
image of Bes. Bes
Fittings
191.
from a Bed
appears in profile on one end of the base, and
what may be the hippopotamus goddess Taweret
Early 18th Dynasty (1550 1425 B.C.)
Hardwood, overlaid with gold and
on the other end. These two
wood
carry a long, pointed knife.
They both also have
long undulating serpents protruding from their
mouths, perhaps to signal the

Fig. 83. Decorations incised
(cat. no. 190).
on the headrest
modern
footboard
fate
of any dan-
H. 73.8
cm
(29
D. 38.2
cm
(15 in.)
The
in.),
W.
81.3
EA 21574, EA 21613
cm
(32 in.),
Museum, London
(silver overlay)
gerous animal encroaching on the sleeper.
Top: the goddess Taweret; bottom:
RD
the god Bes; right; an inscription identifying the
owner, Yuyu. Drawing by
silver;
figures each hold a
sa sign, the hieroglyph for "protection," and
Julia Jarrett
I.
On Egyptian headrests,
see Reisner 1923,
pp. 22941, and Fischer 1980.
These fragments were reputed
to
the royal throne of Hatshepsut
when
On the wood
Queen Hetepheres, which was covered

with precious metal, see Reisner and W. S. Smith
presented to the British
Museum
be remains of
they were
in 1887.
They
headrest of
1955, pp.
23-40, and Baker 1966, pp. 4546,
fig.
36.
have
now been
correctly reassembled as a couch
or bed; the footboard between the uprights
is
2^7
modern
restoration.
this piece
The
original association of
with Hatshepsut's burial has also been
reevaluated, since the connection
was based on
Thus
it is
noteworthy that
this
bed
GreviUe Chester was informed by local Egyptians
retains the
that the
bovine form that was used as a furniture support from Egypt's earliest period.'
group of finds was uncovered
in a side
chamber of the tomb of Ramesses IX; W. M.

It is
possible
Flinders Petrie had suggested that the objects were
a fragmentary cartouche-shaped lid of
purportedly found with
it.
Neither the
wood
identifi-
cation of these objects with Hatshepsut nor

their significance as royal objects
both must therefore remain
is
and
certain,
in question."
The
that this
bed
an import or copy of the type of
is
beds (or biers) found
Kerma tumuli of
in
Nubia
removed from Hatshepsut's tomb
in the great
hidden.
Second Intermediate
the
and the technique of
said to
2.
legs of the
bed are made from
wood and
are beautifully carved into a bovine
a fine, dark hard-
struction
show many
similarities
with
this
3.
form, and the hooves,

embellished with
silver.
like the crossrail, are
The
legs are overlaid
with coiled cobras of heavy gold sheet metal
example. Regardless of where

structed,
it
this
bed was con-
good craftsmanship and elegant decoration

was widespread
gold and silver
nails.
is
attached
Ebony cobras
that snake
The legs and
presented to the British
gaming board and
the
New Kingdom
refinements in
no. 38, the
Museum
in the type
more
258
was an almost universal change
of animal-shaped
legs,
with the
elaborate feline legs replacing bulls' legs.
DECORATIVE ARTS
and
2o8ff., figs. 191,
pi. 51.
together with a
associated pieces; in
gaming board
is
said,
Pusch 1979,
based on an early
According to C. N. Reeves's summary (1990b,
is
a cache in
Deir el-Bahri;
Haworth and
Uncertain; fittings given
silver overlay
by Jesse
given by G. Armitage in
p. 17),
there are several possible findspots for the bed: the
one usually named
Provenance:
1887
account, to have been "purchased at Thebes."
furniture design
is
p. 146,
footboard uprights of this bed were
along the uprights of the footboard are inlaid

with tiny silver rings punched into the wood.'
One of
Lacovara 2002; Reisner 1923, pp.

207-8, 212,
Baker
Bickerstaffe 2002b.
RD
this period. In
Fourth Dynasty. See also Fischer 1996,
in the early Eighteenth Dynasty.
by
There are other rare examples of the bovine form
1966, p. 41, this substitution of animal legs
4.
carved into the hardwood and
it is
and Bickerstaffe 2002a.
p. 10, pi. I.
described as occurring sporadically as early as the
that
that follows the contours of the intricate design
KiUen 1980,
on beds and chairs during
demonstrates the appreciation of
group
have been found with open to debate. See
also Tyldesley 1996, p. 213,
their con-
and
The lack of evidence, Reeves concludes,
leaves the significance of the bed and the
Period (1650 1550 B.C.); the shapes of the beds

in those finds
in antiquity
Bibliography: A. B. Edwards 1891, pp. 12526;

London, British Museum 1930; Porter and Moss 1964,
Baker 1966,
p. 586;
pi. i;
p. 61, pis. 64, 65; Killen 1980, p. 10,
Reeves 1990b,
p. 17;
Quirke 1992,
p. 118, pi. 70;
Fischer 1996, pp. 146-47; Tyldesley 1996, p. 213;
of furniture. Both in form and in construction,

this
wood
chair
is
is
quality. Here, East African
blackwood was used
The
to cover the front upper surfaces, legs, and sides
sup-
of the chair. The lion's legs
typical of the period.
curved backrest slants backward and
drums
are
each made of a single piece of a species of
salt
set
on
tall
BickersiafFe 2002a; Bickerstaffe 2002b; Lacovara 2002
ported in back by two vertical
stiles
brace, which, like the backrest

tised into the rails of the seat
192, Chair of the Scribe

Reniseneb
i8th
Dynasty (1550-1295
Wood,
H. 86.2
cm
(19K
in.),
mor-
frame below and
the headrail above.' Since there are no stretch-
B.C.)
49.5
are
ers to hold the legs apart, they are braced
ivory, linen
cm (34 in.), W.
and a center
itself,
D.
59.5
cm
rails,
back reinforcement
supplied
wood
by a pair of knee
is
also used throughout the basic frame-
work of the
chair.
Ivory veneer
the
while the front and
structure of the side

is
by
cedar (tamarisk), a small native tree, whose
where
is
applied to the high backrest,
alternates with
it
blackwood on four of
the seven splats and the horizontal elements to
braces that overlap at the center. These are
which the
splats are attached,
producing a beau-
attached to the legs by mortise and tenon and
tiful
contrast of light and dark. Ivory decora-
The MetropoUtan Museum of Art, New York,
are secured by animal glue and pegged to the
tion
is
Purchase, Patricia R. Lassalle Gift, 1968 68.58
underside of the crossrails.'
(23^
in.)
rails
The
chairs
and stools used
in
everyday Egypt
were ordinarily plain and undecorated. In contrast,
seating furniture used for official purposes
was often
lavishly decorated, testifying to the
high standard of Egyptian cabinetmaking, particularly
during the Eighteenth Dynasty;
this
chair of the scribe Reniseneb suggests the quality
and elegance of these extraordinary pieces
The
shorter cross-
are mortised into the longer side ones.
framed was
seat thus
linen cord
filled
drawn through
The
with a webbing of
sixty-eight holes, six-
teen on each side and one in each corner.
Enough of the webbing remained

its
to restore
it
in the First
and elsewhere. Incised into the central splat of

the backrest, beneath an inscription,
is
charm-
emblem,
ing profile of Reniseneb before a
holding a lotus and seated on a chair that
is
RD
identical to this one.^
to
original appearance.
Even
also inlaid in the claws of the lion's feet
1.
For
a general discussion
of Egyptian furniture,
see Fischer 1986, pp. 169-202; for Reniseneb's
Dynasty the Egyptians had
chair, see also pis.
mastered the technique of applying a veneer of
8688, and Fischer 1996,
pp. 141-76.
fine
wood
to
an inner layer of wood of inferior
2.
On
the use of glue in this chair, see Fischer 1996,
p. 144
and
n. 6,
which includes a description of the
interesting addition of blackening to the animal glue

to
match the color of the veneer, and the use of
an amber-colored animal glue to hold the ivory

elements.
On Egyptian furniture in general, see
also Killen 1980, and, especially for glue, pp. 9, 13,

fig. 2.
3.
According to Fischer (1996,
p. 151), this is
tion appearing
the only
owner with an
representation of a nonroyal
inscrip-
on a functional chair (one not
designed as a piece of insubstantial tomb equipment).
The
king gives, and

offerings
"(0
inscription reads:
Amun, Lord
A gift which the
of Karnak, (2) that
go forth (including) bread, beer, oxen and
fowl, alabaster (jars of ointment), clothing, incense
and
oil,
offerings (3) of food
and everything
goodly and pure that comes forth

(5) the
Lord of the Gods
{scil.
in the
Amun)
(4)
presence of
in the course
of every day (6) to the Loving Son of the Lord of

the
Two
Lands, the Scribe Rn(,i)-sni, justified"
(Fischer 1996, p. 157).
Provenance; Unknown
Bibliography:
fig. 15;
pis.
Fischer 1968; N. E. Scott 1973,
Lilyquist 1975, p. 76; Fischer 1986, pp. 190-92,
86-88; Fischer 1996, pp. 14176
259
V.
THE PROSCRIPTION
AFTER HATSHEPSUT
The
Military
James
Allen
P.
After
Campaigns of Thutmose
sharing the throne with Hatshepsut for a decade and
Thutmose
a half,
death, a
little less
third anniversary of his
III
became
sole ruler of
Egypt
at
her
than three months shy of the twenty-
own
accession.
A stela he had erected in
the temple of Montu at Armant, dated by year, month, and day

regnal year 22, 2
ally believed to
Growing
mark
10 (January 16, 1458 B.C.)
is
gener-
on the
ditions to Asia
his reign.
stela the
first
of what were to be seventeen military expe-
Minor undertaken during the next two decades of
These are documented primarily
the Annals of
Thutmose
III,
king
is
mi'^t).
the traditional role of the pharaoh as
of Sile on
ofHis Incarnation by the
25. Passing
the first campaign
offorce,
and in
were violating[ Egypt's borders. For though
Thutmose 's own claim
[in order to drive off]
righteousness, those
who
champion and enforcer of
maat, the principle of order, justice, truth, and propriety.
to the administration of maat, sub-
who had
it
had been [many]
It also
taken as her throne
man [working] at
years [since the Hyksos were] pillaging, every

their direction [in the
sequent to that of Hatshepsut,
as
This epithet, used here for
time in Thutmose 's reign, undoubtedly reflects
in bravery, [in force, in strength,
asserts
known
twice called
fortress
first
in the text
which was adapted from the king's
campaign journals and inscribed on the walls of the temple of
Regnalyear 22, 4 Growing
"Thutmose, Ruler of Maat" Qiqi

perhaps the
Thutmose
a half months after assuming sole rule,
embarked on the
Amun at Karnak. The description of the first campaign begins:
the occasion.'
In the inscriptions
Two and
III
name
there
had come
towns of the Delta], yet in the time ofothers
to be troops
who were
there in the
town of
the epithet Maatkare, or "Proper Manifestation (m?*^*) of the
Sharuhen, andfrom Yaradja
to the
Sun's Life Force." Establishing this right was probably the pri-
ends of the earth had started to
defy His Incarnation.^
mary motive behind

Hatshepsut's
the
new
name and images
decades after the
stela's date,
epithet.
Since the erasure of
did not occur until some two
Thutmose 's adoption of the
epithet
may not have implied any deprecation of the legitimacy of her rule.
The
first
years of a
new pharaoh's
reign were often devoted to
military expeditions against the countries
and nomadic peoples on
The Armant stela also
describes the beginning of this campaign,
with the king's "emergence from Memphis to
wretched Retenu on the
first
as the causa belli,
it
was
in fact
Egyptians, and to potential enemies the king's commitment to
tion of several Asiatic countries led
perceived need for such campaigns was
especially critical in the early Eighteenth Dynasty,
ory of the Hyksos domination of Lower Egypt
was
still
acute: a text
from the
describes the period of their
were
in the
final
when the mem-
a century earlier
years of Hatshepsut's reign
hegemony
as "the time
when Asiatics
midst of the Delta, (in) Avaris, with vagrants in their
midst toppling what had been made."^ Hatshepsut had sent
at least
one military expedition to Syria-Palestine, and Thutmose
Armant
stela records
two campaigns he led
to
Ill's
Mesopotamia and
Palestine during the co-regency.
Palestinian stronghold of
foot of the
by
Megiddo
end of the Jezreel
(see
Valley,
An over-lifesize statue of Hatshepsut as reassembled from fragNow restored (see cat. na 94)
campaign: a coali-
map,
p. 6o).
Megiddo
army had reached
after setting
Harvest i6 (April 22), Thutmose and his
the western slope of the mountains, eighteen
miles from Megiddo.
At
this point the
more memorable events of the
Annals record one of the
king's reign.
Three routes led eastward through the mountains.

relatively
in the
Situated in
lay at the eastern
Carmel mountains. Less than a month
out from Egypt, on
Two
of these,
broad passes, emerged north and south of Megiddo. The
third led directly to the city itself but

Opposite: Fig. 84.
ments, discovered in western Thebes, 1928. Granite.
first
the king of Qadesh, a
modern Damascus, and centered
Syrian city north of
the western
merely indicative of a far
and the true opponent of this
larger threat
The
the highlands of
Although the Annals mention the Asiatic military presence in

Sharuhen
Egypt's borders. These served to demonstrate to the gods, to the
safeguard Eg}rpt.
kill
occasion of force."*'
require an
army
was narrow enough
to proceed at times in single
nerable to ambush.
The
file,
leaving
it
to
vul-
king's generals argued for the northern or
261
southern route, but Thutmose, seeking a
The
decided to use
all
the coalition in
Megiddo bracketed by
three passes.
advantage,
the Egyptians with
no pos-
of escape. After a brief skirmish on the twenty-first
sible direction
(April 27), the Asiatic
army retreated to the city, which Thutmose
then besieged, encircling

feet
tactical
strategy succeeded, leaving
it
with a ditch and a wall of wood seven
high and three feet thick.
lated, the coalition collapsed
(1444 1442
to
Egypt
Thutmose's
cities in
campaign, in regnal year 42 (1438
final
Syria,
Although Thutmose
during the
first
III
his sole rule,
tions sent to Punt, in regnal years 33
and
526,000 bushels of wheat.
Thutmose
III
ular tribute
campaigned in Asia sixteen more times between
regnal years 24 and 42 (1456-1438 B.C.).
had removed the most serious threat
and
38,
expedi-
and the receipt of reg-
from the kingdoms of Wawat and Kush,
in Nubia,
from regnal year 31 onward.
The conquest of Megiddo
to Egypt's domination of
interests.
he did not neglect
The Annals mention two
Amun
silver
took
devoted most of his attention to Asia
two decades of
Egypt's other foreign
Karnak, including 194 pounds of gold and
B.C.),
where he reconquered Timip and several
the region of Qadesh.
with some three thousand captives and tribute for the temple of
at
the king's fourteenth
border and a further tour of western Asia.
him once more to
When Megiddo eventually capituand Thutmose returned
The following year saw
B.C.).
campaign, with battles against the nomadic Shasu on Egypt's

northeastern
Thutmose's intensive military

Asiatic campaign, apparently
For
efforts,
culminating in his
produced a period of relative
final
stabil-
or perhaps merely because of old age, he
western Asia, but pockets of resistance remained throughout the
ity.
region, with potential rivals to Egyptian control in Syria and
devoted the remainder of his reign to peaceful pursuits within
Mesopotamia. Expeditions between regnal years 24 and 29 were

largely tours of inspection to confirm the victory of the
paign and to receive tribute.
The
fifth,
first
cam-
sixth, and seventh cam-
this reason,
Egypt. Nevertheless, despite his extensive construction projects in
Karnak and throughout Egypt, Thutmose
was remembered
III
primarily as a great military leader. This reputation has sur-
own
paigns, in regnal years 29-31 (1451-1449 b.c), succeeded in
vived to our
quelling the Syrian threat, with the conquest of Tunip, Qadesh,
ancient Egjfpt."
time, which has labeled
him "the Napoleon of
and Ullaza.
In regnal year 33,
Thutmose
III
returned once
Mesopotamia, where he conquered a number of
more
cities,
to
crossed
1.
proceeds from
this expedition
on its east bank. The
Allen 2002, p.
UrkunJen
4, pp.
103.
5.
647,
1.
12-648,
19:6), is the
two years later to quash
Mesopotamia, and several more expeditions took the

4.
262
THE PROSCRIPTION
8.
The date is April
i,
1458 B.c.
The fortress
reigns of Thutmose Ill's predecessors. Sharuhen, mentioned in the Bible (Josh.
modern
Tell el-Sheria, thirty miles northwest
thirty-five miles southeast of
a revolt in
king to coastal Lebanon and Syria between regnal years 36 and 38
1.
of Sile lay on the eastern edge of the Delta. 'The time of others" refers to the
included tribute from Babylon and
the Hittites. Another campaign was needed
Mond and Myers 1940, pi.
2. J. P.
3.
the Euphrates, and set up two boundary stelae
Urkunden
4, p. 1246,
11.
Gaza. Yaradja
13-15. Retenu
was
is
of Beersheva and
modern Yerza, in the Gaza plain.
a generic
mountain ranges of Palestine, Lebanon, and
Syria.
term for the coastal
Thutmose
193-
Seated
III

(r.
1478- 1425
III
B.C.)
Granite
H. 107 cm (42/8
in.),
W.
33
cm
cm
D. 56
(13 in.),
(22 in.)
Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 39260
Thutmose
In this magnificent statue,
III is
por-
trayed as a powerful ruler at the height of his
The
youthful vigor.
well-balanced features and
the expression, with a slightly smiling mouth,
epitomize the Thutmose style discussed early in
volume
this
Russmann
(see "Art in Transition"
chapter
in
by Edna R.
i).
Inscribed on the side panels of the king's
throne
is
a device symbolizing the
union of the
two lands of Upper and Lower Egypt:
and
a lily
a papyrus plant tied around the sema hiero-
glyph, which means "to unite" or "to join."
Nine bows are incised beneath Thutmose 's

to symbolize his subjugation
He wears
Egypt.
royal shendyt
kilt,
feet
of the enemies of
nemes headcloth and the
the belt of which
is
inscribed
with his throne name, Menkheperre.
There
some confusion about where the
is
statue
was discovered, but
that
was found
it
it
seems most
Laboury,
who
statuary of
likely
in a sanctuary built just east
of Karnak temple by Thutmose
III.'
Dimitri
recently published a study of the
Thutmose
III,
has suggested a date
in the
middle of the king's reign for the
This
would
place
Hatshepsut, in the
after
it
first
statue.'
Thutmose 's
chr
reign as sole king.
I.
of
death
the
half of
For a discussion of the possible findspots, see
Laboury 1998,
pp. 241-46.
2. Ibid., p. 241.
Provenance:
Thebes, Karnak, east temple of
Thutmose III, room
i;
discovered by Georges
Legrain, January 1907
Bibliography: Georges
1906-7,
p. 21;
Legrain in Griffith
Matthias Seidel in H.
Settgast 1976, no.
i;
Mohamed
Markowitz, and D'Auria 1999,
W.
Miiller
and
Saleh in Freed,
p.
200, no.
AFTER hatshepsut: THUTMOSE
III
263
CoiWfjghioO maurjl
These
amulets are
seal
Thutmose
are decorated
a
duck
all
with
inscribed
throne name, Menkheperre, and
Ill's
were probably
all
made during
on the back with a mouse
(c) rather
than the
Two
his reign.
and
(a)
more usual scarab
Both of these have the king's throne
beetle.
name on
the base.
into a gold ring,
The mouse, which

is
is still set
on
also inscribed
its
back
with the words "Menkheperre, living forever."
On one side of the oval plaque (b), Thutmose

is
depicted seated, holding the crook and
flail
and wearing the blue crown, a headdress usuwith the king as warrior.
ally associated
other side, he
is
shown
as a sphinx
two
(c) has
94
vignettes.
of a Fish
III
1479-1425 B.C.)
(r.
Glazed
H.
8.5
Glazed
cm (3/8 in.), W.
(7/! in.),
The
D. 2
1479-1425
(r.
steatite
cm
cm ('/, in.),
L. 18.1
cm
a.
ankh hieroglyph,
Gift
H.
c.
L. 1.3
1.75
H. 0.6
d.
The
bolti fish, or tilapia,
common
valley since ancient times,
by its long dorsal

eggs in
its
The
fin.
is
in the Nile
easily recognized
which hatches
fish,
its
mouth, was a symbol of regeneration
cm (Ka
0.75
b.
H.
cm
cm
2.75
front of his face
cm (i
in.),
in.),
in.);
H. 0.6
in.),
cm
W.
W.
in the
round, this object
tion of cosmetics.
gill
name of Thutmose
III,
contains the throne
(a, b,
d)
I.
See Dorothea Arnold 1995,
Bibliography: Hayes
Dorothea Arnold
(left
(c) Gift
264
THE PROSCRIPTION
written
195a, b,
c,
195a, b,
c,
d, bases
137
in
"The Good God, Lord
forever." This
column of
hieroglyphs separates the image from the second

vignette,
which depicts the king kneeling and
offering nw jars, presumably to
Amun.
In front of
head are the words "Beloved of Amim."
('/s in.)
30.8.564, .418, .433
CHR
Provenance:
is5a,
Theodore M. Davis
Museum
b, d.
Unknown; formerly
collection;
bequeathed to the
in 1915
Unknown; acquired in
icfSh, d.
1959, p. 123, fig. 6^;
fig.
cm
is
Two Lands
Bibliography:
p. 37.
M,
of the
i^Sc.
acquired as a gift in 1890
p. 50, no.
of J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917 17.190.20n
1995, p. 37; Lilyquist 1995, cover
foreground) and
{'A in.)
cm (/ in.)
Theodore M. Davis Collection, Bequest of
Theodore M. Davis, 1915
chr
Above
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
may have been given by
'
cm QA in.),
cm (Kc in.),
Diam.
for the prepara-
die
the king to a temple.
life.
in a cartouche, are the
1917
actu-
The cartouche just behind
Menkheperre. The dish
1.5
his
{I'A in.),
with a depression in one
ally a fish-shaped dish,
side that
is
cm
1.28
0.8
and was also associated with the sun god, Re.
While carved
amulet: L.
(/4 in.)
cm
symbol of
Thutmose 's head, not
words "Menkheperre, beloved of Amun," and
gold
Ring: Diam. 2.6
W.
{V, in.)
Metropolitan
of James Douglas, 1890 90.6.24
III
B.C.)
steatite,
reaches out with
one hand to touch the king's crown and extends

the
as
crown and kneeling
Amun, who
before the god
Four Seal Amulets,

One in a Ring
195.
The bead
One shows Thutmose
king, wearing the blue
Cosmetic Dish in the Shape
the
wearing the
atef crown and trampling a captive.
194-
On
Hayes
isiSa.
Hayes
1959, p. 105
1959, p. 125, fig. 66
196. Leaf from the Hearst

Medical Papyrus
Thutmose
III
(14731458
B.C.)
Ink on papyrus
H. 17.3
cm
(6^3 in.)
Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley
The Hearst Medical Papyrus was found by

local resident at
Deir el-Ballas, the
Eighteenth Dynasty
town, which
site
of an
is
about
twenty miles north of ancient Thebes.' In 1901

the still-rolled papyrus
A. Reisner,
who was
was
offered to
George
then conducting excava-
tions for the University of California, Berkeley.'
When unrolled,
the papyrus
was
identified as a
compendium of prescriptions and

that
incantations
had probably been compiled from a variety
of sources for the use of a local physician.'
This section of the papyrus deals specifically

196
with ailments of the body's vessels. The
among them
sels," "to
titles,
"a prescription for healing ves-
remove the swelling of
a vessel,"
and
"to quiet twinges in a vessel,"* are written in red,
and the ingredients to be used are
listed in black.
Magical Jar
197.
the center of the goddess's teeth
CHR
I.
2.
The papyrus is named for Mrs. Phoebe Apperson

Hearst, who sponsored excavations conducted by
(1650 1492
the University of CaHfornia, Berkeley, 1899-1904.
H. 6
Reisner 1905,
(I'/s in.),
p.
1.
3. Ibid., p. 4.
the begin-
is
ning of a tubelike opening that extends into her

Second Intermediate Period early i8th Dynasty
Glazed
The
head; another opening passes through the bot-
B.C.)
tom of the
steatite
cm
and
lid,
her head, where
(z'/s in.),
W.
3.2
cm
D. 4
(i'/h in.),
Diam. (of opening)
cm
When
cm QA in.)
1.9
is
up with those
Metropolitan
the lid
it
a third
through the back of

of the
exits at the top
positioned so that
in the front
tail.
holes line
its
and back of the head,
Gift
they form a single continuous conduit. Since in
4. Ibid., p. 10.
of G. Macculloch Miller, 1943 43.8a, b

representations of Ipi/Taweret
the goddess
Provenance:
Deir
el-Ballas; acquired
This
deity
Bibliography:
Fredrickson 1966,
Golden Age 1982,
Reisner 1905; Eisasser and

p. 66;
Susan K. Doll
p. 295, no.
is
on magical knives
consistendy depicted either with
by George A.
Reisner from a local resident in 190
in Egypt's
406 (with bibliography)
jar takes the
whose body was
popotamus with
and
form of a monstrous female
woman's
that of a pregnant hip-
a crocodile's
breasts.
tail,
Known
a lion's mane,
as either Ipi or
Taweret, she protected pregnant and nursing
women and young
children,
all
people in vul-
style
tail
and has
is
represented here in a blocky
a sharply
contoured muzzle and a
that begins at her head.
cobra in her teeth (see
wire shaped
These features are
and, where
Kingdom
deities or animals, while

jars
it is
dating
to
the
Second
New Kingdom.
These circumstances, together with the

deep green color, suggest
The
late
rare for
date to depict
such shapes are not
Intermediate Period and the
Kingdom
jar's
post Middle
date.
jar
seems
had
to imitate a
likely
a piece
of
tongue or
inserted through the
ered by a slighdy rounded
lid.
is
cov-
A hole visible in
exited at the
back of her head,
lid in place.
The addi-
tion of the cobra
would have enhanced the pro-
power of
the deity, reflected already in
commanding form.'
Another unusual feature of
this jar is the
design carved into the underside of the base, a
well-known motif referred

coils'
in this case
with
sion if the vessel's base
To
to as convoluted
bind the
ties that
The carving would produce
object,
has a cylindrical cavity that
it
probably bent to keep the
her
Middle Kingdom knives. However,
in
one end
The wire would have been
lid,
of the deity that frequendy appear on
uncommon
at
cobra emerging from Ipi/Taweret's mouth.
tective
of Middle
fig. 85),' it
that this unusual jar originally
comparable to those of two-dimensional images
vessels
tongue or clenching an aroused
goddess's teeth, snaked through the head and
nerable stages of hfe.
The goddess
a protruding
coils.
a delicate impres-
was used
as a seal.
explain the function of this remarkable
we must account
elements
for the jar's unusual
the small cavity, the
way
the lid
is
secured, the presence of the added tongue or
AFTER HATSHEPSUT: THUTMOSE
III
265
cobra, and the seal
of Ipi/Taweret.
attached
there
is
combined
with the form
The method by which
unknown
is
no obvious discoloration
from either eye paint or an
would suggest
the
Hd
in the cavity
oily substance.
was not used
that the jar
is
and
in cosmetic vessels,
This
to store
a cosmetic substance. Nevertheless, whatever
it
held was surely prized. Ipi/Taweret would have

effectively
guarded the contents and protected
who used
the individual
of linked
coils
the vessel.^
The motif
on the base brings to mind the
magic associated with knots and binding,' and

the design's position beneath the deity's feet
probably contributed to
effectiveness as well.^
its
Perhaps instead of a substance, the vessel

held a papyrus inscribed with a spell for a preg-
The magician would
nant or nursing woman. ^

recite the spell
it
and perhaps then magically bind
(when
to the ailing person, using the seaP
pressed to the skin, the seal leaves a brief

impression). This possibility
spell in the
is
the skin before a spell
was
were inked onto
said.^ It
seems
likely
was an important component of a
that this jar
1.
by a
Leiden magical papyrus that indi-
cates that pictures or designs
magician's
reinforced
dcp
kit.
See, for example,
New York,
08.200.19, 22.1. 153 (Hayes 1959, p. 249)
and the Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, 71-510
(Anne K. Capel
no. 12).
in
Capel and Markoe 1996,
Museum,
Bourriau 1988,
3.
The design
is
a cobra.
The
Museum of Art, New York, Rogers
a magical knife, 12th Dynasty, in
Julia Jarrett
Dynasty date (Agyptisches
p. 113.
well
known from
objects of the
spell's recitation.
Twelfth through the Seventeenth Dynasty (1981

1550 B.C.) (Tufnell 1984, pp. 12560). Recent
by Daphna Ben-Tor of the
Israel
Jerusalem, demonstrates that
it is
work
Museum,
found on
Eighteenth Dynasty scarabs as well (personal com-
Bourriau (1988,
p. 110) also calls
Tying, binding, and sealing were
all
ways of con-
taining negative forces; see Pinch 1994, pp. 8384.
7.
For a discussion of papyri inside amulets, see
THE PROSCRIPTION
seal
on
in the
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden,
the present jar, however,
J. J.
8.
later than the
Janssen and R. M. Janssen 1992, pp. 16162.
Pinch 1994,
p. 84.
Provenance: Theodore M. Davis collection

Bibliography:
J.
P.
Allen 2005
The
shows no signs of
staining.
New Kingdom.
most examples date
22527) sug-
gested that the piece was physically held during a
The papyrus is
Inserting an inscribed papyrus inside a statue or
amulet was a tradition in ancient Egypt, although
of items of magical equipment excavated at the

in 1896; Ritner (1993, pp-
9.
6. Ibid., p. 85.
A statue of a boy carrying a calf was among a group

Ramesseum
it
Leiden. For spell 26, see Borghouts 1978, p. 22.
a magical piece.
5.
munication, 2005).
266
on
Fund, 1908 (08.200.19). Drawing by
Berlin, 16138; Schoske 1990, p. 165).
2.
4.
The goddess Ipi/Taweret biting
Incised
Metropolitan
depicted in relief on a steatite kohl jar clearly of

early Eighteenth
Fig. 85.
p. 64,
An Ipi/Tawerec biting a cobra is also
THE DESTRUCTION OF HATSHEPSUT
MEMORY
THE PROSCRIPTION OF HATSHEPSUT

Peter F.
Dorman
The
name and
systematic erasure of Hatshepsut's
from her kingly monuments some years
has, inevitably,
become a
have viewed the events of her
lens through
life
and reign.
down and
ments, her cartouche was shaved
figure
after her death
representations.*
On some monu-
chiseling
name of
distinctive rebus frieze representing her
horned sun disk perched on
recut in the
The
throne name, Maatkare, and consisting of a serpent adorned with
which historians
a pair
of ka arms, was altered by
away the arms, rendering the title unreadable but leaving
the divine symbols intact
(fig.
Nor
10 1).
is
there any evidence that
another Thutmoside king; on others, her entire figure and accom-
her burial in the Valley of the Kings was desecrated for the pur-
panying inscription were effaced and replaced with the image of
pose of dishonoring her; there are
an innocuous
ary temple
ritual object
such as an offering
Deir el-Bahri,
at
all
table.
At her mortu-
the statues of Hatshepsut were
Noteworthy
temple causeway. Since this widespread damage was undertaken
instance,
III,
her
nephew and
erstwhile co-regent, scholars of
is
that although
program of
own name is carved over
his
by Thutmose
also
for this far-reaching
dragged out and dumped into the bottom of a quarry near the
many
other possible reasons.
Thutmose
alteration,
III
was responsible
it is
only rarely that
Hatshepsut's. Rather, in nearly every
he inserted the name of his
of his grandfather, Thutmose
I,
father,
Thutmose
II,
or that
into Hatshepsut's royal titulary,
the mid-twentieth century for the most part assumed that the
thereby appropriating her royal monuments not for himself but
motive was retribution, undertaken because Hatshepsut had
for his immediate
from Thutmose when he was
male ancestors
(fig. 86).'
This activity
reflects a
far too
plan to rewrite the recent history of the dynasty through the
to relative obscurity dur-
effacement of Hatshepsut's kingship while deliberately eschewing
ing his childhood and adolescence. Thus her death offered him the
any appearance of usurpation on the part of the reigning king.
forcibly usurped the throne
young
to protest and had relegated
chance to erase her hated
him
memory from
the public record and
vengefully reclaim his rightful place on the throne. While this scenario sounded convincing,
Charles Nims,
who
it
was
called into question in 1966
by
pointed to evidence indicating that the attack
Whatever
his motive,
Thutmose
creation of Hatshepsut's
Thutmose
III
monuments
Ill's overall intentions
the scenes and inscriptions
were
never intended to claim the

as his
own accomplishment.
are also reflected in the
on Hatshepsut's monuments could not have predated Thutmose Ill's
direction to the stonecutters. Raised relief was
regnal year 42 (see below). That
wide-bladed
was
twenty years
at least
after
chisels,
her death, far too late a date to lend support to the theory
ally smaller chisels
of a motive based on personal revenge.' This
sible
Hatshepsut's
result the
official
"disgrace"
now widely
accepted, and as a
which removed the stone
first
by
cut back with
efficiently,
and usu-
were then employed to take off as much
as pos-
of the original carving. Next the background surface was
smoothed, and
finally the draft
of a revised scene or text was laid
primary question surrounding the proscription has been
significantly recast. It
now:
is
program of erasures so long

died,
is
later date for
way
altered in stages, apparently
and so
late in his
own
Why
did
after his
Thutmose
III initiate a
stepmother and co-regent
reign.''
The answer can be approached,
in part, through a careful
observation of the extent and nature of the alterations to
Hatshepsut's
Her
name and
figure.
These vary from place
to place.
proscription cannot be characterized as a straightforward
damnatto memoriae
son's existence
that
is,
an attempt to erase
all
traces of a perFig. 86. Inscription with cartouches in
because Hatshepsut's representations as queen
were never touched; the attacks were directed
solely at her kingly
which the names of Thutmose
II
were
carved over those of Hatshepsut. In Hatshepsut's temple at Medinet Habu,
western Thebes. Drawing by Christina Di Cerbo and Margaret
De Jong
267
Thutmose
Fig. 87.
III
far right; Hatshepsut
appears at the
once stood in
front of him, facing the barque of
Amun, but
her names and image
have been completely erased. Block
from the Chapelle Rouge, Karnak,

Thebes, early i8th Dynasty. Quartzite
down,
recut,
and repainted. These revisions were made with care
and deliberation, thus minimizing extensive damage and

ing the process of redecoration.
To be sure, there
facihtat-
are exceptions to
For example, the figures
this systematized historical revisionism.
moment
it
was covered
over, the initial and secondary phases of chiseling
on both her
been decorated by Hatshepsut, and
figure
and certain surrounding
completed
(fig. 88).
At
at the
texts
were under way, but not yet
that time, then, the proscription
and cartouches of Hatshepsut on blocks from the quartzite
been recently enacted; and since Thutmose
Chapelle Rouge are ruthlessly hacked out, with no attempt made
could not have been inscribed before year 42, that
to preserve the
surrounding surface
(fig.
87).
However,
at the
of the proscription the Chapelle had been dismantled.
were evidently lying
of Hatshepsut, which must have been the ones

attacked;
stones,
many
Its
time
blocks
in a great heap, since only certain depictions
others, presumably protected
were preserved (see
figs. 3, 41).''
were
visible,
by overlapping
Because the Chapelle was
possible date for the proscription.
date of regnal year 45, which
Ill's
The barque
may more
must have
campaign annals
is
the earliest
shrine itself bears a
accurately indicate the
time of the alterations undertaken at the heart of Karnak. This
very
late date is also reflected in the
decoration of the Eighth
Pylon on the south side of Karnak temple, which was originally

adorned with colossal
reliefs
of Hatshepsut. These scenes were
not in a state to be rededicated as a religious structure, the careful

alterations
The
uary
at
made
to other temples
were
in this case unnecessary.
treatment accorded Hatshepsut 's magnificent temple
Deir el-Bahri offers
still
being reinscribed for Thutmose
stat-
another perspective. Rather than

I,
her father, or Thutmose
husband, the sculptures were cast out,
many of them
II,
her
deliberately
broken, and thrown into the quarry as debris. Even the Osiride
uppermost portico were painstakingly cut
pillars that fronted the
away from
made
their square piers
for her funerary
and discarded. Perhaps the statues
monument had such immediate
associations with Hatshepsut or
were so closely
personal
tied to the ritual
ceremonies of her mortuary cult that they could not be attributed

to other rulers.
Whatever the reason,
their desecration
and
destruction present a distinct contrast to the careful reuse of her

wall reliefs elsewhere.
(On Hatshepsut 's
statues, see the essay fol-
lowing, by Dorothea Arnold.)
The
clue to the timing of the proscription can be found at the
very center of the temple
at
Karnak. After erecting a
granite barque shrine in the temple,
Thutmose
III clad
new
red
the sanctu-
ary wall north of it with fresh limestone blocks and there recorded
in relief a continuous account of his military campaigns
from reg-
nal year 22 (1458 B.C.) through year 42 (1438 B.C.),
known
scholars as the Annals of
Thutmose
III.
The
to
wall had originally
Fig. 88. Various stages of hacking of Hatshepsui's
image and names on a section
of wall behind the new wall
and carved with
Karnak temple, Thebes
built
by Thutmose
III
his
Annals,
Thutmose
carefully erased, but apparently
had no time
III
to
have
Queen Ahmose. The
added by his son and successor, Amenhotep
been
II (r.
1427 1400 B.C.).
Although the proscription of Hatshepsut seems both irrevocable
and ruthless
in
its
obliteration of her kingly presence, the
cam-
paign was also short-lived and incomplete. In her temple at Deir
directly belonged
which Hatshepsut
to
the front of the pylon recarved before his death; the final scenes were
through her mother.
proscription of Hatshepsut
of the
Amenhotep
Ahmosides and
to secure the throne for
interpretation
weakened, however, by the
to
would then have
initiated in order to discredit the legitimacy
is
who can be
even
know with any certainty that such relatively fine
commemorate
of descent were matters of contention.
her mythical divine birth, the expedition to Punt,

to
Karnak, were
The
original repre-
and the transportation of her great obelisks
down
shaved
only a preliminary fashion.
in
seems
The more
identified as
may
likely explanation
simply be
phenomenon of a female king had
invented
we
an Ahmoside contender. Nor do
year,
were altered according
rival
Such an
be no known candidate, about the time of Thutmose Ill's fiftieth
to the
usual program, but the reliefs of the outer terrace porticoes, which
el-Bahri, the innermost sanctuaries
II.
fact that there
this:
distinctions
the recently
created such concep-
of
was best
sentations and text, though damaged, are quite legible today.
tual
Indeed, even after the defacement, Hatshepsut's kingly achieve-
erased. It
ments and her claims to a legendary childhood could have been
employed during her regency was God's Wife of Amun, a power-
read by any literate person of ancient times, as they can be by
ful
modern
it
was
scholars.'
The suspension of this work of revision before
fully carried out can
only indicate that
at
some point
the
and
practical complications that the evidence

is
interesting to note that the principal
economic and
political office that
special leverage to act in the
years of his minority. Years
may
initially
have given her
name of Thutmose
later,
it
Hatshepsut
title
during the
III
shortly after his reign ended, the
perhaps an intentional downgrading
and
urgent motivation for the attacks vanished. This abandoimient of
title fell
the proscription of Hatshepsut seems to have occurred during the
the great queens of the late Eighteenth Dynasty, such as Tiye and
reign of
Amenhotep
Eighth Pylon
renew or
The
in his
II,
who completed
own name
the redecoration of the
but evidently
felt little
necessity to
revise the partly erased scenes at Deir el-Bahri.
Nefertiti,
ship
may
sibility
reason for Hatshepsut's proscription remains elusive. If it
was not a matter of personal vengeance on the
part of Thutmose III,
other possible explanations seem equally unconvincing. After
into disuse
never adopted
The obliteration of Hatshepsut's king-
it.
thus be linked with a determination to eradicate the pos-
of another powerful female 's ever inserting herself, as the
personification of Horus
on
earth, into the long line of
Egyptian
male kings.^
fifty
years on the throne, during which he had secured a long-lasting
sphere of Egyptian political
hegemony
in the
Levant as well as in
1.
Nubia, Thutmose can have had litde to fear by

to his
own
way of challenges
2.
legitimacy or comparison with his former co-regent.
Nims
1966; further clarified in
Dorman
this act
does not in
obsolete structures were occasionally
Indeed, posterity would jusdy remember him as one of the greatest
tion projects, especially at the center
The need
kings of Egypt.
for the proscription
seems to have arisen
toward the end of his reign and to have vanished shortly
after
Amenhotep
Ill's
II
became
co-ruler,
two years before Thutmose
The timing and short duration of the
image and name suggest that
it
sion,
The
heir apparent, like his father at his
may have been
quite young.
toward the end of Thutmose

for the throne,
It
Ill's life
own
there were
4.
Dorman
5.
new construc-
Moss
was replaced by an equally elabo-
These
of Thutmose
1972, p. 96 (the chronology of the
I.
For the
text,
two texts in question is
and Lacau and Chevrier 197779, pp. 93-94.
1988, pp. 52-55.
reliefs
bear "restoration" inscriptions of Ramesses
II (r.
1279-1213
B.C.),
who can be credited with very little actual repair of the sadly vandalized walls
but who chose nevertheless to leave his name on them.
6. For the duration of the proscription, see Dorman 1988, pp. 64-66; for an
one the sdon of the Thutmoside dynastic line of the
king himself and another representing the "Ahmoside" bloodline,
a long text describing her coronation
incorrectly noted),
succes-
two contenders
for
may be found on the upper terrace of Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri,
see Porter and
securely
has been suggested that
make way
of Karnalc temple, which witnessed
rate text purporting to celebrate the coronation
related to
Amenhotep was
1989.
imply persecution. Older,
to
A particularly clear example of this commemoration of Thutmose Ill's ancestors
on Hatshepsut's
was driven by concerns
the royal succession and ceased once
enthroned.'
attack
itself
removed
extensive rebuilding.
3.
where
death.
Van Siclen
1988, pp. 46-65, and
Certain of Hatshepsut's shrines were apparently dismanded prior to the onset
of her dishonoring, but
overview of possible motives, see Meyer 1989 and Bryan 1996, p. 34.
7.
Suggested by Robins 1993, p. 152.
THE PROSCRIPTION OF HATSHEPSUT
269
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE STATUES OF

HATSHEPSUT FROM DEIR EL-BAHRI
Dorothea Arnold
The
on Hatshepsut's Deir el-Bahri statuary differ in
attacks
many respects from
those directed at her names and rep-
resentations in reliefs. For instance,

statues
were
none of Hatshepsut's
and almost
altered to represent another person
her names in inscriptions on the statues were
such alterations and erasures were
left intact,
common on
of
all
while
the reliefs.
brightly painted sandstone sphinxes representing Hatshepsut
wearing the royal nemes headcloth (as
in cat. nos. 88a, b)."
More
sandstone sphinxes were placed along the central axis of the

court.
and
These wore ceremonial
tripartite
afloat
wigs (as in
khxit
headdresses (as in
cat. no. 9).'
cat.
first
na
91)
Having passed two pools
with vegetation, the procession ascended the
ramp
first
to
These differences alone demonstrate the complexity of historical
reach the second court. Glancing to right and
developments behind the acts of violence perpetrated against
could glimpse two giant limestone statues of Hatshepsut, one
Hatshepsut's memory.
standing against the north end of the lower colonnade
The smashed
statuary
from Hatshepsut's monuments was
retrieved primarily through excavations that
Museum of Art undertook under
The Metropolitan
the direction of Herbert E.
other at the south end.*
left,
the priests
(fig.
no), the
On the level of the second court, the pro-
cession continued between rows of over-lifesize images portray-
ing Hatshepsut kneeling and offering various
nw jars
gifts in
globular
Winlock. During the 1922-23, 192627, and 1927-28 seasons,
vessels, or
Winlock uncovered
thousands of discarded fragments of
were of granite, two of granodiorite." The sandstone and lime-
He
stone images were completely covered with paint, but the granite
literally
Hatshepsut's statues at various locations around her temple.
and
his
coworkers subsequendy assembled these broken parts into
more than thirty-five masterpieces of sculpture

Egyptian
York
Museum in
(cat. nos. 88a,
became
clear that a
that
Cairo' and the Metropolitan
As
89-95).'
now grace the
Museum
in
New
the reconstruction proceeded,
number of fragments of some of the
it
statues
(cat. nos. 92, 93).'
Six of these imposing statues
and granodiorite statues were painted only on the faces and headdresses, leaving visible the reddish
brown
granite and almost
black granodiorite, which stood out in striking contrast against the

beige color of the temple
to the
itself."
After ascending the second ramp
uppermost colonnade and passing
its
frontal pillars with
being worked on were in collections in Berlin (Agyptisches Museum)
their twenty-six Osiride limestone statues, the cortege arrived at a
and Leiden (Rijksmuseum van Oudheden), having found their
granite doorway, the entry to the
way there in the course of the nineteenth century.

between the museums followed, and as a
reassemble four major works
Collegial exchanges
result
it
was
possible to
bulletins,
Winlock
left
This entry was flanked by two standing statues of Hatshepsut,"
whose devotional
attitude (cat. no. 94)
three substantial notebooks and
grayish color of these granite statues set them off against the red
granite doorway."'
Once
inside the
hundreds of photographs documenting the circumstances sur-
cessional path continued
rounding his
of Hatshepsut
finds.*
These records allow us
to reconstruct the
progress of the statues' destruction and by inference also to identify
some of their original locations in the temple.
The story
starts
between
uppermost courtyard, the prolines
(cat. no. 91). In their
kneeling statues in the second court, but here the objects in
complex than the accessories of the
was
Karnak
the end of the procession.'' Passing
Deir el-Bahri, the accompanying priests and dignitaries
approached Hathsepsut's temple on a causeway
that
was closed
off
from public view by high walls
(fig.
section of the processional path
was flanked by more than a hundred
270
THE PROSCRIPTION
of small kneeling images
pose they recalled the large
Hatshepsut's hands, jars and djed (stability)
with an image of dazzUng beauty.' During the
annual journey of the god Amun's image from his temple at

to
emphasized her role as
prime mediator between the people of Egypt and their gods. The
(cat. nos. 88b, 93, 95, 96).'
In addition to writing a series of reports in Metropolitan
Museum
most sacred part of the temple.
89). Inside these walls the
upper
as if a chant to the
rear of the court (cat. 74;

sanctuary,
where four
Osiris, stood
figures
fig. 61),
pillars,'*
on
god was intensifying
were more
the lower level:
it
at this point close to
more Osirides
in niches at the
the cortege finally reached the
figures of Hatshepsut, again in the
form of
ready to guard the god's image throughout the night
it
Fig. 89.
The
temples
at
three royal
Deir el-Bahri,
seen from the east, as they
might have appeared about

1425 B.C.
later,
jb:
-I*-
'
r-<iv
V.
V-
.//
yiy
^<
Some
2,300 years
Hatshepsut's broken
statues
were discovered
the Hatshepsut
"quarry."
in
Hole and the
TT 353
is
the lower
tomb of Senenmut. Drawing

..^
Fig. 90.
^'j
.-
by Pamlyn Smith
View of Deir el-Bahri
and the Asasif valley from the

cliffs
(i)
above, 192223, showing:
temple of Hatshepsut
(Djeser-djeseru); (2) temple of
Thutmose
III
before excavation
(Djeser-Akhet); (3) temple of

Mentuhotep II; (4) "quarry"
before excavation; (5) Hatshepsut
Hole; (6) barque shrine; (7)

Hatshepsut's Valley Temple
DESTRUCTION OF THE STATUES
27I
CoiWfjghioOniflBrjl
Fig. 91.
Head of a sphinx of Hatshepsut, early

Museum, Cairo (JE 55190)
Fig. 92. Erasure in an inscription
i8th Dynasty, during restoration.
Granite. Egyptian
on the back of a small
Hatshepsut kneeling, early i8th Dynasty. Granite.
would spend
temple
itself
in the temple."*
Beyond
was adorned with
(cat. nos. 88a, b),
eight statues of the seated
indurated limestone
(figs. 65,
67),
and
pair,"'
and
Hatshepsut made, variously, of
(cat. no. 96), granite (cat. no. 95), diorite
alabaster.'*
Either in connection with this
the processional path, the
at least six large granite sphinxes
only two of which were displayed as a
Most of the seated images were
statue of
The Metropohtan
1931 (31. 3. 160)
damage of
the uraei or at the
beginning of the major attacks, two minor erasures were made in

inscriptions
on
figure (fig. 92)
female form
statues:''
on the back
pillar
of a small kneeling
and on the seated diorite statue of Hatshepsut

65), the hieroglyph
(fig.
Maatkare, was chiseled out.'* Again,
moat
it
in her throne
seems
likely that
in
name,
by
this
themselves probably recipients of cult rituals in the temple's
defacement the legitimacy of Hatshepsut 's royal status was being
chapels and secondary sanctuaries.
called into question, since a pharaoh's ability to rule
The
first
intimation of the violence that
would be unleashed
against this magnificent display of statuary

after
Hatshepsut 's demise
the uraeus cobras from
all
in the
statues (cat. nos. 95, 96).''
faces left
from
we can
them from the areas of much
broken sometime
difiicult to
Even
this chiseling display a
clearly see that the
some
time
the granite sphinxes (cat. nos. 88a, b)
and seated
entiates
came
form of a careful removal of
today, the battered sur-
gray patina that
fresher, later
damage. Thus,
sor,
Thutmose
was of royal
272
III, at this
descent.'"
touche with the same name, located on the front of the statue, was
left intact.
The only
tern of erasure
is
reasonable explanation for this strange pat-
that the statue
time late in his reign
was standard
I.^'
Or was
its
The
was
front beneath the surface but
fact that
partially buried in debris,
its
when Thutmose
Hatshepsut removed or
for queens and
Hatshepsut 's succes-
order.'"'
on the back of the sandstone
statue of Hatshepsut 's nurse Sitre in Cairo; but another car-
It is
point attempting to deny even that she
THE PROSCRIPTION
erased. This occurred
removal of the uraeus.^"
initial oblitera-
and right
only one case of a whole cartouche with Hatshepsut 's
with
(fig.
princesses as well as pharaohs and that therefore could not be
denied the daughter of Thutmose
is
name being
was
say what exactly was achieved by this
tion of a piece of regalia that
There
91)
head of a sphinx in Cairo
after the careful
differ-
a close relationship to Maat, goddess of "justice
depended on
back
III
still
exposed,
ordered
all
at the
names of
altered.'"
almost
all
Hatshepsut's names on her statuary
remained undamaged during the campaign of statue destruction
at
Deir el-Bahri provides an important clue about the date of the event.
It
must have been prior
when
to year 42 of the reign of
the total elimination of Hatshepsut's
Thutmose
names and
III,
figures
is
known to have begun." A
reasonable suggestion would be that the
destruction of the statuary at Deir el-Bahri took place between
year 30 (1466 B.C.) and 42 (1438

quartzite sanctuary at
age to
B.C.),
about the time when the red
Karnak was dismantled,
dam-
The photographs taken during Winlock's
The
that
than
to reach
were planted
fifty feet
how
the demolition
pieces on the spot in order to
show
excavations
must have been carried

broken into
architectural Osirides, of course, had to be
remove them from the
pillars
and
in the
deep
groundwater for plots of vegetation

temple area by digging a well more
in the center
Hatshepsut's reign, her major

the entrance to his
with disturbing clarity

out.
also without
inscriptions.
its
unsuccessfully
so-called quarry
tomb
(fig.
Having dragged
89:
to
TT
were lying on
are
The broken fragments were
ical
from these potent symbols of might. Similar
retribution
apprehensions must have inspired some
workmen
eyes or even whole faces of statues.'" Curiously,

faces
were
suffered
left intact (cat.
damage only
men had uprooted
to
the
some heads and
nos. 91, 93, 95), and
to their heads (cat. no. 93).
damage
some cobras
Once
the
work-
the statues from their bases, they pulled the
during
also
to pieces with
burrow
the
pit,
sledgehammers
and large blocks of stone. The photographs show that many pieces
complete. Only the uraeus cobras that had not yet been removed
mag-
And
353)."
smash them
tached sculptures were dragged out of the temple more or less
off on-site,'' probably because the crews feared
pit.
Senenmut, had ordered
the statues to the edge of the
workmen proceeded
walls of which they were an integrated part, but most of the unat-
were hacked
of the
official,
be cut into the western face of the
to
their sides during these attacks,
more heavily damaged on one
pendicular south face.
then
side than
dumped
Some groups
ledge along this face of the pit
and as
a result they
on the other
(fig. 94).
into the pit over
its
per-
of fragments came to rest on a
(fig. 93),'''
others accumulated
the uneven quarry floor. In the center of the
pit,
on
where the well
had been dug, the fragments rolled even farther down, toward the
few
The edge of the pit,
just
corner of a square depression that surrounded the well."

reached the well
itself
and tumbled into
it.
beside the causeway to the temple, was not cleaned up thoroughly,
in a
and some groups of fragments remained lying where they had
remarkably orderly fashion, starting with the sculptures on the
been smashed, ultimately to spread out across layers of wind-
heavy pieces over the platforms and ramps of the temple
uppermost
level.
first
level
and then proceeding downward from
For each group of statues the most convenient
exit
level to
out of the
court was chosen.
There were two
final destinations for the statues.
see also figs. 89, 90:4).''
although
it
was
in reality a
f'aflj sediment
local marl
It is
burrow
pit that
to obtain
The "quarry"
in front
The most
first
court
usually called a "quarry,"
fill
had been dug into the
material for landscaping
around Hatshepsut's temple.'' The workmen had
Fig. 93.
that reached a depth of thirteen feet in the course of
the centuries that followed the reign of
Thutmose
III.'"
In addition to the quarry, the so-called Hatshepsut Hole served
important was a deep depression just northeast of the

(fig. 93;
blown sand
also tried
as a repository for her

rately,
depression
broken
was
statuary.
This hole
III (see figs. 89, 90:5),
of Thutmose
III
was
or,
more accu-
situated east of the vast forecourt serving
both the temple of King Mentuhotep
Thutmose
II
and the temple of
and the causeway to the temple
actually constructed over
it.
Most of the
small kneeling statues of Hatshepsut (cat. no. 91) were found in
of
Deir el-Bahri during excavation by
The
Metropolitan
Museum of Art,
192627 season. The underside of

the base of the
Hatshepsut
Museum's sphinx of
(cat. no.
88a)
is
visible
in the foreground.
273
predecessor. Military feats and political maneuvering certainly
played a major role in this process, but so did the manifestation of

the
new king's achievements in
presence
at the
form of his increasingly
the
visible
country's sacred monuments. "Le temple lieu de
conflit," the title
of a recent conference, succinctly expresses the
fundamental role of Egyptian (and ancient Near Eastern) temples
which society played out
as places in
might be tempted
time*'
to call ancient
its conflicts.''"
monuments
the
Indeed, one
media of
their
keeping in mind, however, that in ancient Egypt, politics
and religion were two sides of the same coin. The gradual elimination of Hatshepsut 's images from the
monuments was therefore
not merely a reflection of political events but a royal power struggle
enacted on the country's principal public stage: the temple.
Seen
in this context, the violent
smashing of Hatshepsut 's
stat-
ues and other images does not particularly seem the manifestation
of a personal hatred
it
felt
by Thutmose III
had fought
Egypt barely one hundred years
Nubians
meted out
Ultimately, the acts of destruction
JE
(Winlock 1928a,
Winlock 1928b,
p. 51, fig. 51 [top];
damage on
the
left.
sphinx,
JE
pp. 1213,
53114 with fragment, JE 55191
14, fig. 15;
$5190 (Winlock 1930,
material that
was used
to level the
figs. 13, 14;
1979, p. 98).
ground where the cause-
figs. 21,
way
crossed the Hatshepsut Hole. Building debris and cast-out
Tefnin 1979, pp. 129-30,
JE 47702 (Winlock
fig.
tion that Hatshepsut 's
various
step
by
step."
Thutmose
a single act but in a process undertaken

III is
sometimes popularly called "the
Napoleon of ancient Egypt." Inadequate

two
figures
from widely
as
it
may
of the various attacks Thutmose instigated against the images of

Bonaparte gradually transformed himself
from a successful general

finally
into consul, then consul for
emperor of France, Thutmose
III
life,
and
evidently had to undergo
a protracted evolution before he could fully supersede his eminent
274
THE PROSCRIPTION
fig.
xxxi, b, xxxii).
12 [right]; Tefnin
pi.
Three heads of Osiride

47; Saleh
xxxiii, b).
statues,
p. 18,
small kneeling figure,
from
left];
Tefnin
1923, p. 34,
Nurse with the infant
5, 10, fig. 6;
Tefnin 1979,
JE 56259 (Winlock
1928a, pp. 44,
and Sourouzian 1987, no. 129, and cover), JE 56260
(Winlock 1928b, pp. 9, fig. 8, 20; Tefnin 1979, pp. 45 48), JE 56261
(Winlock 1932a, p. 16, fig. 16; Tefnin 1979, pp. 4143).
2.
In
New York: a head and shoulders of a large granite
31.3. 167
sphinx,
MMA
(Winlock 1935a; Tefnin 1979, pp. 114-15); large granite sphinx,
MMA 31.3. 166 (Winlock 1935a; Tefnin 1979, pp. 112-14, xxvii).
Tefnin 1979,
Standing figure, MMA 28.3.18 (Winlock 1928b,
pp. 99-101. Large kneeling lûre, MMA 29.3.1 (Winlock 1928b,
pi.
p. 11, fig. 11;
be to equate
differing historical eras, in this case the
comparison can nevertheless help us understand the basic nature
his predecessor. Just as
47,
recogni-
name and image were removed from her
monuments not in
28 [right]; Tefnin 1979, pp. 89-90,
p. 134.
contemporary Egyptians must have known to be primary
pis.
11, fig.
kneeling figure, JE 47703 (Winlock
Hatshepsut, JE 56264 (Winlock 1932a, pp.
How are we to understand the violent destruction of sculptures
A clue may unfold from the
Tefnin
fig. 10;
largest granite sphinx,
1923, pp. 33-34, figs. 27, 28 [second
dumped here."
art.'''*
1928b, p.
22; Tefnin 1979, pp. 71-72, 74, pi. xix, a);
1979, pp. 8990); small
achievements of their
p. 13, figs. 14, 15;
1930, p. 11,
Large kneeling figure, JE 53115 (Winlock 1928b,
votives from the Hathor shrine (see cat. nos. 97100) were also
that
Winlock
p. 10, figs. 8, 9);
Standing figure, JE 52.458 (Winlock

fill
testify
JE 562$9 (Tefnin 1979, p. 112); head of a sandstone sphinx with khat

headdress, JE 56x63 (Winlock 1932a, p. 9, fig. 5 [bottom]; Tefnin 1979,
p. 122, pi. XXX, a); small limestone sphinx, JE 53113 (Witilock 1929a,
Granite.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 53114/55191)
the
images
head and shoulders of a large granite
1979, pp. 107-10, pi. X3cv);
A large sphinx of Hatshepsut, reassembled, showing light damage on
to her
in
land.'''
of her country.
In Cairo: a laige granite sphinx,
Winlock 1929a, cover and p.
Thebans
Hyksos
of their
in the south
to Hatshepsut 's importance in the history
1.
after the
for supremacy, if not survival, against the
the northeast and the
the proper right side (top image) and heavy
much
speaks of the brutal force of the political antagonisms very
alive inside
Fig. 94.
Rather
for his predecessor.
p. 10,
figs. 9, 10;
Winlock 1932a,
pp. 6, 8, figs. 2, 4; Tefnin 1979, pp. 72, 74-75,
MMA 30.3.2 (Tefnin 1979, pp. 72xxi); small kneeling figure, MMA 23.3.1 (Teftiin 1979, pp. 8973,
28
90); small kneeling figure, MMA 23.3.2 (Winlock 1923,
Tefnin 1979, pp. 89-90); parts of small kneeling figures: MMA
now
in museum 1931,
31.3.160 (body); MMA 31.3.161 (lower
MMA 30.3.162 (figure missing face and shoulder;
joined with head
pis.
XIX, b, xx); large kneeling figure,
75, pi.
p. 34, fig.
[left];
part,
is
left
J);
Winlock's H) (Tefnin 1979,
Seated figure,
p. 90,
wrongly calling
30.3.161 a headless statue).
MMA Z7.3.163 (Winlock 1928a, pp.
53, 55, figs. 52, 53;
Tefnin
kbat headdtcss,
MMA 30.3.3 (Winlock 1930,
fragment; Tefnin 1979, pp. 2-6,
Heads of Osiride
19, pi. VII, a).
p. 9, fig. 7,
p. 14, fig. 16; Tefiiin 1979, pp.
p. 14, fig.
1),
fig.
12, fig. 8, (6), 31.3.158, .159,
in the
photographs,
exchange
that
pp. 73, 75,
MMA which joined with the sphinx
xxii, a). In
pi.
Winlock 1929a,
p. 7, figs. 7, 8;
Tefnin 1979, pp. 103-7,
Seated figure of indurated limestone,
46
[head];
Winlock
xxix,
phobic
a).
MMA 29.3.2 (Winlock 1929a,
1930, pp. 510, figs. 3, 4; Tefnin 1979, pp.
dons
the small
1923, p. 34, fig. 28 [second
right];
Tefnin 1979, pp. 88-90,
54, no. 8,
3, pi. 25, c).
In 1998 the
Rijksmuseum F 1928/9.2 (Winlock

pp.
4.
6 II, 2030,
1928b, p. 15,
it
all
1979,
10.
articles
Deir el-Bahri
tion
published
by Winlock
in the Bulletin
of The Metropolitan
it
number of points from Winlock's
differs in a
(Porter and
Moss
1972, pp. 36974).
in Dorothea
gljTphs in the
(architectural remains), 1935 (relief fragments), 3649, 56, 57 (finds).
tury
(J.
G. Wilkinson 1830; Lepsius 1849-59,
therefore, have stood in the
The
on the
Winlock
12.
(Notebook VIII, pp. 13739) notes that the bases were made of two courses:
the upper one, about 8 inches (20 cm) high, part of the sculpture, was decorated with inscriptions and figures of prisoners (see photographs
31); the
152429.
Notebook VIII,
14, fig. 5;
Winlock 1928b, pp. 2123,
25;
Winlock 1929a, pp.
13, 15, fig. 16;
Winlock 1928b, pp. 18-19; Winlock, Notebook VIII,

thete were
"Wlniock based
on the fact that
imês of the king offering nw jars on die walls of the sanctuary
in front
165, 174, 181
either side
of the sanctuary door."
at the sides
of the granite doorway
III reinforces a
2, 3, figs.
placement
at the
18-23. Since these stat-
val.
left,
on
MMA
On the belt of the Cairo example the hieroglyphs face
statue they face
left.
On the Cairo piece JE 52458, the two
of the right foot face each other.
Winlock, Notebook VIII, pp.
14. Tefiiin
151, 155.
1979, pp. 9497, has pointed out the djed pillar's role in the Sed
festi-
The oblique position of the pillars in the small kneeling statues may be a
reference to the ritual of raising the djed pillar.

15.
p. 16.
his theory about the location of the large kneeling statues
on
of remains of two similar statues
on the MMA
columns
Winlock,
Notebook VII, pp. 59-64.

9.
from opposite rows. Lai^
(Winlock, Notebook VIII, pp. 168, 177,
Deir el-Bahri temple of Thutmose
right,
13.
Winlock, Notebook VIII, pp. 10320; photographs M12C 223, 224, 227, 228).
8.
find
28.3.18 they face right.
1928^, pp. 17-18; Winlock 1932a, p.
line
on the back pillar of Cairo JE 52458 the hieroglyphs face
pp. 135-36).
(Wnlock
G they are on the right. Both
ues flanked a doorway, their inscriptions face in opposite directions. Similarly,
ment of a sandstone sphinx wearing a nemes was found in the first temple
disa>vered there
same
granite door here: Lipifiska 1984, p. 14, nos.
According to Winlock's Notebook VIII, pp. 12126, no recognizable frag-
and wigs were
on
Winlock 1928b, pp. 18, 19; Winlock wrote in his Notebook VIII, p. 149, that
two standing statues "could have stood in the vestibule in front of the first
in the
inscribed with texts that varied
court, but several pieces of sphinxes with liAat headdresses
22) and
are, therefore, also
Winlock 1928b, pp. 15-16; Winlock, Notebook VIII, pp.

(remains of paint mainly around eyes).
The
according to the side of the processional path on which they stood (Winlock,
7.
G both
names are
hiero^yphs on the back pillar. These two must,
granite door or they could have stood
Mi2C 229-
M14C 4-7 and reconstruction drawings AM
The sandstone sphinxes were
fig.
53115 the royal
the
lower one, about 2530 inches (6580 cm) high, was a separate ele-
ment. See also photographs
53115 and unpublished
JE
18384, 196, 200, 201, 204).

It.
visible in the nineteenth cenP^- ^7)-
an obelisk-shaped
MMA 29.3.1 and 30.3.2 both wear the nemes and have a
single cx)Iumn of ri^t-facing
and by drawings AM 4375, 4376, 4382 and photographs M14C 8-17, 50-55
Wilkinson and Lepsius maps and were clearly
1928b, p. 18,
wear die nemes. These
statues
kneeling statues
documented in Winlock, Notebook IX,
bases of the sphinxes that lined the causeway are documented
fragmented unpublished piece
two columns face each other; on JE
on the left (Winlock
is
MMA piece face left but on H face right;

It is
Notebook VIII, pp. 10142. The station halfway
and the temple
and
H" by Winlock both had
processional path. Large kneeling statues
Arnold forthcoming.
river
and the direction, length, and arrange-
pillars,
MMA 30.3.1
"Kneeling statue
have a double column of inscriptions on their back pillars, and the hiero-
points of
For the sandstone sphinxes: Winlock 1928b, pp. 1718; Winlock 1932a,
pp. 1012, 14; Winlock,
between the
inscriptions.
possible, thereMMA 30.3.1 wears the white crown; H the double crown.
fore, that MMA 30.3.1 and H formed a pair that faced each other across the
evidence that led this author to alternative conclusions will be discussed fully
6.
on one side of the processional way were
from those on the opposite side by the types of crowns they
back pillar; the hieroglyphs on the
reconstruc-
The individual
both on the level of
most likdy diat the lai^ statues of kneeling
second court.
large kneeling figures
identified as
(Winlock 1928b, pp. 17-20), which has been widely accepted since he
formulated
in the
ments of their
Museum ofArt (cited under Winlock in the bibliography of this volume).

5. The following description of the placement of statuary in Hatshepsut's temple
at
The
of granite sphinxes, a headless
MMA 31.3. 168), and the sandstone

The oriâl placement of this last
Hathor shrine or die northern middle colon-
it is
wore, the shapes of their back
Department
of Egyptian Art, Metropolitan Museum. See Winlock, Notebooks VII, VIII,

and IX; and the
were
figures
figs. 17, 18; Tetiiin
either the
die 5ea>nd court. Therefore
the torso
in the archives of the
visible.
a claustro-
Moreover, the findspots of the statue fragments
relief recoimtit^ the queen's divine birdi,
nade with die
differentiated
are
is
of findspots for
were located elsewhere. According to Winlodc's descrip-
was surdy in
statue
14041).
Winlock 's notebooks and photographs
no base fragment
in the listing
would have created
Notebook VIII, pp. 160-204, die overwhelming number of frag-
statue of Hatshepsut's nurse (JE 56264).
MMA and the Rijksmuseum
MMA 29.3.3, to be completed by joining with
135, 136,
male granodiorite statue (seated statue F,
van Oudheden, Leiden, cooperated, allowing the seated granite female

figure,
M8C
parts of the quarry, togedier with fragments
pi. xxii, b;
and back cover). The head of a
sandstone sphinx, Berlin 2301, was already in Berlin through Lepsius

(Lepsius 1849-59, vol.
are kept in a
statue to the extent
mcaSB of large kneeling figures were discovered in the central and eastern
now Benlia 2^83 (^Kîlock
kneelii^ figuKs
from
Grimm and Schoske 1999a, p.
in conversation).
in his
The pieces
shows only the upper part of the
G (Winlock, Notebook VIII, p. 202). Winlock's placement of
indicate that they
2306. In exchai^ for both 1299 and 1306, die Berlin
museum received
correct in connecting the fragment
making his conclusions suspect (pointed out by Catharine H.
eifect,
Roehrig
G was
Wmlock
in small pieces
Luxor or on the west bank, and among the available
the large statues in the conBned upper court
head and fragments found by Winlock joined with
16, pis. Ill, b, c, IV, v), the
the body, Berlin
is
cannot be determined.
could be reassembled; on
it
kneeling statue
48, 51 p>ottom];
pis. xxviii,
M8C 303
in
Moreover, there are no base fragments noted
had received from Karl Richard Lepsius to create the large granite
51, figs.
this statue
storeroom somewhere
MMA with
Berlin received a
2279 (Tefnin 1979,

body excavated by the
soimds. Kneeling statue
it
"Lower part of statue broken
198:
and fragments only found." Whedier he
.163 (Hayes 1959, p. 92,
was completed by combining the body
not as strong as
is
Notebook VIII, p.
writes in
MMA 30.3.x (Winlock 1929a,
sphinx, Berlin 2299 (Winlock 1928a, pp. 48,
p. 6, figs.
however,
plaster,
preserved only in small fragment and from the waist down. In fact,
49), 31.3.157
a head fi-om Berlin
it
by the
with plaster to
kneeling figure with white crown,
pp. 89, figs. 9, 10),
head
of the Temple was. The lower courts were unpaved." The evidence provided
31.3.164,
[left]),
50
Lai^
fig.
on "a fragment of the base probably of [statue] G." "This tends to
show," he writes, "that the statue stood in a paved court, which the peristyle
31.3.156 (with
shoulders belonging to another statue: Hayes 1959, p. 90,
(Winlock 1932a, pp.
timeters
18-
statues (for all, Tefnin 1979, pp. 3848),
MMA 31.3.153, .154, .155 (Winlock 1932a,
3.
without head
with restored face); seated figure*
pi. 1, a,
MMA 31.3.168 (Winlock 1928b,
male,
and on the presence of traces of lime plaster extendii^ up to a hei^t of 7 cen-
with restored face; seated ^^re in female form
pi. VI,
1979} PP>
-ffith
Winlock, having filled the uppermost court with the large kneeling
statues,
was scHnewhat vague about the placement of the small ones. In Notebook VIII,
p. 205,
he considers the Hathor or Anubis shrines
findspots
of the statues unequivocally
indicate,
as possible locations.
The
however, that originally they
275
were close to the sanctuary: the oventêhning majority of fragments of small
23.
kneeling statues were found close to fragments of Osirides originally located

in the
conspicuous of those
directions of
118, 126, 129,
Notebook VIII, pp. 20518): the hieroglyphs on Cairo JE 47702 and

3. 160
face
left,
The hieroglyphs on
Berlin 22883 3^*^
nomen
MMA 31.
also appears.
hieroglyphs on
3.
and the nomen of the queen
23.3.1
and
.2
inscriptions alternated
(Lord
25.
face right. This
on the statues in
3.
Winlock
inscription
3.
160:
Winlock
1923, pp. 3233, inscription:
218. Seated figure,
MMA 30.3.3: Winlock
Notebook VIII, p.
ritual associated
1932a, pp.
5,
on the back of the
p. 268. Unfortunately,
255.
with kingship under Thutmose
The damage
6, 10, fig. 6.
seat
III,
to the cartouche in the
recorded in Winlock, Notebook VIII,
is
Winlock does not document exacdy where the
ment from dhe back of the nurse's
[sic]
seat
frag-
was found. In Notebook VIII,
267,
p.
he states under "Finding Place" for the nurse statue: "In the pile of fragments
Bodily Dau^ter). This si^;ests the fbllowii^ pairings and sequences:
on the east side of the hole in the quarry floor. Small fragments above to the
east."
31.3.162 (prenomoi, nbjn Ar);
MMA 31.3.161 oppo-
MMA 23.3.2 (nomen, i?(t)-r' nt ^,f); MMA 31.3.160 opposite missii^

MMA 23.3.1 opposite missing (nomen, i^ftj-r' nt lu.f);
and J 47703 opposite Berlin 22883 (prenomen, nbjn ht).
thank James
P.
least ten and, as
28.
installed as single pieces, rather than
as elements in flanking rows, is strongly suggested
The lengths of the
JE 53114 with fragment

length about 2.9
length about
m;
by
3.
85, 88, 92, 97).
m; Berlin 2299,
total
all
It
Wilkinson
as
The incoherent character of the granite
sphinxes, noted
by
32.
33.
34.
on all the granite sphinxes except MMA
the
MMA s[îinx is the same lei^tii as Cairo JE 55190. It is possible, therefore,
that these
siiê positions. That
all
Hyksos
inscriptions
thus
first
court on the
marked (Dieter Arnold and Winlock 1979,
pi.
42) and
Dorman
p. 3.
1991, pp. 85-86, pis. 40, 50,
51.
The most important Winlock photographs showing the position of fragments
M8C 20, 21, 73, 107 (also Winlock [928a, p. 45, fig. 45),
12427 (Winlock 1928a, p. 49, figs. 49, 50), 129, 131 (Winlock 1928a,
M9C 47, 125 (Winlock 1928b, p. 8, fig. 7), 126, 174, 175
(Winlock 1928b,
19281^ p. 12,
35.
two beasts formed a pair facing a doorway. Since the others did not
correspond in terms of either size or inscription, they must have been installed
is
p. 48, fig. 48),
one
^^di is normal in Egyptian writing. And, as nol^
direction, to the right,
Winlock 1928b,
108, 118,
two standing stat-
31.3. 166 face in
map
are the follomng:
images that face each other across the processional path (such as tê sand-
stone sphiiUKs, the large and small kneeling figures, and the
by
court of the
around the western edge of die quarry.
is
should also be noted in this context that unlike the inscriptions on
ues), the texts
in
pottery" because the spot at the northeast corner of the
55190, calculated
first
some brick priests* houses north of the
by the archaeologists as "Wilkinson's much
court, in an area designated
first
167, according to Winlock's calculation of a
Tefoin 1979, i^. 115-20, also supports the noticm that they were set up as single
works.
p. 17.
the temple to this depression can be reconstructed in part
temple. These were deposited near
MMA 31.3. 166, whose restored length 3.43 m;

Cairo JE 56259, origmal length 4.35 m (Winlock, Notebook VIII, pp. 70, 77,
same
The path from
tracing fragments that were found along the route in the
their considerably
midway between the two preceding; Cairo JE
as almost exacdy the
31.
granite sphinxes are as follows: Cairo
55191, calculated total length 3.45
MMA 31.
Van Siclen 1989 has advanced further evidence of this fact
Winlock 1928b,
30. Ibid., p. 15.
That most of the granite sphinxes were
different sizes.
mantled.
29.
16-20.
Dorman 1988, pp. 46-65, and in his essay in this chapter (see n. 22, above).
Dorman 1988, pp. 5255, has shown convincingly that the few erasures on
blocks from the quartzite shrine were carried out after the building was dis-
Winlock assumed, probably twelve small kneeling statues,
with one whole nomen pair missii^ (Unlock, Notebook VIII, p. 205).
16. ^3C%ilock 1932a, pp. 13, fig. 10,
We can only assume that the fragment containing the damaged cartouche
was among the "small fr^nîte** found "above," that is, closer to the surface.
27.
Allen for looking at these inscriptions with me. There would have been at
p. 7, fig. 5) 185
pp. 13-14; Winlock,

36.
on Amenemhat Ill's sphinxes
(Winlock 1928b,
p. 7, fig. 6),
289 (Winlock
290, 291, 316.
fig. 13),
This place was nicknamed "The Cascade" by the excavators: Winlock 1928b,
Notebook VIII, p.
34.
Photographs
M9C 289-92, 296.
Post-Thutmoside destruction and scattering of statue fragments are described
by Winlock
1928b, p. 15, and Winlock,
Notebook VIII, p.
49.
Photograph
with manes are on the same right shoulder and that one dyad arranged side by
M9C 179 shows fragments scattered over thick layers of drift sand that cov-
side certainly existed (Habachi 1978, pp. 7992, pis. 23-26) provide evidence
ered the quarry well.
that
some sphinxes stood
rows.
side
by
side
and facing in the same direction in single
On single sphinxes versus sphinx pairs and avenues in an early text, see
Schweitzer 1948, pp. 6061.
The alabaster fragments,

finger resting
a piece of the wrist with bracelet and a piece of a
on the knee,
are described in Winlock,
are unpublished,
and no photograph
Notebook VIII, p.
265, as
from a
the size of the indurated limestone statue (cat. no. 96).
found by the
exists.
Winlock 1930, p.
11, figs. 8, 9;
and Peter
F.
Dorman, "The
276
THE PROSCRIPTION
date
no
earlier than the
just
above the base
Ptolemaic Period.
Dorothea Arnold forthcoming,

in the
will
it
be shown
that the deposition
Hatshepsut Hole was secondary and
which Thutmose III
of the
it
later
will
had
The vast literature on iconoclasm includes the following useful
recent studies:
references.
Proscription of
This was also discussed by Dorman (1988, pp. 4665).
40.
Boigûd et al.
41.
For recent studies on the
who surest that some of the hostility toward
sons.
bottom)
94,
Dupeux, Jezler, and Wirth 2000 and Vamer 2004, with many ftuther
Hatshepsut was inspired by the threat she posed to the succession of
Thutmose Ill's
rectangular slots cut into the sphinx
his temple built.

38.
p. 39.
22 (with bibliography).
p. 337,
Hatshepsut," above,
The
(fig.
coffin in the
to the Late Period or after.
it
the roof of the Hathor shrine onto the area in
39.
See Roehrig 1990,
Third Intermediate Period
be suggested that the smashed small kneeling stames were first dirown from
Tefnin 1979, pp. 11012; Winlock, Notebook
VIII, pp. 88-90.

21. S. RotJi 2002, pp. 21,
find of a
sand dates the scattering of fragments above
broken Hatshepsut statues
One of them was
on the middle terrace.
Observed by ^(ôck. Notebook VIII,
The
drift
37. In
They
statue roughly
MMA on the middle terrace in 1931 and the other by ^douard
Naville, probably also

19.
20.
22.
MMA 31.
On the
See Teeter 1997.
26. Nurse:
is
1.3.
of Ritual)^ but
(prenomen, ni tSvy)^
18.
3. 166 (cat.
JE 47702 oppo^te MMA

site
17.
The most
MMA sphinx 31.
see Teeter 1997, p. 7.
and MMA 3
162 she
called nbjrtht
MMA 31. 160 has n6-t3wj (Lord
of the Two
MMA 31.3.161, 23.3.1, and 32.3.2 have i?ft)-r'' nt ^t.f(Re's
On JE 47702 and 47703
[jtc]
Lands), and
Small kneeling figure,
1930, p. 9, fig. 7, inscription: Winlock,
each of the two facing rows. In addition, there was variation in Hatshepsut's
epitheta.
a century later.
e^sed when Winlock started his excavation. They
were still
Winlock, Notebook VIII, pp. 210,
used.
and 23.3.2 have the prenomen: the
and the ones on
means that the nomen and prenomen
24.
is
MMA 31.3. 162 face right, and the
161, 23.3.1,
31. 3. 161 face left
Amarna period,
on the front of the laige
may well also have been exposed during the Amarna period.
hiero^yphs on the back pillars of the small kneeling statues (Winlock,
MMA 31.
is
na 88a). A series of photographs shows that fragments of this sphinx, M8C
There are interestii^ variations in the use of names and
JE 47703 and on
Not mentioned here are the erasures of the name of Amun carried out in
iconoclastic attacks during the
main sanctuary room and in the niches of the uppermost court
(Dorodiea Arnold, forthcoming).
1994.
furtive role
of ima^ in the formulation of a soci-
and ideas, see Naumann and Panh>w 2004.

The inscriptions at Speos Artemidos cleaHy show how vivid these struggles
ety's concepts
42.
still
were in the time of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
III: J. P.
Allen 2002.
ERASING A REIGN
Ann Macy Roth
less
than a quarter century of rule, Maatkare Hatshepsut
In
monuments
erected
left
astonishing in both quantity and beauty.
Scratching.
Most often used on feminine pronouns and endings,
thin scratches with a pointed tool

figures as well.
posterity only recarved remnants of their original relief deco-
others the scratches are
ration.'
Those
attacks carried out during the monotheistic
Amarna
revolution in the late Eighteenth Dynasty destroyed most depictions of the gods, but the earliest attack
The
herself.
erasure of Hatshepsut 's
was aimed
Hatshepsut
at
name and image from her
were sometimes applied
Some examples show only
Unfortunately, several violent attacks and their aftermath have
of the scratches,
this
few
cuts,
to
while on
more numerous. Regardless of the density
technique
is
clearly perfunctory
and leaves
the decoration completely legible. Erasures of this kind are quite
common in the Hathor chapel and on much of the upper terrace at

Deir el-Bahri.
temple walls through these attacks raises interesting historical and

religious questions.
Targets for Erasure

Figures of Hatshepsut represented as a conventional male king
were routinely erased. Depictions of her
that
show
subtle femi-
nine characteristics and the rare representations that are entirely
female were no more likely to be attacked than the male images.
Hatshepsut 's cartouches were consistently erased, although
Re and
the divine
names
left intact.
Oddly, her
Amun) was
d3l
nomen
usually attacked
1 Amun
within them were often
<EMM
(Hatshepsut, Beloved of
more
(Maatkare). This greater
from Amarna-period
damage
is
attacks
violently than her
damage
to the
prenomen
nomen may
on the name Amun within
it,
result
although
sometimes seen on walls that were inaccessible
the iconoclasts.' Perhaps the 5^ sps hieroglyph in the
to
nomen, an
image of a seated woman, was offensive. In contrast, Hatshepsut 's
Horus name and her two minor names were often

Feminine markers referring
to
the second person
pronoun
feminine stative ending
t,
left intact.
Hatshepsut were also often
attacked: these include the final feminine
of
the third person
titles
and
pronoun
epithets,
s,
and the
tj.
Fig. 95. Hatshepsut originally appeared twice in this scene
depicting the goddess Hathor as a cow. Silhouettes of the two

figures,
Techniques of Erasure
legs
damage
to Hatshepsut's
were used on the same
name and
wall.
figure.
which were removed by chipping, are
still
visible:
stands under the cow's chin, the other kneels between
Eight techniques of erasure can be distinguished in the areas of
Often several of them
(compare
fig. 102).
slightly chipped,
The cartouche
at the
and the Re hieroglyph
the inscriptions above Hathor were
more
its
lower right
is intact.
one
hind
is
only
Cartouches in
ferociously attacked.
North wall of the outer sanctuary, Hathor chapel, Hatshepsut's

temple at Deir el-Bahri
277
chipped silhouette.
Karnak
(see
(fig.
fig.
On the walls surrounding the barque shrine
at
88) and scattered throughout the Deir el-Bahri temple
95), the raised areas of Hatshepsut's
images and the
hieroglyphs identifying her have been removed with short strokes
made by
a narrow,
flat
The
chisel.
painted background was
untouched, allowing the decoration to be read

frequently, the chips are shallow
in silhouette.
Less
and sparse, leaving some surface
details intact.
Fig. 97. Here, scratching
replaced
by
was used
a table of offerings
royal ka, which originally
However, the name
Thutmose
II.
to erase the figure
and two
jar stands.
resting
of Hatshepsut, which was
At the
was seen walking behind
right, Hatshepsut's
her, has
been
on the head of the ka was changed
left intact.
to that of
Most of the feminine endings and pronouns were erased. West
wall of the south chamber, upper terrace, Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri
Fig. 96.
This scene originally depicted Hatshepsut as a male king
wearing a triangular
kilt
and probably the atefcrown. Her figure and
the descriptive text in front of
it
have been completely erased in a
roughened rectangle. In the blackened area above the scene, the
tide
King of Upper and Lower Egypt and the prenomen
were
that follows
title Son of Re (a duck

name of the god Amun seem to
erased with deep chipped lines. However, the
with a
circle
above
its
back) and the
have been recarved during the post-Amarna restorations. West wall

of the northeast niche, entrance
temple
at
Rectangular roughening.
many of the
hall,
Hathor chapel, Hatshepsut's
Deir el-Bahri
A more thorough erasure was imposed on
raised representations in the inner
Anubis chapel and
Fig. 98.
at right,
the Hathor chapel at Deir el-Bahri
(fig.
96) and on
representations on the walls of the Chapelle

(fig. 87).
many sunk-relief
Rouge
at
Karnak
This technique involved roughening a rectangular patch
of the surface to cover Hatshepsut's figure and names, obliterating

almost
all
traces
tion of the feet
is
of the original
although
relief
often discernible.
the striding posi-
Here the
figure of Hatshepsut
was left
intact; that
was recarved during the post-Amarna
of Amun,
restorations.
Hatshepsut's cartouches were clumsily and incompletely erased, and

the
names of Thutmose
II
were crudely carved over them. Most of
the feminine endings and pronouns were attacked. South wall of the
south chamber, upper terrace, Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri
Smoothing. Sometimes the figure of Hatshepsut and the accompa-
nying
texts
were smoothed away
layer of plaster. This process
entirely
and covered with a thin
was used most often on end walls of
chapels at the Deir el-Bahri temple. Again, traces of separated feet

indicate that the representations
since the upper courses are missing, and
were
it is
alterations of Hatshepsut's images to
carried out during her reign. This
may
ing of what seem to be original feminine representations in the
mother, Ahmose, in the same temple
(fig.
in the sanctuary
el-Bahri,
where
There
chipped away using the silhouette method.
at
single example of this
is a
(fig.
on the upper terrace
Deir
these blocks
a masculine figure of the
were
also
Deir
at
queen had already been

It is
unclear whether
were replaced with patches.
the small temple at Medinet Habu.* Elsewhere her cartouches
were replaced, usually with those of Thutmose
more
at
97) and several others on the pyramidia of obelisks
99). Blocks
of the upper Anubis chapel
removed
depiction of an inanimate object, most often a table of offerings.'
and
be true of the recarv-
central sanctuary at Deir el-Bahri and of images of Hatshepsut's
were masculine.
Replacement. Hatshepsut's figure was sometimes replaced by a
el-Bahri
possible that these
make them masculine
also
rarely with those of Thutmose
the accompanying image
or
to these kings
86) and
II (fig.
Thutmose
(fig.
III,
reassigning
Covering.
The
walls around the central barque shrine at
and the bases of Hatshepsut's obelisks were sheathed

masonry. This extreme form of erasure
98).
Karnak
new
in
may have been chosen
because the walls in question occupied a space that was particuPatching. In a
more
radical
form of replacement, most of the
image of Hatshepsut was cut out of the wall and patching blocks
were
inserted and recarved. Reliefs
on the facade of Thutmose
larly sacred.
So close
to the sanctuary, the
required for other methods of erasure
more extensive work
may have been
impossible.
Ill's
temple in Buhen provide an example. There the underlying
Dismantling. In what seems to have been the most radical suppres-
representations had apparently been feminine, since the male
sion of Hatshepsut's existence, the Chapelle
characteristics
the bull's
beyond these patches were
tail
and striding foot
ground of originally narrower

fig. 2).'
No
royal
names or
that
protrude
clearly carved into the blank backfigural decoration
titles
(compare
to
survive on these patched walls.
dismantled.
It is
however, that
possible,
for the construction of a
new barque
it
Clearly, the partial erasure of Hatshepsut's
the Chapelle
Rouge took
place after
its
Rouge
at
Karnak was
was dismantled
to allow
same space.
shrine in the
name and image from
dismanding.'
Fig. 100. Here,
Hatshepsut was originally
shown
to Hathor.
offering
Her image
was erased incompletely using a chip-
ping technique that

left
some
her
kilt
details
of
and crown
and her rear arm and

leg visible.
The
car-
touche above her
was
the
altered to present
prenomen of
Thutmose IL The
monograms on the
frieze
along the top of
the wall (raised ka
arms on
either side of
a cobra with a sun
disk and horns
head) were
on
its
left intact,
preserving the spelling

Fig. 99. This depiction
was
of Hatshepsut's mother, Ahmose, presumably
altered during the construction of the temple at Deir el-Bahri.
originally
showed her
in her role as
It
God's Wife of Amun, standing
behind the large seated figure of Amun
at the left.
She
now wears the
queen's vulture headdress, but beneath this are traces of a short curled
wig, and above the vulture 's back
is
the faint oudine of the pillbox-
shaped modius worn by a God's Wife. The queen's original hetes

scepter
was recarved
chest and
tie
into a lotus
flail.
The
ribbons that cross over her
around her waist are an archaic Libyan
typical for Hathoric dancers. Left
style
of dress
of the door, west wall of the upper
terrace courtyard, Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri
of Hatshepsut's
prenomen, Maatkare.
West wall of the

entrance hall, Hathor
chapel, Hatshepsut's
temple
at
Deir el-Bahri
hypothesis would be consistent with Charles Nims's dating of
all
destruction of Hatshepsut's image to the latter half of Thutmose Ill's

reign,' as
it
would imply a comparatively brief and rather
disor-
ganized campaign that was interrupted perhaps upon the accession of Amenhotep
is
that the
scene
II.
The principal argument against this theory
work would have been
although
a similarly
in different stages
on
random working method
a single
is
seen in
unfinished tombs.
Interpretation of the Erasures

The erasures of Hatshepsut's name and image raise two important
questions.
While some canonical images showing her
king were
left intact
male
as a
and simply reidentified as Thutmose
III
or
one of his forebears, more often they were completely erased or

replaced with an image of an offering stand.
Why most masculine
images of Hatshepsut were erased rather than simply usurped

the
Fig. loi In this

.
at the left
in the
now-blank rectangle, Hatshepsut originally stood
a pointed tool, leaving a silhouette of fine
Her cartouches on the doorway to
the
left
were attacked
same way, and some of the feminine gender markers
inscriptions
were
in the
On the frieze above, the ka arms
also attacked.
beneath the cobras were erased with a broader
tool.
The
figure
of the goddess was probably erased during the Amarna period,

although erasure carefully following a silhouette
that time. (In this chapel, the divinities
restored post- Amarna.)
upper
West
Multiple erasures.
unusual for
chapel (north),
Some monuments were erased as well as covered
(for example, the Hatshepsut
back of the Anubis shrine
at
rooms
wall, for
at
Karnak) or patched (the
Deir el-Bahri
multiple erasures, as evidenced
on the same
is
were apparently not
Thutmose
wall,
terrace, Hatshepsut's
example
by
at
fact that the relief decoration
is
one). Others suffered
the variety of techniques found
Deir el-Bahri
(figs.
loo, loi).
The
of Hatshepsut's monuments was
attacked repeatedly and in differing degrees perhaps suggests that

several
programs of proscription with
ried out at different times.
different goals
However, there
is
were
car-
no evident pattern in
these erasures that allows their goals to be determined.

It is
also possible that
where the
first five
types of erasures
occur in a single monument, they represent stages
in a single
Fig. 102.
An intact figure of Hatshepsut kneels to nurse from the udder
of the Hathor cow. Here she appears to be shown with a feminine body
and a woman's breast. Her cartouche was also
unfinished process. Perhaps literate scribes marked the hiero-
glyphs that were to be deleted with scratching; the silhouettes
were chipped
in a first pass
meant
to level the raised relief;
and the
rectangular roughening blended the relief with the background

surface,
which was then smoothed and
finally recarved.
This
is
question, an intriquing one with important implications
facing the Goddess of the West. Hatshepsut 's figure
was erased with

scratches.
first
left intact; all
damage
the area appears to be accidental. South wall of the inner sanctuary,
Hathor chapel, Hatshepsut's temple
at
Deir el-Bahri
to
for the nature of the images in Egyptian temple decoration.
answer
may be
that at least
accompanying cartouche but
in the
also through a ritual, such as the
Opening of the Mouth.* Perhaps an image

ual could not easily
The
some images of Hatshepsut were
with her not only by the presence of her name
identiiied
identified
through
rit-
be reassigned to another person.
monuments
at all.
When
the Eighteenth
III
Hatshepsut died
II.
The
earlier kings
Dynasty had had many daughters, and
of
their prog-
eny were more closely related to the founders of the dynasty than
were Thutmose
and
III
Kingship derived
his son.
religious
its
authority from the direct succession of rulers from one generation
from Osiris to Horus. By attacking images of
to the next,
More important historically is the question why Thutmose

attacked Hatshepsut 's
Amenhotep
erasures: the legitimization of
Hatshepsut as king and thus magically denying her kingship,
Thutmose
disposed
III
of a legitimate
alternative
to
the
he would have been a young adult, recognized as the junior king
Thutmoside
throughout Hatshepsut's reign. The transition was smooth, and
of Egypt. The fact that the erasures seem to have stopped sud-
many of Hatshepsut's
Thutmose
III.
officials
continued to serve into the reign of
would be
that
Thutmose
III
for such erasures.
and
upon
denly, perhaps
The
first
was
not
Thutmose
death.' It
is
all
1.
of the erasures were effected at the end of
Ill's reign,
modern perspective
although the continuing influence of
images of Hatshepsut as queen were never attacked makes
is
true
2.
in general.
many of the same
a crucial difference.
lost,
a rejection of the idea
3.
4.
There were a number of other
The original
patterns of
positions of
but their forms can be recovered, while the
reliefs:
they remain in position, but their con-
be restored.
Hatshepsut's reUefs on the walls
it
still
of female kingship
volume. Although
The clearest example is the damage done to
hatred.
The erasures might have been meant as
is
originally surroundii^ the barque sanctuary at

eral figures
was personal
in this
there
of the erased
tents often cannot
Hatshepsut's supporters might have contributed to a delay. That
unlikely that the motive
suggests
See also "The Destruction of the Statues of Hatshepsut from Deir ei-Bahri"
destroyed statues have been
doubtful that Thutmose would wait twenty years to
a personal vendetta,
II,
destruction can be seen in both two- and three-dimensional images, from a
almost two decades after Hatshepsut's
reverse
fulfill
Amenhotep
assured.
by Dorothea Arnold
if
the coronation of
throne
hated Hatshepsut personally because
she had assumed the kingship. This seems unlikely, given that
some
facilitated his son's succession to the
that the motive for the erasure disappeared once his kingship
Nonetheless, he attacked her monuments.
There are three possible motives
line
of the god and his name were left
Kamak temple, where sev-
intact,
while her
nomen was
severely damaged.
Tawosret, a later female pharaoh, was similarly replaced in her own tomb.
Dorman
1995a,
fig. 2.
Ricardo Caminos (1974, vol. 2) seems oddly reluctant to assign the underly-
female kings in Egypt's history, and
all
of them seem to have been
ing female figures to Hatshepsut,
attacked after their deaths. ' If the motive for the attack was
identification is speculative.
monument decorated during the
more completely erased images
ible in the
to
be the most completely femi-
6.
Dorman
vis-
7.
Nims
1966.
most thoroughly erased scenes, and some quite feminine
8.
Such
rituals
nine. This does not
seem
to be the case: the
wide male
stride
is
carefiilly
However,
woman would have been represented
Hatshepsut's feminine gender, however, one would expect the
1988, pp.
were
it is
reminding the reader that the

hard to imagine that another
taking the kingly role in
reign of
Thutmose
clearly
performed for statues and,
9.
in sacred places (fig. 102).
last ruler
III
of the Ahmoside
1
This points to the third, and most
for the year 42 date
is
M. Roth 2001.
based on the fact that the building that
cannot have been put up until after year 42 (Nims 1966;

10.
line.
replaced Hatshepsut's Chapelle Rouge, the barque sanctuary of Karnak temple,
Although no dynastic break occurred when Thutmose

assumed the throne, Hatshepsut was the
The argument
on
in later periods, for entire
temples, enabling them to function as living entities. See A.
depictions of the queen were left intact," perhaps because they are
rittials
III.
46-65.
likely,
motivation for the
1.
See
my
"Models of Authority" in
Gilbert 1953, esp.
fig. 17.
this
Dorman
1988).
volume.
Several of these intact portraits are
more feminine
than their erased counterparts.
ERASING A REIGN
28l
198.
Ahmose, Called Ruru
extends his
Thutmose
III
and he
that he holds closed with his right hand,
(14791458 B.C.)
left
hand out from beneath
it
to
lie flat
on the back
38.1
cm (15
somewhat
Thutmose
Kingdom
oversize hands are typical of Middle
The
just
erasure of Hatshepsut 's
ited to her
name was not
such erasures
may be found on
An example of
this seated statue
of Ahmose, called Ruru. The statue must

nally have stood in a temple, since
a share
lim-
temple walls but was also carried out
statues of private individuals.
origi-
Ruru claims
of the god's offerings; perhaps
it
was a
temple of Min of Coptos, where he was overseer of prophets.
Ruru
with
282
head
is
carved in the
of the early Eighteenth Dynasty, with a short
style
beard and raised eyebrows and cosmetic
61.196
on
statuary, but the
is
was
is
said to
Good God,
the
the throne
The throne
substituted.
name of Thutmose I was not
be in
name
name of
often written with
in.)
Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund
The
where Ruru
Aakheperkare Setepenre
Graywacke
H.
pillar,
the following of the
across his right breast. Both the cloak and the
narrow back
pillar.
He
wears a long cloak
and tucked behind the

fall
behind
lines.
ears, is
on the
statue in three places, while that of
Thutmose
hers.
III
appeared only once, following
The most visible of the inscriptions, on the
front of the cloak, declares that

king's
heart.
Here
the
Ruru
throne
is
in the
name
It
of
seems
likely that the
original cartouche held Hatshepsut's personal
name and
that
when
the substitution
Setepenre was added to
his shoulders.
Hatshepsut 's name was originally inscribed
fill
Hatshepsut's
throne, where
silver stave
kings.
An
name on
the
Ruru claims
was made,
the long cartouche.
The same form of Thutmose
I's
name
left
to
side
replaces
of the
have received a
with a gold handle from each of two
original cartouche of
Thutmose
III
AMR
occupies the secondary position.
Hatshepsut, Maatkare, was replaced by that of
Thutmose
that
portrayed seated on a block throne
hair, striated
long enough to
the epithet Setepenre.
III,
Menkheperre. Despite the
fact
both throne names begin with the sun disk
Provenance: Unknown
Bibliography Helck
1958, pp. 28689, 434^35)
hieroglyph, the entire cartouche seems to have
Bothmer 1966-67,
been cut back and recarved. In the inscription
1968, pp. 45-50; Katie 1979, p. 285
pp. 55-61, figs. 1-4;
Sauneron
THE PROSCRIPTION
CoiWfjghioO moBrjl
99
199- Lintel
Thutmose
of Hatshepsut and
This
lintel
was probably
a part
doorway of much
in a
later date.' It
already been removed from
Thutmose
tion
(14791458
III
b.c.)
Limestone
cm (19VS
in.),
W.
11;
its
it
was found
had probably
original posi-
by the time of the persecution of the name
of the god
cm (45K in.)
University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology
H. 50
of Hatshepsut 's
temple at Deir el-Bahri, although
III
Amun
1336 B.C.), since
by Akhenaten
1349-
(r.
Amun's name has been
left
The upper two of
Thutmose
III, identified
by
his
registers confer the
of the cartouches and not the individual hieroglyphs).
The use of two techniques
that the lintel
suggests
had already been broken and sep-
life
right of the break. In that case, the
Thutmose
III
names of
might have been painted over the
AMK
cartouches.
same wish, but
kings, Hatshepsut (on the left)
Thutmose
III
(on the right).
its
Horus name.
upon two
to
have been erased
leveled with plaster that has fallen out to the
name, "the Behedite," while the next wishes
two
to
only the silhouettes
Alternatively, the erased area might have been
top register shows the winged sun disk and
last
seem
in this case leaving visible
The
inscription are completely symmetrical.
The
of the diagonal break, while the areas to
using the chipped silhouette method (although
the four registers of
Research Account E 1823
to
left
the right of the break
arated by the time the erasures took place.
intact here.
and Anthropology, Philadelphia, Gift of the Egyptian
the
The former
be beloved of Amun-Re, while the
is
and
I.
Quibell 1898, p.
5.
said
latter is
called beloved of the goddess Maat; otherwise,
the inscriptions are identical except for the car-
Provenance: Found
in
western Thebes, the
Ramesseum; James Edward Quibell excavations
for
the Egyptian Research Account, 1895
touches containing the kings' names.
Hatshepsut 's
two cartouches have been
completely erased and smoothed on the areas to
Bibliography:
Bedford
in
Quibell 1898,
pi. xiii, i;
Silverman 1997, pp. 162-63,
tô.
Donald
B.
48
ERASING A REIGN
283
VI.
THE AFTERMATH
THE TEMPLE OF THUTMOSE
III
AT
DEIR EL-BAHRI
Jadwiga Lipinska
One
of the
many
structures erected
Thutmose
leader and builder
by
the great military
III (r.
1479-1425
B.C.)
was the temple of Djeser-Akhet (holy of horizon)
at
Deir el-Bahri, on the southern side of Hatshepsut's temple.

Djeser-Akhet was constructed in the
reign,
from about
The
the vizier Rekhmire.
on
activity
last
1435 B.C. to 1425 B.C.,
decade of Thutmose 's
under the supervision of
earliest written record of building
the temple dates
from year 43 of Thutmose 's
reign, a
date that coincides with the beginning of the proscription of
Hatshepsut.
The new
shadow Hatshepsut's
The site chosen

and
that
make
was probably intended
(fig.
this site
fit
and
consisted of a steep, rocky ridge.
for use,
it
was necessary
to cut into the
The resulting platform for
new building was irregular in shape, however, and

it
was enlarged by means of an
Opposite: Fig. 103.
was about
filled
ii'A feet (3.5
with rock debris.
The
terrace thus created
meters) higher than the neighboring upper
part of Hatshepsut's temple
and about 46
feet (14 meters) higher
than the platform of the temple of Mentuhotep
II.
Pavement
and huge sandstone blocks for column bases were laid on the
and then the building was
Like the temples of Mentuhotep

el-Bahri, Djeser-Akhet
slabs
terrace,
raised.
II
and Hatshepsut
was made up of
at
Deir
sequence of terraces
approached by ramps. (The temple on the upper platform
consti-
tuted the principal part, but not the whole, of Djeser-Akhet.)
Colonnades or pillared porticoes flanked the ramps and formed
104)
rock face both vertically and horizontally.

the
to over-
temple.'
the space between the temple of Mentuhotep II
of Hatshepsut
In order to
structure
using a stone frame
Head of Thutmose
artificial
too narrow,
platform constructed
the facades of the three temples.
These
edifices,
approached from
the east along almost parallel processional avenues,
made up
harmonious architectural complex of horizontal porticoes,

piers,
and oblique ramps abutting a
high.
The complex of temples
cliff about
at
vertical
300 feet (100 meters)
Deir el-Bahri was
built,
it
appears, mainly for the reception of processions during the
III,
early i8th Dynasty. Painted relief frag-
ments from the temple of Thutmose
III,
Deir el-Bahri
Fig. 104.
Model re-creating the three royal
temples at Deir el-Bahri. Left to right:

the temple of
Mentuhotep
II;
Djeser-
Akhet, the temple of Thutmose
III;
Djeser-djeseru, the temple of Hatshepsut.
Constructed by Stefan Miszczak
285
of Egyptian architecture
(38 X 26.5 meters)
(fig. 105). Its
conform
dimensions
ter, just
as they
do
to those of the
Hatshepsut's temple, and colonnades on
all
124'/3
x 87 feet
upper court
four sides frame
in Hatshepsut's court (fig. 57:9).
in
its
cen-
Thutmose
Ill's
court was probably planned as an exact copy of Hatshepsut's court,
but underwent modification.
The central part of Hatshepsut's upper
court, according to recent studies,
was
left
of structures. In the temple of Thutmose
uncovered and devoid
III,
however, seventy-six
cm)
sixteen-sided polygonal columns, about 35!^ inches (90
diameter and
18!^ feet (5.6
meters) high, surrounded a double
in
row
of twelve larger thirty-two-faceted columns 43!^ inches (no centimeters) in diameter, evidently supporting a roof on a level higher
aisles.
Fragments of muUioned windows prove that
lighted
from above with a clerestory and constructed
than the side

the hall
was
as a basilica
after
the second basilica in Egyptian temple architecture,
an earlier one in Karnak, in the jubilee temple Akh-Menu,
which was
Fig. 105. Plan of the temple of Thutmose III at Deir el-Bahri: (A) barque hall,
also erected
of the two basilicas
is
by Thutmose
III.
The
architectural layout
quite different, and the one at Deir el-Bahri
(B) vestibule or offering room, (C) sanctuary(?), (D) four-columned chamber
with niche and representation of royal ka, (EK) shrines of unknown function
seems to be a step forward, toward the hypostyle
halls
of the
Nineteenth Dynasty.
Beautiful Festival of the Valley. For this purpose
a stage setting.
It is a
great pity that today
the temple of Mentuhotep
II
it
was ideal
like
two of the buildings
and that of Thutmose
III
are
Contrary to excavators' expectations, there was no rock-cut

sanctuary in the temple of Thutmose
tect did
the shrines behind the hypostyle hall.
Thutmose 's temple have been preserved, but
there are only
hall (fig. 105:
ger traces of the foundations of the porticoes.
A number of deco-
rated fragments of square pillars
mea-
were found, and one part of the
temple 's middle level escaped destruction: the innermost shrine of
III,
and the temple's archi-
not follow the example of Hatshepsut's temple in planning
almost totally destroyed. Remains of the lower end of a ramp to
A)
there
columns and with

royal ka
was
the north of the barque
a shrine with a roof supported
western wall
a niche in the
was depicted
To
at the rear,
from lunmutef on the side
(fig. 105:
by four
D); the
and the king receiving olferings
walls.
No
traces of a sun altar
were
the cow-goddess Hathor. This beautifully decorated shrine, dis-
covered in 1906 behind the northwestern corner of the platform of
Mentuhotep
Museum in
The
II's
temple, was removed and taken to the Egyptian
Cairo.
upper, main part of the temple of
Thutmose
III
was
dis-
covered in 1962 by a Polish-Egyptian archaeological mission led
by Kazimierz Michalowski, and

recent decades the
site
it
was
has been partially restored. This area of the
temple consisted of a great colonnaded

tico at the front
the temple
finally cleared in 1967. In
and a row of shrines
was destroyed,
in a
rock
hall
at the
with an entrance por-
back
(fig. 105).
slide, the artificial
gave way and everything that had been built on
But structures that had been erected on the

survived in part
still
(fig.
106): the lower
solid,
it
When
platform
disappeared.
rock platform
drums of polygonal columns
stand on their bases; there are partially preserved pavements,
wall foundations, and door jambs, or traces of them, as well as
numerous
scattered architectural elements.
These remnants helped
archaeologists to determine the original shape of the building,
although some questions are
The
great colonnaded hall
Thutmose
286
still
Ill's
unanswered.
is
the
most impressive part of
temple and the most important for the history
THE AFTERMATH
Fig. 106. Ruins
Thutmose
of the colonnaded
III at
Deir el-Bahri
hall
on the upper platform of the temple of
discovered, and scholars
still
dispute whether the long transverse
shrine in the northwestern part of the temple
used as the main sanctuary.
one for each form of
tuaries,
worshiped
Kamutef
(fig. 105:
possible that there
It is
Amun
C) was
were two sanc-
Amun-Re and Amun-
in the temple. (It
should be mentioned that
Eighteenth Dynasty the goddess Hathor was considered
after the
by numerous
the mistress of the entire temple, as evidenced

graffiti left
by pilgrims on
the walls and columns.)
In the debris covering the ruins, thousands of fragments of wall
decoration were found, with admirably fresh polychromy preserved on delicate

tainly
due
reliefs (fig. 103).
This
state
of preservation
to the temple's comparatively short (for ancient
cer-
is
Egypt)
period of existence (from the fifteenth to the eleventh century B.C.)
and to the limited time,
after the temple's destruction, that the
Fig. 107. Painted relief fragments
Thutmose
roofless shrines
lished, the
were exposed
to the elements.
III at
showing the god Amun. From the temple of
Deir el-Bahri
As can now be estab-
temple was partially ruined in a rock
slide, after
which
took over, dismantling the surviving walls and
stonecutters
columns and cutting them into roughly uniform

and unfinished blocks
left
Misshapen
units.
behind indicate that the stonecutters'
order was for drums about 24 inches (60 centimeters) in diameter
and for small blocks resembling oversized
bricks.
This activity
seems to have been state-sponsored, as the scale of work was too

large for
any private enterprise (the ruined temple of Mentuhotep
met the same
was
that
fate). It is
carted away.
not
The
known what was done with
II
the stone
decoration roughly hacked off the wall
blocks, architraves, ceiling slabs, and other elements of the temple,
and
left
behind by the stonecutters, can be
work is akin
fitted together,
but this
With-
to assembling a gigantic jigsaw puzzle (fig. 107).
out costly re-creation of the missing blocks by restorers, any reconstruction of the temple decoration can be only theoretical
drawings on paper.
In 1978 a team of Polish archaeologists
began
some
to study
thousand complete or only partly damaged limestone and
five
sandstone blocks from the temple, which had been found together
with innumerable smaller fragments and paper-thin
Although
for
this
work
is still
flakes.
not complete, the iconographic scheme
most of the temple walls has been firmly
established.^
Some
walls were decorated with polychrome reliefs arranged in single

registers,
some
in
double ones. Their
the dimensions of the rooms, as
The
subjects of the decoration
the style of the reliefs

tional.
it
were
size
was
was not dependent on
in Hatshepsut's temple.
typical for the period, as
delicate but
somewhat
stiff'
There were three main themes: the offering
the king offering alternately to
and
was
tradi-
ritual,
with
two forms of Amun; scenes of the
royal cult (for example, symbolic coronation, purification, the king

led or
embraced by a god or goddess, and the king suckled by
Hathor); and the procession of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley,
with the sacred barque of Amun carried by priests or resting on

its
stand. All images of the gods, except
Atum, were destroyed
III
287
during the Amarna period (1349-1336

restored. In
relief,
and subsequently
B.C.)
one place the sacred barque of Amun was hacked
a layer of plaster
was spread on the uneven
out;
surface of the defaced
and a new barque was painted, bearing the name of
Haremhab
Dynasty.
1323-1295
(r.
that
(It is likely
Thutmose
III
B.C.), the last
king of the Eighteenth
the restorations in the temple of
all
were ordered by Haremhab.) All
inscriptions con-
cerning the gods were mutilated, then restored, and their original
granite, headless statues of
III (r.
the
slid
III
down
of Mentuhotep
to the temple
in
some
cases they are the only existing
attire, for instance,
of the red shendyt
king running to a god.
temple of Thutmose
first
The materials brought to Ught in the ruined
III are invaluable for
studying the art of the
half of the Eighteenth Dynasty, for nothing similar
tered in contemporary
is
encoun-
tombs or other temples, where such
than
55 feet (17
Thutmose
meters), to be
number of statues
stelae
of Thutmose
(royal, divine,
and offering basins and
finds are a statue
Ill's
and
tables.
of Thutmose
III
temple; there were also a
private), as well as votive
Among the most important
enthroned
(fig. 108),
made of
dark gray quartz-diorite and more than 6 feet (almost 2 meters)

tall,
and fragments of a
lifesize
king, with traces of pigment.
of the
latter
white marble statue of a standing
The faceless head and the upper torso
were sent to The Metropolitan Museum of Art by
Edouard Naville from his excavations

at the
at the
But
how
did large stone
at the site,
reliefs
from the temple of
but they were most likely
consequence of building activity in
as
in the debris covering the site of
Hatshepsut's temple in the Ptolemaic Period (33230 B.C.) or
Once
when Hatshepsut's temple housed a Coptic monastery.
stonecutters
Thutmose
III,
ceased to quarry the ruined temple of
debris covered the
burial ground. Later
still,
site,
which was
later
several naturally dried
used as a
mummies of
Coptic monks found their resting place there.
Most of the
edifices in
western Thebes were built as mortuary
temples. Cult temples, like Medinet Habu, were extremely rare.
Architectural fragments and pieces of decoration were not the

at the site
there
left
Fragmentary
Ill's temple.'
afterward,
lively
colors have vanished from representations.
only finds
II.
fragments from the ruined temple of Mentuhotep climb up more
Hatshepsut were also found
worn together with the red crown in some scenes depicting the
temple of Mentuhotep
II
beginning of the twentieth century; the face and several
Thutmose
III
already had a mortuary temple, and though
III;
the face
was taken
to the Egyptian
at
Deir el-Bahri as a second one. There was no sun court, and
evidence of the cult of his royal ancestors was limited to one
narrow shrine
in the
images of Thutmose
southernmost part of the building, where

I
and Thutmose
II,
enthroned in front of
offering altars, decorated the longer walls.

false
No
fragments of
doors were ever found. The four-columned shrine
(fig. 105:
D) mentioned above, with
a niche for the royal ka,
seems to be the predecessor for the later temple of Amenhotep

in Luxor.
Museum
in
1.
Cairo, and the other fragments, which suffice to partially restore

the object, are
288
still
stored at Deir el-Bahri. Parts of four or five red
THE AFTERMATH
some
pharaohs had more than one, he evidently did not build his temple
other fragments of the statue were found in the ruined temple of
Thutmose
worse
was destroyed, some of the statuary
temple of Thutmose
deposited
record of the colors of royal
a better or
When
images of the king retained their original appearance and poly-
kilt
III, in
1390-1352 B.C.) were also found.
gray-blue background was whitewashed. All the untouched
chromy, however, and
Thutmose
of preservation, and a head probably from a statue of
state
Amenhotep
The account here is based on Lipinska
1977 and 19S4 and
Czemer and
Medeksza 1992.
2.
The results of this study are being prepared for publication.
III
Offering Table of the
200.
Priest Aapekhti
tral basin,
which
with a
blossom
lily
head of an ox
Late Ptolemaic Period,
2nd ist century
B.C.
Whitish gray sandstone
H.
53
cm (20% in.), W.
56
cm
(22
in.)
by
U-shaped stem
each end. Above are the
and
five
round loaves
tables,
on
at
"Oh
Osiris, priest of
priest
Imhotep, priest
of Aapekhti (the name of
Horus of Shent-Khentet, Aapekhti,
the justified, son of Paheb, the justified, born of

the lady of the house Merer, the justified!"
The
of King Djoser
worshiped as a wise
a priest
and Hatshepsut's
river
Deir el-Bahri. In that temple, in
Aapekhti's time, Imhotep
tect
(the god)
Jn venerating deities and the dead, the ancient
temple
years earlier had been an
an otherwise unknown deity), second priest of
Egyptians used stone slab offering
cultivation near the
on the narrow front edge invokes the deceased
and embalming
1692
at
of bread, traditional offerings. The inscription
Aapekhti:
Agyptische Sammlung der Universitat Tiibingen
circled
is
(at the left)
(r.
who some
official
man and
2,500
and chief archi-
26302611
B.C.)
was
As
deified healer.
of Imhotep, Aapekhti himself was prob-
ably also a physician and knowledgeable in
healing practices.
He may
well have treated
suppliants suffering from illnesses

the temple.
who
visited
A person approaching this offering
was surely
of healing from both
which they placed food offerings and over
inscription thus refers to both a priest called
table
which
Aapekhti and a deity of that name, as well as
the deceased Aapekhti and the deified Imhotep.
they
poured
offering table,
water
libations.
This
which originally rested on
cylindrical support, carries decoration typical
for
its
sides
time.
groove running along the four
of the tabletop
is
connected with a rectan-
gular protruding spout. At the center

tacle for libations in the
is
a recep-
shape of a cartouche,
the oblong device that usually framed a royal
name.
Two
ewers carved
in relief flank the cen-
in search
other deities.
The
piece
is
not only a rare example of an
offering table excavated in
situ
but also a
demonstration that the temple of Hatshepsut
was
still
nium
a place of
worship more than
Provenance: Western Thebes, Asasif,

vations of the
German
TT 411; exca-
Institute of Archaeology, 1965
a millen-
after the queen's demise. Originally the
Bibliography:
Dieter Arnold and SettgasI 1966,
pp. 81, 85, pis. XIV, b, XV,
table faced the entrance to Aapekhti's tomb,
73;
which was located halfway between the area of
Laskowska-Kusztal 1984
a, b, fig.
between pp. 72 and
Brunner-Traut and Brunner 1981,
p. 30, pi. 146;
III
289
CoiWfjghioOmaBrjl
A CHRONOLOGY
The
Later History and Excavations of the Temple of
Hatshepsut
Deir el-Bahri
at
Dorothea Arnold
1425 B.C.
After the death of Thutmose
on
tecture
and
relief decoration
III,
the temple continues to function as a place of worship.
remain for the most part as modified by Thutmose
intrusions as the erasures of images of the
order of King Akhenaten during the
damage, principally by Ramesses

8th century B.C.
god
Amarna
II (r.
III,
The
archi-
except for such
Amun and some other deities, carried out at the

period (1349 1336 B.C.), and the repair of this
1279 1213
B.C.).
After damage to the temple during an earthquake, tombs for

the rock under the pavement of its courtyards and chapels.
elite officials
and
priests are cut into
The main parts of the temple, however,
continue to function as places of worship.

7th century B.C.
Many Eighteenth Dynasty reliefs are still visible, since numerous copies
artists
of them are
made by
decorating Twenty-sixth Dynasty tombs.
A dated ostracon (found in the second court) thanks Amenhotep, son of Hapu, for a miraculous
261260 B.C.
healing.
246221
A building of bricks and reused blocks is constructed in front of the southern middle colonnade;
B.C.
it
may be a chapel for the Greek god Asklepios erected by Ptolemy III
(r.
170 116
246221
Euergetes
B.C.).
The westernmost rock-cut chapel of the main sanctuary is altered: new reliefs make it a place of
B.C.
worship of the deified Amenhotep, son of Hapu; Imhotep, "architect" for the Third Dynasty
king Djoser and "wise man"; and the Greek goddess Hygieia. Probably
alterations, a portico
with
six
columns
cartouches of Ptolemy VIII Euergetes

until ca. A.D.
200
4th century
ca.
600800
is
built in front of the sanctuary.
II (r.
170-116
time of the
contains
The temple is used as a place of healing.

The latest pagan inscriptions found on the site date to this time.
The Coptic monastery of Saint Phoibammon is built into the upper court and the northwestern
part of the second court. (Coptic remains
debris.) In other places the
were found
in the
sun court, on 16
feet
of accumulated
monastery walls, of brick and reused stones, are built more or less on
the level of the original pavement, and a brick tower (watchtower.^)
THE AFTERMATH
at the
The portico
B.C.).
is
a conspicuous element
Some of the Eighteenth Dynasty temple reliefs are painted over with figures of Christ
(fig.
109).
and
saints.
The monastery is in use during these two centuries.'
The
last datable graffito left
pilgrim
is
by
made.
Richard Pococke, British traveler,

visits the ruins.
Members of Napoleon Bonaparte 's

expedition visit and describe the
ruins.
They draw
of the
a plan
visible
remains showing the chapel of

Hatshepsut, the upper court, the
first
ramp, and the avenue of sphinxes.

Description de I'Egypte, with information
from Napoleon's expedition,

Fig. 109.
appears in print.
The
ruins of Deir el-Bahri in 1893, before excavation
The mud
Naville for the Egypt Exploration Fund.
The
Giovanni
Italian explorer
Belzoni and the Briton
Coptic monastery that gave the
Battista
Henry Westcar
visits the site; in his
false
door of Thutmose
first
(cat. no. 87)
name Deir el-Bahri
from the
He
part of the
reads Hatshepsut 's
name
("the
Salt collection.
walls.
He
usurpations in the reliefs and wonders about feminine forms of the ruler's
tions.
is
time.
John Gardner Wilkinson clears some temple
British Egyptologist
by Edouard
Salt.
description the
northern monastery" in Arabic) appears in print for the
France acquires the
brick tower
name.
Henry William
Beechley dig for objects for the collection of British consul Henry
British traveler
site its
recognizes evidence of
name
in their inscrip-
Amunneitgori.
as
Amun as the temple
French Egyptologist Jean-Fran9ois ChampoUion
visits the ruins,
main god, and transcribes Hatshepsut 's name
Amenenthe. He hypothesizes about the use of the
feminine form in the inscriptions, "as
Ippolito Baldassare Rosellini leads the
recognizes
in question."
Tuscan delegation
Scottish anthropologist and artist Robert
German Egyptologist
as
queen were
if a
Hay sketches
in
The
's
Italian archaeologist
Champollion's expedition.
the remains of the Coptic monastery.
Karl Richard Lepsius and his Prussian expedition document the
site
and
probably conduct some excavations. They draw a much-improved plan; they read Hatshepsut 's
name
as
Numt Amen. Fragments of statues are acquired
John Baker Greene,

graffito in the
British
surgeon and
barrister,
for the Agyptisches
Berlin.
sun court.
Fran9ois-Auguste Mariette, Director of Egyptian Antiquities, conducts the

tions
Museum,
undertakes some excavations and leaves his
of the temple.
He begins
first
large-scale excava-
the destruction of the remains of the monastery and uncovers the
chapels of Hathor and of Anubis and the middle level's southern colonnade, which contains the
Punt expedition
reliefs.
Mariette shows finds from Deir el-Bahri in the Boulaq
Museum, Cairo) and
at
Museum
In excavations conducted by the British Egypt Exploration
Edouard Naville,
Naville's assistant
the entire area

is
(predecessor of the Egyptian
an exhibition in Paris.
of the temple
is
Fund (EEF) under the
Swiss Egyptologist
uncovered and all remaining Coptic walls are removed.
the young British Egyptologist
and artist Howard
Carter,
who
is
in charge
of the
work for long periods while Naville

roofs over the
1894- 95
1895- 1908
not present. The first restorations
walls, northwest chapel walls,
altar,
of temple
and the
architecture involve
consolidation
ofthe sanctuary
Hathor shrine, and northern lower colonnade.
Naville discovers foundation deposit A.
Under
EEF, Naville publishes the temple
the auspices of the
mostly by Carter (see
19056 season
is
middle colonnades, the reconstruction ofthe sun
and upper colonnade
reliefs in six
volumes, with drawings
fig. i).
Naville finds the shrine to Hathor in the guise of a cow.
and excavator Lord Carnarvon and Howard Carter conduct excavations.
'909 1 1
The British
1909- 10
Work in the
1910- 11
Foundation deposits
191136
Excavations are carried out by The Metropolitan Museum ofArt, by Herbert E. Winlock, field director,
collector
area of valley temples in
and
K.
Lower Asasif.
are discovered.
with Lindsley F. Hall, Walter Hauser, William C. Hayes, Ambrose Lansing, Charles K. Wilkinson,
others;
Harry Burton
and
the photographer.
is
1912 13 season
Work in
1921- 22 season
Foundation deposit B and dumps of Hathor votives outside the courtyard gates of Mentuhotep's
the valley temple area.
temple are discovered.
1922 23 season
The "Hatshepsut Hole"
is
excavated;
contains most of the small kneeling statues that have
it
been found.
1923- 24 season
Foundation deposits C, D, E, F are discovered; falcon panels are recognized on
pillars
of the lower
colonnade; "priests' houses" north of temple and lower court are cleared.
1924 25 season
Stairway from the second court into the Eleventh Dynasty tomb of Neferu
relief is
1926 27 season
uncovered
Foundation deposits
and
1927 28 season
east
"(Thomas) Cook's Resthouse" are
statuary fragments are found; the

is
discovered; a lion
are discovered; the western-
most part of the quarry and the section

tion's
is
of lower ramp.
at foot
of the expedi-
cleared;
many
tomb of Senenmut (TT
353)
discovered.
Cook's Resthouse
is
moved
for digging; the quarry
is
farther east to
fully excavated;
fragments are found; the well
is
make room
many
statuary
found; statues, includ-
ing substantial parts of a large Osiride figure, are reassem-
bled and later reconstructed at the north end of the
lower colonnade by the Egyptian Antiquities Service

(fig.
1928 29 season
no).
Excavation of the quarry
is
completed; the piecing
together of statues continues
Meryetamun
1929 30
(fig.
72)
is
(fig.
in); the tomb of Queen
discovered.
The reassembly of statues in the field is largely completed;

Fig.
exchanges of parts of statues take place between the

Metropolitan
292
THE AFTERMATH
Museum and the Agjrptisches Museum,
no. Colossal Osiride statue
at the
corner of the
north colonnade on the lower level of Hatshepsut 's
Berlin.
193031 season
excavates below
the level of the second court; architectural
elements found in a Ptolemaic trench are
used in the restoration of the southern lower
colonnade by the Egyptian Antiquities

Service; a carved serpent and falcon are
found on the upper ramp balustrade; further
work on
parts
statues with restoration of missing
carried out; the remains of a sand-
is
stone statue in the field are examined; four
Osiride statues are recognized in the sanctuary;
work
is
conducted
Senenmut (TT
193132 season
in the
upper tomb of
71).
Remains of the barque
station at a
halfway
point on the causeway are discovered.
Fig. III. Haishepsut's statues being reconstructed in western
Thebes
in
the late 1920s
193536 season
The tombs of Senenmut 's parents and

family
members
other
are discovered.
Large parts of the temple, especially the lower and middle colonnades and the Hathor shrine, are
1925-52
reconstructed by a team led by the French architect Emile Baraize, Director of Works of the
Egyptian Antiquities Service.
Work
ig6ipresent
is
conducted by Warsaw University's Polish Centre ofMediterranean Archaeology in Cairo, by
Kaiimieri Michalowski, Jadwiga Lipinska, Zygmunt Wysocki, Janus:^ Karkowski, Francis^êk

Pawlicki, Andrêj Kwasnica, Krystyna Polac\ek, Zbigniew E. Siafranski,
and many
others.
1961
Restoration begins on the upper terrace of the temple in cooperation with the Gdansk Office of the
1960s
A fourth, uppermost terrace is discovered and subsequently reconstructed as a high blank wall at
State Ateliers for the Conservation of Antiquities
the back of the temple and above
(PKZ).
it.
1962-67
The temple of Thutmose
ongoing
Relief decoration from
1970s 90s
In Hatshepsut's temple, the upper terrace walls, upper ramp, and solar-cult complex are reconstructed.
1971-72
A possible foundation deposit pit is discovered in the northwest corner of a chapel to the "night
III is
discovered and excavated.
Thutmose
Ill's
temple
is
reassembled.
sun," east of the sun court.
197374 season
The
1980s
The temple 's upper colonnade
night-sun chapel
installed
3,
The upper
2000
is
reconstructed, and fragments of seven Osiride statues are
(fig. 59).
would
terrace
is officially
is
begun.
opened for public viewing.
Results of the excavation of the solar-cult complex are published (Karkowski 2003).
2003
pedestals
reconstructed.
Restoration of the central solar-complex chapel
1995
April
on
is
like to
thank Elisabeth R. O'Connell for informing
me on the currently accepted dates for the use of the monastery and providing the
reference to Lajtar 1991.
THE LATER HISTORY
293
HATSHEPSUT'S REPUTATION IN HISTORY

Cathleen A. Kellei
The
sanctioned persecution of Hatshepsut's
officially
memory
did not long outlast the reign of her successor,
Thutmose III, but its

omitted her from the
the
list
effects
were long-lasting. Thutmose
Chamber of the Ancestors
Karnak." Having been
at
officially
kings,
some kings of
1279
was
also absent
and Harnesses
B.C.)'
from
later
king
rations of Hatshepsut's
II (r.
1279-1213
monuments
at
b.c.),''
And
lists/
the Nineteenth Dynasty, chiefly Seti
I (r.
who
could understand the inscriptions on the colossal
pylons of ancient Thebes,
Hatshepsut's reentry into
attributed to
to
Egypt
at
Deir el-Bahri,
in
still
On his trip
ChampoUion (1790 1832).
182829 ChampoUion paid a
while
undertook resto-
alone decipher the battered car-
modern history can be
the individual also credited with the deciphering of Egyptian
hieroglyphs, ]ean-Fran9ois
1294
Karnak, Deir el-Bahri, and
let
touches on Hatsheput's monuments.
of Egypt's kings that he had inscribed in
denied the status of "royal ancestor," Hatshepsut, along with the
Amarna
remained
great temple
visit to the
encumbered with the remains of the Coptic
monastery that has given
name
its
to the
modern
site.''
He was
surprised to note in the wall texts the occasional juxtaposition of
Among the
elsewhere,' these were done as part of the general restoration of texts
female gender endings with depictions of a male king.
and images defaced during the reign of Akhenaten and did not con-
cartouches was one that he did not recognize but that he read ten-
stitute
an
official rehabilitation
not
It is
known whether
tatively as "Amenenthe."''
of her.
Hatshepsut's
name was
originally
included in the Turin canon, since the end of this document
very fragmentary.'^ But the
named on
the
indicates
list
fact that
its
it
even the Hyksos rulers were
noncultic,
intent. If Hatshepsut's cartouche
is
more or
less historical
was omitted from the canon
cannot have been because she was a woman, since the car-
touches of other rulers

(Sixth Dynasty,
Dynasty,
r.
r.
known
to
and Nefrusobek (Twelfth
B.C.), are present.
Both these
rulers,
ever, possessed something that Hatshepsut did not have:
how-
an inde-
memory of
a female ruler
who
reigned early in the
Eighteenth Dynasty must have survived, either in
official archival
documentation* or in folk memory.' For in the third-century

history of Egypt written
by
the Egyptian priest Manetho,
Hatshepsut makes a reappearance as "Amessis,"'" a
(Thutmose
II),
who
ruled after
him
she
is
this renaissance
sister
of Chebron
for twenty-one years before
being succeeded by Misphragmouthis (Thutmose
But
B.C.
classical historians.
Several centuries after Manetho's time, writing in hieroglyphs
abandoned." Although Coptic, the
final direct
was
descendant of
ancient Egyptian, continued to be spoken in Egypt into medieval

times, a crucial
294
hnk
to the past
THE AFTERMATH
had been broken.
had been succeeded by his
included her
the
name
No
priest
Amessis,
sister
who even-
regent Amenenthe, and that
Amenenthe
thus explain-
in the cartouche
with his
ing the occasional presence of female gender
own
endii^ ChampoUion
called this composite ruler the roi-reine.
Now that documents

the scholars
cal
and
of the ancient Egyptians could be read,
who came after ChampoUion began to augment bibli-
classical references to
Egypt with "real" Egyptian docu-
mentation. While this information gready expanded what was

at times
appeared to contradict accepted accounts.
it
Hatshepsut's chronological place in the Eighteenth Dynasty was a

case in point. Because
replaced
it
with his
grandfather,
chronology found
cisely
Thutmose
own
historians
it
when she had
as
weU
III
had destroyed her name and
as with those of his father
attempting to
understandably
reigned.
reconstruct
difficult to
come to be written over hers.'
Seeking to impose order on these seemingly arbitrary

ations found
tologist
alter-
on the monuments, the eminent German Egyp-
Kurt Sethe early in the twentieth century posited an
epigraphic rule: in a usurped cartouche, the final
must be
and
Egyptian
determine pre-
How did the names of kings thought
to have ruled before Hatshepsut
III)."
of Hatshepsut was of short duration, for
not mentioned in the later works of the
II
tually married
known,
pendent reign.'
Still,
Thutmose
have been female, Neith-Iqerti
21 52-21 50 B.C.)
1805 1802
Immediately suspecting that the female
endings were connected with Manetho's Amessis, he posited that
that of the usurper.
When
touche names were interpreted in
name
inscribed
the variously reworked car-
this light, the vision
they yielded
was of a
three
series
of palace coups and countercoups in which the
Thutmoses and Hatshepsut engaged
with Thutmose
in a struggle for
first
power,
emerging triumphant.'' Sethe's scenario was
III
accepted by most scholars of the early twentieth century"' and was
not seriously challenged until
1933.'' It
was from
and intrigue that the image of Hatshepsut
The only female
manipulator emerged.
this story
as palace
of cabal
schemer and
menage, she was not
in the
close intimates, the fates of both
were unknown, the monuments of
both were attacked posthumously. In the 1960s, in an
away from reconstructions of

like
soap
operas,
Egyptologists
began
The monuments of Senenmut,
in particular,
the destruction or survival of his memorials.''
Chief Royal Wife, Ahmose, to
Unlike Thutmose
III
who
Thutmose
inaccurately,
in
modern
Hatshepsut was perceived as lurking behind the scenes, waiting

for her
moment
to strike
and "suppress" Thutmose
ing him from achieving his glorious destiny."
her monuments as soon as
it
was
safe to
do
have been anything other than revenge.'""

in 1858, excavations
el-Bahri
revealed
conducted
appeared to support
at
Had
prevent-
he not attacked
renewed study of Hatshepsut's temple
at
to light."
Deir el-Bahri was
Archaeology
in Cairo,
and major breakthroughs were made
in
understanding the overall decorative program of the temple.'" In

1962 an entirely "new" temple, built by Thutmose
III
and called
motive
Djeser-Akhet, was discovered." The 1960s also saw the begin-
ning of a reassessment of the relationship between Hatshepsut
Could
his
Deir
at
of methodical destruction that
pattern
this theory.
Senenmut was prob-
him was coming
indeed, beginning
so.'
And
III,
depicting
undertaken by a mission of the Polish Centre of Mediterranean
"the Napoleon of ancient Egypt"'"
as
monument
Research on the side of the royals was equally active. In 1961
his military
scholarship, pos-
the reason for
ably also a focus of attention during this period because every few
years another
her claim.''
on the basis of
prowess and short stature emerged

sibly
justify
was on.
were scrutinized by
would reveal
subterfuge must have been her only option.'* After "usurping" the
his
analytical
terns of behavior, as reflected in the archaeological record,
scholars seeking a single pattern that
and
utilize
to
approaches derived from the social sciences. The search for pat-
thought to have had the power to contest openly for the crown:
throne, the theory went, she cited her descent from
effort to turn
ancient Egyptian history that read
and Thutmose
his
III. It
seemed
that
Thutmose
damnatio memoriae of Hatshepsut until the
III
had not begun
final
decade of
his
Egyptian Expedition, directed by Herbert E. Winlock, had discovered,
among much
else, statuary
of Hatshepsut that had been
smashed and from which the royal uraeus had been systematically
removed.'' Surely no further evidence was needed to prove that
Thutmose
III
had attempted
to erase
from history the kingship of
his "detested stepmother."'"
But how could one explain the extraordinary
fact that a
woman
had occupied the throne during the early expansion of the empire,
when Egypt was becoming
world power.-"' Surely Hatshepsut
could not have accomplished such a feat alone; the actual maneuvering must have been done by powerful male courtiers
who
used
the female king as a figurehead. Leading this supposed "palace

camarilla,"'' to judge
nificence of his
charge of the
from the number of
temple
at
this
"canny
politician
and
own
household.
brilliant administrator"''
could
have been the "evil genius"'* behind her reign. Indeed,
Senenmut was
actually
what he claimed
to be,
Hatshepsut, he must also have been her lover.''

court intrigue and romance developed,
gested themselves.
As this
modern
scenario of
parallels sug-
to Hatshepsut's
Mary Queen of Scots."" Was he
the deluded
Walter Raleigh to her astute and sexually repressed Elizabeth
Thus
the "Hatshepsut problem"'"
became
if
"an intimate" of
Was Senenmut Lord Darnley
(supposedly) besotted
in
Karnak, tutor to Hatshepsut's
daughter, Neferure, and steward of the king's
Only
and mag-
his titles
monuments, was Senenmut, administrator
Amun
I.'
inextricably linked
with the "Senenmut problem."'' Scholarly works revealed

intriguing connections between the
two
figures: they
had been
Fig. 112. Crates containing statues of Hatshepsut being loaded onto a boat for
transport to Cairo, 1931.
Columns of Luxor temple, on
the east
bank of the
Nile,
are visible in the background.
hatshepsut's reputation
295
reign,'*
and
to have
been his motives. For
if this
was the
and revenge were unlikely
case, hatred
why would he have
1.
The Karnak king list was transferred to the Mus^ du Louvre, Paris, by
Piisse d'Avennes in 1843.
waited twenty
Redfoid 1986, pp. 2934, and bibliography,
p. 29, n. loi; ibr a pre-excavadon photo of the
years to launch his persecution of her memory?
By
2.
the 1970s, a reevaluation of Hatshepsut's reign
Two
overdue.
La
Ratie's
Tefnin's
period, including the
was long
La statuaire
la 18' Dynastie.
summary of documenta-
is
the
first
3.
Barguet 1962,
4.
Porter and
in-depth look at
Hatshepsut's statuary since XXlnlock's excavations in the
first
from the tomb of the
official
1986,
Tjuenroy
ing to those royal ancestors deemed worthy of continuing to receive offerings.
5.
tion through the 1970s; the latter
list,
(Redford 1986, pp. 2124), which consisted of columns of cartouches belong-
and Roland
d'Hatshepsout: Portrait royal et politique sous
The former provides
Abydos list, from the temple of Seri I (Redford
pp. 18-20), and the Saqqara
major studies were published in 1979, Suzanne
reine Hatchepsout: Sources et problemes
room, see Baiguet 1962, pL xxvii.
The tradition of king lists is best documented on monuments of the Ramesside
p. 100;
Moss
Brand 2000, pp. 5456,
59fF.
1972, pp. 341, no. 4, 348, no. 16, 356, no. 74.
Even some of Senenmut 's monuments were
restored, such as his stela
North Karnak (Helck i960 and Murnane 1977, pp. 3536) and
half
6.
of the twentieth century." In contrast to Winlock's negative
from
British
Museum statue 1513 (Eaton-Krauss 1998, p. 208).

The Turin canon, a scribal list on the back of an archival document, enumerates the kings
of Egypt from the time that the gods ruled on earth to at least
assessment of Hatshepsut, both Ratie and Tefnin tend to take a
the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty. Although the end of the canon
is
Dorman published
destroyed, the kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty were likely hsted in
its
decidedly positive view of her. In 1988 Peter

a study of
Senenmut
in
Dynasty document of the Ramesside period, the canon is now in die Museo
a romantic connection between Hatshepsut and her courtier
Senenmut and
rejects the suggestion that she
was involved
in the
E^zio^
7.
Tallin.
See Gardiner 1959; Redford 1986, pp. 218.
In other words, these two regnant queens were chronologically significant,
while Hatshepsut was chronologically irrelevant. In addition, neither
destruction of his memorials.''
&r as we know, subjected to any system-
Neithiqeret nor Nefirusobek was, so
An
important reassessment of Hatshepsut's reign by Emily
atic, officially
Les dossiers d'arckeologie devoted to the king and her monuments
the subject
discoveries;''"
and
in 1999 an exhibition
8. Official
The possible role of Theban

temple Djeser-djeseru
century focused on the recording and study of data gleaned from
and a
fault
failings to her
have admired the

styles
10.
original builder of the
epithet
new, recent scholarship has combined new
is
1982, p. 159)
man
to be
between Hatshepsut and
status are present.
the Egyptian equivalent of the
Greek
in
It
western Thebes, or it might derive from Hatshepsut; see
A corruption of Hatshepsut's nomen
Khenemet Amun is also possible.
Chebron is
a corruption
of Aakheperenre, the prenomen of Thutmose
11.
Misphragmouthis is a coniiation of Menkheperte and Thutmose, die prenomen
and nomen of Thutmose III. See Manetho 1940, pp. loo-ioi, 108-9.
nantly male institution of the kingship. Although the themes of
archaeological discoveries and increasingly precise techniques of
Some
1984, p. 53) have suggested that a
relationship
Redford 1986, p. 247, for references.
innovative solu-
problem of situating a female ruler in the predomi-
art-historical analysis
on the
The source of the name Amesse,
Amenhotep I
rhetoric. Hatshepsut's
all reflect
11.
this discourse are not
Wente
may come from the name Ahmose, the

mother of Hatshepsut, or Ahmose-Nefertari, who siiared a cult with her son
with which she fused past and current
images, and building programs
tions to the
memories of the
woman engaged in anal intercourse (Romer
Amessis, remains uncertain.
female gender,*^ contemporary scholars
facility
folk
discussed in Redford (1986, pp. 24647).
no names or iconographic indicators of the couple 's
with Hatshepsut's rule and attributing
and iconography to create a new royal
titulary,
is
1982, pp. 15760;
Senenmut; however, Bryan (1996, pp. 5435) urges caution, particularly since
building and decoration programs.
supposed
(Romer
identified as a political satire
the political and religious motives for Hatshepsut's
Rather than finding
93ff.
such as the IVrin canon
co-regency-period graffito above the Deir el-Bahri temple depicting a
and monuments, the focus in much current research has been
on establishing
lists
(Gardiner 1959).
9.
in the mid-twentieth
scholars
texts
On Hatshepsut's
dociunentation would include contemporary royal correspon-
dence, private documents, and historical king
on
was organized by Alfred Grimm and Sylvia Schoskc*'
While archaeological research conducted
sanctioned attempt to destroy her monuments.
use of the regnal years of Thutmose III, see Chappaz 1993a, pp.
Teeter appeared in 1990;" 1993 saw the publication of an issue of
and drawing on recent
col-
imui 23, according to Malek (1982, pp. 1023). Probably a Nineteenth
which he largely discounts the idea of
12.
The latest securely dated hieroglyphic text is dated to a.d.
13.
CharapoUion 1833. "Deir el-Bahri"
14.
with in-depth studies of divinity, kingship,
is
394.
Arabic for "northern monastery."
Suzanne Ratie (1979, pp. 14-15) traces the early reading of Hatshepsut's
name, from Manetho 's Amessis to Auguste Mariette's Hatshepsitou. On
Champollion's reading of Hatshepsut's name, see Ratie 1979,
and cosmology to produce a view of the period more nuanced
p. 14, n. 23.
15.
Sethe 1896 and 1932.
than those offered by earlier scholars. Hatshepsut's identity as
r6.
See, for example. Breasted 1900, pp. 2755, ^nd Breasted 1912, pp. 269f.
Horus, the
17.
Edgerton 1933.
18.
Breasted 1912, pp. 26972; Gardiner 1961, pp. 18384.
celestial falcon
equated with the king; her intimate
relationship with the national
god Amun-Re; and her conversion
19.
of his
city,
Thebes, into the center of the cosmos*' are
oped and inventively expressed in the
art, architecture,
ture that flowered during her reign. Perhaps a
Given Hatshepsut's emphasis on her mother and daughter, Donald Redfoid
all
devel-
(1967, pp. 71-72, 8485) suggests that Hatshepsut's ultimate intention
and
litera-
to estabhsh a royal matriarchy to supplant the succession
Gay Robins's demonstration
modem reassessment
the female line
of Hatshepsut as king should focus not on her personal reputation

but on an appreciation of the dynamic presence that she brought
to the throne
and of the iimovation and
296
THE AFTERMATH
(1983) that royal
was
ri^ts of royal sons.
power was not passed through
an aigument against Hatshepsut's having any such goal.
Peter
Dorman (2005), among others, has pointed out that Hatshepsut's
stress
on her royal descent from her father, Thutmose I, placed her squarely
in the position of a royal son.
intellectual daring that

20.
characterized her reign.
is
Thutmose III
is
described
by Heibert Winlock (1942, p.
stocky young man." However, Ann
52) as a "short,
Macy Roth (personal communication.
e-mail, July 9, 2005)
suêsts that the measurements taken from his mummy
were inaa:urate, sines the

account.
Still,
fact that his feet were missing was
mies
21.
(J.
34.
not taken into
mum-
E. Harris and
Weeks 1973, p.
137,
and Ikram and Dodson 1998, p.
not long
self in
. . .
before this vain, ambitious, and unscrupulous
"It
23.
24.
25.
had actually completed most of the
John Wilson
Thutmose
apparently
if their
intact.
1942, p. 142.
Peter
1959, p. 114.
the assumption that a female ruler could not have taken an active role in
was suggested
that
pp. 17476).
It
III
(Redford 1967,
p. 63, citing
Wilson
also
Winlock 1942, p.
Hayes
37.
1959, p. 106. See also
a rule dominated
p. 148:
"Hers [Hatshepsut 'sj was
by an architect."
This assumption has long been a mainstay of historical
p. 85.
most unusual, variation on the theme
is
fiction.
A recent, and
1942. See also the articles
derives from the
title
of Sethe's l^^z^vbMcation Das Hatsckepsut-
Problem noch einmal Untersucht.
41.
1982;
Schulman 1987-88;
43.
at
Karnak
extant statues of Senenmut
1988, pp. 189202, and
of their research, see
Schoske 1999a.
The last-named
cult centers
1988.
is
currently twenty-five;
and bibliography, see Hari 1984. For a bibliography of all
Dorman
Grimm and
warped and distorted
The number of known
latest publication
42. Breasted (1912, p. 269) asserted that "the conventions of the court
Bothmer 1969-70; Schulman 1969-70; Meyer
list
(cited in the bibliography
d'^mde des Temples de Karnak.
Lesko 1967.
ments, see
in the present
on the excavations published by Winlock
ongoing excavations of the Franco-Egyptian team
39. Teeter 1990.
for a
likely correct. See
CahUrs de Karnak, published aimually by the Centre Franco-^gyptien
40. Natchepsout 1993.
Dorman
most
ofTke Metropolitan Mttsetun ofArt
Noblecourt 2002, pp. 270-71).
32. Ibid.;
is
Dorman also emphasizes the importance of close study of the Karnak monuments in tracing the historical trajectory of this period. See Dorman 1988,
Hatshepsut (Desroches-Noblecourt 1986, pp. 15253, and Desroches-
The term
Hatshepsut 's persecution
Thutmoside constructions; for the
the suggestion that the Child of the
Nursery, Maiherperi, was the natural son of die "Nubian** Senenmut and
33.
(1988, pp. 46-65) has demonstrated convincingly that
continue to unearth new material and to offer new interpretations of the
Redford 1967,
31.
Winlock
pp. 1865.
28.
29.
30.
had been
were then defaced, but those within remained
Dorman's essay "The Proscription of Hatshepsut"
in the Bulletin
38.
Winlock 1942,
was far
of this volume).
1967, pp. ^jS.).
212.
it
volume.
subsequently became apparent, however, that Hatshepsut
may in fact have participated in military campaigns (Redford

27.
1951,
intact;
until the chapel
Although some of Nims's original analysis has been questioned,
Dorman
this later date for
Hatshepsut 's "pacifist" coterie
either cooperated or vied with an aggressive, militaristic party gathered
around the young Thutmose
had not been attacked
reliefs
Winlock
it
The
random distribution of erasures on the blocls seemed inexplicable
defacement took place while the chapel was still
reuse. Surfaces facing out
On
III
of the chapel before
disassembled and the blocks piled in one of the temple 's blockyards for
III
on Hatshepsut 's monuments following the period of his suppression.

Hayes
relief decoration
dismantling the structure and replaciiît with a chapel of his own.
woman showed her-
fury" unleashed by
from the disassembled Chapelle Roug^,
a barque station built by Hatshepsut, Nims concluded diat Thutmose
323).
was
more likely that the
mihtary campaigns,
26.
1966. After analyzing the blocks
is
emerge.
Nims
her true colors," and ^Klnlock's reference (1942, p. 147) to her "devious
(1951, p. 176) cites the "vindictive
new information continues to
See the essay by Jadwiga Lipihska at the begiiming of this chapter.
politics."
22.
in progress, and
35.
36.
Typical of this hyperbole are William Hayes's description (1953, p. 81) of
Hatshepsut sprinî^ into action following the death of Thutmose II:
Excavation by the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology in Cairo

still
the comparison between the Egyptian king and the French
emperor continues to appeal and continues to be made in studies of royal
Dorman
1991.
his
monu-
to suit the rule
of Amun
at
were
all
of a woman."
goal she accomplished by creating a
web of ritual between
Karnak, Luxor, Deir el-Bahri, and Medinet Habu,
intended to energize this universe-in-microcosm through a never-ending

cycle of festal renewal; see "Architecture as Political Statement"
Macy Roth in
by Ann
this volimie.
HATSHEPSUT*S REPUTATION
297
Appendix: Inscriptions of Senenmut
Translation
of the false-door
inscription
(-.at.
no.
yj) by Peter F. Dorman.
[ ]
<>
CG
Brackets enclose missing text that can be restored.
Top ofsistrum: (i) [Given] as a favor
Noble and First-Rank Courtier and Steward of Amun, Sen[enmut,
scribal error.
modern
justified]. (2)
made
( )
Parentheses enclose
(2)
A nutnber in parentheses indicates the beginning of the
interpolations
for clarity.
corresponding line in the inscription.
(cat.
no. 64)
Senenmut,
1513
(11)
justified; (10)
Wosretkaw (Hatshepsut),
High Steward of (9) Amun,
justified; (8)
High Steward of the King, Senenmut,
justified;
Chief of Retainers of Amun, Senenmut.
Back pillar. (12) [Given
A royal offering (to) Amun Lord of the Thrones of

Two Lands, preeminent of all the gods. May he grant everything
from upon the altar daily on the New Moon Festival,
the King's Gift to the Hereditary
Overseer of Gardens of Amun, Senenmut; (6) Overseer of
Cows of (7) Amun, Senenmut,

Museum, London, EA
[of]
[Con]fidant of the Female Horus,
and one who is in the heart of the Horus, Khaemwaset (Thutmose III),
who made efficient their monuments (3) forever and was enduring of
their praise every day. (4) Overseer of Fields of Amun, Senenmut,
justified; (5)
Block Statue of Senenmut

British
no. 66)
(cat.
579
Angle brackets enclose a correction to a

Braces enclose Ramesside restorations.
{ }
Senenmut Kneeling with Sistnun

All other translations by Cathleen A. Keller.
of the King's
as a fav]or
Gift, the
King of Upper
Across garment: (i)
and Lower Egypt, Maatkare, given
the
Noble, First-Rank Courtier], Royal Seal Bearer and Sole Companion
that goes forth (2)
the Six-Day Festival, the Beginning-of-the-Month Festival, the Half-
Month Festival, at every
festival
of Heaven and earth (3) and
at
every
Beginning-of-the-Season Festival that occurs in this temple, as well as

the sweet breeze that precedes
him (4)
to the
and Headman, who has followed the king in

(the king's) youth, King's Confidant
in the
way of the palace,
(5)
who
who
one who finds
attends
upon him, perceptive

is
in this land,
Lands, (6) the Chamberlain
a solution (literally,
to prolong lifetime in eternity
is
brought to
[It
come
work of the king in

(17) [the
(at
who works
making
which he did not (yet) know, Overseer of the Council
justified.
Hereditary [Noble], First-Rank [Courtier] and Royal
High Steward of the King's Daughter, Senenmut, he says:
in Isheru,
efficient the
and
in the
as he
is
was commanded
to
pleasing to the heart.
what was commanded
(19) the
It
[in
charge (20) of it] inas-
happened exceptionally well
he being
efficient in acting in
it,
(21) [one precise
Nem-netjer pnest of Amu[n, (22) Sen]enmut, he says: "I
advanced before the (other) courtiers:
of the greatest in the entire land, one
appointed
hold.
me
realized
Chief Spokesman
this entire land."
Senenmut, he
"chief mouth") of her houseas well as
judgment in
The Overseer of the Double Granary of Amun,
says:
"O you God's Fathers, wab-fxiests,
Amun! As your noble god

to
my excellence in her heart, she
(literally,
The King's House was under my charge,
ka of Senenmut!'"
lector priests of
favors you, you shall hand over your offices
your children when you say: 'A Royal Offering
(to)
Amun-Re for the
in privacy, the
who
hears what
the
Two Lands
is
to the
am the
is impartial,
and
greatest
heard, alone and
justified.
am a
one who does what his majesty praises
the Overseer of Catde of Amun, Senenmut.

correct decisions' and
is
just
true], there
the Royal Seal Bearer
Steward of [Amun], (23) [Sen]enmut,
true confidant of the king,
accordance
and
no one like him! Stout-hearted and unwearying with regard
"My lady (?) repeated favors for me, the God's Wife, Hatshepsut, May
live! The king made me great; the king enhanced me, so that I was
monuments of the Lord of the Gods (Amun),
she
Around base: and, having
noble god, in
works without being neglect-
him to be
with the desire of His Majesty about

is
this
commanded in the palace, lively, prosperous,
according to what was
much
like
in the
Southern Opet of Amun (Luxor
monuments of the Lord of the Two Lands and
enlarging and making efficient
It
and
justified. (16)
to control every
Deir el-Bahri),
temple) in [satisfying the heart (18) of the majesty] of
Chamber, High Steward, Tutor of the King's Daughter (Neferure), one
[Seal Bearer],
(15) [people] in
Ipet-Sut (Karnak), in Southern Heliopolis,' in
Temple of A]mun, Djeser-djeseru
and healthy!
On top ofbase:
High Steward, Senenmut,
his atten-
"thing") every single day,
Lands, Senenmut,
to the
House of Mut
man toward
Two
memory with
who
fill,
praised of the Mistress of the
fair
for the Hereditary Noble, First-Rank Courtier
was commanded]
with his (own) two hands, skilled in every secret for guiding the (8) wise
that
and a
Overseer of the Double Granary of Amun, Senenmut,
Overseer of All Works of the King, the leader of one
(7)
order to exist in the tem-
receive offerings that go forth in
the years to
speaks in privacy, one vigilant concerning what

tion,
Lady of I]sheru, to
the presence of this great goddess and burial as a favor of the King's Gift
ka of the Hereditary Noble
adorns the Horus who
Two
ple (14) [of Mut,
forever], (13) [to the Hereditary
[life
justified, in
his journeys since his
pure of limbs whom his lord has purified, who has access to the marvelous
character of the Lord of the
and Steward of Amun, Senenmut,
daily,
am (24) one who makes
one with whose speech the Lord of
content, the 'Mouth' Nekhen,' the Hem-netjer priest
I am one who entered [loved] and (25) went forth

who gladdened the heart of the king daily, the courtier and
Controller of the Palace, Senenmut. I am one who provides (26) [allot-
of Maat, Senenmut.
praised, one
ments.']
from the Granary of Divine Offerings
decade,'' the
at the
beginning of each
Overseer of the Double Granary of Amun, Senenmut.
the festival leader, (27)
the gods in the course of every day,
am
on behalf
299
of the
and health of the
prosperity,
life,
Land' of Amun, Senenmut.
instructor
of every
Overseer of Cultivated
of] all [works]
of the King's House,"
to
There was nothing that had happened since the
that I did not
praised one
know, for the sake of perpetuating my
is
one who
exists
First
Occasion"
offerings.
A (truly)
whom the affairs of the Two Lands
(29); the administration'
of Upper and Lower Egypt is
under my seal; the obligatory production' of every foreign land

(jo) imder
priests.
Overseer of Hem-netjer priests of Montu in
craft,
Armam, Senenmut. For I am one

were repeated
lord, the
am the controller of controllers, preemi-
nent of the courtiers, (28) [Controller
my supervision.
is
was one whose actions were known
King's House, a True Royal Acquaintance,
Senenmut Kneeling with Sistnun (cat. no. 67)

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 48.149.7
in the
whom he loved, the Overseer
Top ofsistrum:
(i)
given as a favor of the King's Gift (2) to the Hereditary
of Gardens of Amun, Senenmut. (31) [O] you living ones on earth, the
Noble and First-Rank Courtier, the confidant of the Female Horus,
my statue, my likeness,'
[so that] (32) my memory might endure ' in the necropolis. May this
great goddess favor you as you say: 'A royal offering (to) Mm, Lady
Wosretkaw (Hatshepsut), and
(3)
Khaemwaset (Thutmose III),
as
of I[sheru],
Right side ofsistrum: (6) [the High Steward Senenmut, rever]ed (7) [with
Left siJe ofback pillar. (33) [that she might] give ketepet offerings that
the Great
hourly-priesthood of the temple,
are in
Upper Egypt to
who shall
the ka of the Great
see
One
of the Tens of Upper and
God
Left side
Lower Egypt to the ka of the greatest of the great, the noblest of the
prosperity,
upon her offering
May she give all that which goes forth from
table in Ipet-Sut (36)
and
[in]
the temples of
and Lower Egypt to the ka of the Master of Secrets in the TernSenenmut.
Upper
(37)[ples],
May she grant invocation offerings of bread, beer, oxen, and
Cows of (41) Amun, Senenmut.
justified.
(42)
The
(45)
Amun,
cemetery and (54)
common people,
May she
di^lays her beauty on behalf of the li]fe,
she grant a fine burial
Top ofbase: (12) to the ka of the Master of Secrets of the Western Side,
Senenmut,
justified.
God."
[grant] a fine burial in the western
with the Great
God
to the
(14)
(15)
Overseer of Cultivated Land of Amun, Senenmut
May she
grant splendor in Heaven and power on earth
May
One of the Tens of Upper and Lower Egypt], Senenmut. May
[she] give [djefau offerings that are in
justified.
the Great
and health of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt,
[just]ification
May
[(16)
He supports Hathor, preeminent of Thebes, Mut, Lady (.') of

Isheru. He causes her to appear and (52) displays her beauty on behalf
prosperity,
(9) [he
and health (10) of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt,
she give hetepet offerings that are in Upper Egypt to the ka of the Great
(51)
life,
ofsistrum:
Maatkare, and the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, (11) Menkheperre.
to the ka of the [High] Ste[ward of] the King, Senenmut, justified.
(49) [Leader] of all the
Maatkare, alive forever! (53)
every day.
[He supports Hathor, preeminent of
Back pillar.
High [Steward] of the King, Senenmut, revered with
of the
gives] noble. (8)
of storehouses (43) and
preeminent in the entire land, Steward of Amun, Senenmut,

(50)
Double Granary of
filler
justified.
Pigk side ofback pillar.
monuments
(5)
At left hand:
(46) Senenmut, (47) justified. (48) Overseer of Gardens
of Amun, Senenmut,
(4) their
The Overseer of
(40)
enricher of granaries, (44) the Overseer of the
of the Horus,
in the heart
Atrighthand: (13) Overseerof Works of Amun, Senenmut
fowl and drinking of (38) water from the eddy to the ka of the High
Steward of Amim, (39) [Sen]enmut,
is
The]bes; he causes her to appear.
Lower Egypt, Senenmut. May she give (34) djefau offerings that are in
nobles, (35) [Sen]enmut.
one who
one who made
and one enduring of favor with them
effective forever
of the Red Crown, Senenmut. (17)
from upon her offer[ing

the gods of
May
Upper and Lower Egypt to
in the temples, (18)
she give
table in Ipet-Sut
Senenmut.
all
Mansion
that goes [forth]
(Karnak) and in the temples of
the ka of the Master of Secrets]
May she grant invocation offerings of
bread, beer, oxen, and fowl and drinking at the eddy [to the ka of the
Stewjard of Amun, Senenmut.
ka of the
Lower Egypt to the ka of the
greatest of the great, noblest of the nobles], preeminent in the
The filler of storehouses and
High
(19) [en]richer
Master of Secrets of the Western Side, Senenmut; (55) and splendor in
of granaries, the Overseer of the Double Granary of Amun, Senenmut,
Heaven
justified,
(56)
Mansions
and power on earth (57)
(58)
to the
ka of the Overseer of the
begotten by Ramose, justified and born of Hamefer.
. .
of the Red Crown, Seneimiut, (59) begotten by Ramose

(6i)nefer. (62) The Overseer of Cultivated Land
and (60) born of Hatof Amim, Senenmut,
justified.
Senenmut Kneeling with Sistnun
Leftside ofbase: (63)
May she grant going forth and entering into the
Staatliche
(cat.
no. 68)
Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst, Munich, AS 6265
necropolis, in accordance with a follower of the righteous, to the ka of
the one
who repeats the speech of the king to the courtiers.

(64) one who offers to the god, one without blame with
May she grant going forth
Right side ofsistrum: (i)
The leader of all of the common people. High
From ofbase:
Steward of (2) Amun, [Senenmut].
people, the Steward of Amun, Senenmut.
who
(65) as a living ha
and breathing the sweet breeze of the north wind
the ka of the Overseer of
loaves from
to
of Amun, [Senenmut]; (66) and receiving
upon the altar of Amim at every festival of Heaven and earth
Right side ofbase: (67) to the ka of the commoner, valiant of arm, follower
of the king in southern, northern, eastern,
and western foreign
lands,
pure
whom the "gold of praise" is given

Around base: (68)
Senenmut. May he go forth as a living ba and follow god, Lord of the Gods. The one who will feed from the breasts of
of limbs between the bow," one to
.
Horus, his name does not perish forever! The breath of the mouth
is
not something to grow weary of. I am a noble

whom one listens. I have access to all writings of the Hem-netjer
resides in
of the
Armant,
(5) (other) gods.
elevated
(3)
of lunyt
more than those
Left side ofsistrum: (6) For the ka of the Master of Secrets in the Temples,
(7)
Senenmut.
and fowl,
May she give invocation offerings of bread, beer, oxen,
(8) the drinking
of water at (9) the eddy for the ka of the
Steward of (10) Amun, [Senenmut],
Back pillars.- middle,
left
and right sides:
(11)
and vindication with the Great
God for the ka of the Master of Secrets of the Western Side, [Senermiut].
May she give splendor in Heaven and power (12) on eardi to die ka of the
Overseer of the Mansions of the Red Crown, [Senenmut]. May she give
hetepet offerings that are in
to
in
appendix: inscriptions of senenmut
is
He causes her to appear. He displays her beauty.
useiiil to the noble; this is
300
He supports the sistrum
(4) so that her place
Upper Egypt and djefau offerings
(13) that ate
Lower Egypt and everything that goes forth fixjm upon her offering
and in the
table in Ipet-Sut
(14) temples
of the gods of Upper and Lower
Egypt to the ka of the High Steward of Amun, [Senenmut].

invocation offerings of bread, beer, oxen, and fowl (15)
life,
May she grant
Sen[enmut],
justified.
and health of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt,
prosperity,
Senenmut Kneeling with Uraeus Cryptogram (cat no.
May she grant a fine burial in the western cemetery
Maatkare.
Right side ofback pillar: Overseer of Works of Mut in Isheru,
on behalf of the
Around base: and the drinking of water at the eddy
High
for the ka of the
Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth,
71)
AP 85.2
Steward of Amun, [Senenmut]. The filler of storehouses and enricher of
May she allow going forth and entering into the
granaries, [Senenmut]:
Back pillar.
High Steward of [Amun, Senenmut: He supports
(1)
Renen]utet, foremost of luny (Armant); (2)
necropolis.
Top ofsistrum:
(i) the
High Steward of Amun, [Senenmut];
Overseer of the Double Granary of Amun, [Senenmut];
of Cultivated Land of Amun, [Senenmut]
(4) the
(3) the
on behalf of the
displays her beauty
(2) the
Overseer
High Steward of the
He causes her to
prosperity,
(3)
appear; he
and health of the
An offering (to)
Renenutet, August Lady of luny, that she might give hetepet offerings
that are in
King, [Senenmut].
life,
King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Maatkare.
Upper Egypt
Rear of base:
(4)
and djefau offerings
Lower Egypt
that are in
Leftside of base: (5) to the ka of the Overseer of the Double Granary of
Senenmut Kneelii^ with Hathor Emblem
(cat.
A[mun, Senenmut]. May she give
no. 69)
all
that
which goes forth from upon
her offering table to the Sole Companion
Egyptian Department of Antiquities Magazine, Luxor
Front ofbase: (6) the confidant of the king in
Back pillar.
(1) ...
by the Steward of Amun, Senenmut: He adores his
(Amun's) manifestation
gives (2)
might
he propitiates his majesty forever.
He
He (Senenmut) ... his beauty that his (Senenmut 's)
and
live,
daily;
heart
he might receive the sweet breeze of the north wind.
that
Right side ofbase:
May she
(7)
all
affection [Senenmut].
grant splendor in Heaven and power
(8)
Overseer of all Works of Amun, Sen[enmut],
justified; (9)
of Works of Amun in Djeser-djeseru, [Senenmut],
Overseer
justified; (10)
Royal
May he (Amun) grant a summoning to the daily offerings for the Sole
Seal Bearer and Overseer otHem-netjet priests of Montu in Iun[y,
Companion,
Senenmut],
On
left
thigh
adores (4)
and across
knees: (3)
Amun-Re and
Kha-Akhet
and Steward of Amun, Senenmut.
Hathor, preeminent of Thebes,
on behalf of the
(5)
life,
prosperity, health,
day of the ka of the steward Senenmut,
On
right thigh: (6)
like
who
on
earth to the Master of Secrets of the Western Side, [Senenmut];
justified.
He
resides in
and favor every
Re.
False-Door Stela from the Funerary Chapel of Senenmut

(cat.
Overseer of the Double Granary of Amun, Senenmut,
no. 73)
Agyptisches
Berlin,
2066
justified;
On left side:
Offices,
(7)
Steward of Amun, Senenmut; (8) Controller of Divine
Senenmut,
On right side:
(9)
legs, both sides:
the wedjat eyes:
The steward [Senenmut];
his father.
Ramose;
his
mother, Hatnefer.
justified;
Overseer of Cattle of Amun, Senenmut; (10) Overseer
of Cultivated Land of Amun, Senenmut;

Beneath
Above
On the doorframes:
[sh]ines in
],
(1)
Words spoken:
the Steward {of Amun}
the [bull
knows you, knows your
no. 70)
Amun, Senenmut},
may {Senenmut}
Brooklyn Museum, 67.68
(2) as well as
O you who projvision the Westerners, may you give bread
and beer to the steward {Seneimiut},

(cat.
O you who
name, and knows the names of these seven cows of yours,
(ii)-(i2) Steward of Amun, Senenmut.
Senenmut Kneeling with Uraeus Cryptogram
greetings to you,
(3)
may you provision the
{Steward of
may you give power to the steward [Senenmut],

may the steward {Senenmut} be bom
follow you,
O shrine of souls, lady of all; O thundercloud

O you of the silent land (the necroO you of Khemmis, who ennobles the
god; O you who are great of love, (5) of dappled hide; O you who are
united with life, bright red one; (6) O you whose name prevails over
your craft; O you bull, male consort of the cows: may you give bread
under your buttocks.
Backpillar. (i)
The Steward
of the Granary of Divine
causes her appearances, he

prosperity,
[of Amun, Senenmut]:
(2) Offerings, to
lifts
up her
(3)
He supports Renenutet
Montu, Lord of Armant. He
beauty on behalf of the
life,
and health of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, (Maatkare),
living forever.
Around base:
An offering (to) Renenutet,
(4)
that are in (5)
August Lady of Armant. May she grant
Upper Egypt to
the
hetepet offerings
High Steward of [Amun, Senenmut].
May she grant djefau provisions (6) that are in Lower Egypt to the Sole
Companion and Overseer of the Double Granary of (7) Amun,
[Senenmut].
May she grant splendor in Heaven and power on earth to
(4)
of Heaven,
polis),
and beer
O power of Heaven who opens the sun's disk, goodly

O circlet who {guides} the Two
Lands, goodly rudder of the northern sky; O sunlight who resides in
the abode of the divine images, goodly rudder of the {western} sky;
O you who presides over the red ones, goodly rudder of the south-
(8)
ern sky:
upon the oflFering table (10) of Montu in Armant for the Steward of
Amun,
[Senenmut].
Left side of back pillar. Overseer of All

justified.
may you give to the steward {Senenmut} bread, beer, cattle,

may you provision the steward {Senenmut}, may y<ou>
and fowl,
give to the steward {Senenmut}

(9)
Works o[f| Am[un] Senenmut,
may you provision the stew{ard
to the steward {Senenmut},
rudder of the {eastern} sky; (7)
Top of base: (8) begotten by Ramose and born of the Lady of the House,
May she grant everything that comes forth from
raises the god;
Senenmut}.
the ka of the steward [Senenmut],
Hatnefer, justified. (9)
who
foremost of your place;
<upon
earth>,
earth, the horizon
same
life,
may you give to

... for he
prosperity, health,
and endurance
the steward {Senenmut} Heaven,
knojws (them)
all;
and may you do the
(for me).
301
Text accompanying the bull and seven cows on the
The bull, mape
consort of the
lefii
1.
This
is
often understood as a reference to Armant; see
However,
cow^
as indicated
Eighteenth Dynasty
Shrine of souls, lady of all
it
by Arne Eêbrecht
may signify
Meyer
1982, p. 187.
(1975, cols. 435, 437), in texts
of the
the Thebaid (greater Thebes) as the south's
equivalent of Heliopolis.
Thundercloud of Heaven, who

She of the
silent land,
She of Khemmis,
who
raises the
god
foremost of her place
2.
3.
ennobles the god
She whose name prevails over her craft
sun's disk, goodly rudder of the
eastern sky
who
two
resides in the
lands,
R tp hrw 10 nb,
According to Barbotin 1987.
am one who cuts maat (justice)."

earliest attested locations
of
He who presides over the red ones, goodly rudder of the southern sky
top of every ten days."
See Helck 1982 and Van den Boorn
1988, pp. 3ioff.

7. Hrp.ti
see Haring 1997, p. 332, n.
8.
B?k.t; see ibid., pp. 15-16, 48.
9.
If read as snn~J, the translation
read as snn n=J, the translation
goodly rudder of the nordiem sky
abode of the divine images, goodly rudder
literally, "at the
6. Pr-nsw.ty the royal palace administration.
1 1
of the western sky
302
literally, "I
an ancient tide associated with the administration of Hierakonpolis, the
5.
<mn>
ID. If
Sunlight
is
4.
Text accompanying Anubis andfour miunmiformfigures on the right:
He who is in the bandage (Anubis)
Circler who guides the
This
the cult of the falcon-god Horns.
United with life, of dappled hide
Power of Heaven who opens the
Jnk [wp?] m ^"^.t,
emblematic capital of Upper Egypt and one of the
Great of love, red-haired one
is
restored (there
Pd.tJ, literally,
is
is
is
Sp
ipj,
"my likeness"
(as
Meyer
1982, p. 189). If
"which was copied for me."
no space for more).
"bowman," perhaps signifying one who is between a bow and a
drawn bowstring.
12.
5.
"the cosmos
was created."
Glossary
a'a armlet
narrow gold band worn on the upper arm;
Beautiful Festival
annual religious festival during which sacred
element of the gold-of-honor jewelry
of the Valley
barques containing the images of Amun-Re, Mut,
set
and Khonsu were transported from
Amarna period
sixteen-year period in the reign of the pharaoh
on the
Amenhotep IV/ Akhenaten (crowned some

seventy-five years after Hatshepsut's reign)
he ruled Egypt from a new capital

called
Amarna. During
lish the
light
Aten
this
(the solar disk,
at a site
when
Hathor
now
at
river to
Deir el-Bahri and some of the royal
mortuary temples
slender-necked juglet with specific characteristics
bilbil
which embodied the
based on imported vessels, probably from Syria.
of the sun) as the sole deity of Egypt, and the
may have been used to
hold opium, and the
names and images of other gods, including Amun,
Bilbils
were defaced or destroyed. Some of the destruc-
form may be based on that of an inverted poppy pod.
Deir el-Bahri
block statue
and other monuments dates from
this period.
ers.
His main temple was
at
blue
crown
Karnak.
canopic jars
all
Kingdom showing a
chest, enveloped in a cloak; also called cuboid statue
in
fusion of the gods Amun and Re, combining in a

single entity
type dating from the Middle
man seated on the ground with knees drawn up to the
god of Thebes, "the hidden one," usually shown
human form wearing a crown with two tall feath-
Amun-Re
their temples
bank of the Nile across the
time he tried to estab-
tion seen at Hatshepsut's temple at
Amun
east
western Thebes, where they visited the shrine of
four jars used to store the mummified internal
organs of the deceased; in the burial chamber, usu-
the characteristics of the creator
ally placed in a
canopic box close to the
mummy
and the sustainer of the world; by the Eighteenth

layers of linen or papyrus soaked in plaster
cartonnage
Dynasty, the preeminent Egyptian deity
shaped while
ankh
hieroglyph meaning "to live" and "life"
Anubis
jackal-headed god of mummification, protector of
masks and
encloses the
Chapelle Rouge
crown that combines ram's horns,
elaborate
and
mummy
nomen and prenomen of the king
quartzite shrine, built
by Hatshepsut,
to shelter the
barque of Amun at Karnak temple
ostrich plumes, the sun disk, and uraeus cobras;
worn by
damp; used to make
oval frame, representing a knotted rope, that
cartouche
the deceased
atef crown
still
coffins
Osiris to symbolize his triumph over
coronation
name
see
prenomen
death and by the king in certain rituals
cryptogram
Aten
solar disk;
Atum
medium through which the divine

to the
cult
temple
attempt to erase
djed
hieroglyph meaning "stability"; sometimes
of the world; also god of the setting sun
to
double crown
ability
sacred boat in which the cult image of Amun

carried
when it was
temple in
crown; symbolizes rule over a united Egypt
was
of the Residence
see
Opet
nonclay ceramic material made of quartz paste
which is molded or modeled and
transported from Karnak
self-glazed or has a glaze that
is
fired. It is either
applied before firing.
festival processions
false
Beautiful Festival
combination of the red crown and the white
move
faience
barque of Amun
all
described as a djed pillar
power of a deity; a person's
form of existence, which has the
traces of a person's existence
damnatio memoriae
according to myth, the primeval being and creator
manifestation of the
temple for the celebration of the cult of a deity;

often also a center of economic activity
world
god of Heliopolis, "the undifferentiated one";
afterlife
an emblem with hidden meaning
under the pharaoh Akhenaten wor-
shiped as the
power of light comes
festival
door
carved or painted representation, in a tomb, of a
doorway through which
the deceased could
com-
municate with the living and receive offerings
303
set
of jewelry (including shebiu
lets,
and
at least
high-ranking
collars,
a 'a arm-
Maat
also called gold
goddess of truth, order, and justice; represented as
a woman wearing a curled ostrich feather on her
one mesektu bracelet) bestowed on
officials;
head and sometimes symbolized by the feather itself
of valor or
award jewelry
Maatkare
sky goddess, usually represented as a
woman,
Hatshepsut 's prenomen: "the proper manifestation
of the sun's
life
force" (literally, "Maat
is
the ka
of Re")
sometimes as a cow. Her headdress is a sun disk
between cow's horns, her name means "house of

Horus," and her consort
site
of Deir el-Bahri
in
Horus of Edfii. The
is
western Thebes contained
a shrine to Hathor long before Hatshepsut built a
Maatkare
cobra wearing a horned sun disk and perched on a
cryptogram
pair
Medinet Habu
site in
temple there.
of ka (raised) arms
western Thebes best known for the mortu-
ary temple of the Twentieth Dynasty pharaoh
standard offering formula found on
Ramesses
many hmerary
objects. It magically provides all that a spirit
III; also
the location of a
temple dedicated to
needs
much earlier
Amun, built by Hatshepsut
and Thutmose III on a site believed to be the bur-
to survive in the afterlife.
ial
place of Amun
sky god, represented as a falcon or a falcon-headed
man; embodiment of the divine powers of the living
maik necklace
necklace made of many strands of small beads that
could be used as a percussion instrument when
king; protector of the king
shaken rhythmically during temple and

emonies.
one of several names of an Egyptian king's titulary;

identifies the
mesektu bracelet
descendants of people from western Asia

settled in the eastern Delta.
who had
their expulsion
by Ahmose
I, first
life
who has been judged favorably in
cult
Mut
consort of the god
naophorous statue
statue depicting a kneeling man holding a naos,
or shrine
of the god Amun of Thebes
Egyptian name for the inhabitants of Crete
Amun and mother of Khonsu;
woman or as a vulture. Her Theban
temple was just south of Karnak.
which continues
to exist after the latter's death
of a deceased king, to ensure the
survival of the king's spirit in the afterworld
depicted as a
force of a deity or person,
principal temple
temple for the celebration of the funerary or
memorial
"true of voice"; epithet describing a
the next world
the
implement used in the Opening of the Mouth
ceremony
mortuary temple
spirit
wide curved gold cuff bracelet; element of the

gold-of-honor jewelry set
meskhetyu
king of the
Eighteenth Dynasty, led to the reunification of
deceased
festival cer-
sound was thought to appease the gods.
They ruled northern
Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period;
literally,
Its
king as die representative of Horus
Nebty name
one of the king's formal names; places the king

under the protection of the goddesses Nekhbet and
Wadjet; also called the
headdress of an Egyptian king, similar to a soft ker-
wig cover and
chief or
less
Two Ladies name
formal than the nemes

nefer
hieroglyph meaning "good," "beautiful," "perfect"
helmet-shaped crown worn by kings from the

striped headcloth
New Kingdom on; usually blue in color

nemset vessel
divine manifestation of the rising sim
province or administrative unit in Upper and
god of the moon; son of the god Amun and his

consort,
Lower Egypt
Mut
northern Egypt, including Memphis and the
king's birth
Nile Delta
thet
Theban temple dedicated
to
Amun,
located
nW]eLt
Kamak
globular vessel generally containing a liquid
imply other gifts
order and justice established by the gods and

personified
name; often accompanied by the epi-
Son of Re
offering to the gods; in sculpture, also used to
about two miles south of his principal cult center

at
worn by kings
lustration vase
by the goddess Maat
Opening of the
funerary
Mouth ceremony
or other representation, to
ritual that
allows the deceased, or a statue
come to life
Opet
festival
annual religious festival during which sacred
serekh
the
to
in
processions from
Horus name of the king
Luxor temple, and back
shawabd
statue that presents the king as the
ruler of the
ostracon
image of the royal residence surmounted
by a falcon (symbol of the sky god Horus); encloses
and Khonsu were transported
Karnak
Osiride statue
simpliiied
barques containing the images of Amun-Re, Mut,
god
funerary figure that serves as a substitute for the
deceased and performs certain kinds of labor for
Osiris,
underworld
that person in the afterlife
limestone chip or pot shard used for writing and
shebiu collar
drawing
choker-style necklace traditionally
made of
gold ring beads; element of the gold-of-honor

jewelry set
per-wer
shrine of Upper Egypt
(literally,
"Great House")
or a shrine in imitation of it
shen
hieroglyph meaning "to encircle"; symbolizes

eternity
prenomen
name taken by the king upon his
accession to the
throne; also called the coronation
name
name; often accompanied by the
title
or throne
worn by the king
shendyt
tripartite kilt
sistrophore
statue depicting a kneeling
King of
Upper and Lower Egypt
man holding a votive
sistrum
Re
"sun," the most important
name of the sun god,
who was later combined with many other gods,

including
rattle
used in religious ceremonies; the handle
often depicts a woman with cow's ears, an image
Amtm
associated with the goddess
red crown
the
Hathor
crown of Lower Egypt
Re-Harakhti
falcon-headed god, fusion of Re and Harakhti
Retenu
Egyptian name for the area along the Mediterranean
("Horus of the horizon," a manifestation of the
Son of Rename
see
nomen
Amun-Re, Mut, and Khonsu
Theban triad
the gods
titulary
list
of titles
Two Ladies name
see
Nebty name
Two Lands
Upper and Lower Egypt
rising sun)
coast from
modern Gaza to
Syria; also applied to
area's residents
ris/d
cofBn
coiSn decorated with a wing pattern
mythical fire-spitting cobra, a protector of kings
and gods.
sa
hieroglyph meaning "protection"
scarab
amulet in the shape of a beetle and usually carved
An image of it rearing up with a dilated
hood was worn on
on its base with hieroglyphs,
the front of a
crown or a head-
dress such as the nemes.
designs, or figures;
Scarabs were powerful charms by association
Upper Egypt
with the beede hieroglyph, kheper ("to come into
the Nile valley south of the Delta
hieroglyph meaning "power," "dominion"; also
being," "to become"): the god Khepri, in the form
called a
was scepter
of a beetle, was thought to push the stm into the

sky at dawn.
wedjat eye
"that which
is
made whole"; an eye with
falcon markings symbolizing the
Sed
festival
rejuvenation ceremony for the reigning king, theoretically celebrated after thirty years
called the
Heb Sed
festival
god Horus;
left
stylized
eye of the
a powerful amulet for heating
of rule; also
white crown
the
crown of Upper Egypt
GLOSSARY
30^
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Index
Page references
captions are in
for illustrations
and
illustration
italics.
Amenemhat III
(king), 12, 137
Amenemhat IV
(king), 12
Amenemhat V
Aapekhti, offering tablet of (cat. no. 200), 289,
Aashit (queen), 28,
Abu
Sir,
28.9
z8.
pilgrimage
I's
mother's temple
at,
adze
Egypt and,
4,
7^-82
map of, 2^
82,
(king),
Gaza campaign
u,
28-29,
of,
rj8
12}, 24,
(also
Ahmose
(called
Ahmose
(prince), 25, 105
Ahmes; queen),
14/125,
Ruru) seated statue of (cat.
no. 198),
184^ 193, 232,
292
monuments, 269, 281
Mother), u,
13, 25, 31,
(prince), 52, 87
bead
probable bust of (cat. no.
fragment with
scarab bezel of (cat. no.

small statue of,
8),
52,,
29-30, 29jo
(cat. no. 80), 1^3 ,
fish (cat. no. 171), 242,
hedgehog
jar
on stand
42.) ,
(cat. no. 1533,
with two fawns
22728,
93,5)^
Ahmose-Turi (King's Son),
264
zm
3S.
(cat. no. 58),
Manhata
m,
Arminna (Nubia), 82
111
(cat. no. 137), 215,
(lunet; luny), 97, 107,
206.
206
15),
(cat. no. 128a), 208,
209
plaque
(cat. no. 195b), 264,
264
on a wire
5, 25,
47,
222
287, 76, 172
of, 116, 123, 132, 182,
amalgamation of two gods,
(cat. no. 110), 196, iqG^
/gZ
135
Arnold, Dorothea, 270

arrows, 63
on map, location
51,
Lower,
5, ij_3,
of,
29^
Asklepios (god), 290
Assmann, Jan, 84
Astarte (goddess), 250
277
as
118, 118, 122, 125,
Asasif, 63, 148^ 271
(cat. no. 133), 212,
Amun (Amun-Re; god), 4,
41-42,
19.9
(cat. no. 123), 205, 2n.
plaque
Akhenaten's repudiation
of (cat. no.
aâ armlets
Arnold, Dieter,
necklace with
294
m,
armlets,
a*ô, 103, 104, 106, 106, 192, 193
(cat. no. 124a, b),
broad collars of (cat. no. iiQ, 199,
81, 103, 157, 277, 2j8, 280, 288, 290,
99-100, LOQ
archaism, 23, 28-2 9,
Armant
2l5
necklaces with
Amarna, 8081, 227
\yi-
(Hatshepsut.-*)
126, 128, 129, 2(il
Hathor, Senenmut's
sweret bead
8^ 136,
MS? 27I, 251
i42-A3, MS^
nefer
83
65
(cat. no. 49),
heart, of royal wife,
Alalakh (the Levant), 62, 63, 79
art,
132, 1S8
Anukis (goddess), and a king
temple, 286
(child), statuette
Mitannian
chapel of, in Hatshepsut's temple,
fly (cat. no. 129b), 210,
116, 125^ 132, 182,
277, 29^
244-45,
symbolization of, 117
Anubis (god),
iaS
109, 290
palaces of, 80-81
42-4.3, 44
in
209
142
264
feline 's-head, string of beads with (cat. no. 122).,
(lion deity), 182
Amun worship repudiated by,
(cat. no. 75}, 142,
(cat. no. 195c), 264,
(cat. nos. 7_5, 76]), 142-4-^ ,
Akhenaten (Amenhotep IV; king), 1^33, 6^
243
(cat. no. 174), 242,
244
(cat. no. i95d), 264,
53
242
(cat. no. 172), 243,
ibex (cat. no. i73)> 244, 244
205, 2qS.
162.
Ahmose-Satayt (King's Son),
54, jt, 58, 179, 193,
animals flanking a tree, 47-48, 48
ankh
cowroid
i53
texts,
Aniba (ancient Mi'âm, Nubia),
animal vases, 242
(steward), i6z
Amenmose
duck
149, 184
162
androgyny, in Hatshepsut's
245
bolti fish (cat. no. 128c), 209,
coffin of, 184
Amarna period,
Estate, 83
Amun-Kamutef (god), 287
22J
Ahmose-Nefertari (also Ahmes-Nefertari; King's
54
III (king), 48, 63, 64, 80, 81^ 85, 122,
amphora-shaped
of, 123
Mut
Amun-Re-Kamutef (god),
269 280
amulets, 95
Ahmose-Meryetamun (Queen),
Amenemhab
Amun's
62, 65, 67, 7981, 104,
amphorae, Canaanite, 223, 227
jo
symbol
as
iiz
2^
Anastasi, Giovanni, 223
Amenhotep
282,
P.,
5^
of, 71
227. 288
209
^Wj4; .?.?~.?4
ram
pierced ears of, 70
Amenhotep
(cat. no. 128), 208,
Ahmose
Amara West,
(king), Jij
tomb
tion of Hatshepsut's
5-^,
by, 50, 75
shawabti of (cat. no.
Allen, James
II
106, 140, 162, 228,
60
plaque inscribed for
Akh-Menu
34-35, 34-35
13),
161-62,
83, 84, 97, 148^ 154,
painted relief fragments showing,
84
wife of. See
glass in
23-25, 24, 25, 29, 48,
it,
Luxor temple of (Opet),
role of, 83-85
^
210
it, rj, 25,
83, 84, 96, 97, 107,
117, 130, 135, 147, 148, ijo, L52,
23, 25, j3j 97, 138, 160,
legitimization of, as possible motive for destruc-
Hyksos conquered
Ai
3,
Osiride statues of, 26, 26; 27, 34-35, j5
Ahmes-Nefertari. See Ahmose-Nefertari
relief
Karnak temple of (Ipet-sut),
(King's Son), 53, 54
(king),
(cat. no. 92),
270
84
Sai Island statue of, 51, iz
Amenhotep
8.2:
(cat. no. 7),
(King's Mother),
Ahmes. See Ahmose
168, 168,
L22
(official),
Hatshepsut's offering of maat to
hymn to,
scarab of (cat. no. 130b), 210 , 21a
Ahhotep, Princess
I
59
fragmentary head of (cat. no.
the,
Aegean decoration,
Ahmose
162,
to, rji
(cat. no. 76e), 144
Ahhotep
(son of Ruiu), 54, S4
Amenhotep
adzes, 254
Aegean,
(King's Son), stela of (cat. no. 29),
Amenemhat
Amenemnekhu
cult center at, 25, i\
Amenhotep
Amenemhat
Amenemhat-Surer
rj, 82, 105, 122, 178, 193, rji
Ahmose Ts
n?'. '47'. 162, 168, 169,
of, 10^ 97, 135,
268, 268, zyi, 278, 279
Hatshepsut's divine birth by, 4, 83, 88, 1355 149
statue of (cat. no. 28}, 58^59,
149
Abydos, 20,
barque
(king), rj
4, 83
astronomical ceiHng,
132
331
Aswan, ^
Atum
Sj^ 88, 107,
122.,
42?
as
Hyksos
sites
bronze, with openwork stand
7678
with child
(cat. no. 184), 252,
with dog attacking antelope

with equestrian figure
with hunter
Ay
floral
scene
with lotuses
(cat. no. 181),
25i
of ring-bead necklace
(cat. no. 194),
179-80,
fish (cat. no. 103),
178-
boxes
Baer, Klaus, l2
multicompartmented
station, 137. See also
Amun-barque of
broad
of nefer amulets
(cat. no. 122), 205,
Senenmut
lentoid,
set (cat. no.
Sir E.
a wire (cat.
(cat. no. 191),
statuette
temple
no. 133^ 212, zui
wallet, girdle with (cat. no. 119^, 202, 20^
from
dish in shape of fish (cat. no. 194), 264, 264
Belzoni, Giovanni, 291
from
i3nj, 53,
reed bundles of, 216
wide-necked
(cat. no. 28),
88,
54,
58-59^ 5&
2^
cowroid
95, 124, 211, 257j
inhabitants of (Keftiu), 79^79, 82, 131

(cat. no. 183),
17th dynasty, 15-22,
Burton, Harry, 292

Byblos, 61
blue khepresh, 99, 156, i5E
57,
jars, 223,
red, 92;
227
white, 24,
Canaanites, 80, 81
Carnarvon, Earl
117
(cat. no. 26),
Satepihu
Carter,
5z
104-5,
(cat. no. 64),
cats
Senenmut and Neferure,
See
Book of the Dead,

in Maiherperi's
Book of the
34,
93,^
tomb
29192
62 70 72, 7J
,
(cat. no. 192),

4, 291,
(cat. no. 32}, 68,
6R
6K
259 , 25^
(cat. no. 57), iii,

(cat. no. 156),
227, 229-30,
229, 231
Cyprus, 61, 63-65
White
conventions to identify, 114- iS^ 115
Senenmut
Cypriot Base Ring I juglet
294
child
artistic
148, 155, 255, 169, 169
lotiform (cat. no. 31), 68,
drinking
cylinder seal of
(cat. no. 47), 9.5, i?5
of scribe Reniseneb
chasing, 245
132
(cat. no. 35),
%i,3h
Cusae (Egypt), 49, 60, 97
CharapolHon, Jean-Frangois,
Bourriau, Janine, 64, 233
INDEX
70, 74, 141, i85j 220,
lions, 13^6'
of Hatnefer
112, l2i
Dead
2ij
cups
Howard,
and
2^
cubit, ancient Egyptian, foot equivalent of, 75
292
chair
121-22, 121, 123
Book of Coming Forth by Day.
of, 141,
carpenters, 254
56-57, 5S-
(cat. no. 53},
Senenmut
found on, 128
double, 3 1, j^, 140, 140
Canaanite
204
block statues
Ruiu,
III
crowns
See juglets
Inebni
Thutmose
ships from, 8q
See also Minoan wall paintings
a5z
Bietak, Manfred, 62, 75
definition of,
jar inscribed to
rhyta from, 82, S2
woman and child,
Bichrome ware, 223
Birabi, 5, 180,
seal amulets (cat. no. 75}, 142, 142
Crete
3^,^
25152, 25z
burial of royal
Beni Hasan. See Speos Artemidos
6S
spoons, cosmetic
cow horn, 63
78
throwing a man, axe blade with
Benedite, Georges, 64
jars (cat. no. 30), 68,
See also specific types ofcosmetic equipment;
5^
heads (bucrania), 65
bull's tail attached to kilt,
bull
222
cosmetic equipment, 68, 68, 215-22, 216^22
of Araenemhat from,
at, 10,
(cat. no. 148), 222,
compass decorations, 63
Cooney, John, 6g
broad
49, 50, 193, 253
bull-leaping, 78-79,
bulls'
257-58,
Henry William, 291
Bes (god), 46, 64,
Emma, 64
statue of Amenemhap
in Maiherperi's tomb, 63
212
composite plant, 4748, 48
A. Wallis, 6g, L22
Buhen (Nubia),
polychrome "eye,"
on
collars. See collars
Budge,
24
fittings
192
199
(cat. no. 132a), 212,
shebiu, 103, i04t 106, iq6) 192, 193, 196
combs, 63
comb
(cat. no. iii), 197,
Bryan, Betsy M., 181
and
(cat. no. 59), 111, ixi
strand of (cat; no. 109) , 196, 196
svjeret,
broad
Brunner-Traut,
zoS
glass ball, inscribed for Hatshepsut
(cat. no. 114), i$9,
(cat. no. 115), 199,
with falcon-head terminals
116), 200, zm
breastplate, vulture (cat. no. 132b), 212, 212
with feline 's-head amulets
332
with falcon-head terminals
no), 196, 196
9 5^9
mesektu bracelet
collars, 193
cowrie-shaped, 202
bilbils.
description of,
254
mesekiu, 103, 104, 19294
beads, 194
24749
92- 94
199
(cat. no.
from divine
solid,
broad,
2/9
depicting cats (cat. no. 117), 200, zqq
flexible,
Batn el-Baqqara (Nubia), 97
Beechley,
i^,
cuff, 132,
Bastet (goddess), 221
bed,
(cat. no. 18 7) , 254,
2SS
200
aâ armlets, 193
Baraize, Emile, 293
collars
(cat. no. 188), 255,
toilet (cat. no. 144), 219,
bracelets, 123^ i24j
19^ 240
191, iqz^
cold hammering, 245, 247-49,
74
(cat. no. 36), 70, 74,
with sliding lids
Baines, John, 65
bangles, 133
15-16, i&
255^56, 25G-
(cat. no. 189),
of Maiherperi
in
tomb, 62, 70
male and female faces on, 24
risAi,
game, with animals
8i
Babylon, 262
barque
of Ahmose-Neryetamun, 184
reused, in Deir el-Bahri, 38
46
banquet scenes,
20
cobra. See uraeus cryptogram
in Maiherperi's
small, with stylized lotus (cat. no. 192),
Zephon (Canaanite storm god),
Baal
(cat. no. 3), 12^ 20,
coffins
and
25051, j5o
(king), 102
azurite, use of,
lotus (cat. no. 112), 197, 197
Cleopatra VII (queen), 4, 12
113.
small, with lotuses
zSq
204
Classic Kerraa Period, 49, 176, 253
fish
l8q
with pond and lotuses
zSz
(cat. no. 182), 251,
(cat. no. 180), 250,
175-76 ij5
(cat. no. 100),
(cat. no. loi), 178, i28_
(cat. no. 105), 180,
no. 183), 251-52, zSi
2S2
(cat. no. 121), 204,
clasps
with pond, lotuses, birds, and
man (cat.
choker of gold rings
clapper, with features of Hathor (cat. no. 99J, 175^ lyS
17677
with
capital, 75
axe blades, openwork, 245
with bull throwing
(cat. no. 179), 249,
24f>
faience,
(cat. no. 184), 252,
sculpture of (cat. no. 19), 4142, 4^-43) 44

chisels (cat. no. 76f, g), 144, 144
of Tell el-Daba, "Ezbet Helmy),
palaces and military buildings of, 75-81,
(cat. no. 4),
20-21 20
64, 177
^-Pj
monkeys
anhydrite, decorated with
Hatshepsut and
(cat. no. 81}, i53j i5j
Avaris (modern
axe blade with
bowls
149
(god), 84, 162, 287
relief fragment depicting
Slip
and White Pendant Line ware
^3^-33
of, 223,
i80 252-53,
dagger
(cat. no.
dagger
(cat. no. 186), 253,
Dakka (Nubia),
Dal (Nubia),
devotional pose
25.3
I (cat.
no.
W.
eyes
170
large protuberant, 24, 25^ 25, 28, 28^ 31,
See also: wedjat eyes
with gazelles' heads and rosette inlays
z5
i), 15,
(cat. no. 113), 198,
135
Djedkare-Izezi (queen),
53
Êzbet Helmy, palaces
128
Vivian, 23, 25, 49
Debeira East (Nubia), 54
Dedwen (Lord of Nubia),
faience, 67, 68, 6^, 75,
patera of (cat. no. [76), 246, 246^
Fakhry,
Huwebenef ), 42
Djehutimes (Thutmose),
cache of, 38
erotic painting at (cat. no. 24), 46,
4S
Anubis chapel
(shrine),
126-27.
82,
i37~39
temple
MS
as Coptic monastery, 288 , 290,
exterior colonnades, 136
dog collars, 70
facing Karnak,
dogs, 251, 25i
8^
door of Thutmose
(cat. no. 87),
56-
57,
Dokki
Peter
Opet (Beautiful
place of worship a millennium
of,
later,
202
of pregnant
of pregnant
148-50, 157
fragment with Thutmose
(cat. no. 83),
155, l5A
fragment recarved as Thutmose
of scribe
i2th, 12, 20-21, 23, 49, 83, 132, 205
of serving
fragment depicting statue of
Thutmose
reliefs
III (cat. no. 85}, 156,
of woman holding child
(cat. no. 162), 236,
236
L 49
of woman holding child
(cat. no. 163), 236,
237
19th, 12, 23,
49-. '>o,
63,
26th, 23, 290
Satepihu in relief at, 105
30th, 23
Senenmut in
Ptolemaic,
fillets,
247
terracing,
Thutmose
fish,
140, 140, 153, 160, 268, 27Q-74-. 272, 283,
map showing location

Mentuhotep
ostraca
at,
II's
of, 5, 148^
temple
at, 24, 25,
il5_,
31, 34
Djeser-Akhet temple
13^, 252, 253
Deir el-Medina,
at, 82,
135, i32i:4^, 139, 148^ ITii
285-88, 285-87, 293
Deir el-Ballas,
148.,
173, 182
193
126-
(cat. no. 165),
(cat. no. ii8b), 201,
(cat. no. 171)^ 242,
2m
20/
gold-rimmed
geography and history
map
El-Arabah,
of, 2^
3-4
toilet,
and stand
lid (cat. no. 143d), 218,
(cat. no. 178), 248,
(cat. no. 177), 247,
248
247
funerary jewelry, 211-15
21
funerary masks, 70,
Elephantine, 60, 88,97, 99100, 149

51,
with
tomb, 63
and openwork stand
pilgrim (cat. no. 157), 230, 2jo
El-Buha, 122
El-Kab, 50,
264
219
in Maiherperi's
ancient,
of,
(cat. no. 194), 264,
242
64
flask (cat. no. 158), 230-31, 232
i8a, c, d, e), 201,
Egyptian blue, 63, 196, 219
Ill's
22,
Dendera, 20,
2^
45
Thutmose
wire
horn
fish-shaped spouted, 65
of, 70, 201
(cat. no.
Egypt
295-96
283,
penannular
cosmetic dish in shape of

vase
flasks,
in Maiherperi's tomb, 62
men's wearing
at, 138,
oil
238
193, 198
finger stalls (cat. no. 135a), 213, 213
23
fish
destruction of images
(cat. no. 164),
First Intermediate Period, 147, 173

12,
earrings, 193, 194, 201
35-37
Ill's
horn
237-38, 232
of woman with pot and
solar chapel, 84, 135, 293
techniques of erasure, 272, 277- Sr, 2jj-8o
oil
238,
restoration, 137, 138
sphinxes, 164, i65, 270
(cat. no. 161) , 235 , 2.^5
of woman with baby and

29. so, 65, 81, 83
294
25th, 181-82,
relief at, loR
21
of woman suckling child
204
21 St, 38^
82a-c), 154,
(cat. no.
23,9
20-21, 23, 49, 214, 223
15th,
i8th, 3, 5, II, 23, 263
iSE
depicting running soldiers
239-40,
girl (cat. no. 167),
13th,
(cat. no. 84), 155, iS5.
relief
241
240, 240
(cat. no. i68),
nth, 24,4^ 83, iip
17th, 3j it, 1516, 2ij 23, 26, 27, 31,
II
(cat. no. 169),
woman with child on back
(cat. no. 170). 241,
6th, 12, 150
14750
fragment with Queen Ahmose
(cat. no. 80), 153, i53
woman playing lute
24jj 241
227
4th, 32, 83, 198,

5th, 12, 135,
as political statement,
relief
of female lute player (cat. no. 166), 238-39,
3rd, 141
289
plan, 13G
relief
181,
270, 28586
figure vases, 23 3-34, 2,33
ist,37
Neferure and Nefrubiti paintings
relief
i^mj,
processions in Thebes, 97, L47>
dynasties {see also chronology, p. 6)
290-93
later history,
Festival of the Residence), 83,
102, 150, 18a
267, 296
252
5,
Drovetti, Bernardino, 223
joint kingship in iconography, lo, 88
1^
Beautiful Festival of the Valley, 83, 147, 148,
F., 87, 107,
Dreher, Giinter, 26
143, 1735 274,
qo
Fazzini, Richard, iSi
168,182,183, 286, 287
Hathor shrine,
13^
(cat. no. 146), 221, 22/
of Drunkenness, 182-83
Dra Abu el-Naga,
2S0, 291, 292
mirror with
Festivals
Gel, 52
Dorman,
ij6^ 1^7,
Hatshepsut's
at
foundation deposits, 141-4S, 14 ^-4^
2.7.7i
Djoser (king), 289, 290
232
as (cat. no. 40^^, 90,
statue of king as (cat. no. 39), 90,
Djeser-djeseru. See Deir el-Bahri
ij^j
2Z2
Faras (Nubia), 176
88, 285-87, 293
2j6^
faience
14/122
Djeser-Akhet temple (Deir el-Bahri),
Hatshepsut's temple at (Djeser-djeseru), 4, 134j5, 135-40, ijSj 148^15.95
of head of (cat. nos.
132a), 199, /22>
head of king (Hatshepsut.^)
Djehutihotep, 54
as Osiris at, 26, 26; 35
193, 194
See also bowls
12
collars with terminals
Djehuti (King's Son), 53
Amenhotep
false
Ahmed,
falcon
Djehuti (god Thoth), 14^22
149
Deir el-Bahri
75-81, 76-78
Fadrus (Qadrus; Nubia), 82^
heart scarab of (cat. no. 136), 214, 214
Djehuti (father of
Debeira West (Nubia), 54
at,
Djehuti, General, 6l, iot, loi^ 146, 223-24
Daressy, Georges, So
Davies,
(cat. no. 94), 170,
diadems, 193
253
dagger handle of Thutmose
92,^
furniture and carpentry, 254
97, 131
enamel decoration,
first
known example of
(cat. no. 34)3 69,
6q
game boards,
63, 255-56,
gaming piece
[}] (cat.
256
no. 107), 188, iS&
INDEX
333
Punt expedition,
Gaza, 60
Gebel Barkal (Nubia),
Gebel
1^
152-
27, Uo,
138, i_4p, 153, 157,
160,
267-
electrum, 16
69, 267, 2tjy, 272-74, 272, 282, 282^ 283,
possible (cat. no. 120) , 202, 203
28s,
with wallet beads

glass,
(cat. no. 119), 202,
western Asiatic origin
of,
67
59, 88,
(cat. no. 33), 62,
goat and tree, on openwork stand
65
(cat. no. 178), 248,
248
78,^
Grimm,
genealogy of family
of,
m6
mother
ro-n
names
S2
on sculptured pottery vessels,
64^
of, 149, 150, 275. See also
Ahmose-
HL ill,
amulet in form of (cat. no.
Deir el-Bahri shrines
58), rir,
jar
Drunkenness and, 1 828 3
tombs
with symbol of (cat. no. 141), 217, 217
mirror with face

as mistress
on handle
of,
of Turquoise, 99, 176, 177
powers
22122
no. 69),
votive offerings
to,
2^
28,
286
to,
Amenemhat's
132,
Atum and, on
iiK
/o,
2, 83, 84,
135,
149
relief fragment (cat. no. 81), 153, /5j
beads inscribed for Senenmut and
(cat. no. 59),
biography
of, 3-4,
campaigns,
4,
joint reign
334
INDEX
Ipuky,
Amun's
265-66,
khat, 161, 167, /67,
168, 1G8, 170, 271, 172, 172,
Isis
(goddess), 33, 124, 132, 188, 189, 221, 252
Isis
(King's Mother),
lunet (luny). See
3? 12, 13,
UJ
47,
47-48
Jaffa (ancient Joppa),
224
jars
amphora-shaped, on stand
wood and
87
Armant
lunyt (goddess), 107,
270
vulture, 29j 29-30, 31, j/, 32, 32, 182, iSz
ivory with ebony
(cat. no. 6),
(cat. no. 190},
256-57, 257
Hearst medical papyrus, leaf from
(cat. no. 196), 265,
(cat. no. 153),
22728,
227
with basket handles
22, .22
headrest
temple at
26'6'
/<}i
Isheru temple (of Mut), 47, iSj
% 23,
(cat. no. i6ob),
232-33, 232
Canaanite, 223, 227

canopic, of
Manuwai
(cat. no. 150), 225,
22S
carinated (cat. no. 155), 228-29, 22S

no. 172) , 243, 243
Thebes equated with, 14950

Hermopolis, 97
Thutmose
III,
995.22
Herodotus, 12
III,
1013, 8788,
Hetepheres (queen), 2i6
^6-91, 9G> 9^n32, 294-95
Karnak
Ipi (goddess), 215,
with Thutmose
inscription with
290
Ipepi (Hyksos overlord), 50
44
Heliopolis, 83, 97, 139, 148
5253, 26J
dated attribution as king, 92
(architect), 289,
Imsety (god), 225
Ipet-Sut. See
hedgehog vase (cat.
87-88
coronation, 9, 12-13, 53, 88

earliest
of,
2S5
III, 111
Imhotep
Hauser, Walter, 292
acacia
8789, 57,
ibex with fawns vase (cat. no. 174), 2^2, 244^45^ 244
Hatshepsut Hole, 140, 160 173, gjh 273-74, ^9^
headrests
from, 54
titles
Amun-Re and, 4,
(cat. no. 142), 218,
60-62, 210, 249, 256, 261,
Inet (Sitre), 161
New Kingdom braids, 40,
3,
of (cat. no. 20), 42,43^ 44
Ineni (architect), 87
263, 263, 270
178, 179
91^ qi
block statue of (cat. no. 26), 56-57, Six
i8
headdress
kohl jar and applicator in
Hatshepsut (pharaoh),
statuette
the, 3, il, 49, 50,
Hatshepsut (wife of Amenemhat), 54
173-76, 17475
91-95 , 92-95, 107, 108,
t?o,
274, 294. See also Avaris
184-86, i85, iSa
1 85,
headcloth, nemes,
32, j2
of, 70,
90,
Inebni (King's Son), 54
Hayes, William C., 92, 146, 220, 292
temple's shrine
Ill's
tomb
of, 5,
Hatshepsut's
Hay, Robert, 291
12627,
Hathor wig,
at
winged scarab of reign
sistrophores and, 118, 124-25
Hatnefer,
temple
Hatshepsut
Senenmut kneeling with emblem of (cat.
Thutmose
Deir el-Bahri
Valley Temple of, zyi
scepter of, 115, ii6, ii6ni
ibex vase (cat. no. 173), 244, 244
294-96
80, 87, 88, 108, 108, 125
of. See
maps,
(cat. no. 147)
of Djeser-Akhet temple, 287
as Mistress
of,
Senenmut and,
temple
faience bowls and, 176-7 8
kohl
117, 143
statuary of. See stames and statuettes
274, 277, 280, 291, 292
of, 2a 89,
Nubia and, 5254

reputation of, 4,
of, 136, 137, 139, 149, 173,
3,
Huwebenef,
Hyksos,
See also Maatkare; Maatkare cryptogram

6l, 65, 96, 97, loS, 198, 221
91,5^, 162
king as manifestation
Hygieia (goddess), 290
222
Horus name,
Haremhab
Hathor (goddess), 46, 47,
of, 117, 143
Hurrians, 62
12, 87, 88) 94j
142, 187, 188, 216, 269,
priest), 102, 135, 146, iSj
name
(cat. no. 40),
Horus-Shu (god), 126
of, 3, lo, ijnS, lo^ 105, 117
Harakhti (sun god as ruler of the world), 84

(king), 81, 288
Hatshepsut's
142
58-59, 88
sons of, 188, 189
God's Wife of Amun,
Hall, Lindsley F., 292
(cat. no. 75d), 142,
of, 53,
head of a king (Hatshepsut.'^) as falcon
147, 149,
Beloved of Amun cartouche, 272
SS
37,^7
in foundation deposits for
Hatshepsut's
99,^
158-60, 160, 163, 277, 279j 280
Nefertari
52,
1718,
as child, axe blade with (cat. no. 184), 252, 262
male kings, 9-10, 88, 97,
ji^,
15},
temple
III (cat. no. 19^9}, 283,
models of authority for
152, i52,
45
iS, 52, 68, 100
Buhen temple
Kings' Mothers,
Hagr el-Merwa (Nubia),
of (cat. no.
(cat. no.
stela
on amulet
and Thutmose
22), 45, 45^
135
Hormose,
horn container
Horus (god),
Habachi, Labib, 80, 87
Festival of
56,
28s
79
Hapuseneb (high
as king (cat. no. 96), 17172, 172
Alfred, 236
hairstyle
3nn2
na
HoUaday, John, 65
horses, 249, 249, 250, 25q
lintel of,
Greene, John Baker, 291

griffins,
8^
16263, 277, 280y 281
158, (5gj
/o, ii
(cat. no. 23), 45,
262
as king (cat. no. 95), 17071, 171
goblet, button-based, in Maiherperi's tomb, 63
gold of honor, 103, 104,
294
hippopotamus drawing on ostracon
Homer,
feminine representations of,
6^ 71
6c,
of,
feminine variants of royal, 9, 10,
ostracon with scaled drawing of (cat.
Hittites, 81,
282
glass pin, 63
glass vessel fragment
29596
techniques of erasure, 272, 27781, 27780,
203
glass flask (bottle), in Maiherperi's tomb,
glass jug (cat. no. 34),
hieroglyphs
abandonment
destruction of monuments of, 4, 56-57^ 5^, 71,
iz2
2Q2
194, 202,
50, 80, 84, 965 149, 150,
53
el-Silsila, 57, 103,
girdles,
Hierakonpolis, 53j 22;
cosmetic
gold-rimmed wide-necked, with

(cat. no. 143b), 2i8y
wide-necked
lid
219
(cat. no. 30), 68,
S8
See also kohl
with Hatshepsut inscriptions

88, liz
(cat. no. 106),
187-
magical
Khepri (sun god
26566, 266
(cat. no. 197),
basket-handled, with Hd
(cat. no. 149c),
223-
Khnum
(god), 99,
Khonsu (god),
flared (cat. no. 76h,
i),
form of pitcher
2^
(cat. no. 152),
gold-rimmed, with
pyriform, with handle
.222
21Z
(cat. no. i5id),
22526,
Minoan, 29
223-24,
225-26, .2^
two-handled
(cat. no. 1^4), 227,
228
26^
0- 12
for,
on inscribed stone
63
(cat. no. 142),
jar
with
lid (cat. no. 143
Maghara
jar
Cypriot Base Ring
with symbol of Hathor
(cat. no. 156), 227,
229-30,
229, 231
(cat. no. 141), 217,
with handle
23233, 232
(cat. no. i6oa),
Kronig, Wolfgang, 176, 177
Manetho,
Kubban (Nubia), 8i
Manhata (foreign wife of Thutmose
Kush (Nubia),
divided by
49-54, 60, 75,
2r,
(king), 49, 50, 53, 80, 252
Thutmose
Ahhotep
II's stela at,
Akh-Menu temple
I,
canopic
2(32
i35j
liT)
Asian tribute
UI)
8^
84, 96, 97, 107,
\Sh 161-62, 162
15,
Chapelle Rouge,
at,
(o, ^'^n44^
of (cat. no. 150), 225, 22S
Maya, seated
at,
162
at,
117
libation vessel of
Hons,
liturgies, funerary, 132

2,58.
(cat. no. 5}, 16,
24G
21-22,
82
Menkheper
47-48
(cat. no. 181),
250-51,
14^
(priest), 103
Menkheperre (name of Thutmose
III), 68, 69,
99,
264
(attendant), 102
seated statue of (cat. no. 54), 106, in.

II
(king), 3^ 24, 25, 2S,
34, 84, 90,
160, 173
i3&
of, ijS^ ij6, 137, ij2i
US?
2S5j 286, 287, 288
Hatshepsut and, 147
74
Merikare (king), 84
Merneith (King's Mother),
Meryet
4142, 4142
238
11
(architect's wife), 193
meskhetyu instrument
63
figure vase of female player (cat. no. 166),

1
ijî
83^ loi, 147, i|o
100, 127, 143, 156, 182, 219, 226, 263,
lost-wax casting, 245
lutes,
Khafre (king),^
Khentkawes (name of two queens),
21,
26S
(king, legendary), 3, 6
Mentekhenu
loincloths, leather, 70, 74,
lotus, 3j 37, 37, 40, 40,
126-27
(cat. no. 196), 265,
14S
Memphis, J,
Menes
Loret, Victor, 70
(architect), 193, 196
shrine,
See also
Kerma Period
215
103-4, ^04,
(Palestine), 6l, 9^, 2 6 1 -6 2
Mentuhotep
29^
(Nubia), 49-52, 63^ 2I3 L7^
52),
Meir (Cusae), 97
(cat. no. 175)1 246,
Lipiriska, Jadwiga, 285, 233
Keller, Cathleen A., 158,
Kha-Akhet
Megiddo
78, 79
Lisht, 138
Classic
map of,
76
36 37, ^6*
35^4, iiS
246
1S2
Mehenket-ankh temple, 139-4.0,
Manuwai
Keftiu (inhabitants of Crete), 79, J9, 82, 131
Kerma beaker
of,
2^
on axe blade with hunter
statues at, 26,

;i5j
13716',
of (cat. no.
III),
Medinet Habu, 97, rj^ 140, 279, 288
symbolic meaning
lion deities, 182-8 3
solar chapels at, 84
Thutmose
right,
Lindblad (Egyptologist), ^7
and, 23j 136
Karnak Cachette,
and
Leiden magical papyrus, 266
linen chest of Perpauti (cat. no. 25}, 4 7-481
Senenmut's statues
Senwosret
left
statuette
medical papyrus, leaf from
of, 30
Lilyquist, Christine, 60, 19^, 255
278, 279
Kamutef sanctuary
Medamud,
6^ 91, 2^
Egyptian use
Lescluze, Jean-Baptiste de, 223
294
56; 97, qj, 13^, 162,
palace of, 102
Kha
jar
Maspero, Gaston, 34
Lepsius, Karl Richard,
to, 2612
Chamber of the Ancestors
268,2^,
5,
219
Mariette, Frangois-Auguste, 291
Leahy, Anthony, 65
286
in,
Amun's temple at (Ipet-sut),
III),
libation vessel of (cat. no. 175), 246,
52
Lacovara, Peter, 176
lapis lazuli, first
228
(foreign wife of Thutmose III), 219
Laboury, Dmitri, 263
Lansing, Ambrose,
Karnak
2^
294
Maruta (foreign wife of Thutmose
Karkowski, Janusz, 293
Kerma
4, 6,
heart amulet of (cat. no. 137), 215, 21S
Manuwai
Kahun, 177
Kamose
26566, 26S
Malqatta, palaces of, 80, 227
Kwas'nica, Andrzej, 293
Kabri (the Levant), 79
234
jar (cat. no. 197),
Maiherperi, tomb of, 62^^65, 70^74,
(cat. no. 145a), 220, 22^3
Kurgus, 5I-S3, S2
6^ 62
glass (cat. no. 34}^
14S
99
Kom Ombo, 97
Kumma (Nubia), ^
jugs
(Sinai),
possible vase of,
magical
tube and applicator
224
(cat. no. 77), 146,
of, 272
of headrest representations, 256-57, 257
2iy
necklaces; scarabs
70, 71, 82,
277
magic
God's Wife
217
(cat. no. 140), 216,
bracelets; collars; earrings; girdles;
removal
of,
Mafdet (goddess), 217
219
inscribed for Hatshepsut as
juglets (bilbiis), 63
on cartouche
Maatkare cryptogram. See uraeus cryptogram
gold-rimmed
1^92
See also specific types ofjewelry, including
3,
163, 166, 172, 182, 185, 188, 267, 2:79
218,^
funerary, zii 15
(cat. no. 92),
88, 99, 519, too, 107, III, 122, 126, 142-45,
with applicator, of Hatnefer
"divine," 192, 194
Amun
264
Maatkare (Hatshepsut 's throne name),
attacks
and containers
III as ruler of,
Maat, Palace of, 97
^ 53-54
2(25!
Knossos (Crete), 78-80
jars
of, to
270
168. iGS,
King's Son (viceroy),
award, 192-93, 194, 196
Jaffa),
Hatshepsut 's offering
Thutmose
910
kings, Egyptian institution of,
jewelry, 19194
Joppa (modern
154,
maat, 4
IT^, IT^, 263,
kohl, 215
javelins, 63
personal,
^^
shendyt, rj, 99>.i9>
knives, magical, 265,

(cat. no. iîc),
i4_8^
lyres, 63
of, iSi
Kings' Mothers, as regents,

lid (cat. nos. 149a, b),
224
shouldered
241
(Opet), 83^ 84, 27,
at
295
125, i8r, 183
288
22Ci
pyriform, with
Amun's temple
kilts
226-27,
lid (cat. no. 143a), 218,
(cat. no. i5ra), 225 26 ,
pyriform
woman playing lute
(cat. no. 169), 241,
Luxor,
ifb.
Khonsu-pa-kherod, temple
226
i44-45i
flared (cat. no. 151b), 225-26,

in
figure vase of pregnant
dawn), 84
at
Kheruef (official), 99
ointment, 6^, 215
(cat. no.
76k), 145, 145
metalwork, 245
Meyer, Christine, 122
INDEX
335
Neferkhawat, tomb
Mi*âm. See Aniba
of, 178,
Opening of the Mouth (funerary
180
openwork
Michaiowskij Kazimierz, 286, 253
Nefertiti (queen), i4njj, 269
Middle Kingdom
Neferure (princess, daughter of Hatshepsut),
Amun-Re 's temple began

cosmic symbols in
in,
97
i$8
stelae of, 57
nude
Senenmut
115 16,
12
royal form of sphinx adopted,

seals in,
as tutor to, 112-13,
U2j
Senenmut carrying Neferure
Kings' Mothers,
military decorations,
in,
115, 118
Nehemetawai
38
10^ i2j
Nehi (King's Son),
Neith (goddess), 221, 225
294
Minoan
rhyta, 82, S2
(cat. no. 147),
221-22,
Mitanni (Naharin),
(cat. no. 146), 221,
51,
221
60, 62, 65
statues of Amenhotep J, 26, 26^ 27,
Mohammed,
at,
Egyptian resurgence
in,
Egypt's history,
Montu
(god), 126,
Montu-Re
of,
in sculpture of, 26 , 3$, ,^9, 40, ô,
Nubia, J,
4j
acculturation of, 54
Ahmose I temple
statue of (cat. no. 9)5 30-31,
Nakht, tomb
228-29
of,
Napoleon Bonaparte,
East,
map of,
Nebamun, 190-91
Nebiri (captain?), whip handle of
(cat. no. 56},
no,
erotic, at
in, 25
melon-bead
menit,
(cat. no. 121), 204,
on
pink-clay pottery and, 64
of Neferure and Nefrubiti, 202
rhyta from, 82
See also ostraca; wall paintings
(cat. no. 3),
INDEX
linen chest (cat. no. 25), 4 7-48,
4748
Paitsi, 54
in, 13^^.2
in,
4G
(cat. no. 49), 9 9100, 100
papyrus,
88
3,
221, 22122, 222, 246, 246i See also
nurse with Hatshepsut, fragmentary statue of, 113
Hearst medical papyrus; Leiden magical
Nut
papyrus; Westcar papyrus
(goddess), 1S8
Patch, Diana Craig, 191
Nut bowls (marsh bowls), vj^

Iraq), 62, 63, gj,
68
patera of General Djehuti (cat. no. 176), 246,
246
204
2o5
206-7, 207
19-20,
is, -20
pectorals, 193, 214
obelisk, fragment of (cat. no. 78), 152, i5z
Penanhur
offering tablet of Aapekhti (cat. no. 200), 289, 289
pendants, 194, iqS
(official),
122
on portrayals of Near Eastern women,
jars ointment
Old Kingdom
207, 207
(cat. no. 12 j), 205,
(cat. no. 125a),
Neferhotep, tomb of, 102
336
^207
too
Neferiah, 103
132
(cat. no. 24), 46,
divinities, 162
map of, Sa
ointments. See
(cat. no. 126a),
with nefer amulets
poppy-bead
ring-bead
2067,
(cat. no. 122 ), 205, (2i
of gold rings
Deir el-Bahri
Hatshepsut with
Oates, David, 63
206, zoS.
(cat. no. 125b),
with feline 's-head amulets

fly-pendant,
146
Pawlicki, Franciszek, 293
(cat. no. 124a, b),
cornflower-bead
ij^t,
king (Hatshepsut.'') and goddess Anukis
of, 149
necklaces, 194, 204
with amulets
(cat. no. 76I), 145,
44
astronomical ceiling,
Nuzi (modem Yorgan Tepe,
USX
46
(cat. no. 22),
Dedwen, Lord
temple of Semna
6<i
(cat. no. 23), 45,
colonial, 53-54, loj
succession
185, 291
Naville, Edouard, 141, 288, 29192, 292
Near
ovoid stone
paintings,
Maiherperi as probable transplant from, 70, 72, 73
Naharin. See Mitanni
11920, 119
with scaled drawing of hieroglyphs
21-22, 49-54, 60, 96, 258
temple
152
135
Akhenaten's repudiation of, 123
3,
(cat. no. 62),
with hippopotamus drawing
172, 172
Nolte, Birgit, 70
120-
(cat. no. 79),
figured, with ruled sketch, probably of Senenmut
Nizzoli, Giuseppe, 223
103, iiS, 125, 135, 148^ 162,
(cat. no. 63),
with drawing of Queen of Punt
women's poses
Niuserre (king),
(god), 137, 139
44
double portrait of Senenmut
Nitocris. See Neith-Iqerti
(goddess), 106, 124
8^
definition of,
5051
3,
mi
Mut
181-83,
ostraca
royal court of,
mother's milk, 64, 234
of, 47,
76 y8
imported during, 67
Nine Bows,
84 8 ^
2>\
Mutnofret (queen),
7581,
Nims, Charles, 267, 2&1

L22
343 5, j5
Osiris bed, 70
Avaris, construction
4in/
wall painting of, 6^
monotheism, beginnings
252
of,
shawabtis in pose of, 34
Egyptian rapprochement with, 8a
Mohassib,
70, 13031
Nephthys (goddess), 1S8
glass
Z20
270
as depiction of (cat. no. 14),
nemes headcloth. See headcloth, nemes
in
with two falcons
3,
New Kingdom
Z22
36-37, j6:
murder
in toilet set (cat. no. 1456), 220,
160
judgment by, 214
last
Nekhbet (vulture goddess),
with Hathor-face handle
1^58,
71, 271,29:^,2.92, 293
head of Thutmose
54, ')6n52
Neith-Iqerti (Nitocris; queen), 12, 294
Min of Coptos, temple of, 282
229
Osiris (cat. no. 74), 140, 140
architecture, 135
mirrors, 63
of, 229,
statues at Deir el-Bahri, ijj^ 150, 268,
Minoan
7880
Festivals
head from statue depicting Hatshepsut as
(lion deity), 182
sculpture of, 28-29,
paintings, 75, 7879,
at;
of, iî
Hatshepsut and, 147,
mining expeditions, 95
Minoan wall
281
ritual), 145,
2^5
form
djed pillar and, 167, iGj
uS
ii6,
Nefrusobek, Queen,
shawabti statuettes
women's poses in
Abydos "tomb"
zjj
(cat. no. 61),
Nefrubiti (princess), 198, 202
juglet possibly in
Osiris (god), 47, 105, 289
seated statue (cat. no. 60), 114
40
fertility figures of,
queens of
stands, 248, 248, 249,
Opet. See Luxor, Amun's temple
opium poppy,
Osirides, 138
with diadem and girdle, 202
devotional statues of, vjo

in Egypt's history, 3,
13,
i^nsS, s8j 101, 107, 108, io8, 143,
i-\nio,
64, 65,
67177
in Egypt's history, 3, 6
Pep!
Hatshepsut 's temple and, 14850
Perpauti, linen chest of (cat. no. 25}, 47-48,
pyramids
Perunefer, 80, 81
of, 137
in,
(king),
47-4S
Per-Wer, Mistress of the (Mut, goddess), 1S2
seals in, ixi
sphinxes
II
Petrie,
164
women who ruled as kings in,

Onuris (god), 105
11^ 12,
294
W. M.
Flinders,
pharaoh, 3-4
as "great house," 10
19
Re-Harakhti (god),
2^
Genevieve,
Pierrat,
Pinch, Geraldine, 176
Reisner, Georg, 176
Piramesse, 80, 8j
Rekhmire
Ahmose
inscribed for
(cat. no. 128), 208, 20.9
plate, early i8th
dynasty
(scribe), chair
117, 118,
128-30
of (cat. no.
92), 255,
zSs
rhyton
of General Djehuti
of Hatnofer
Porter, Barbara, 176
right
pottery, 223
rings, 123
and
left,
symbolic meaning
of,
III
wo
(cat. no. 50}, 100,
cowroid beads mounted for
Nubian, Kerma ware, i6i 2122, 21^ 176
with design amulet

with feline's head
82
(cat. no. 37}, 82,
sculptured vessels of, 64-65, 65
with lentoid bezel
Teil el-Yahudiyeh ware, 65
with scarab
See also animal vases; figure vases; jars
with scarab bezel
Ptolemy
III
4, 6, 12,
Euergetes
Ptolemy VIII Euergetes
II
Romer, John,
(king), 290
Hatshepsut's expedition
to, 50, 80, 84,
2^
149.
Sebekhotep
ostracon with drawing of queen of (cat. no. 79},
(cat. no. 98a), 174,
274
to,
9, 147,
Sekhmet
in
112, 113, 161
Pylos (Greece), wall painting
Russmann, Edna
78
in,
Ruyu,
pyriform, definition of, 223
of, 5,
1516
247
102
(official),
Senenmut,
4, 38, 63, 64, 70, 101, 135, 183
(cat. no. 59},
ni
career of, 107-9
references
to, 108, 127, 132
cylinder seal of (cat. no. 57), iii, 112
double portrait of (cat. no. 63}, 120-21, 120
woven, 63
Hathor amulet of (cat. no.
saff tombs, 136, 147
262, 26J
6_i.,
Sai Island (Nubia), 25,
Qaw el-Kebir,
135
sandals, 211
as Neferure's tutor, 112-13,
Saqqara, 82, 179, 223
quartzite, significance of, 122, 132
sarcophagi, Hatshepsut's,
iSSj^
recarved for Thutmose
quivers, in Maiherperi's tomb, 6263,
(cat. no. 108),
188-89,
II
Ramesses
III (king),
(king), 23,
Ramose, tomb
8^
140, 290, 294
of. See Hatnefer,
(Syria), 229
Ratie, Suzanne, 29^
razor (cat. no. 46),
94 9_5j ^5
tomb of
axe,
model
Redmount, Carol,
65
(cat. no. 62),
of Ahhotep
fish
208-9, 209
(cat. no. 130b), 210,
220
131-33, 2ji, 292, 293
(cat. no. 73),
131-3 3, 133
holding lotus bud
Senenmut Quarry, 140
Senimen, boulder carving
zu
(cat. no. 21}, 44,
wall painting from, 79-80, 79, &3
Seni (King's Son), 53
(cat. no. 42), 93,5)^
(cat. no. 131b), 211,
of early i8th dynasty

with
of, 5^ 107,
false-door stela from funerary chapel
portrait in, 120, 120
(cat. no. 128b),
of Amenhotep
Senenmut
91-95, 92-95, 132, 178,
of, 70,
179
block statue with Neferure, U2, 112

244
scarabs, 194, 208
with bezel ring
Red ford, Donald, 63
104-5,
scaraboids, string of (cat. no. 126b), 207, 207
of Ahmose, bezel
of, vjj
of Tusi, lad
staff
tombs
Re
symbols
53),
(cat. no. 76c, d), 144,
razor (cat. no. 145b), 220, zzo

(god), 83, 84, 27, 150, 221
and
tomb of parents
Elephantine temple of, 99-100
saw and
140
254
Satis (goddess), 162.
spectroscopy, 46
Ramesses
sister of,
statues of. See statues and statuettes
Satepihu (mayor), 102
block statue of (cat. no.
Ras Shamra
iM
1^22
22^5
U2, uj, i6s
ostracon with possible sketch of
11920, 2ig
Qenamun, 8d
queens regnant, 12
zu
inscribed stones sent to, 146
jr,
sandals (cat. no. 134), 213, 2ij
Qena, 225
58), ijjj
Hatshepsut's relationship with, 295, 296
Sahure, temple of, 149
82, 1^3,
79
rebirth,
221, 242,
Sendjehuti
last
R., 23
(Syria),
Raman
182-83
Delta during Hyksos period, 65
111,
178, iSq
saddle, multicolored
(Syria),
Quseir,
100
destruction of name of, 1089, i^^, 128, 129
Qadrus (Fadrus; Nubia),

Qatna
beads inscribed for Hatshepsut and
pyxis, 63
Qadesh
231, 255
(lion deity),
Semna (Nubia),
112-13, 112, ijj
as,
woman, unknown, burial
Ruru, sealed stame of (cat. no. 198), 282, 2S2
103, ioa
44, 550^, 60, 99, 137,
Semites, 62, 64
block statue of (cat. no. 27), 57, Sj
3,
176, 210, 228, 232
Ruiu (hereditary chief), 54
(priest), 102, 146, 181, 182
shawabti of (cat. no.
Second Intermediate Period,
Sehel (Nubia),
277
Ruiu (Deputy of the King's Son), 54
262
III (king), 23
Sebeknakht (governor), 50
Sedment, 230,
185
Macy,
240
ffi
Sed-festival cloak, 25
184
Royal Tutor, Senenmut

royal
expeditions
Puya, 103
Puyemre
Ann
Royal Nurse,
Mistress of, 149
Ill's
Roth,
no. 168), 240,
Sebekhotep IV (king), 20-21, 214
rouge, 215
150. 152-53, 291
M2-5-^,
sculptured pottery vessels, 6465,
SH
209
Rosellini, Ippolito Baldassare, 291
Punt
Thutmose
form of (cat.
Sebekemsaf I (king), 23-24, 27
zu
(cat. no. i28f), 209,
Roehrig, Catharine
209, 209
Thomas, 65
Schoske, Sylvia, 296
robbery of tombs, as sometimes "recycling," 7in^
23
(king), 230
(cat. no. 131c), 211, 211
210
(cat. no. 43), 93-9.4,
(cat. no. 131b), 211,
with sleeping duck
(king), 204, 22S
Ptolemaic Period,
(cat. no. 986), 124^ 175
(cat. no. 129a), 210,
214
209 209
(cat. no. i28e),
III (cat. no. i28d),
scribe, figure vase in
Red Lustrous wheel-made, 64
Psusennes
of Thutmose
Schneider,
(cat. no. 127), 208,
oryx-shaped, 63
rhyton
man
with seated
Middle Kingdom, 177
98b), 1743
(cat. no. 136), 214,
(cat. no. [31), 210, 21.1
with rearing ibex
^6
with cartouches of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
Avaris palaces, 73
.9-^
(cat. no. 41}, 93,
with protective motif
82
(cat, no. 37}, 82,
(cat. no.
heart, 229
Retenu, 227, 261
Polaczek, Krystyna, 233
(cat. no. 44), 94,
124
repousse work, 245, 246, 246
(cat. no. 45}, 94,
2^
Pococke, Richard,
142-44, 14A-43
with Hatshepsut's prenomen
Renenutet (goddess), 107,
Reniseneb
rectangular (cat. nos. 98c, d), 174, 174
at
(cat. no. Ts),
of Hatshepsut, bezel
227
Renennefer, 178, i8q
plaques
209
139,
(vizier), 82, 2i,
44
(cat. no. 130a), 210,
of,
with Neferure,
Seniseneb, 103, 150

Seniu, shawabti of (cat. no. 16}^ 38,.;.?
Senres, stela of (cat. no. 15},
37,^
113, ij^
Senwosretl (king), 2325, 97, 99,

Senwosret
III (king),
statues
136, 137
and
Aashit, 28, 28
Serabit el-Khadim, 99, 176
Ahhotep
Setau (overseer) kneeling with uraeus cryptogram

130-31,
(cat. no. 72),
Ahmose
Amenemhat
Avaris temple of, 76, 80 , Si
Amenemhat
Amenhotep
Hatshepsut,
(cat. no. 12), 24,
of Puyemre
of Seniu
shawabti
38
99,
5, 112^ rjij
103,
s>9,
{0^
2^
88,
stelae
1707 1,
270
false-door,
113
III in,
offering
(cat. no. 9^), 169,
270
(cat. no. 66),
maat
to
Amun
(cat. no. 92), 168, iG8^
Senenmut kneeling with sistrum
thrown
Inebni
no. 20),
(cat. no. 26),
king as falcon
Mentekhenu, 106,
Sitre (Inet),
Mutnofret
Soleb, 54
naophorous, definition
Sopdu (god), 99
Ruiu
(cat. no. 89), 166,
Tangur (Nubia),
104-5,
III (cat. no.
n}, 32-33,
statue
12122, 121, 123
shape of crouching mouse
(cat. no. 139), 1163
in shape of resting
338
of Tusi
dog
(cat. no. 138)^ 116,
(cat. no. 55), iio,
INDEX
im
uS^
of (cat. no.
Tawosret (queen),
18},
265-
40-41, 40
12
Teeter, Emily, 296
emblem
(cat. no. 69),
Teh-khet (modern Debeira-Serra),
54, 58
Tell Brak, 63
(cat. no. 66),
124-25, 124
Tell el-Daba. See Avaris
kneeling with sistrum
(cat. no. 67),
125-26, 125
Tell el-Yahudiyeh ware, 65
(cat. no. 68), 126,
kneeling with surveyor's cord
127
(cat. no. 65),
12930, 129
Naville fragment, 127
temples, cosmographical layout of, 148

Teti (King's Son), 53
Teti (Mistress of the House), xSo
(cat. no. 70)-,
Tetisheri (King's Mother),

stela
128, 128
kneeling with uraeus cryptogram
staff,
170, 171, 206, 215, 257, 257,
kneeling with uraeus cryptogram
spoons, cosmetic
5^-54
52,
Tefnin, Roland, 158, 296
kneeling with Hathor
12223,
32
6061, 26 1 6 2
66,5(22
uS
(cat. no. 64),
row of a hundred, 270
in,
., 293
Tanis, 228
12627, i27
1G6
i6y
Zbigniew
Taweret (goddess),
52
reassembled, 2J4
Egyptian campaigns
tambourine, 63
cryptogram
colossal sphinxes (cat. no. 88), 164, i65^ 270
surveyor's mallet and stake (cat. no. 76a, b), 144, 144
Taharqa (king), 247
cryptograms, 117 ii7\ see also uraeus

272
stone vessels, 223
Tanetiunet (Royal Nurse), 105
(cat. no. 55)3
block statue
25,
37
174
tribute from, 61, 67, 262
of, 107, 118
Senenmut, 107-8, 11718,
of, 137
(cat. no. 15), 37,
(cat. no. 97),
42,^* 44
30-31,
(cat. no. 9),
(cat. no. 27), 57,
Satepihu
115
51,
Hathor
Tanefret, 103
Sithathoryunet (princess), 226
sphinxes
52
Szafrariski,
5657, 5S^
Maya, 1034, 104
in
292
(cat. no. 39), 90,^^0
sistrum, definition and description of, 118, 124
Speos Artemidos (Beni Hasan), 49, 97?
Hormose
Syria
zSq^
into quarry as debris, 268, 2ji,
Huwebenef (cat.
(cat. no. 68),
126 , 122
80
50,
Thombos,
Strauss, Elizabeth, 176
59-61, 170-71, lyi
(cat. no. 40), 90, 9i,i)z
(cat. no. 67),
L2S.
(cat. no. 73),
stool, 63
head of king (Hatshepsut?) as falcon
IM
of queen of Thutmose
from chapel of Senenmut
of Senres and
votive, to
(cat. no. 89), 166, itSS"
smiling head, 158,
relief (cat. no. 90) , 166,
31 32,
of Senenmut and Neferure, loS
maned sphinx
97
definition of, 107, 118
maned sphinx
24, 25,
Karmose, 49,
(cat. no. 91}, 167,
270
seated images, 158-60,
9, 149^ 158,
u,
kneeling with nemset vessel

167,
I (?),
(cat. no. 10),
(King's Son), 59, 5q
inscribed stone (cat. no. 77), 146, 146
sistrophores
avenue
from Buhen, 54
ijl
270
of Hatshepsut,
Georg, 57
and inscribed stones
of Ahmose
Amenemhat
reassembly, 260-61, 272, 292, 293
first
statue, 287, 288
as king (cat. no. 96}, 171-72, 172
36-37,
votive statues
Siptah (king), 12
of Ahmose
(cat. no. 14),
seated statue (cat. no. 193), 263, 263
Steindorff,
i6sh
125 26,
head
Deir el-Bahri seated
colossal statues, 89, 160, 2,92
Sinai
124- 25,
colossal
head of (cat. no. 74), 140 140
and Thutmose
32
1),
See also block statues; shawabti; sistrophores;
158-72
kneeling with white crown
inscription of Hatshepsut
III
172, 172^ 263 , 263,
288
in,
(cat. no.
204, 218
wares, 64
Hatshepsut's construction
Thutmose
colossal sphinxes (cat. no. 88), 164, iGS, 270
shen sign, 129^ 130

silt
li8
36
fragmentary statue with nurse,
Sheikh abd el-Qurna,

kilt, 2^,
Thutmose
as female king (cat. no. 95),
shawl, Near Eastern,
skendyt
queen
Tetisneb (cat. no. lt}, 12; 32
in devotional attitude (cat. no. 94), 170, ^70^
34
15,
4041, 40
(son of Ruiu), 5859, 5R
destruction of, i^S, 140, 14a, 268, 270-74, 272
(cat. no. 51}, 10^, 103
(cat. no. 16), 38,
spell,
^^-m-, .33-34
3334
definition of,
Ill's
(cat. no. 18),
(Nubian), 54, 5^
Djehuti (general), 61
262.
shawabti
of Ahmose
Taweret
Sai Island statue, 51, 5i
Sharuhen, 60, 261
(cat. no. 61),
118
sphinx of Thutmose
no. i^), 4142, 414.^, 44
as Osiris, 26,
Shalfak (Nubia), 53, 54
16,
2930, 2930
(cat. no. 8),
fragmentary head, 34^.5j .343S
(king), 2^, 294
Shasu people,
11516,
heads, 24, 24, 25, 2S
Sethnakht (king), u.
I
2829,
Araenemhab (child; cat.
Sethe, Kurt, 2949^
112, 212^ 117, 132
seated statue (cat. no. 60), 114-1 5^
Senenmut carrying Neferure
(cat. no. 7),
Ahmose- Nefertari
UP
Seth (god), 252
Seti
Senenmut and Neferure,
statuettes (including probable
identifications)
170
Seqenenre, 210
n, 24
of Ahmose honoring
(cat. no. 10), it, 24,
(cat. no. 71},
Tetisneb,
Theban
tomb
statuette
of (cat. no.
processions, 1^5, rj6
17), 32, 3si
Thebes (and western Thebes),
ijz^
Near Eastern campaign
19-23
map
of, 5,
Senenmut and,
as sole ruler,
rj,
I's
tomb
51^
36
\^\î5
(cat. no.
door of (cat. no.
188-89,
Memphis palace founded

mortuary
toe
posthumous images
Tombos
name
Thutmose
II
u,
30~3'?
rj,
II3 51?
^7, 88^
of,
of,
relief depicting (cat. no. j8),
relief
fragment recarved as
tomb
of, 185,
(cat. no. 84),
15^ iSl
Annals
II's
9, 48^ 51, 54, 56, 5^, 6^, 67,
2SK
White
220
(cat. no. 56}, ijo,
uq
and White Pendant Line ware, 223, 232-33
Wilkinson, Charles K., 292
of (cat. no.
55),
no,
no
Wilkinson, John Gardner, 291
(king), 62, iio, 196, 198, 211, 212
(cat. no. 145c), 220,
Winlock, Herbert
E.,
163^20, 166, 17X5 270, 273.
292, 295, 296, 297^2/
220
woman with child, form of figure
(chancellor), 53
vases, 233-34, 21?-
US= >7i
women
Ullaza (Syria), 262
Unis (queen), 12
2^
167, 167, 170,
i8th dynasty rule of Egypt by,
Middle Kingdom type of pose
of,
28-29, 28
New Kingdom poses in sculpture of,
tjh 158
26, 39, 39,
on queens of Old and Middle Kingdoms, 28
Deir el-Bahri temples
of,
126-27,
^^
^3^,
139-40,
removal
219, 222, 225, 227,
of,
from Hatshepsut
246
Hatshepsut and, 10-13, 87-88, 96-97, .96",
2^
destruction of her monuments, 56-57, 59, 71,
160,
267-
69, 267, 268, 272-74, 272, 282, 282, 283,
figure vase of woman playing lute

(cat. no. 169), 241J
(cat. no. 70), 128,
Senenmut kneeling with
(cat. no.
User
(scribe),
Useramun
tomb
(cat. no. 72),
jC^ 129-30, 129

130-31,
uo
of, 48, 79,
(cat. no. 170), 24jj
im
attacked after death, 28i
See also Kings' Mothers
80
rings with cartouches (cat. no. 50}^ loo,
mi
techniques of erasure, 272, 277-81, 277-80,

282
(cat. no. 199), 283,
283
Maiherperi's
map of,
5^
tomb
65
ruled as king, 12, 294
all
Wosretkaw (name of Hatshepsut),

Valley of the Kings,
on back
2^
in sculptured pottery vessels, 6 465,
who
249
(vizier), 101,
2^j
figure vase of woman with child
L2R
28^ 295-96
joint inscription (cat. no. 48), 99,5^9
and Hatshepsut
pregnant, images of, 2^4
u&
Senenmut kneeling with
Setau kneeling with
98nj2, 294-95
150, 138, 140, 151, i57a
statues, 272,
uraeus cryptogram (Maatkare cryptogram), 107, 117,
foreign wives of, 64, 68^ 196, 198, 201, 211, 212,
lintel of,
Slip
(cat. no. i45d), 220,
wigs, feminine, 9, 28, 2i^ 29, 2.9-;o, 30, ^,^,32, 39, Jt9
(official), staff
uraeus,
Avaris and, 80 8
27_,
2^
Westcar papyrus, 149
Umm el-Qaab, 105
legitimization secured by, 269, 28J
of, 261, 268,
139^
Ty
130, 132, 157, z5z, 194
75f ), 142-43, 142
See also figure vases
3-4,
90, 91, 101, 127, 294
Amenhotep
Westcar, Henry,
East, 62
iSK
III (king),
(cat. no.
(divinity), 162
whip handle of Nebiri
tweezers
89-90,^
on amulet
Weret-hekau
144-45, 144-45
(Syria), 262
Tutankhamun
26
(Nubia), 49, 50, 52-54 , 262
wedjat eyes, 37, .57. U2, 112^
el-Gebel, 82
Tusi
carved over Hatshepsut 's, 267, 267
Wawat
weapons of warfare, 253
Tuna
Tushratta, 63
Thutmose
woman; Senenmut
52, 53, 54
whetstone
name
of,
Near
and Hatshepsut, 8
117, 117
Troy, Lana, 194
Hatshepsut-dedicated statue of, possible, 26
posthumous images
was scepter,
i48b-e), 220, 220
51,
See also paintings
213
Turin canon, 294
87
Rekmire 's tomb, 219
from Senenmut's tomb, 79-80, 29, 8q
(cat. no. 76),
Tunip
Hatshepsut as queen
78-79^ 78-80
75^
Thutmose
tree motifs of
24, 294
tomb,
Minoan,
in
of, isi
(Nubia),
im
in Djehuti's
Mitanni, 63
2327, 34
Toshka (Nubia), 54
of, 282
reburial of, TiniQ, iSj, iM.

(king), 3^
of,
tools in foundation deposit of Hatshepsut 's temple
26
of,
Syria campaign of, 60
tomb and
emergence
stalls (cat. no. [35b), 215^
relief fragment depicting (cat. no. 83), 155, i55.
throne
63, 81, 140
(king),
tombs of individuals. See under Hatnefer; Hatshepsut;
by, loi
51-52
70
3,
(prince), 30, 87
wall paintings
Maiherperi; royal
of,
32^ ill, iz
184-8 5, lSS
Wadjmose
toilet set (cat. nos.
IMSI
at,
Wadjet (cobra goddess),
Tjuya, 227
cult of, 137
Nubian expedition
tomb
121, 127, 129
of, 143
style,
tomb
J^
Wadi Gabbanat el-Qurud, Hatshepsut 's queen's
69
Thutmoside
[22-23, 1^3
vulture headdress, 29, 29-30, 3',
(cat. no. 86), 156, i56_
Thutmose-Neferkheperu, 68
Tjener,
291
87), r'i6-'i7,
Hatshepsut 's sarcophagus, recarved for

(cat. no. 108) ,
iSK
Tiye (queen), 269
double chapel of Hatshepsut and, 150

false
of,
Thutmose IV
9.7
alabaster chapel completed by, 26
colossal head of, probable (cat. no. 14), 36-37,
dagger handle of
(cat. no. 85), ij6,
26162
name
throne
64
!4n;jj, ifi2
(king), 3,
(cat. no. 65},
scarab of (cat. no. i28d), 209, 209
63-64
in,
See also Asasif
Amenhotep
284-86
See also sistrophores; uraeus cryptogram
probable portrait
148
Third Intermediate Period,
Thutmose
of,
fragment depicting statue
Thinis, 102, 105
Thoth (god),
head
reHefs of
135
u8
Senenmut kneeling with surveyor's cord
painted relief of
Heliopolis and, 149 so
possessions in burials
votive statues, 107,
of, 61, 62, 64, 96^ 224,
26162
148, iînj,
181,220, 28^-86
"hundred-gated,"
"volute tree," 6263
Maiherperi and, 62, 71
4, loi
17th dynasty burial in, 15-22, 16,

festival processions in, 83, 97,
69, 97, 138, 184,

in,
i_85
Wysocki, Zygmunt,
3,
hTj
U3
186, 253
62-63, 70-74, 72, 228
iBE
young man,
vases. See animal vases; figure vases
Yuya, 227
veneer, 259, 259
Yuyu,
257,
statuette of (cat. no. 20)^ 42.
44
25z
INDEX
339
Photograph Credits
Dieter Arnold:
fig.
200<; by Kimbell Art Museimi, Fort Worth: cat.
58
na 71
Adapted from Dieter Arnold and Winlock 1979, pi. 41
W. Hauser/ G. M.
(drawings by
Peek):
Courtesy of the Piioebe Apperson Hearst
60, top
fig.
Museum
From Geheimnisvolle Konigin Hatschepsut

pp. 74, 76: figs. 103 (photograph
University of California, Berkeley:
Johnson), 105
1997,
by George
B.
Museum imd Papyrussammlung,
Agyptisches
Staatliche
Museen zu
Berlin; cat.
na
graph by Marcello Bertoni):
From Borchardt
Photographs
191 136,
CG
graphs by Christian Tepper):
82b
From Bietak 2005, p 16: fig. 32

Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna
cat. nos. 17, 85,
184
(photo-
Idini studio fotografico: cat. no. 11
Drawings by
2005 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston:
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden (photographs
by Peter Jan Bomhof and Aimeke de Kemp):
177, fig-
cat.
27
Artur Brack:
fig.
fig. 52.
i;, 33,
40, 58, 190, 198,
From Legrain
Archives of the Department of Egyptian,
Classical,
and Ancient Middle Eastern Art (pho-
tographs by Bernard V. Bothmer);
cat. nos. 66,
cat.
nos. 84, 173
Carter 1912:
Adapted from Carter
1917:
fig.
36
73 (drawing
82c, 162, 186,
fig.
79, 82a,
The Field Museum, Chicago
fig.
by
179
Christine Lilyquisb
fig.
Lipiiiska: figs.
Univeristat Leipzig:
From
104 (model by Stefan
(drawing by J. Lipiriska/
fig. 51, p. 5): fig.
60,
bottom
69 (photograph by Zbigniew
(A114186C, photograph
figs. 9, II,
22.
Photographs by Sandra Marshall:
cat. nos. 34, 64, 164, 169, 170, 180, 191, fig. 80.
Photographs by Bruce Schwarz:
by Ron
(A107542C, photograph
Testa; A86289, photographer
unknown):
cat. no. 178
University of Chicago (drawing by Christina
Di Cerbo and Margaret De Jong):
fig.
86
Courtesy of the University of Chicago Press (firom
Habachi 1957, pp. 92-96):
From Daressy
W. Vivian
Peter
1902,
Davies:
Dorman:
fig.
fig.
CG 24071:
figs.
37
fig.
25
17-19
88
Edinburgh (photographs by Leslie Florence):

cat. nos.
2-6,
fig.
I, 2,
Petrie 1909, pi. xxii):
Sandra Marshall:
figs. 16,
Metropolitan
81
Museum of Archaeology and
Anthropology, Philadelphia, by which
cat. nos. 28, 29, 53, 124,
by
Reisner 1905:
rights
cat. no.
196
Reunion des Musses Nationaux/Att Resource:
cat.
fig.
60, center
1832-44,
Ann Macy Roth: figs. 4,

Pamlyn Smith:
From Starr
fig.
pi.
xix, 23, 24:
fig.
79
51
89
From
1939, pis. 148-49:
Szafraiiski 2001, p. loi
23
fig.
(photograph by
Magdalena Grzegorczyk):
From Terrace and Fischer

by Costa,
Cairo):
fig.
fig.
59
1970, p. 98 (photograph
49
fig.
76 (drawing by
Julia Jarrett)
Sammlung des Agyptologischen Insrituts:
cat.
Ur- und Friihgeschichte und
no. 183; Institut
20
Archaologie des Mittelalters Jungere Abteilung
Museum of Art, New York:
Bruce Schwarz, the Photograph Studio, The
Museum of Art: cat.
20-24, 30-32, 40-47,
nos.
1, 8, 13,
50, 56, 59, 62, 63,
67, 7577, 81, 86, 88b, 89-94, 96, 97, 98a-e, 100,
1047,109, iioa, 114-16, 118-23, ^25^36, 13845,

148, 150-55, 159>
all
Tom Jenkins):
156-58, 188, 199
fig. 5
cat. nos. 74, 113, 117, 147; figs. 66, 77, 78.
Metropolitan
by Bruce
cat. nos. 7, 49, 65, 72, 87, 161, 163, 165,
fig.
Eberhard Karls Universitat Tubingen: Agyptische
44, 46, 109
Courtesy of University College London (from
The
Paris (photographs
Adapted firom E. Thomas 1966:
Courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society, London:
16, 18, 19,
Museums of Scodand,
cat. nos. iz, 26,
60, 166, 168
cat. no. 48, figs.
Courtesy of die Epigraphic Survey, Oriental Institute,
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford:
182
Isabel Stiinkel; figs. 3, 41, 42, 87
changed; CSA49135-CSA49137, photographer

cat. no. 61;
1991,
Reproduced with permission of the University of
From Rossellini
Lipiiiska 1977
Lipiiiska 1984, p.
Kemp
no)
Adapted firom Ricke 1939, pi. 7 (drawing by H. Ricke):
24
by Diane Alexandra White, background color
unknown):
167, 174,
p.
na 38
nos. 39, 176
The Trustees of the British Museum, London:
38
Schwarz):
63 (adapted from
Arnold 1992,
cat.
Visitors of the
From
48
Museum der
cat. nos. 27, 103,
Doliriski): fig. 108
1934, p. 172, pi. iv:
(drawing by Lindsley
are reserved (photographs
E. Falkowska,
fig. 13
203, and
Pennsylvania
34002: cat. no. 10
CG 42051, CG 42118:
cat. nos. 35, 52, 54, 55, 73,
Miszczak), 107
Julia Jarrett)
From Chevrier
190625,
fig.
43
Adapted from
cat. nos. 80, 102
From Carnarvon and
Jadwiga
figs. 70, 71
The Fitzwilliam Museum, University of

Cambridge:
figs. 12,
Jurgen Liepe:
Agyptisches
68, 69, 70, figs. 7, 52, 53
Musees Royaux d 'Art et d 'Histoire, Brussels:
Betsy M. Bryan:
nos. 95, nob, in, 112, 137, 149a,
From Lacau 1909-57, CG
56
Brooklyn Museum: cat nos.
figs. 15, 21, 28, fig.
cat. nos. 172,
cat. nos. 36, 37, 51, 57, 78, loi, 108, 140, 146, 171,
14
genealogy on p. 7 (after Ann Macy Roth),
Musee du Louvre,
Julia Jarrett: figs. 82, 83, 85
fig.
Images by Anandaroop Roy: maps on

5,
Adela Oppenheim:
The
cat. no. 83
Antonio
cat. no. 25
pp. 2,
fig. 71, p.
Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim:
572: cat. no. 9
34, 3i> 39. 45, 47, 50, 54, 55, 61, 64, 68, 72, 74, 84,
90-102, 110-12;
Hall).
Kesmer-Museum, Haimover, Germany (photo-
18s
of the Department
frontispiece, cat. nos. 41 base, 63 back, figs. 6, 10,
no. 193
of Anthropology and the Regents of the

cat. nos. 99,
197, figs. 40, 65, 67. Archives
of Egyptian Art (photographs by Harry Burton):
Mohamed Gabr: cat.
"75, 187, 189. "92, 194, 195,
fiir
(photographer Hildegard Jensen):
Museo delle AntichitI Egizie,
cat.
na 200
T\irin: cat. nos. 14,
149b, 149c, 181
Adapted from Weeks 2000:
figs.
26, 75 (drawings
by
Julia Jarrett)
Adapted from Weinstein 1973:
fig.
62 (drawing by
Julia Jarrett)
From Wddang
1997a, p. 132:
fig.
57

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HATSHEPSUT

FROM QUEEN TO PHARAOH

THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, NEW YORK

NEW HAVEN AND LONDON

published in conjunction with the exhibition "Hatshepsut:

Museums of San Francisco / de Young from October

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, from

March 28 to July 9, 2006; and

All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form

or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any

Kimbell Art Musemn, Fort Worth, from August 27 to

December 31, 2006.

Photograph Studio^ The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

supported in part by the National

for the Humanities,

exhibition at the Fine Arts

part by the National

Young is made possible

Separations by Professional Graphics, Inc., Rockford, IlUnois

Printed and bound

Endowment for the Arts, a federal agency.

by CS Graphics PTE, LTD, Singapore

memory of the de Groot and Hawley families.

Head of a stame of Hatshepsut as reassembled from fragments discovered in

western Thebes, 1928 (see

Fine Arts Museums of San Francisca

Library of Congress Catalo^g-in-Publication Data

Detail, relief depicting running soldiers (cat.

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

Bruce Campbell, Designer

Anandaroop Roy, Maps and Genealogy Designer

December 31, 2006.

Douglas J. Malicki, Production Manager

MH de Young Memorial Museum, San Francisco,

2005 The Metrf^olitan Museum of Art, New York

Art Museum, Fort Worth, August 27 to

^ISBN 1-58839-173-6 (pbk.)

Renee. IIL Keller, Cathleen A. IV. M.H.

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,

(Yale University Press)

Jayne Kuchna, Bibliographic Editor

Includes bibliographical references and index.

Peter Antony, Chief Production Manager

Pharaoh/edited by Catharine H. Roehr^, withRenee

O'Neill, Editor in Chief

Jane Bobko and Ruth Lurie Kozodoy, Editors

Minjee Cho, Desktop Publishing

Dreyfus and Cathleen A.

Museum of Art (New York, N.Y.)

De Young Memorial Museum.

VI. Kimbell Art Museum.

Contributors to the Catalogue

AND HFR COURT

THF TOMR of RAMOSF AND HATNEFER

THE JOINT REIGN OF HATSHEPSUT AND

THF ROYAT. COURT

Renee Dreyfus, and Cathleen A. Keller

Chronology: Kingdom, Dynastic, and Regnal Dates

Genealogy of Hatshepsut's Family

The Royal Steward, Senenmut

THE CAREER OF SF.NENMUT

Ann Macy Roth

SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR TO PRINCESS NEFERURE