Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Dumbarton Oaks Papers.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
PART
ONE
whenthe
ROM the earlyChristianera untilthe eighteenth
century,
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SPEROS
254
VRYONIS,
JR.
civilization,but the new Persian milieu of Iraq and Iran had replaced the
Byzantine atmosphereof Syria. HenceforthIranian influenceplayed a very
art,court practices,
importantrolein the evolutionof Islamic administration,
statecraft,and literature.2It is all the more remarkablethat at this time of
vanishingByzantineinfluencein the domainof statecraftthe GreekBildungsgut made a powerfulimpact on and helped to create Islamic philosophy,
Conversetheology,science,and medicine,as well as manuscriptillumination.3
an
Islam
had
effect
on
the
of
the
former
ly,
populations
Byzantineprovinces
as
result
of
Islamization
a
and
while
withinByzantium
Arabicization,
largely
Islamic
influence
of
in courtceremothe
Abbasid
era
has
been
traced
proper
nial, architecture,and miniaturepainting, and in the realm of literature
throughthe translationof orientaltexts into Greek.4It is the thirdphase of
this Byzantine-Muslim
relationthat we mustinvestigatehere. In the broader
Mediterraneancontext this third period, the period of the Seljuk-Ottoman
advance fromManzikertto CentralEurope, is balanced in the West by the
Muslim retreatbeforethe Christianreconquistain Spain. These almost conwar at the two extreme
temporaryreversalsoffortunein the Muslim-Christian
ends of the Mediterraneanworld resulted in parallel sociological,cultural,
and religiousphenomenawhichprovideideal cases forcomparativehistorical
studies.
The comparisonof Byzantine and Ottoman institutionsis a game which
many Byzantinistsand not a fewOttomanistshave played, yet it is one still
fraughtwith snares and obstacles.5The most obvious of these impediments
a G. Wiet, "L'Empire n6o-byzantindes Omeyyades et 1'Empire n6o-sassanide des Abbassides,"
Cahiersd'histoiremondiale,I (1953-54), 63-71; M. Watt, Islam and theIntegrationof Society(London,
1961).
idem, Bvlatv&Tvd
Kclio0Xi TrovpKtK& 1tpa, BZ, 30 (1929-30), 192-196; B. Cvet-
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
255
is the insufficiently
investigatednature of the Palaeologan era, of the entire
Anatolianexperienceof the Turks (both Seljuk and beylik),and of the Ottoman rise down to the invasionof Syria and Egypt. Though the similaritiesof
both states are immediatelyobvious,any attemptto explain themmust take
into account three possible, but different,
originsof these likenesses.First,
the Byzantine and Ottomanwere polyglot,multisectarianstates whose core
lay in Anatolia and the Balkans. Accordingly,their emperorsand sultans
faced many of the same political,social, and economicproblemsand cultural
phenomena.These problems,commonto both empires,would have been reflectedin their institutionaland administrativeapparatus; hence, some of
these institutionsmight,theoretically,have been inspiredindependentlyof
any direct institutionalinfluenceor inheritance.Second, the Balkans, Asia
Minor,the Levant, and Egypt had, since the conquestsof Alexander,formed
a common cultural area which, though it possessed strong local cultural
variety,had neverthelessmany commoncharacteristics.The political,social,
and religiousstructurewhichthe Arabs erectedin the formerByzantineand
Sassanid provincesresembledthose of the Byzantinesand Sassanids in many
respects.Thus, whenthe Turks passed into the Muslimlands and were Islamicized, they too were influencedby many of the institutionsand practices
which Islam had absorbed fromByzantium.When the Turks conqueredthe
Byzantine Empire they broughtwith them many of these institutions,and
theywere frequentlysimilarto those theythenencountered.The thirdpossibilityis that the Turksborrowedoutrightcertaincustomsfromthe Orthodox
and Armenian Christiansin Anatolia and the Balkans. Theoretically,the
process by which the Turks mighthave adopted, or unconsciouslyimitated,
Byzantine practicesand institutionsis a threefoldone. It could have come
about by directadoptionfromthe subject populationsof the various Turkish
states; or indirectlyby incorporationof older Islamic practiceswhich were
themselvesappropriatedfromByzantium when the Arabs conquered Syria
and Egypt; or because the Turksfoundsimilarproblemsin rulingthe Balkans
and Anatolia and therefore
had to use solutionssimilarto thoseof the Byzantines.
A brief survey of the geographicaldiffusionand strengthof Byzantine
civilizationin the Balkans and Anatolia, as well as of the featuresof Turkish
society on the eve of the invasions of these areas is necessaryfor a better
understandingof this general problem.A similarlyimportanttask is to ascertainthe quality of the Turkishconquestsand the quantityof the Turkish
settlersas determinants
in the new Balkan-Anatoliansynthesis.One may convenientlydescribe the geographicalconfigurationof Byzantine civilization
and influenceas composedof threegeographicalareas, the intensityof whose
Byzantine quality usually decreased as one moved fromthe center to the
kova, "Influenceexerc6epar certainsinstitutionsde Byzance et des pays balkaniques du Moyen Age
sur le systhmef6odal ottoman," Byzantino-Bulgarica(hereafter"Influence"), I (1962), 237-257;
G. Arnakis, 1O rrpc~prot
'O0copavof(Athens, 1947), 101-107; A. S. Tveritinova, "Falsifikatsiiaistorii
srednevekovoiTurtsii v kemalistskoiistoriografii,"Vizantiiskii Vremennik,
VII (1953), 9-31.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
256
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
257
Byzantium...the Tzats and Melkites.At the time of the Byzantine reconquista of the Macedonian dynastyArmeniansand Syrians were recolonized
in Byzantinecore lands, with what unhappyresultswe all know. In spite of
the Monophysitetruculencebeforeecclesiasticalunion, Byzantine influence
once morebecame a strongcurrentin the lifeof these communities,and it is
interestingthat the Greek classics, too, were not completelyunknown.The
Armenian GregoryMagistros turned to translatingPlato in the eleventh
century,whereasthe study and translationof Greek texts had never ceased
among the Syriac Christians.Though alienated fromByzantinereligiouslife
in the fifthcentury,the Syrian Monophysites,and the Nestoriansas well,
continuedtheirstudy of the classical Greek texts and became the principal
purveyorsof the Byzantine versionof Greek cultureto the Arabs and the
Islamic world. Elements of Byzantine law, art, and literatureplayed a role
in the local synthesisof Armeniansand Syrians in this semi-Byzantinized
zone. By comparison,the Georgians,however,weremore directlyexposed to
Byzantineinfluencein the realm of formalculture,inasmuchas they fellin
the Byzantineecclesiasticalcamp and because theirformalculturallife had
not undergonethe same vigorousdevelopmentbeforeits contact with Byzantium.6
In the Balkans it was the Serbs and Bulgarswho formedthe semi-Byzantinized zone by their creation of the South Slav-Byzantine culture. Though
philologistsassure us that theirinvasionsand settlementsdid not constitute
a completeand absolutebreachwiththe pre-Slavictraditionsof the Balkans,
it was only aftersufficient
passage of timeand frequentrelationswithByzantiumthatfirstthe Bulgarsand thenthe SerbsembracedtheByzantinepoliticoreligiousinstitutionwhich placed the Byzantinestamp on theirculturein a
sharperand moredefinitemannerthan had been the case witheitherSyrians
or Armenians.The reasonslay in the less developedcharacterofmuchof early
Serbian and Bulgarian societiesand particularlyin the absence of any local
obstacle to the adoptionof ByzantineChristianity.
Consequentlythe decisiveness of the Byzantineinfluenceforthe Hochkulturof Bulgaria and Serbia is
everywheremanifest;in the state and administration,
religion,literature,art
and architecture,law, urban and economic life.' However, many of these
Vryonis, "Problems in the History of Byzantine Anatolia," Ankara Universitesidil tarih ve
cogralyafakiatesitariharatilrmalaridergisi,1 (1963) (hereafter"Problems,"), 113-132; idem,"Byzantium: The Social Basis of Decline in the Eleventh Century,"Greek,Roman and ByzantineStudies,2,
no. 2 (1959), 157-175; E. Honigmann,Die Ostgrenzedes byzantinischen
Reiches von 363 bis 1071 nach
arabischen,syrischenund armenischenQuellen (Brussels, 1935); R. W. Thomson, "The
griechischen,
Influenceof theirEnvironmenton the Armeniansin Exile in the Eleventh Century,"Supplementary
Papers of the ThirteenthInternationalCongressof Byzantine Studies (Oxford,1966), 138-140. The
chroniclesof Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus illustrate the continuingknowledge and study
of Greek and the Greek texts, and the Syrian Law Book, E. Sachau, SyrischeRechtsbiacher
(Berlin,
1907), I, vii-xix, reflectsthe earlierinfluenceof Byzantinelaw. The most receptiveof the Armenians
to Byzantine culture were the Tzats, or Chalcedonian Armenians,N. Marr, "Arkaun, mongolskoe
nazvanie Khristian,v sviazi s voprosomob Armianakh-Khalkedonitakh,'"
VizVrem,XII (1906), 1-68.
7 V. Begevliev, "Zur
Kontinuitit der antiken Stidte in Bulgarien," Neue Beitrcigezur Geschichte
deraltenWelt,II (1965), 211-221; M. Gavazzi, "Die KulturgeographischeGliederung
Siidosteuropas,"
XV (1956), 5-21; J. Cviji6, La pdninsulebalkanique.Gdographiehumaine (Paris,
Siddost-Forschungen,
13-111.
For
the
1918),
Byzantine elementin Balkan culture,the best synthesisis that of F. D1lger,
I
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
258
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
259
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
260
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
above all characterizedby its mobilenature.Therewas no tribalinstitutiondomicile,cuisine,economy,or militaryweaponryand tactics-which did not
conformto the demandsof maximummobility.The steppe environment
with
its harshlaw of survivalhad forgeda societywhichwas sharplydifferentiated
fromthe societiesit was to conquer. Tiirkmennomadismbroughtwith it in
particularan economiclifewhichwas to become the bane of agriculture,an
economyrelyinglargely,thoughnot exclusively,upon pastoralismand warfare. For the formerthe Tiirkmenssoughtpasturagewhichthey usually expropriatedby warfareat the expense of the farmingpopulation. Warfare,
especiallyraidingand banditry,was a highlycustomarysourceof enrichment
and it made great slave tradersof the Tiirkmens.Their social, military,and
economiclifewas fusedin theirinstitutions.FormallyIslamized in the tenth
century,the effectof the new religionresultedin nothingmore than a thin
coating over the old tribal shamanismof the Tiirkmens,the tribal shamans
simply becomingMuslim baba's while retainingtheir older characteristics.
Among the most spectacularsurvivalsof these previousshaman practicesis
human sacrifice,a customwhichpersistedforcenturiesafterthe Turks first
enteredByzantinelands and whichwas relatedto theirwarriorculture.12
yalniz g69ebetiirklermi geldi ?" Belleten,TiirkTarih Kurumu,XXIV, 96 (1960), 567-596, attempted
to give greateremphasis to the sedentaryquality among the Turks. D. Theodorides,"Turkeiturkisch
nadas," Zeitschrift
fir Balkanologie,IV (1966), 146-48, has introduceda significantmodificationto
one of Stimer'spoints. There is no satisfactorystudy of Turkish nomadism in Anatolia duringthe
centuries.The remarksof V. Gordlevsky,Izbrannyesocheperiod betweenthe eleventhand fifteenth
nenila (Moscow, 1960), I, 70-95, are usefulbut are based on only a partial samplingof the available
source material. For the Ottomanperiod, Siimer,Oguzlar(Tiirkmenler)
tarihleri-boy
teqkildti-destanlart
(Ankara, 1967).
12 M. K6priilii, "Anadoluda
Islamiyet," Edebiyat fakiiltesimecmuasz,II (1928), 385; idem, Tyrk
(Ankara, 1966), 207, 215., forthe fusionof Turkishshamanistreligion
edebiyatv'ndailk mutasavvtflar
and Islam; also his brief,Influencede chamanismeturco-mongol
(Istanbul, 1929).
Contemporaryobserverstestifyto the survival of human sacrificeamong the Turks in the fourteenthand fifteenth
centuries.JohnCantacuzene,who knew the Turks as well as did any otherByzantine author and who had used Turkish soldiers in extensive numbers,remarksthat the Turkish
soldiers performedhuman sacrificeover the graves of their slain comrades: ContraMahometemApologia, PG, 154, col. 545; Ti y&p rfis-rotairrscbp6TlroSKat
C~
XE1pov
implravpcowrras
ykvoitr'&v, 2ate
qovEOstv
TI
1~lStKK6TraS; KCaly&p6w6rTaV a&rD0coCtIMOuOValAp(VOti
wp65w6AEsov,Kai v
rroXpcpTrrq -ris5
'-r
-r8-v o*
6 vpEKPbV
bs tal-riovu woA?ouv,
-rTo TETTrwC)K6TOS
aTcrrov,
d&iovus
ppp?Ecos,
&aX'
~TwI
aGpC
Aoyiovrat avrrois
rod
Kal i6ovTAov5
8vvaOi
&v
6v
KaaTos,
Ltv-ras 6aovus
i-rf
v
KTEIVEt,-roaoiTrovd)kASEIav
aq&r-rovauqrvXfs.El 8' racos
e
Aoyif-rat
T1
e~O
a
oOK
airroi
ovaotv
roT 6 povA6psvoSoi~BOfitai
TETOVE"cTOS "TO,
-rEves-ros
TOy'
JXi
&kovels-rat
Xpicrrtavoi~,efrrspEspoi,KOal'h' tr~V o -roVleKpoi acbpaT-roS
aro'?, ?i klrri T 6cq aroi.
aqC&-r-rs
&
Kai 6 TavTrravooeyorov rw drr6
r"-rOcP
soo;
Murad II purchased six hundredslaves in the Peloponnese which he then sacrificedto his dead
a
viiys -rT gavrroOwcarpi,
Ouciav
These two referencesare very clear and there can be no doubt that human sacrificesurvived
among a portion of the Tiirkmentribes in Anatolia and the Balkans as late as the fourteenthand
fifteenth
centuries.Cantacuzene understoodthe purpose of these sacrifices,but was in errorwhen he
consideredthe practice to be of Islamic origin.Islam, of course,never toleratedhuman sacrifice,and
what he describes is clearly a central Asiatic shamanistic practice. Among the shamanistic UraAltaic peoples it was commonlybelieved that those whom a warriorslew in this world would serve
him in the next. Thus human sacrificeat the grave of the dead warriorwas a well-knowncustom in
the religionsof the Turco-Mongolpeoples and was observed as early as Herodotus and as late as the
nineteenthcentury.Theophanes, ed. de Boor, I, 379, recordsit among the Khazars, -ro
8'S TovSoivov
T
ol X&CapsSE1 SoXhv
ov -ros
-1v
656v -er)YK6A0os,
aVT'roi
TrptlaKooiot0
KaTn&
D.
The
aTKTEav-r6V
the
roV
ovUpppPXqv
Historyof
JewishKhazars (Princeton,1954), 175. For the cult of the
o-rparicb-rcai. Dunlop,
dead among the shamanistpeoples, see the following,wheremoredetailed referenceis made to human
sacrifice:Ibn Fadlan-To'an (as in note ii supra), 24-25, 236-37; J.-P. Roux, La mortchezles
peuples
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
261
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
262
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
Turkishsocietyan entirecivilizationwithhighlydevelopedsystemsofreligion,
law, literature,art, and economicand urbanlife.Nevertheless,this was offset
by the factthat all the variouselementsof Islamic civilizationhad not at this
early time (eleventhcentury)affectedthe mass of the invading Tiirkmens,
who still lived in the impervioussocial cocoon oftribalism.Consequently,the
majorityof the Tiirkmenscontinuedto live in a conditionstronglyrecalling
that of the Arab bedouinswhen theyenteredthe Levant, Iraq, Egypt, etc.
A second factto be consideredat thispointfollows:The Turksfirstentered
Asia Minorin the eleventhcenturyand the Balkans (as settlers)only in the
second half of the fourteenth.Consequently,three centuriesseparate the
appearance of this conqueringpeople in the two peninsulas.One must,therefore,take into accountthe dynamicsofsocial-culturalchangewithinboth the
Turkish and Byzantine spheres during this interval. The Turkish-Muslim
society,which effectedthe initial conquest in Anatolia, underwenta great
transformation
residencein Anatolia so that whenit
duringits three-century
next implanted itselfin the Balkans-during the fourteenthand fifteenth
centuries-it had experienceda substantialevolution.These changes,to which
one can only allude here, included widespread sedentarizationof nomads,
large-scaleconversionsof Christiansand absorptionof their style of life in
Anatolia,and the influxof a considerableMuslimsedentaryelementfromthe
traditionalIslamic lands. The nomadic elementwhich crossedthe straitsto
Europe remainedmostfreeofthis change,but it was, in its turn,sedentarized
in a Byzantino-Balkanmilieu.Concomitantto this evolutionwithinTurkishMuslimsocietywas the developmentin Byzantinesociety.As the Turks conquered Asia Minor,the developmentof Byzantinesocietytherewas arrested
in the sense that it was cut offfromthe heartbeatof the culture,and so took
on a more archaisticor fossilizedaspect with the passage of time. The Christians of Seljuk Anatolia did not sharein manyof the laterByzantinedevelopments (pronoiaforinstance). Consequently,the Byzantinesocietywhich the
Turks foundin eleventh-century
Anatolia differed
in some respectsfromthat
whichtheyfoundin fourteenth-century
and
the Balkans.
Bithynia
In past discussionsof Byzantineinfluenceon Turkishsocietyand culture
therehas been a tendencyto concentrateon the spectacularconquestof Constantinopleand the replacementof the basileus with a sultan. More recently
scholars have called attentionto the absorptionof local Christianelements
and forcesin the Balkans. However, there is good reason to believe that
muchof this Byzantinizationof the conquerorstook place in late eleventhand twelfth-century
Anatolia and in thirteenth-and fourteenth-century
Bithynia.
Not less importantthan the nature of Byzantine and Turkishsociety,in
this discussionof interplaybetweenthe institutionsof the two societies,is the
characterof the Turkishconquests and settlementsas a conditioningfactor
whichhelped to determinethe new synthesisin the Balkans and Anatolia. In
examiningthis fundamentalproblemwe must ask and attemptto answertwo
difficultquestions. Were the Turkish invasions of a destructiveor pacific
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
263
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SPEROS
264
VRYONIS,
JR.
ofa significant
We may further
refinethe answer
portionofthelocal societies.16
in
the
the
Balkans
and
Anatolia.
The
Turkish
by comparing process
conquestsettlementin Anatolia was prolonged,repeatedin certainareas, and resulted
in a phenomenalpoliticalsplinteringfromthe eleventhcenturyuntilthe final
Ottomanreunification
in the late fifteenth
and earlysixteenthcenturies.The
stabilization
attained
and
Nicaea in the thirteenth
political
by Konya
century
is a brilliantbut solitarylightin this long period. By contrastthe Ottomans
conqueredthe major portionofthe Balkans in littlemorethan a centuryafter
the seizure of Gallipoli, and, had it not been for the nearly fatal Timurid
interlude,they would have effectedthe conquest much sooner. Also, if one
takes into account the fact that duringthe conquest the Balkan kingdoms
were firstattached to the Ottomansin a vassal status,thenthe actual period
of conquestis even shorter.Thoughit is true that the conquestitself,during
its briefextent,was brutal and destructive,the Ottomans early asserted a
strict centralizedcontrol and conditionswere quickly normalized.Finally,
we returnto the apparentparadox,that the Turksultimatelybroughtpolitical
unificationand stabilityon the one hand and definitedisruption,even destruction,on the other.The sultans,once they had establishedpolitical and
militarycontrol,labored indefatigablyto restoreeconomicporsperity,tranquility,and securitywithintheirdomains.But until this was finallyaccomof war, especiallyin
plished Byzantine society sufferedthe cruel afflictions
Anatolia. The destructionof towns and villages has alreadybeen mentioned.
A briefsamplingwill sufficeto convey the nature of this aspect of Turkish
conquest. Anna Comnenaremarksthat by the end of the eleventhcenturya
large proportionof the towns along the Aegean coastlinefromthe northto
Attalia had been completelyor partiallydestroyed."When the Second Crusaderspassed throughwesternAsia Minor,Odo ofDeuil remarkedthat,though
the Greekshad rebuiltand recolonizedsome ofthe urban centers,manyofthe
townswerestillnothingmorethanuninhabitedruins.s8
Adramyttium,
formerly
verypopulous and prosperous,was so destroyed,a contemporary
relates,that
one could not tell whetherit had ever been inhabitedby man.19Dorylaeum,
one of the largestand most prosperousof Greektownsin Asia Minor,lay a
desertedruinforover one hundredyears,no one stonestandingupon another
in the ruins.20Caesareia remainedan uninhabitedshambles for over half a
16On thisconservative
aspect, see H. Inalclk, "Ottoman Methodsof Conquest," Studia Islamica, II
(1954) (hereafter"Conquest"), 103-129.
17 Anna Comnena,Alexiade, ed. B. Leib (Paris, 1937) (hereafterAnna Comnena), III, 23; ...
1taxKEtp~vov Wr6Xecbv
rEKal Xcopcv AErlacria Kai wTrav-rEe?9pEfiwrctS"
11, 142,
...
r6 Kra
profectione
orientem,
Berry (New York, 1948),
86-89: Quam cum totaessetiuris,Graecorumhanc ex magna parte Turci possident,illis expulsis, aliam
106-107: Ibi multasurbesdestructasinvenimus.
destruxerunt;
19 Anna Comnena (as in note 17 supra), III, 143: T66AtS
68&
1rpcqv
'v viv
6TrrlvlK
pdrqviacrav
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
265
WesternAnatolia
Cyzicus
Cius
Apollonias
Poimamenum
Lopadium
Adramyttium
Calamus
Meleum
Smyrna
Clazomenae
Phocaea
Sardis
Nymphaeum
Ephesus
Philadelpheia
Tralles
Louma
Pentacheir
Melanoudium
Latrus
Strobilus
Attaleia
Nicomedeia
Nicaea
Eastern A natolia
Caesareia
Arabissus
Albistan
Kaisum
Edessa
Nisibis
Gargar
Melitene
Bar Mar Sauma
Sebasteia
Arzen
Ani
Prusa
Claudioupolis
Pithecas
Malagina
Dorylaeumn
Cotyaeumn
Amorium
Cedrea
Polybotus
Philomelium
Sozopolis
Chonae
Laodiceia
Hierapolis
Tripolis
Tantalus
Caria
Antiochad Maeandrum
Choma
NorthernAnatolia
Sinope
Trebizond
Amisus
Paipert
Coloneia
Neocaesareia
Amaseia
Castamon
Doceia
Comana
Euchaita
Pimolissa
Gangra
Dadybra
SouthernAnatolia
Seleuceia
Mopsuestia
Pracana
Corycus
Adana
CentralAnatolia
Ankara
Iconium
23
Archelais
Laodiceia Combusta
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
266
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
destroyedtowns and villages in westernAnatolia which they yield is awesome.24When the famousArab travellerIbn Battuta visitedAnatolia in 1333
he commentedupon the ravaged state of such towns as Erzerum,Izmir,
Ephesus, Pergamum,and Iznik.25
The Turkishinvasionswere thus highlydestructivein Anatolia, less so in
the Balkans, and in generalwere the most disruptiveethnicintrusionwhich
the easternhalfof the old Roman Empire experienced.26
The seventh-century
Arab invasions had been far less disruptiveand destructiveand the Slavic
invasion,thoughdestructive,did not ultimatelydisruptthe culturalsway of
new Rome in the Balkans. As we shall see, the Turkishinvasionsdid not completelyeradicate the Byzantinesubstratumin eitherpeninsula,but reduced
most of Byzantine civilizationin this area to a Volkskulturby destroying,
24 The economicchaos
emergesfromthe accounts of Hamd-allah MustawfiQazwini, a fiscalofficial
of the Ilhanids ca. 1335, who relates that the revenuesof Rum, Armenia,and Georgia were less than
25 per cent of what they had been in the time of the Seljuks, The GeographicalPart of theNuzhatal-Qulub composedby Hamd-allah Mustawfiof Qazwin in 740 (1340), tr. G. Le Strange (London,
aus dem mittelalterlichen
vorderenOrient,"
1919), 94-95, 100. See also W. Hinz, "Steuerinschriften
Belleten,Tiirk Tarih Kurumu, XIII, 52 (1949), 745-769; M. Akda', "Osmanli imparatorlugunun
kurulusve inkisafidevrindeTiirkiye'niniktisadi vaziyeti," (resum6in French) ibid., 570.
townsand villages:
Destroyedor partiallydestroyed
WesternAnatolia
Tralles
Croulla
Nicaea
Priene
Catoicia
Smyrna
Miletus
Cenchrae
Uluburlu
Caria
Belocome
Egridir
Antioch
Angelocome
Pergamum
Melanoudium
Anagourda
Ayneg1l
Platanea
Akhisar
Nyssa
Bi a
Tripolis
Melangeia
Assus
Kevele
Thyraium
Prusa
Ephesus
Magnesia
EasternAnatolia
Edessa
Aksaray
Erzerum
Sebasteia
Alashkert
Kayseri
Ani
Erzinjian
Albistan
Malatya
SouthernAnatolia
Sis
Mopsuestia
Tarsus
Ayas
Adana
Corycus
NorthernA natolia
Pompeiopoulis
Tokat
Camah
25 Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, tr. H. A. R. Gibb (Cambridge, 1962) (hereafterIbn
Battuta-Gibb), II, 437, 445, 448, 453.
26 See the commentsof the followingcontemporaries:Eustathius of Thessaloniki,PG, 135, col.
944; Theodore Scutariotes, MacraicOVIKyh
Bl~?oeY0Kr)ed. K. Sathas (Venice-Paris, 1894) (hereafter
Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas),VII, 169; Fulcher of Chartres,R. H. C., H. O., III (1884), 336; Manuel
Palaeologus, Lettresde l'empereurManuel Paldologue,ed. E. Legrande (Amsterdam,1962), 22.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
267
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
268
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
269
XVI (1922),11.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
270
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
271
32; A. Bombaci, Storia della litteraturaturca dell'antico imperio di Mongolia all' odierna Turchia
(Milan, 1956), 222; I. Melikoff,"G6orgiens Turcomans et Tr6bizonde: Notes sur le 'Livre de Dede
Qorqut," Bedi Karthlisa,XVII-XVIII (1964), 21-22; idem,Daniqmend (as in note 30 supra), I, 99100; Bertrandonde la Broqui^re, Le voyaged'outremer
de Bertrandonde la BroquiBre,ed. C. Schefer
(Paris, 1892) (hereafterBertrandonde la Broquibre-Schefer),
90.
40 Nicephorus Gregoras,III, 504; F. Babinger, "Witwensitz und
Sterbplatz der Sultanin Mara,"
Au/sdtze,I, 340-344.
4t Ibn Bibi-Duda (as in note 32 supra), 265; William of Rubrick-Wyngaert(as in note 38
supra),
330; Pachymeres,I, 131, 263-268; Nicephorus Gregoras,I, 95.
42 John Cantacuzene,
II, 588-589; M. Andreeva, "0 tseremonil'prokipsi'," SeminariumKondakovianum,I (1927), 157-173.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
272
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
v1laoitv, &1TEp
OTl91
Von Falke, Kunstgeschichte
der Seidenweberei,I, fig.162, and Inalcik,V
Av PaatiEi
anrami~
KTXopIlyrrrat.
"Harir," EI,, reproducethe Seljuk silk of Lyon. Victoria and AlbertMuseum,BriefGuide to Turkish
WovenFabrics (London, 1950), 1-3; Gordlevsky,op. cit. (supra, note 11), I, 187ff.,on
Seljuk court
practices, see K6priilii, "Bizans" (as in note 5 supra), 268ff.; G. Meyer, TiirkischeStudien, I. Die
und romanischenBestandtheileim Wortschatze
des Osmanisch-Tiirkischen.
griechischen
Sitzungsberichte
der kaiserlichenAkademieder Wissenschaften,
Philos.-Hist. Classe, CXXVIII (Vienna, 1893) (hereafter Tiurk.Studien),37, 44. K. Dilger, Untersuchungen
zur Geschichte
des osmanischenHo/zeremoniells
im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert
(Munich, 1967), stresses the Islamic origin of Turkish court ceremonial,
but he does not exclude the possibilityof Byzantine influence.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
273
Matthewof Edessa (as in note 29 supra), 199, 205-206, 209-210; Ibn Bibi-Duda (as in note 32
supra), 97, 216, 219-220, 223, 227-230, 233, 334, 336.
7 Nicephorus Gregoras,I, 58.
48 Inalclk,
"Dusan'dan," (as in note 36 supra), passim; idem,Hicri 835 tarihlis4ret-idefter-isancak-i Arnavid (Ankara, 1954); idem, "Timariotes chr6tiensen Albanie au XVe sidcle," Mitteilungen
des 6sterreichischen
Staatsarchivs,4 (1952), 118-138. B. Cvetkova, "Novye o khristianakh-spakhiiakh
na balkanskom poluostrovev period turetskogogospodstva," VizVrem,XIII (1958), 184-197,
gives
additional Balkan literatureon the subject of the Christianspahis. Barkan, "Essai" (as in note 13
supra), 34; R. Anhegger, "Martoloslar hakkinda," TilrkiyatMecmuasz, VII-VIII (1940-42), 282320; M. Vasi6, "Die Martolosenim osmanischenReich," Zeitschrift
fiurBalkanologie,II (1964), 172189. On the derbentdjis,see C. Orhonlu,Osmanisimparatorlugunda
derbendtefkilatz(Istanbul, 1967).
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
274
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
275
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SPEROS
276
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
277
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
278
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
279
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
280
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
281
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
282
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
283
20 (1966),207-219.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
284
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
285
whichwereexclusivelyChristian,and guildswhichwereinterdenominational.94
To what degreeChristianguild regulationswere preservedand passed on to
the Turkishsystemit is difficult
to say, but the existenceof purelyChristian
and mixed guilds,as well as of guilds the chiefsof whichwere Christiansor
converts,was stronglyfavorabletoward continuityin guild regulationand
organization.The problemhas a somewhatsimplersolutionif one can accept
the recentconclusionof one scholar,who declaresthat the Islamic worldhad
no guildspriorto the establishmentofthe Turksin Anatolia and the Balkans.
This would implya ByzantineoriginforOttomanand Seljuk guilds.95Howto believe that the highlydevelopedurban life and crafts
ever,it is difficult
of the Islamic towns were devoid of such formalorganizationaccordingto
associations. In the Anatolian towns, duringthe thirteenthand fourteenth
centuries,the craftsmenhad associationswhichwere,in addition,penetrated
by the Islamic ideologyoffutuwwa.These futuwwagroupswere probablyan
Islamic elaborationand versionofthe olderByzantinefaction--neaniai,which
had dominatedurbanlifein the sixth-century
Levantinetowns.Consequently,
the Anatolian guild-futuwwa
complexpossibly reflectsboth a directand indirect Byzantine influence.96
All this points to strongsimilaritiesbetween
and
Byzantine
Seljuk-Ottomanurban life and towns. Many Byzantine and
some Balkan townsretainedtheirold forms,othersweredestroyed,and some
were heavily recolonizedby Turks and converts.But the Byzantineand the
Turkishtown (the so-called orientaltown) were virtuallyidentical,each possessing a central agora, or charshiya,with the guildsmen'sshops and warehouses, groupsof administrativebuildingsand palaces, separate quartersfor
religiousand ethnicgroups,and, of course,religiousbuildings.The organization of public order and economiclife under the controlof the eparch and
muhtesibwere strikinglyparallel and possiblyof commonorigin,as was also
the systemof nocturnalpolice patrols.97
" Mantran,ibid., 349-394. On election of a convertas
guild kethudain Sofia, see G. Galabov and
H. Duda, Die Protokollbiicher
des Kadiamtes Sofia (Munich, 1960), 134, for converts in guilds, 158,
and esp. 215; Ibn Battuta-Gibb (as in note 25 supra), II, 425, 427, 437-438; Eflalki-Huart(as in note
83 supra), II, 14, 317-320.
95 For a specificexample of Ottoman adoption of Byzantine regulations,see Taeschner, "Das
bosnische Zunftwesenzur Tiirkenzeit(1463 bis 1878)," BZ, 44 (1951), 557-559. Taeschner points
to two basic differences
between Ottoman and Byzantine guilds: The Byzantine guilds, in contrast
to the Ottoman, were under the strongcentral control of the government.Though this
may have
been the case in the tenth centuryfor Byzantium, one could hardly say that in the eleventh and
twelfthcenturiesthe Byzantineguildswereresponsiveto centralizedcontrol;see Vryonis,
"Byzantine
and the Guilds in the Eleventh Century,"DumbartonOaks Papers, 17 (1963), 287-314.
ArlploKpoCrla
With the decline of the empire it may be that the control of the central governmentcontinued to
relax. For the second point of difference-thefutuwwainfluenceon Anatolian Turkish
guilds-see
note 96 infra; S. Goitein, A MediterranianSociety. The JewishCommunitiesof theArab World as
in
the
Documents
the
Cairo Geniza (Berkeley-LosAngeles, 1967), 82-83.
Portrayed
of
98 Taeschner, "Akhi," EI,; "Futuwwa, eine gemeinschaftsbildendeIdee im mittelalterlichen
Orient und ihre verschiedenen Erscheinungformen,"SchweizerischesArchiv
fir Volkskunde,LII
(1956), 144-151; Cahen, "Sur les traces des premiersachis," Fuad Kdpridi Armagani (Istanbul,
1953), 81-91; Vryonis, "Byzantine Circus Factions and Islamic Futuwwa Organizations (neaniai,
fityan,ahdath)," BZ, 58 (1965), 46-59.
97 See Cviji6, op. cit. (supra, note 7), 191-206, for a descriptionof the
"Turco-byzantine" town,
as in contrastto otherBalkan types.H. Gr6goire,"Les veilleursde nuit&Tr6bizonde,"BZ, 18
(1909),
G.
490ff.; Margais,"Consid6rationssur les villes musulmaneset notammentsur le r81edu Mohtasib,"
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
286
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
Toynbee,in one ofhis manyperceptiveinsights,has attributedthe commercial pre-eminenceof the Phanariot class to the "stimulus of penalization."
There is no doubt an elementof truthin his propositionthat the Greeks,excluded fromthe politicalhegemony,channelledtheirenergiesinto endeavors
whichwere still open to Christians,namelycommerce.However,the importance of Armenians,Syrians,Greeks,Slavs, and Vlachs in the commerciallife
of the Seljuk and Ottoman states representsless the consequence of this
"stimulusof penalization"than a continuityoftheiractive commercialrolein
Byzantinetimes. The commerciallife of these Christianssufferedtemporary
of order,they
disruptionsin periodsof turmoil,but withthe re-establishment
returnedto theirenterprises.With the gradual stabilizationof conditionsin
Anatolia, the Greek merchantsof Konya and Pousgousae
twelfth-century
in
the
caravan
trade between Konya and Constantinople-western
reappear
Anatolia. In the east Armeniansand Syriansreacted similarlyto stabilized
to theiractivconditions,and we have an archaeologicalmonumenttestifying
ity,a caravansarybuilt by a Christianwithinscriptionsin Syriac,Armenian,
and Arabic.98In the Balkans this Christianmerchantclass not onlysurvived,
but became increasinglypowerful.One need only mentionMichael Cantacuzene in the sixteenthcenturyand the later ManolakisCastorianos,head of the
powerfulcorporationof furmerchants.This latter organizationdonated, annually,one-tenthof its incometo supportthe OrthodoxPatriarchateof Jerusalem against the growinginfluenceand intriguesof the Catholic Churchin
the Holy Places.99But what of Byzantinecommercialinstitutionsper se? One
of the mostlivelysurvivalswas the Byzantinecommercial-religious
panegyris,
whichMartinNilssonhas convincinglyderivedfromthe ancientGreekpagan
panegyris.At the timeof the Seljuk and Ottomaninvasionsthe panegyriswas
a widespread and deeply rooted institutionthroughoutAnatolia and the
Balkans.100These panegyreiswere discontinuedin many areas because of the
destructiveness
of the firstTurkishinvasions,101
but theyeventuallyrecovered
and we see that Turkishmerchantsare participantsin the great commercial
panegyrisof the ArchangelMichael at Chonae in the later halfof the twelfth
century.From this time, and especiallyin the Ottoman Empire somewhat
later,the panegyrisremaineda veryimportantcommercialinstutition.
The very
wordpanair passed intoTurkishwitha host of othercommercialloan words.102
La ville,pt. 1, Institutionsadministratives
etjudicaires, Recueils de la soci6t6 Jean Bodin, VI (1954),
"Un magistrat: le mohtesib," Journaldes savants (1947), 36-40.
260-261; Gaudefroy-Demombynes,
98 Nicetas Choniates,50, 653-654; Bar Hebraeus (as in note 21
supra), I, 454; Erdmann,Karavansaray (as in note 81 supra), I, 63-67.
0 T. Stoianovich, "The
Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant,"Journal of Economic History,
XX (1960), 234-313; N. Iorga, Byzance aprksByzance (Bucarest, 1935), 114, 121, 223.
100M. Nilsson,GreekPopular Religion(New York, 1947), 97-101; Koukoules, op. cit. (supra,note 5),
III, 270-283.
101The Turkishconquests disruptedthe panegyrisof St. Eugenius in Trebizond and of St. Phocas
in Sinope for extensive periods of time; see Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Sbornikistochnikov
po istorii
trapezundskoiimperii (St. Petersburg,1897). I, 59; C. Van de Vorst, "Saint Phocas," Analecta Bollandiana, XXX (1911), 289.
102 On restorationof the
Trapezuntine panegyris, see Papadopoulos-Kerameus, op. cit. (supra,
note 101), I, 65; also S. Lampros,
MtXa;f 'AKoplIVTOVr
To0 Xcov-rtrrov
-r& oL6pEva (Athens, 1879), I,
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
287
&
&'
ydp, OOplya EITrETv,rS rrEplO1KiSac&Tr
Tr6vi6AstX
7t1yE 8 Kai TroCI
OvTrEpopicov
AvUoOrTE Kai
oarSS
"IcvaS Kai Kpas Kat lalpj)OovU KacAVuKovS,
EVEK&
Trp6 6 Kai pap&cpovs iKOVIETS
YErTOv
d&w0OOVaI KCaTrpiaTati.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SPEROS
288
VRYONIS,
JR.
in note 17
205:
(as
supra), III,
icravy&pKacirVES 'v aOrroiS
piropo&pIapot X7aTiviLovG. Rhalles and M. Potles, Xlwraypa TrCvOEicv Ka
O
KIEpcov
Kav6vcov(Athens, 1852), II, 498.
"rES.
105 NicephorusGregoras,I, 379; III, 509.
10oV. M6nage, "Some Notes on the Devshirme," Bulletin of the School of Orientaland African
10'
XVIII(1956),
183.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
289
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
290
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
Muslimscontinuedto baptize theirchildren,113and the practicewas so common that in the seventeenthcenturythe Greekchurchforbadepriests,under
A curiousadaptation
pain of being defrocked,to baptize Turkish children.114
and with an inversionof its originalsignificancesurvivedamong the inhabitants of Ladik (Laodiceia Combusta) in the early twentiethcentury.These
Muslims,who, accordingto their own traditions,were descendantsof the
originalChristianpopulation,immersedtheirchildrenin an ayasma just outside the town. They did this to preventtheiroffspring
frombecomingChristians.115
No less strikingis the survivalof animal sacrificewhichthe Christianshad
practicedin an unbrokenfashionsince pagan antiquityand the remnantsof
which are still visible today. The descriptions(forboth the Byzantine and
Turkish periods) of this evala, or kurban (in Turkish), are very numerous
indeed, and indicateyet one morepopular elementwhichthe Turks adopted
fromByzantium. The most detailed descriptionis given by the sixteenthcenturyTurkishslave BartholomaeusGourgieuiz.
"The Mannerof their(the Turks') sacrifice.
In the timeof anye disease or peril,theypromisein certaineplaces to sacrificeeithera Shepe or Oxe; afterthat the vowed offering
is not burned,like
unto a beast killedand layed on the aulter,as the customewas among the
Jewes,but afterthat the beast is slaine,the skinne,head, feete,and fourthe
parte of the fleshare gene unto the prest,an otherpart to poore people,
and the thirdeunto theirneighbours.The killersof the sacrificedoo make
forthe sleves and theircompaynionsto feede
readye the otherfragmentes
on. Neytherare they bound to performethe vow, if they have not bene
deliveredfromthe possessed disease or peril. For all thingswith them are
done condytionallye
I willgeve ifthouwilltegraunt.The lykeworshyppinge
of God is observed among the Gretians,Armenians,and otherrealmesin
Asia imitatingyet y Christianreligio."'116
Strikingis the apportioningof the parts of the sacrificedbeast, a division
which is similarto the practiceof pagan Greek sacrifice.The priest'sshare,
as describedby Bartholomaeus,adheres very closely to the so-called sepof the fourthand third
as it is describedin Greeksacrificialinscriptions
la'T'K6v
baptisera la loy gregiesquepour luy enleverle flairet le senteurqu'ont ceulx qui ne sont point baptisiez."; p. 115, of the Karamanid, "C'estoit un tresbeau prince de trentedeux ans, et estoit bien
obey en son pays. Il avoit est6 baptisi6 en la loy grequesque pour oster le flair,aussy duquel la mere
avoit est6 crestienne,comme on me dist."
11 Bartholomaeus Georgieuiz (sixteenthcentury)recountsthat among the blandishmentswhich
his Turkishmasterproferred
to induce him to convertwas the similarityofreligiouspracticesbetween
Islam and Christianity.This included baptism among the Turks; see F. Kidri6, BartholomaeusGjorgevic: Biographischeund bibliographische
Zusammenfassung(Vienna-Prague-Leipzig,1920), 15, Turn
ille, nos saepius baptizamur,haec verbarecitanates,bisem allah alrah man elrahim: id est, in nomine
Dei et misericordiaeet misericordiarum.
My colleague, Andreas Tietze, has suggested that this may
actually referto the practiceof Muslimablutionsratherthan to actual baptism.
114Koukoules, op. cit. (supra, note 5), IV, 55. The Turks baptized theirchildren:
St&va&Ipnv YEtpt~Lovv KcxIv& prln6v
KKKo-rcrXoJV
Et
-rEprplTOpV
Kcai St prIv
V&
pcOP l
KoplpiarrV.
c
"-riv
Tr6
115 W. M. Calder, "A Journeyround the Proseilemmene,"Klio, 10 (1910), 233ff.
116Bartholomaeus
Georgieuiz-Goughe(as in note 12 supra), under"The Mannerof theirSacrifice."
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
291
TOv 0paKCKO0XaoypaCtpKOKai
0r)I1Jpoj,
J. Deny, "Les
y7OCOartlKOaj
hTrEiTpoV
les Turcs au XVIe sidcle,"
Revue des dtudesislamiques(1936), 201-220;
pseudo-proph6tiesconcernant
E. Rossi, "La leggendaturco-bizantinadel Pomo Rosso," Studi bizantinie neoellenici,
V (1937), 542-553.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
292
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
PART THREE
128 Meyer,Tiirk.Studien(supra, note 45), passim. In addition to A. Tietze's articleson Greekloanwords in Turkish,see his "Slavische Lehnw6rterin der turkischenVolkssprache," Oriens,10
(1957),
1-47; he has writtenalso a study,as yet unpublished,on Armenianloan-words.
124
Critobulus-Grecu, 43.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
293
Ibid., 356.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
294
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
Palaeologus, Yorgi bin Palaeologus, Manuel Palaeologus, Ducas, Chalcocondyles, Cantacuzene,Mouzalon, Vatatzes, and Rhalles.128But the wealth and
powerof the Phanariotsbecame importantlater,and thoughthe leadingPhanariot familiesmay not have been genealogicallydescended fromthe old
Byzantinefamiliesthey did continuethis older aristocratictradition.129
The fate of the Byzantinelegal legacyis a particularlycomplexand confusing one about which we are only now beginningto learn the main outlines.
The opposition and accommodationof Reichsrechtand Volksrechtare coeval with the establishmentof the firstmultisectarianand multinational
empires,and their relationshipconstitutesone of the most intriguingand
importantchapters in the historyof the Roman, Byzantine, and Islamic
empires.The complexityof legal relationsin the OttomanBalkans and Anatolia becomes immediatelyapparent in a mere listingof the various extant
living sources of law: Islamic sharia, Sultanic legislation,the old law of the
Byzantium Empire, of Serbia, Bulgaria, Armenia,of Uzun Hasan, the law
of the OrthodoxChurch,the SyriacChurch,the ArmenianChurch,and of the
Jews, the special position of the Italian Levantines, and finallythe great
numberof customarylaws.
The Islamic theocraticconceptof societyestablisheda certainlegal pattern
which determinedthe overall relationsof these different
elements.The basic
line
was
the
well-known
which
dhimmis,as possessors
guide
arrangementby
of their own revealed scriptures,were to be judged in all mattersinvolving
onlythe membersof theirown communityby theirown judges and according
to theirown law. Muslimswere to have recourseto the cadis and the sharia.
In orderto grasp somewhatbetterwhat this meant in termsof the fate of
Byzantinelegal traditions,we mustpose two questions: What was the law of
the dhimmis?What happened to Christianlegal practiceswhen Christians
wereinvolvedwithMuslims?
The most importantelementin the law of the Christianshad been Church
law and the Byzantineversionof Roman law, whichhad a greatinfluenceon
the Greeks,Slavs, Armenians,and Syrians.130
This law had spread as a result
1s8 G6kbilgin,Edirne (as in note 34 supra), 89, 93, 106-107, 151-152; Stoianovich, op. cit. (supra,
note 99), 240.
129 Iorga, op. cit., (supra, note 99), 220-241; I. Gottwald, PhanariotischeStudien,Leipziger Vierteljahrsch-rift
flr Si dosteuropa,V (1941), 1-58; M. P. Zallony, Traitdsur les princesde la Valachie et de
la Moldavie,sortisde Constantinople
sous le nom: Fanariotes (Paris, 1830).
On the marriagealliance betweenthe familyof Dionysius Rhalis Palaeologus (sixteenthto seventeenth century)and that of the famous Michael Cantacuzene, see lorga, "Un conseillerbyzantinde
Michelle-le-Brave:Le m6tropoliteDenis Rhalis Palbogogue,"Acaddmieroumaine.Bulletinde la section
historique,I (1920), 102-103. Iorga dates the appearance of strictByzantine hierachic and synodal
formsin Roumania to this time. See also idem,"Les grandes famillesbyzantineset
l'id6e byzantine
en Roumaine," ibid., XVIII (1931), 3-5, on membersof the Vatatzes, Chrysolorus,
Azanaius, and
Chalcocondylesfamiliestradingin Russia.
130For the law and legal codes prior to the Turkish
conquest, see: G. Michalides-Nouarosand
,
G. Simonetos, T6po' 'AppevorwoAov
w
rrI
(1345-1945), (ThessaaooaiE-ro
pfSiti-r 'EaIiphfXov
acroT Rechts auf die
loniki, 1952) (hereafterT6poS); A. V. Soloviev, "Der Einflussdes byzantinischen
V61ker Osteuropas," Zeitschrift
der Savigny-Stiftung
LXXVI (RomanistischeAbteifiirRechtsgeschichte,
lung) (1959), 432-479; Jiredek,"Das Gesetzbuch des serbischenCaren Stephan Dugan," Archivfiir
slavische Philologie, 22 (1900), 144-214; N. Radoj'i6, "Dushanov zakonik i vizantisko
pravo,"
Zborniku chastshestestogodishniltse
zakonika Tsara Dushana, I (Belgrade, 1951), 45-77; A. Christo-
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
295
of the fact that the State and Churchhad applied it. So long as a centralized
ChristianState and Church directedsociety they supported this Byzantine
law, or a law stronglyaffectedby it, whichin turnsupportedthe established
authorityof the State. But customarylaw of the various peoples and even of
various localitieshad existedside by side withByzantinelaw, and was often
in conflictwithit. With the Turkishconquestsand the collapse oftheseChristian states,the Byzantineand Byzantino-Slaviccodes no longerenjoyed the
officialsupportof a ChristianState (the RoumanianPrincipalitieswere an exception),and conditionswerecreatedwhichwould allow a vigorousreassertion
of various customarylaws. This customarylaw, however,would alreadyhave
interactedwithByzantinelaw fora considerabletimeso that one can assume
that it was not completelyforeignto it. And the Church,whichdid survive
these Christianstates,possesseda legal systemwhichwas stronglyByzantine.
Consequentlythe law or laws of the dhimmisprobablyrepresenteda mixed
systemof customarylaw, partiallyByzantinizedin the pre-Turkishperiod,
and of ecclesiasticallaw whichwas Byzantine.The re-unification
of the Orthodox churchesafter1454underthepatriarchofConstantinople
wouldstrengthen
this Byzantine ecclesiasticallaw in the life of the Balkan Christians.It is
significantthat the text of Armenopoulosenjoyed a considerablehistoryin
the Balkans untilmoderntimes.131
What happened to Christianlegal practiceswhen they confrontedor were
in conflictwith Ottomanlegal institutions?Obviouslywheretherewas open
conflictthe Turkishlaw prevailed,especiallywhenChristianswereinvolvedin
litigationwith Muslims.The basis of this was the inacceptabilityof Christian
testimonyin the cadi's court. The invalidityof dhimmitestimonywas consideredsuch a self-evident
truththat Turkishjuristsfeltno need to justifyit
in theirlegal treatises.The greatestof the Ottomanmuftis,Ebu Su'ud, formulated this as follows:"The testimonyof an infidelagainst a Muslimis not
acceptable unless it occursin one of the followingcases: in mattersof wills,
degreeofrelationship,or ifan heirreclaimsfroman opponenta rightaccuring
to him froma deceased."'32
philopoulou, "'H StKatoSoafiaT-CV aKKArTalcQtTKG0V
owi 18tK
co-KiV itaqopc~
v
KocqrT Ti=
ltKaoTorpiCoV
v-lrav-rTVlV
repioSov,"'ErtpiS 'EraspefasBuLav-rtvv IrrovuCv,XVIII (1948), 192-201.
131 Pantazopoulos, op. cit. (supra,note 108), passim; S. Bob6ev, "Coup d'oeil sur le r6gimejuridique
des Balkans sous le r6gimeottoman," Revue internationale
des dtudesbalkaniques,I (1935), 185-194
(523-532); idem,"Quelques remarquessur le droit coutumierbulgarependant 1'6poque de la domination ottomane," ibid., I (1934), 34-35; H. Kaleshi, "TiirkischeAngaben iiber den Kanun des Leka
Dukadjini," in SiidosteuropaSchriften,6 (1964), 103-112; I. Vizvizes, "T76
ToJo
rp63pAa r-s to-ropias
pETraPavlrtvoSlIKafov," 'EweTrqpIs
&(pXEfov
to-ropiastAAqVlKOV
81KIfOvTl-r'AKa85rpiaS'A"Ajv5v,VI (1955),
131ff.;Pantazopoulos, "CommunityLaws and Customsof WesternMacedonia underOttoman Rule,"
-rTOvrovpKoKparophevvorov.
pTa(1958), 258ff.; idem, "1-Ept-r1v
itKaItoarvTa
Aiytva,n6pos, Iwrcaat, "YSpa K-r. (Thessaloniki, 1954); D. Gines, "TTEpiypappa
t-ropiasC
T0
pvLavrtvoO8t1Kaov," 'Evre-rapis'E-ratpEfaSBuavXriv'vv IXov8(5v, XXVIII
~Irravoo,"T6pos,173ff.
'EoapiphovO 0rov
perd&qpcatv
'uAAegfov
182M. "rijs
"La
valeur du
des
Grignaschi,
t6moinage
sujets non-musulmans(dhimmi) dans l'empire
ottoman,)' La preuve,pt. 3, Civilisationsarchaiques,asiatiques et islamiques, Recueils de la soci6t6
Jean Bodin, XVIII (1963), 242-243, 223, 231-233, 236. Ebu Su'ud remarkedthat Christiantestimony
was neverto be trusted,for,inasmuchas the Christianssufferedoppressiontheywould be ill disposed
toward Muslims.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SPEROS
296
VRYONIS,
JR.
Ibid., 258-259.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
297
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
298
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
cisely this pattern is discernible in Thrace between 1354 and 1464.13s Conse-
quently,by the time MehmedII unifiedthe Balkans and Anatolia and stabilized conditions,the Churchhad sufferedan unparalleleddisasterfromthe
Turkish invasions,particularlyin Asia Minorbut to a lesser degree in the
Balkans. In spite of the morefavorablepositionof the Churchafter1454 the
churchcontinuedto sufferfromits own defects(primarilysimony),Turkish
fiscalpolicy, and occasional outbreaksof Muslimfanaticism.These resulted
in generalconfiscation
ofproperty(onlyone ofthe originalByzantinechurches
remainsin the hands of the Greeksof Constaninople)and conversions.Though
the stabilizationof 1454 saved the Churchand regulatedits life, the very
natureof Islamic societymade it impossibleforthe patriarchateto regainthe
hosts of lost Christiansand properties:The principle"once Muslim always
Muslim" was rigidlyobserved,and reversionto ChristianityfromIslam was
punishableby death.
Thus, the effectof the Turkishformson thisthe mostimportantByzantine
legacywas fatalin Anatoliabut less seriousin the Balkans. Thereit continued
to radiate a type of Byzantineculturethroughits religiouspreaching,the old
law whichit applied in the episcopal courts,its patronageof Byzantineartespeciallypainting-and religiousliterature.139
But of courseall thisproceeded
on a modestscale, as the economicresourcesformerly
available werenowgone.
It manifestedconsiderablevigoron the folklevel wherethe itinerantmonks
went about the countrysidepreachingto the Christiansand foundingmonasteriesand religiousschools.140These manifestations
ofpopularChristianity
were
to
the
activities
of
the
Muslimdervisheswho also had a powerfulinparallel
fluenceon the Muslimmasess.
The most seriouseffectof the Turkishconquest on the Churchwas in the
realmof religiousconversion.This questionhas usually been discussedwithin
the theoreticalframework
of Islamic law, accordingto whichdhimmisare not
to be forciblyconverted.This has been coupledwithan argumentfromhistorical example,that in the early Arab conquests the Arabs did not desirethe
conversionofChristiansas it wouldhave meantthe loss ofrevenues.Similarly,
138The synodal decisions, edited by F. Miklosich and I. Miiller,in Acta et diplomatagraeca medii
aevi sacra et profana (Vienna, 1860-62), I-II, are emphatic and decisive on these points. Balsamon's
commentariesreveal the same conditionsin eleventh-and twelfth-century
Anatolia. See also A. H.
in Kleinasien in XI V Jahrhundert
Wichter,Der VerfalldesGriechentums
(Leipzig, 1903); K. I. Amantos,
"Zu den Bischofslistenals historischenQuellen," Aktendes XI. internationalen
Byzantinistenkongresses,Miinchen1958 (Munich,1960), 21-23; Ostrogorsky,"La prise de Serrbspar les Turcs," Byzantion,XXXV (1965), 309-310.
&
cinq-centidme
prise de Constantinople(Athens,1953), 193-216; Papadopoulos-Kerameus,Denys de Phourna,manuel
d'iconographiechrdtienne
accompagndde ses sourcesprincipalesindditeset publidesavec prdface,pour la
premierefois en entier d'aprds son texteoriginal (St. Petersburg,1909); V. Grecu, "Byzantinische
Handbiicherder Kirchenmalerei,"Byzantion,IX (1934), 675-701.
140Ph. Michalopoulos, Koo~is 6 Atrco&6s (Athens, 1940); Deliales, '"H 6t1aO KT)
TO6 boiov N1Kdvopos
TOO
caa;kOVtKiCOS,"
XIII
cpa," 'EArlTVK6d,
(1954), 122-128.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
299
-rrap&'AyapilvwSv,Kai
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
300
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
301
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SPEROS
302
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
303
Yiiriiksand Tatars steadilyretainedtheirtribalorganizationand odjak numbers throughoutthe sixteenthcenturyand it was not until the seventeenth
centurythat these dissolvedas the nomads began to undergosedentarization.
Inasmuch as the large scale sedentarizationof these Balkan nomads occurred
onlyin theseventeenthcentury,we mustassumethat ofthe remaining157,523
sedentaryMuslimhearthsin the earlysixteenthcenturya substantialportion
representsconvertedChristianpopulations.
By the late sixteenthcenturythe Ottoman tax registersindicate a dramaticrisein populationand eventuallythe Christiansbegin to leave the overpopulated mountainvillages and to descend once more into the plains and
towns.The Turkishinvasionshad neverthelessradicallyalteredthe Byzantine
demographicand ethniclegacy by the impositionof substantialnew Turkish
and by the privations
elements,conversions,displacementand transplanting,
suffered
the
native
by
populations.
The destructionof the Christianstates disengagedthe developmentof the
Christianfolkculturesfromthe evolutionand leadershipof the old Byzantine
formalculture,thoughit is truethattheChurchservedas a partialreplacement
of the old ChristianState in this respect.The removalof the Christianstate
gave a newimpetusto a morevigorousdevelopmentoffolkculture,as we have
already seen in the reassertionof customarylaw at the expense of Byzantine
Churchlaw. The expansionof the zadrugaor kuc'a,the flourishing
of the local
crafts,folkepic and music,and theirmilitarycounterparts,the martolosand
of a livelydevelopmentoffolkculture.Turkish
voynuks,are all manifestations
rule, in providingconditionsforthis particulardevelopmentof folkculture,
lent it a double character.On the one hand the conditionsof Turkishrule
produced the raya mentality.As second class citizenswho were powerless
beforetheirTurkishrulers,the Christianpeasantsand towndwellersdeveloped
those qualities of mind and spirit which were demanded by the situation:
From fear arose slyness,flattery,accommodation,and a certainsublimation
of energiesinto economic endeavor. But simultaneouslythe flightto the
mountains,a reversionto the zadrugapolity,the existenceof the martolosand
voynukbands and their intimate association with banditry,produced the
second characteristic
of the ChristiansocietyunderTurkishrule: the humanitas heroicawhichis so vividlydocumentedby the popular songs and poetry
ofthe Balkan peoples.This was not theromanticcreationofBalkan nationalist
scholarswritingafterthe Balkan revolutions;rather,it was this epic society
Vize
Kodjadjik
(1557)
(1584)
106
179
TA TA RS
(1543)
Aktav
21
12
Tirhala
Yanbolu
34
21
Bozapa
For theirdispersal in the Balkans, see the map in Barkan, "Les deportationscomme m'thode de
peuplementet de colonisationdans l'Empire Ottoman," Revue de la facultddes sciencesdconomiques
de l'Universitdd'Istanbul,XI (1949-50), 67-131.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
304
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
Constantin,"'Nasr-ed-Din Khodja' chez les Turcs, les peuples balkaniques et les Roumains," Der Islam, 43 (1967), 90-133; H. Ritter, "Karag6z," EI,; W. Barthold, "Karag6z," Islam
Ansiklopedisi,6 (Istanbul, 1955), pp. 246-51.
I1a K. Holl, "Das Fortleben der Volksprachen in Kleinasien in nachchristlicherZeit," Hermes,
XLIII (1908), 240-254; Vryonis,"Problems" (as in note 6 supra), 115-116; Strabo,
XII. 8. 3; XIII.
4. 17; XIV. 2. 28, commentson this earlierprocess by which Greek began to replace the earlierlanguages spoken in Anatolia.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
305
Xop"V in
VII (1910),366: notandumest,
alc$va,"NWos'EMvopvipcov,
8KcGtov
quod multispartibusTurcie
W-rrrTpov
etlocunturlinguamipsorum
et
vestimenta
clerici,
infidelium
reperiunter
episcopi arciepiscopi,qui portant
etnihilaliud sciuntin grecoproferre
nisi missamcantareetevangeliumetepistolas.Alias autemorationes
multidicuntin lingua Turcorum.Hans Dernschwam (as in note 73 supra), 52, is the firstto mention
theirpresencein Istanbul (1553-55): "Nich weit von abstander burg,so Giedicula genant,en einen
oeden orth der stadt, wont ein cristenvolkh, nent man Caramanos, aus dem landt Caramania, an
Persia gelegen,seind cristen,haben den krichischenglauben. Und ire mes haltten sy auffkrikisch
und vorstehendoch nicht krikisch.Ir sprach ist turkisch.Nit weiss ich, ab sy anfenglischturkisch
sprach gehapt haben. Das jeczigen turkischenkaysersvatter Selinus sol dis volkh her gen Constantinapol gefurthaben, als er die selbigenlenderbekriegt.Scheintein gros starkvolkh sein. Die weyber
haben lange, spiczige,weyse und auch von farbenhuthe auff,also ungerarlichgestalttwie ein baptskron. Und wan sy ausgehen,so decken sy ein dunn durchsichtigzthuch daruberbis uber die bruste."
For their literatureand dialect, see J. Eckmann, "Die karamanische Literatur," in Philologiae
Turcicae Fundamente,II (Wiesbaden, 1964), 819-834; idem, "Anadolu Karamanli aglzlarina ait
fakiiltesidergisi,VIII (1950), 165-200; idem,"Yunan
arastirmalarlI. Phonetica," Dil ve tarih-cografya
eds. H. Eren and T.
harflhKaramanli imlAsihakkinda," Tiurkdili ve tarihihakkindaaraqthrmalari,
Halasi Kun (Ankara, 1950), I, 27-31; S. Salaville and E. Dalleggio, Karamanlidika: Bibliographie
analytique d'ouvragesen langue turqueimprimdsen caracitres grecs (Athens, 1958); J. Deny, "Le
g6rondifen - (y)ilin, d'apres les 6crits du moine Ioanni Hieroth6os,en turc des Grecs-orthodoxes
turcophonesd'Anatolie," Kdrdsi Csoma Archivium,III (1941), 119-128.
The originsof the Karamanlides have long been disputed, there being two basic theories on the
subject. Accordingto one, theyare the remnantsof the Greekspeaking Byzantine populationwhich,
though it remained Orthodox,was linguisticallyTurkified.The second theoryholds that they were
originallyTurkish soldiers which the Byzantine emperorshad settled in Anatolia in large numbers
and who retainedtheirlanguage and Christianreligionafterthe Turkish conquests; see J. Eckmann,
"Einige gerundiale Konstruktionenim Karamanischen," Jean Deny Armagani (Ankara, 1958), 77.
For bibliographyon these theories,see G. Jaschke,"Die Tiirkische-OrthodoxeKirche," Der Islam,
39 (1964), 95-129. Cami Baykurt, secretaryof the Turkish League forthe Defence of Izmir against
GreekClaims (afterWorld War I), firstproposed the second theoryin his
OsmanihidkesindeHsristiyan
Tiirkler,2nd ed. (Istanbul, 1932). Hamdullah Subhi asserted this theoryon the basis of the allegedly
"purer" characterof the Turkish spoken by the Karamanlides, and claims to have discoveredmany
old Turkishwords fromthe TurkophoneOrthodoxof Antalya in 1923.
Evliya Chelebi came across the Karamanlides in the seventeenthcenturyand made the following
interestingcomments:
In Antalya the Greek Christiansspoke only Turkish. "...and there are four quarters of Greek
infidels.But the infidelsknow essentiallyno Greek. They speak erroneousTurkish." ("...ve d6rdii
Urum keferesimahallesidir Amma keferesiasla urumca bilmezler Batll Tiirk
lisanl tizre kelimat
iderler.",Seyahatnamesi,IX, 288.)
In Alaiyya the Greek Christianssimilarlyspoke only Turkish. "There was, fromolden times, an
infidelGreekquarter.There are altogether300 (who pay) the haradj. They know essentiallyno Greek
but know an erroneousTurkish." ("Amma kadim eyyamdan beru Urum keferesibir mahalledir.
CiAmleiiU yiiz haradcir Amma asla Urum lisani bilmiyiibbatil Tiirk lisani biliirler.",Seyahatnamesi,
IX, 297.)
ywvcboKouval
QVTlK1'V"
wooot Xptoariavol
o0i
yhcaOca t1VIKI ......
"EMTlvEs; yWlv6cOKOval
o0
ylvCivKOVV
"EAATsiw"
yA)k'caaRMT)V1KAl.
yO'aaaC.....Ka.K
'AT6 0(pao
sels KoOAa. iHoot
Trap-r&
Xpto-rtavol
More importantis the historical considerationthat the sources do not indicate any substantial
settlementof Turkishtroopsin ByzantineAsia Minorpriorto the Turkishinvasions. The morelikely
explanation of their originswould seem to be that the Karamanlides representTurkifiedByzantine
populations, the process of linguistic Turkificationstill being in evidence in the nineteenthand
twentiethcenturies;see Dawkins, op. cit. (supra, note 87), 197-204, and passim. The same phenomenon is to be observed among the Armenianpopulations of Ottoman Anatolia; see Die Pilgerfahrt
des
RittersArnold von Harf von C6ln durchItalien, Syrien,Aegypten,Arabien,Aethiopien,Nubien, Pa-
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
306
SPEROS
VRYONIS,
JR.
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
BYZANTINE
LEGACY
AND OTTOMAN
FORMS
307
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SPEROS
308
VRYONIS,
JR.
vigorouslife of theirown in consonancewith that part of the Byzantinecultural heritagewhich they had already absorbed and with their own purely
folktraditions.This isolationof the Balkan folkculturesfromthe formalByzantine and Ottoman cultureswas compoundedby the politicalisolation of
Christiansfromthe West. Though the isolation was never complete,it was
neverthelessa realitywhich a comparisonof the Turkishheld Balkans with
the Venetian-Hapsburgheld lands nicelyillumines.The Balkan and Anatolian
ChristiansubjectsoftheTurksgenerallydid notparticipatein the Renaissance,
On the otherhand, Greeksand Slavs
Reformation,and Counter-Reformation.
of the Aegean, Ionian, and Adriaticcoasts, as well as Slavs of the northwest
Balkans did participatein these dynamicperiodsof westerncultureand were
greatlyinfluencedby them.The literature,painting,and architectureof Crete,
Corfu,Dalmatia, as well as of parts of the northwestern
Balkans, reflectthis
influence.Wheneverand whereverChristianpolitical rule was replaced by
that of the Ottomansin these regions,the social classes and artistsusually
fled,or, in any case, lost the economicaffluencewhich had made it possible
forthemto functionand produce.166
The Ottomansthus reinforcedthe isolation of the Balkan peoples fromthe West at a time when contactshad been
increasingbecause of westernexpansionand Byzantinedecline,
Hence, the effectof Turkishformson the Byzantine legacy was decapitation on the formallevel and isolationon the folklevel.
188
cit.
note
and
J. Matl, op.
(supra,
8), 85ff.,
passim; M. Chatzidakis, '"H KplrK' LCOypaptlKwKCdf
I (1947), 27-46; idem, Icdnes de Saint-Georgesdes Grecs et de
XpovtK&,
i-raXtKhl
XahKoypagcia,"
Kpyl-rtKd
la collectionde l'institut(Venice, 1962); A. Embiricos, L'dcole crdtoise,dernibrephase de la peinture
byzantine(Paris, 1967); idem,La renaissancecrdtoiseXVIe et XVIIe siecles (Paris, 1960).
This content downloaded from 194.27.40.19 on Mon, 08 Feb 2016 22:17:49 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions