Of Nature In Men

NATURE is often hidden; sometimes overcome; seldom extinguished. Force, maketh

nature more violent in the return; doctrine and discourse, maketh nature less importune; but
custom only doth alter and subdue nature. He that seeketh victory over his nature, let him not set
himself too great, nor too small tasks; for the first will make him dejected by often failings; and
the second will make him a small proceeder, though by often prevailings. And at the first let him
practise with helps, as swimmers do with bladders or rushes; but after a time let him practise
with disadvantages, as dancers do with thick shoes. For it breeds great perfection, if the practice
be harder than the use. Where nature is mighty, and therefore the victory hard, the degrees had
need be, first to stay and arrest nature in time; like to him that would say over the four and
twenty letters when he was angry; then to go less in quantity; as if one should, in forbearing
wine, come from drinking healths, to a draught at a meal; and lastly, to discontinue altogether.
But if a man have the fortitude, and resolution, to enfranchise himself at once, that is the best:
Optimus ille animi vindex laedentia pectus
Vincula qui rupit, dedoluitque semel.
Neither is the ancient rule amiss, to bend nature, as a wand, to a contrary extreme,
whereby to set it right, understanding it, where the contrary extreme is no vice. Let not a man
force a habit upon himself, with a perpetual continuance, but with some intermission. For both
the pause reinforceth the new onset; and if a man that is not perfect, be ever in practice, he shall
as well practise his errors, as his abilities, and induce one habit of both; and there is no means to
help this, but by seasonable intermissions. But let not a man trust his victory over his nature, too
far; for nature will lay buried a great time, and yet revive, upon the occasion or temptation. Like
as it was with AEsop's damsel, turned from a cat to a woman, who sat very demutely at the
board's end, till a mouse ran before her. Therefore, let a man either avoid the occasion altogether;
or put himself often to it, that he may be little moved with it. A man's nature is best perceived in
privateness, for there is no affectation; in passion, for that putteth a man out of his precepts; and
in a new case or experiment, for there custom leaveth him. They are happy men, whose natures
sort with their vocations; otherwise they may say, multum incola fuit anima mea; when they
converse in those things, they do not affect. In studies, whatsoever a man commandeth upon

himself, let him set hours for it; but whatsoever is agreeable to his nature, let him take no care for
any set times; for his thoughts will fly to it, of themselves; so as the spaces of other business, or
studies, will suffice. A man's nature, runs either to herbs or weeds; therefore let him seasonably
water the one, and destroy the other.

Of Custom And Education

MEN'S thoughts, are much according to their inclination; their discourse and speeches,
according to their learning and infused opinions; but their deeds, are after as they have been
accustomed. And therefore, as Machiavel well noteth (though in an evil-favored instance), there
is no trusting to the force of nature, nor to the bravery of words, except it be corroborate by
custom. His instance is, that for the achieving of a desperate conspiracy, a man should not rest
upon the fierceness of any man's nature, or his resolute undertakings; but take such an one, as
hath had his hands formerly in blood. But Machiavel knew not of a Friar Clement, nor a
Ravillac, nor a Jaureguy, nor a Baltazar Gerard; yet his rule holdeth still, that nature, nor the
engagement of words, are not so forcible, as custom. Only superstition is now so well advanced,
that men of the first blood, are as firm as butchers by occupation; and votary resolution, is made
equipollent to custom, even in matter of blood. In other things, the predominancy of custom is
everywhere visible; insomuch as a man would wonder, to hear men profess, protest, engage, give
great words, and then do, just as they have done before; as if they were dead images, and engines
moved only by the wheels of custom. We see also the reign or tyranny of custom, what it is. The
Indians (I mean the sect of their wise men) lay themselves quietly upon a stock of wood, and so
sacrifice themselves by fire. Nay, the wives strive to be burned, with the corpses of their
husbands. The lads of Sparta, of ancient time, were wont to be scourged upon the altar of Diana,
without so much as queching. I remember, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's time of
England, an Irish rebel condemned, put up a petition to the deputy, that he might be hanged in a
withe, and not in an halter; because it had been so used, with former rebels. There be monks in
Russia, for penance, that will sit a whole night in a vessel of water, till they be engaged with hard
ice. Many examples may be put of the force of custom, both upon mind and body. Therefore,
since custom is the principal magistrate of man's life, let men by all means endeavor, to obtain

good customs. Certainly custom is most perfect, when it beginneth in young years: this we call
education; which is, in effect, but an early custom. So we see, in languages, the tongue is more
pliant to all expressions and sounds, the joints are more supple, to all feats of activity and
motions, in youth than afterwards. For it is true, that late learners cannot so well take the ply;
except it be in some minds, that have not suffered themselves to fix, but have kept themselves
open, and prepared to receive continual amendment, which is exceeding rare. But if the force of
custom simple and separate, be great, the force of custom copulate and conjoined and collegiate,
is far greater. For there example teacheth, company comforteth, emulation quickeneth, glory
raiseth: so as in such places the force of custom is in his exaltation. Certainly the great
multiplication of virtues upon human nature, resteth upon societies well ordained and
disciplined. For commonwealths, and good governments, do nourish virtue grown but do not
much mend the deeds. But the misery is, that the most effectual means, are now applied to the
ends, least to be desired.
[BACON, Francis. Of Nature In Men; Of Custom And Education. In: The Essays of
Francis Bacon. Available online on http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/575]

The Masculine Birth of Time

OR
THE GREAT INSTAURATION OF THE DOMINION OF MAN OVER THE UNIVERSE

TO GOD THE FATHER

God the Word, God the Spirit, we pour out our humble and burning prayers, that mindful
of the miseries of the human race and this our mortal pilgrimage in which we ear out evil days
and few, they would send down upon us new streams from the fountains of their mercy for the
relief of our distress; and this too we would ask, that out human interests may not stand in the
way of the divine, nor from the unlocking of the paths of sense and the enkindling of a greater
light in nature than may any unbelief or darkness arise in our minds to shut out the knowledge of
the divine mysteries; but rather that the intellect made clean and pure from all vain fancies, and
subjecting itself in voluntary submission to the divine oracles, may render to faith the things that
belong to faith.

[61]

The Masculine Birth of Time

OR
THREE BOOKS ON THE INTERPRETATION OF NATURE
BOOK 1. Polishing and Direction of the Mind
BOOK 2. The Light of Nature or Formula of Interpretation
BOOK 3. Nature Illuminated, or The Truth of Things1

CHAPTER ONE

The Legitimate Mode of handing on the Torch of Science2

I find, my son, that many men, whether in publishing or concealing the knowledge of
nature they think they have won, fall far short of a proper standard of honour or duty. Others
again, men of excellent character but poor understanding, produce, through no fault of their own,
the same harmful result. What they lack is any art or precepts to guide them in putting their
knowledge before the public. Do not suppose, however, that my purpose is to raise a lament
about this failure, be it the consequence of malice or incompetence on the part of those whose
business it is to maintain the tradition of the sciences. There would, of course, be excuse for
anger if [62] by their lack of skill they broke the force of any weighty matter. In fact the
incompetence of their teaching must be ascribed to the worthlessness of their knowledge.
I for my part have set my face in the opposite direction. My intention is to impart to you,
not the figments of my own brain, nor the shadows thrown by words, nor a mixture of religion
and science, nor a few commonplace observations or notorious experiments tricked out to make
a composition as fanciful as a stage-play. No; I am come in very truth leading to you Nature with
all her children to bind her to your service and make her your slave. Does it seem to you then
that I bear in my hands a subject of instruction which I can risk defiling by any fault in my
handling of it, whether springing from pretence or incompetence? So may it go with me, my son;
so may I succeed in my only earthly wish, namely to stretch the deplorably narrow limits of
man's dominion over the universe to their promised bounds; as I shall hand on to you, with the
most loyal faith, out of the profoundest care for the future of which I am capable, after prolonged
examination both of the state of nature and the state of the human mind, by the most legitimate
method, the instruction I have to convey.
But what, you ask, is this legitimate method. Please drop all arts and subterfuges, you say,
and put the matter plainly before us, so that we may use our own judgment. Would to God, my
dear boy, that your situation was such that this could be done. But do you suppose, when all the
approaches and entrances to men's minds are beset and blocked by the most obscure idols - idols
deeply implanted and, as it were, burned in - that any clean and polished surface remains in the
mirror of the mind on which the genuine natural light of things can fall? A new method must be
found for quiet entry into minds so choked and overgrown. Frenzied men are exacerbated by
violent opposition but may be beguiled by art. This gives us a hint how we should proceed in this

universal madness. Do you really think it is easy to provide the favourable conditions required
for the legitimate passing on of knowledge? The method must be mild and afford no occasion of
error. It must have in it an inherent power of winning support and a vital principle which will
stand up against the ravages of time, so that the tradition of science may mature and spread like
some lively vigorous vine. Then also science must be such as to select her followers, who must
be worthy to be adopted into her family. This is what must be provided. Whether I can manage it
or not the future must decide. [63]

Translator's Notes
1. The promise of three books makes plain that what follows is only a fragment.
2. The form of this writing (a monologue addressed by an older man in authority to a younger
man whom he calls 'son') finds its explanation in De Augmentis VI, 2 (Sp. IV, 449). There Bacon
distinguishes the magistral from the initiative method of transmitting knowledge. 'The one
transmits knowledge to the crowd of learners, the other to the sons, as it were, of science. The
end of the one is the use of knowledges as they now are, of the other the continuation and
progression of them.'

[BACON, Francis. Temporis Partus Masculus. Translated by Benjamin Farrington. Available

online on http://isnature.org/files/Bacon_Masculine_Birth_of_Time.htm]

Enquanto Galileu realizava engenhosos experimentos na Itlia, Francis Bacon descrevia

explicitamente na Inglaterra o mtodo emprico da cincia. Bacon foi o primeiro a formular uma
teoria clara do procedimento indutivo realizar experimentos e extrair deles concluses gerais,
a serem testadas por novos experimentos , e tornou-se extremamente influente ao defender
com vigor o novo mtodo. Atacou frontalmente as escolas tradicionais de pensamento e
desenvolveu uma verdadeira paixo pela experimentao cientfica.
O "esprito baconiano" mudou profundamente a natureza e o objetivo da investigao
cientfica. Desde a Antigidade, os objetivos da cincia tinham sido a sabedoria, a compreenso
da ordem natural e a vida em harmonia com ela. A cincia era realizada "para maior glria de
Deus" ou, como diziam os chineses, para "acompanhar a ordem natural" e "fluir na corrente do
tao"4. Esses eram propsitos yin, ou integrativos; a atitude bsica dos cientistas era ecolgica,
como diramos na linguagem de hoje. No sculo XVII, essa atitude inverteu-se totalmente;
passou de yin para yang, da integrao para a auto-afirmao. A partir de Bacon, o objetivo da
cincia passou a ser aquele conhecimento que pode ser usado para dominar e controlar a natureza
e, hoje, cincia e tecnologia buscam sobretudo fins profundamente antiecolgicos.
Os termos em que Bacon defendeu esse novo mtodo emprico de investigao eram no
s apaixonados mas, com freqncia, francamente rancorosos. A natureza, na opinio dele, tinha
que ser "acossada em seus descaminhos", "obrigada a servir" e "escravizada". Devia ser
"reduzida obedincia", e o objetivo do cientista era "extrair da natureza, sob tortura, todos os
seus segredos"5. Muitas dessas imagens violentas parecem ter sido inspiradas pelos julgamentos
de bruxas que eram freqentemente realizados no tempo de Bacon. Como chanceler da coroa no
reinado de Jaime I, Bacon estava intimamente familiarizado com tais denncias e libelos; e,
como a natureza era comumente vista como fmea, no deve causar surpresa o fato de ele ter
transferido as metforas usadas no tribunal para os seus escritos cientficos. De fato, sua idia da
natureza como uma mulher cujos segredos tm que ser arrancados mediante tortura, com a ajuda
de instrumentos mecnicos, sugere fortemente a tortura generalizada de mulheres nos
julgamentos de bruxas do comeo do sculo XVII6. A obra de Bacon representa, pois, um
notvel exemplo da influncia das atitudes patriarcais sobre o pensamento cientfico.
O antigo conceito da Terra como me nutriente foi radicalmente transformado nos
escritos de Bacon e desapareceu por completo quando a revoluo cientfica tratou de substituir a
concepo orgnica da natureza pela metfora do mundo como mquina. Essa mudana, que

viria a ser de suprema importncia para o desenvolvimento subseqente da civilizao ocidental,

foi iniciada e completada por duas figuras gigantescas do sculo XVII: Descartes e Newton.
[CAPRA, Fritjof. Ponto de mutao. Trad. lvaro Cabral. Disponvel online em
http://www.4shared.com/get/2323663/99482aa0/capra_fritijof__-_o_ponto_de_m.html]