The Voter's Voice Project - Final Report

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The Voters Voice Project
Final Report
2008 Municipal Election
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The Voters Voice

Project
Final Report
2008 Municipal Elections
Elections
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Prepared By
Principal Researcher
Sameh Fawzi
Statistical Advisor
Dr.Ayman Zohry
Supervision
Ayman Okail
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Prepared by
Principal researcher
Sameh Fawzi
statistical advisor
Dr. Ayman Zohry
Publisher
Maat for juridical and Constitutional Studies

The technical preparation and design of the cover:
Fathi Abdel-Alim
Registration Number:
/2008
Supported By
Middle East Partnership Initiative
Address
King Faisal Street- Borg Al-Atebaa- 9th Floor-Appt. 908-Giza
Tel
: + 20 (2) 37759512
Fax
: + 20 (2) 37759512
Mobile: 012+ 20 (2) 012 6521170 & + 20 (2) 012 6521175

Email : info@maat-law.org & maat_law@yahoo.com
Website : www.maat-law.org & www. maatpeace.org
Director of the Centre:

Mr. Ayman Okeil
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About Maat
The Vision :
Under the umbrella of what our country witnesses recently such as intensifying
reformation claims, dedicating the concept of the state of institutions, the
sovereignty of the law and the positive steps that have been taken towards
supporting democracy. Therefore, it is our duty to have our own role to protect the
democratic gains and in performing positive role in pushing the reformation march
forward.
Thus, Maat center attempts to raise a generation that believe in the positive
participation in general affairs and in developing and activating the laws related to
these affairs.
Hence, Maat centers great concern is to increase legal awareness among the youth
in general and the youth lawyers in particular to qualify them and to guide them to
the right path to be able to deliver their message in the society sufficiently and
peacefully.
More over, Maat attempts to propagate, establish and strengthen the concept and
culture of democracy and peace among the Egyptian community, especially youth,
women and The Christians.
Therefore Maat endeavors to achieve the following objectives :
1- To propagate, enhance and strengthen the culture of peace, democracy, human
rights, denouncing violence and combating crime and corruption.
2- To activate the international charters and agreements that support the
everlasting and justice peace as well as human rights and increasing the general
awareness of it.
3- To enhance and encourage the democratic actions, the aware ruling and the
sovereignty of law.
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4-To increase the citizens awareness of the legal and constitutional rights.
5- Increasing the awareness of the youth leadership in the civil community
institutions and training them.
6-To prepare studies and researches to contribute in developing the legislative
building.
7-To offer legal and judicial support to the oppressed classes before the specialize
bodies and holding the symposiums ,conferences ,workshops ,training courses
awareness companies as well as publishing books ,reports and shifts and preparing
field researches and studies concerning Maats activities and enhancing
coordination , cooperation and exchanging experiences among the civil community
institutions, the local regional and international organizations .
Mechanisms:
Maat in achieving its aims depends mainly on the coming mechanisms:
1- Suing the judicial cases and offering legal help and support.
2- Observing the violations of human rights and confronting them legally.
3- Holding legal awareness campaigns to improve general participation and human
rights.
4-Holding campaigns to publish the culture of peace, denouncing violence and the
culture of others acceptance.
5-preparing legal and constitutional researches and studies.
6- Publishing legal booklets and reports.
7-Holding training courses, workshops, symposiums and conferences.
8-Establishing legal library to help the scholars in the field of human rights.
General Manager
Ayman Okail
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Maat Centre for juridical and Constitutional Studies is very

thankful for the research team responsible for the data entry
process and review of survey questionnaires for the tremendous
effort in order to compile the final report. The centre is also
thankful to the administrative team for supervising the execution
of the project, the keenness on following-up all project details in
order to present a success model of monitoring Egyptian election
and the difficulties and challenges which the team succeeded to
overcome in order to achieve their mission.
(Ayman Okeil)
Thanks to:
Mr. Abd El- Nasser Kandil Project Director for his efforts to enrich the final
report of the project and for the sample papers presented to the research team
and which contributed to the final report of the project in a unique way.
List of Civil Society Organizations, which contributed to the execution of the

monitoring process:
One World Foundation for Development
Masreya Organization
Maat Foundation for Peace, Development and Human Rights
Al Oun Association for Human Rights
Al Orouba Association for Human Rights
Justice and Citizenship Rights Foundation
The International Justice Centre for Legal Consultancies and Law
Tariq Al Nour Association
Justice and Citizenship Rights Centre
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Preface
Elections are considered to be the democratic means for enforcing or changing
governance, being a mechanism for guaranteeing public participation and proper
representation of the existing governing system of the desires and orientation of
societys forces and for that reason, the existing governing system remains and its
officials maintain their seats of power, where they exercise their authorities and execute
their plans and programs, which aim at maintaining their interaction with citizens in
general and with voters in particular.
The Egyptian society has been exposed to various uses of democracy throughout its
history according to the wants and desires of the ruling class, which drove citizens to
avoid participating in democratic practice, despite the important role which democracy
plays in their lives.
During the last few years, several initiatives appeared in the horizon as a natural result
of the state of political and social turmoil- aiming at supporting public participation and
regaining masses as an essential party in the political reform equation. These initiatives
were the ones where civil society organizations played a simple role in developing them,
especially, after becoming a vital and essential partner to the reform process in order to
create a reality which recognizes the right of civil society organizations to discuss
development projects, amendments of laws and monitoring tools of practicing
democracy in order to measure the extend of its abidance by criteria of transparency and
accountability, stated for in international covenants and treaties.
Some may have some doubts when reviewing the details of the confrontation between
the executive power and human rights organizations within the framework of attempting
to determine the right of monitoring Egyptian general elections (this is the confrontation,
where human rights organizations succeeded in exercising its will either through court
rulings or through decisions of the Supreme Electoral committee). The source of doubts
might be the belief that the Egyptian experience is still very recent in monitoring
elections; nevertheless, reality indicates the contrary, since civil society organizations
have been striving to play that role for quiet a long time. The Egyptian experience in
monitoring elections developed and accumulated expertise over the decades until it
managed to invent creative patterns and modes of monitoring elections stemming from
the Egyptian political environment and matching patterns of Egyptian thought, which
aims at developing its local experience and revealing the violations and breaches so that
it can be avoided in the future.
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The Voters Voice Project, carried out by Maat Centre for Legal and Constitutional
Studies, jointly with One World Foundation for Human Development and with support
of the Middle East Partnership Initiative(MEPI), is considered to be a model for a new
monitoring pattern, which took care of the importance of the voter and his/her public
orientation towards the practices and methods of the electoral process and at the same
time identifying the voters tendencies and biases of either acceptances or refusal. All in
all, the project is considered to be an experience worth of interest for the future record
and for further reference for building an electoral picture that is suitable for the interests
and ambitions of the Egyptian voter.
There is not doubt that the Egyptian voter was more than eager for the municipal
elections, since municipal elections in Egypt are not elite elections but more of a bigger
test for tribal ties in the Egyptian countryside. Additionally, the municipal elections are
considered to be an opportunity for political parties, which are aiming at enforcing its
positions and its direct relationships with the masses and building real calibers capable
of dealing with their political environment without requiring a lot of financial support as
it was the case in the parliamentary elections, where parliament seats were booked for
candidates who are capable of paying more and who are capable of being the most
violent, as opposed to municipal elections, despite being accused of corruption,
municipal elections have been less violent and more influential for several reasons:
Firstly: Having a lot of candidates, which alleviates the pressure and tension and
increases the chances of forming alliances between candidates
Secondly: having a limited geographical coverage relating between voters and
candidates which allows voters to make a better choice based on their free will and
based on well-defined basics and principles rather than being based on tribal or
communal ties.
Lastly: The importance of municipal elections lies in the general atmosphere
accompanying the time of its announcement, where there existed a state of political
turmoil which gave certain new political forces an excellent opportunity of testing its
influence on the masses amidst amending a series of procedures and laws regulating the
electoral process. Thus, the municipal elections were a practical application of the
influence of democratic reform on society, whether positive or negative.
Nevertheless, we can not safely maintain that the current round of municipal elections
brought a new addition to the scene to enforce the path of reform and pumping fresh
blood into the veins of the governing system on the individual or policy levels.
The municipal elections resembled an attempt where all parties concerned represented
what should have taken place in real election. The ruling system did not give more
attention than it usually gives, the opposition was busy with its internal problems and
conflicts and the ruling NDP dealt with the elections as a promotion for its calibers or a
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rotation of seats between them. Thus, everyone competed but with no win and everyone
walked but they were back to square one.
Introduction and Challenges
Maat Centre for Legal and Constitutional Studies was keen on presenting an initiative
for monitoring municipal elections as one of the forms of monitoring and following up
the elections despite the fact that the municipal elections, which were held in April of
2008, were held 2 years later than its expected date, according to the decision of the
Peoples Assembly not to hold the elections unless after a new law for Municipal
Administration has been approved and promulgated( which did not happen) and despite
the recent constitutional amendments, which included 34 articles of the Constitution and
which have been issued for a referendum on March 26th, 2007, i.e. more than a year
before holding the elections. Such amendments were said to support decentralization and
empowering the concept of local governance (which has never been proven till now).
Maat Centre for Legal and Constitutional Studies considers monitoring of municipal
elections as one of the tasks, which civil society aims at realizing in order to guarantee
the its interaction with citizens, developing the culture of political participation and
enforcing the importance of a peaceful transfer of power through agreement and
disagreement while respecting the rights of others within a framework of values and
ethics, which have been stated for in international treaties and covenants, domestically
and internationally.
Out of the expertise, which Maat Centre for Legal and Constitutional Studies has
accumulated over the years in monitoring elections since its foundation in 2005. The
idea of monitoring elections has been carried out with a self-support and in cooperation
of One Word Foundation for Human Development and the Human Development
Association.
It has been taken into account, while designing the Voice of the Voter Project, to get out
of the narrow framework for monitoring, which leaves all matters in the hands of the
supervisor or the person monitoring the elections, who is sometimes, one of the political
activists, who adopts certain points of views towards the procedures taken and thus
presents his/her personal vision rather than the point of view of a person monitoring
elections, which is supposed to be unbiased. This is has been a drawback, which the
Egyptian experience of monitoring elections suffered from. This drawback drove us to
experiment new forms of mentoring tools and mechanisms in order to reach the most
neutral forms of monitoring elections.
As for the 2008 municipal elections, we depended in our recording of the electoral
process on the participation of voters in the monitoring process and recording events
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inside and outside the election committees to have our project turn into the voice of the
voter who carries out the analysis and observation of what he/she actually witnesses as
one form of supporting participation and motivating competition so as to promote
democratic practices desired by most Egyptians.
More importantly, we have witnessed an exceptional number of monitoring teams in the
Egyptian monitoring experience, since our project did not stop at the opinions and views
of observers and field researchers, who reached nearly 1034 researcher in addition to
9400 voters, participated with their views and suggestions. Our teams managed to reach
the most difficult dimension of the electoral process, which is the secret ballot to acquire
information, and analyses, creating the largest experience for a monitoring team whose
numbers reached 10000 individuals.
Despite of all the difficulties and challenges faced, the samples and surveys of the
project at hand represent an addition to the Egyptian monitoring experience, to voters
and to the monitoring team. We aim to present a final report that can serve as a
document worth of analysis and become a future reference.
We are thankful for funding entities for the support they granted us in order to carry out
this monitoring project an for our partners in executing this project on the level of target
governorates and on the level of researchers who have shared with us every step of the
project and finally, we are thankful to the work team at Maat Centre for Legal and
Constitutional Studies, who have borne a lot with us in order to achieve what we have
achieved till the present moment.
Challenges of the Experience
Resorting to what is called, a voter questionnaire is considered to be a new
phenomenon in the electoral process, with its different dimensions, which is not familiar
among the methods of monitoring elections in the Arab region in general and in the
Egyptian society in particular. Thus, it was natural for this new method to be met with
challenges stemming from the novelty of the experience, however, most electoral
entities got used to it since it is considered as an expression of a modern democratic
society. There are a number of challenges, which we can touch upon in this experience
as a way of evaluating the experience, aiming at developing future electoral experiences,
which are:
1.There is a large tendency among voters towards mode answers and that is representing
answers to questions about what should be and not what actually is. That explains why
the answers to some questions scored 100 %. This is a state, which we can find in
societies undergoing a democratic transition, where there is a tendency among citizens
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to fear criticism and talk about positives more than negatives. This state is expected to
disappear with the passage of time, where the voter discovers constructive criticism
and real interaction with political phenomena, which helps the development of the
political process and the achievement of democratic transition.
2.The large similarity in answers between voters and that is also due to the large
tendency towards model answers, let alone the fact that majority of voters belong to
the ruling party, the NDP. This in turn explains the small number of candidates from
the opposition or independent candidates and the weak public participation in the
elections in general. It is worth mentioning the boycotting, which has been called for
by the Muslim Brotherhood and Kefaya movement.
3.The study did not present a full visualization of the opinions and preferences of voters
despite the variety of questions- regarding a lot of issues, most important among
which is voters expectations of the future forms of democratic practices being the
main foundation of the process of democratic reform, their stance from political
parties. This is due to the limited experience of municipal elections and the limited
number of opposition and independent candidates in such elections. However, this
does not jeopardize the fact that some of the main results of the study can be beneficial
for future projects, most importantly, the absence of the concept of an election
program in municipal elections, the incapability of voters to understand the
dimensions of the municipal system and the importance of the role of the media in
raising the awareness of municipal issues.
4.The questionnaire and thus the study did not include the opinion of voters regarding
the election committees so as to its organization, cleanness and facilities, which
represents in itself a main element of attracting voters and getting to know their
preferences. This is due to the desire to focus on vital issues related to the safety of the
electoral process such as the phosphoric ink, the interference of electoral brokers and
representatives to influence voters inside poll centers, the existence of a curtain behind
which the voter casts his/her vote and voting inside a glass ballot. These issues
represented the main focus of this study, however, there are other important issues
related to the organization and cleanness of poll centers, which should occupy a
position of importance in future studies. There might be certain financial and practical
restrictions related to the organization of electoral committees, given the fact that there
is a large dependency on the use of schools, which suffer from poor facilities in
impoverished areas. However, measuring the opinion of voters shall remain necessary
in this regard, upon which detailed projects can be suggested regarding the
development of electoral committees and modernizing the electoral process such as
the use of e-mail.
5.The experience faced some challenges due to the lack of awareness of the voter. This
resulted in non-cooperative attitude on behalf of voters. This is again due to the
novelty of the experience locally and regionally. This can only be solved by
continuing to depend on this method in monitoring election in the future.
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Final Results
Firstly: the target sample represented 19 governorates with the rate of 73 % of Egyptian
governorates, in addition to its gender diversity (male Vs female) and age difference(
youth-elderly) aiming at reaching an objective point of view of municipal elections
explaining reasons of low participation, vote tendencies, degree of awareness of laws
and regulations regulating the electoral process.
Cairo came in the first place as to the interest of voters in cooperating with researchers,
number of Cairo samples reached 1690 samples amounting to 20.1% out of the total
number of research surveys and that is a natural matter in the light of the increased
number of voters and electoral districts in Cairo and the degree of awareness, which
rendered caireens more cooperative and keen on giving their opinions and point of views
regarding what is happening in their surrounding community, especially that our society
is going through circumstances, which necessitates participation.
Dakhliyah governorate came in the second place, which represents the governorates of
Lower Egypt that experiences a state of political competition between social forces and
movements. Dakhliyah represents a model of political conflict amidst a huge eagerness
from candidates for participation in all elections. This eagerness guaranteed the
representation of all political forces and tendencies and enforces the development of
electoral awareness of citizens, whose numbers reached 789 in the samples amounting to
9.4 % . It is possible for us to review the previous increased rate in addition to the large
number of districts and municipal levels as opposed to other major governorates, where
elections have been determined through consent, which in turn led to the decrease of
participation rates and number of samples such as Alexandria (4.7 %), Mounoufiya (2.3
%), Damietta (3.5 %) and Giza (6.7 %).
While the least governorate so as to the rates of participation was the governorate of
Kafr El- Sheikh, where the number of participants in the survey reached 189 amounting
to 2.2 %. This is can be explained by determining a number of electoral districts by
consent. Also, the state of fear prevailing between the citizens of Al-Mounoufiya due to
the behavior of the executive authorities during elections, especially, security
authorities. This can be measured by the state of hesitation and refusal to participate in
the vote and to cooperate with our researchers. Number of samples from Al-Mounoufiya
reached 87 samples amounting to 24.8 % out of the total number of surveys.
Regarding the average age of voters and measuring their point of views, bearing in mind
the communal needs, the degree of belief in the different methods and means of change
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and the feeling of citizens towards the effect of their participation. It is worth noting that
the average age of voters influences their decisions.
The age category of 30-39 scored the first place, with the percentage of 38.7 %, since
such voters are the more prone to be influenced with their mind rather than their
feelings. This age category is more interested in improving their living conditions and in
participating in their municipal councils and thus they are keen on participating in the
vote.
As for the age category of 18-29, which is beginning to be transformed into an important
force, which must not be underestimated, especially with the amendment of the Law of
exercising political rights? The law rendered those born in 1984 and afterwards
automatically registered in electoral schedules according to the place of birth or the
desire of the voter. This rendered this age category influential in the elections and thus
must be convinced with the electoral party seeking to achieve its electoral platform.
The percentage of youth belonging to this category reached 21.2%, which is a very
reasonable percentage, compared to voters who are distrustful of the electoral process. It
is worth noting the feelings of alienation suffered by this age category, which usually
leads them to think of immigration, whether legal or illegal through illegal channels,
which are recently on the rise.
In spite of the average number of voters belonging to this age group, the boldness and
sharpness in expressing their point of views compensated for their average number. This
was considered as addition to the study as it helped in proposing new suggestions and
point of views for dealing with the violations and negatives, which are usually reported
in Egyptian elections.
On the gender level, the number of male voters, who have participated in the survey
6182 with a percentage 73.4 % and this is a large percentage matching the nature of the
Egyptian society, which is living a state of gender discrimination for the favor of males
according to traditions and customs, especially in Upper Egypt.. This discrimination
grants males skills and experiences not available for females. This led to the reality that
it is rare to find women candidates in elections. Also, this led to the appearance of
appointment for women in the different electoral levels. The percentage of women in the
sample reached 26.6% , that is 2240 voters.
Secondly: The ministerial decree of the Minister of Interior No.359/2008 was issued to
state for the legal regulations regulating the election campaign process in the general
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elections for municipal councils. The decree defined an expense ceiling of EGP 20,000
to be spent according to regulations and criteria, which can not be violated.
Such regulations are considered to be a good model for decisions regulating the general
elections in Egypt, specially that the decree includes an authorization for policemen to
take all required legal procedures for regulating the electoral process among candidates
in addition to creating the proper atmosphere for legal competition among them.
However, the reality indicates a lack of interest in executing the decree and its rules, for
instance, the Muslim Brotherhood used a religious symbol in its electoral campaign,
nevertheless, the security authorities didnt use its authorization against these violation.
Let alone the general elections which witnesses a flow of different forms of
campaigning, municipal election witnessed a limited flow of election campaigns, since
districts are smaller in size and there is a bigger chance of direct interaction between
candidates and voters.
Although the law regulates placing signs and advertisements infront of poll centers on
the election day, some election committees witnessed many violations, with varying
percentages in different governorates according to the nature of competition and the
influence of candidates. There were indications in some samples of 100 % violations in
governorates like Aswan, Port Said and Kafr El-Sheikh, while there were indications of
96 % violations in Cairo especially in districts of Kasr El-Nil and Dar Al-Salam.
While the least places in violating rules of election campaigns, surrounding committees
were in Al-Menya governorate 7.5 % and Qalubiyah governorate 28.8%. This can be
explained by the lack of competition in those governorates.
As for governorates, where the NDP dominated election campaigns around electoral
committees, Port Said came with 99.6 %, Aswan 99.5%, Suez 99% and Kafr El-Sheikh
97.4% at the time where NDP election campaigns decreased in Mounfouyia 23.5%,
Sharkiyah 19.7%, Menya 19.5%.Assiout 13.6% and Bani Suief 10.3%. These
percentages show the lack of a unified method in managing election campaigns and the
obligation of the executive power to support NDP party lists, regardless of the
possibility of losing a limited number of seats for opposition or independent candidates.
Election campaigns play a decisive role in securing the vote and success possibilities for
many candidates. As for independent candidates, their election campaigns concentrated
in governorates, which witnessed objections and strikes against the membership of the
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NDP, which led many NDP members to nominate themselves as independent

candidates.
The phenomenon of independent candidates caused a lot of fear for the NDP due to
losing seats won by independent candidates for the favor of the Muslim Brotherhood or
the opposition. This led the NDP to hold negotiations with some independent candidates
to convince them of returning back or joining the NDP.
The highest percentage of election campaigns for independent candidates were in Menya
71.4%, Giza 61%, and Gharbiyah 60.2% and Assiout 59%.
It is rather strange that all candidates place election propaganda outside electoral
committees despite being against the law, without confessing it is violating the law. On
the other hand, most non-NDP candidates always complain of NDP violation of the law.
This obviously requires a review of the existing political address of most existing
political forces in addition to empowering the Law on the exercise of political rights.
Thirdly: The religious element forms one of the main components of the Egyptian
personality. Thus, religion can play an important role in the lives of Egyptians and in
mobilizing them for or against any group inside or outside the country. It is worth
mentioning that religious symbols in election propaganda were a controversial issue.
The Egyptian government has allowed for such symbols for some time as an attempt to
create a unified vision for all citizens, until proponents of religious symbols took up
arms, for instance, Hassan Al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, which
played and still plays a vital role in modern Egyptian political life.
Since the first instance of founding the Muslim Brotherhood, it closely related itself with
the religious slogan, thus, using it to reach its goal and became a controversial political
group competing with other forces refusing to mix religion with politics and promotes a
civil society, built on citizenship and religious freedom granted by the Egyptian
Constitution.
With the huge success achieved by the Muslim Brotherhood as they won 88 seats in the
Peoples' Assembly. The battle of using religious symbols in the elections moved from
the political scene to electoral violation regarding the slogan" Islam is the Solution",
raised by the Muslim Brotherhood and its influence on electoral competition or in the
case on non-Muslim candidates and voters.
Given the ruling issued by the Supreme Administrative Court not considering slogans
used by the Muslim Brothers as slogans violating the law, tension increased and the
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creation of legal texts rendering the court ruling as unconstitutional, until article 5 of the
Egyptian Constitution was amended to state for, "It is not permissible to exercise any
political activity or to form political parties with a religious reference or background."
Afterwards, the Supreme Elections Committee issued its decree No.5/2007 stating for
the regulation regaling electoral propaganda, which included article 2 stating for abiding
by the national unity and a ban on the use of any religious symbols in election
campaigns. Furthermore, the Ministry of Interior issued its decree No. 359/2008
regarding the legal regulations regulating the electoral process, which stated for the
same text stated for in decree No.5/2007. This represented a legislative framework
refusing the use of the religious slogan.
Thus, the rate of using a religious slogan decreased in most electoral propaganda, for
instance, the religious slogan disappeared completely in Aswan, while its rates ranged
from 97.3% in Kafr El-Sheikh, 97.2% in Port Said, 95% in Suez and 93% in Cairo.
There is another reason explaining the decrease in the use of the religious symbol, other
than the legislative framework, which is the lack of a unified aim or objective behind the
religious slogan used, to the extend that some voters think that the use of a religious
slogan became a must to make use of the influence it has on the vote.
Despite the several attempts of the Muslim Brothers to pressurize the executive power in
order to change its attitude towards the Muslim Brotherhood , either through filing court
cases, which reached 3912 case, in order to enable their candidates to be enlisted in
election lists or through the use of strikes and riots. In Dakhliyah, more than 25 thousand
individuals went on strike. However, this did not put an end to the challenges faced the
Muslim Brothers and they finally decide to withdraw from the elections.
Fourthly: Prior to the municipal elections, there was a lot of talk about supporting the
participation of women and guaranteeing women representation in parliamentary
councils through elections rather than appointment, which matches the constitutional
amendment of article 62 stating for," the elections shall be held according to the
electoral system determined by the law, so as to grant the representation of political
parties and enable the representation of women in both houses and it is permissible for
the law to use the a single party vote or a party list system with any percentage, also the
system shall include a minimum representation of women in both houses". NDP officials
stressed the fact that party lists shall include a 5% allocated for women.
At the same time, the National Council for Women called for women participation in
elections and asked political parties to include women in their party lists. Furthermore,
the Council announced that it shall hold meetings with party heads to guarantee the
success of the idea, in addition to the preparation of development and qualification
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programs to train female candidates in order to guarantee a positive participation of

women.
Elections results were good in this regard, as the NDP presented nearly 3000 women
candidates, despite the existence of minor cases of violation such as the case of Dr.
Hanan Al-Hwairi, who was a candidate for Aswan and was excluded. Dr. Hwairi went
on strike, along with 6 members from the Peoples' Assembly and the Shura Council.
The NDP remains the best party so as to the participation of women, compared with the
Wafd party which had only 24 women candidates out of 508 candidates amounting to
4.7%, Al-Tagmu party had 16 women candidates out of 243 candidates amounting to
6.8%, while data from other parties regarding women candidates were not available. The
Democratic Front Party did not have any women candidates in the municipal elections.
The above results were reflected on the degree of awareness of voters regarding the
participation of women in the elections. Most voters were not able, when questioned, to
define the number of women candidates in municipal elections. 94.5 % from Suez
indicated the absence of women, 68% from Port Said, 50.4% from Qalubiyah, 40.4%
from Kafr El-Sheikh and 39.4% from Cairo indicated the same thing.
Those who indicated that only one-woman candidate was nominated were 70.6% from
Dakhliyah, 68.4% from Al-Mounoufiya,63.2% from Damietta, and 51.5% from
Gharbiyah. Those who indicated that there were three women candidates were 74.4%
from Alexandria, and 22.2% from Qena.
The obvious difference in data reflects the high degree of unawareness of the
representation of women in municipal elections, in addition to the absence of a female
model, which can attract voters through her personality and platform. Most NDP women
candidates depended heavily on being in the official party lists and thus did not do any
election propaganda.
Despite the above, voters maintain very positive views regarding the participation of
women in the elections.66.4% of the researched sample indicated their acceptance of
women participation in the elections on equal footage with men. This can be taken as a
sign of mental maturity and the collapse of restrictions, which traditionally refused the
participation of women in political life. While the percentage of those refusing the
participation of women reached 15.5% males and 13.7% females.
This positive view was reflected in the success of 2621 women candidates amounting to
4.4%, with 7 women candidates from Tagamu and 9 from Al-Wafd Party, despite the
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weakness of this percentage if compared to the total number of seats in municipal

councils, nearly 52 thousand seats.
There remains a huge effort to be exerted to build on what has been achieved. There
needs to be a huge effort to continue to present effective and influential women
candidates in the elections, so that it can affect and shift the voters' trend towards more
women candidates and thus securing the representation of women.
Fifthly: The phenomenon of buying votes represented an important dimension of the
Peoples' Assembly's elections 2005. The competition process appeared as an economic
market, where voters get the price for their vote. This phenomenon becomes widespread
through social and personal services, including either a direct financial element or an
indirect gifts and commodities element.
We can attempt to understand this phenomenon through the fact that voters from the
middle class, which should represent the majority of the vote, are no longer interested in
casting their vote, this led to the shrinking of the role of that class of voters, leaving the
vote for poorer voters, whose survival needs forces them to barter their votes with a
return, either financial or non-financial.
There is a consensus that electoral bribes represent that way to corrupting the elections
and interfering in its results. All political forces called for confronting the danger of
bribery on social values (social-political-economic) and putting legal regulations in
order to have the best results out of the electoral process.
All legal regulations regulating the election process, whether the decree No.5/2007 or
359/2008, prohibit candidates from receiving any external funds to spend on their
election campaigns or to give it to voters.
In the light of the above regulations, we find out that there is a considerable decrease in
bribery in municipal elections, since 62.3% of the researched sample indicated the
absence of the phenomenon in the current elections, where 50 % from Sharkiyah, 49.3%
from Qena, 46.6% from Sohag, and 46.3% from Monoufiya indicated that bribery still
exists in elections.
Those who have indicated that they have met an elections broker in person are 72 %
from Alexandria, 60 % from Cairo, 57.5% from Sohag and 51.9% from Qalubiyah, at
the same time, the percentage who have indicated that they have not witnessed
brokerage or bribery in the elections are 62.3%. There was a percentage 49.8%, which
assumed the existence of bribery from their experiences in previous elections.
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As for the instances, where voters were being tempted with gifts or commodities, 67.3%
from the researched sample indicated the absence of this phenomenon, where 100 % in
Aswan,98.9% in Kafr El-Sheikh, 98.6% in Port Said and 98.5% in Suez. While 14.1%
indicated the existence of tangible bribes, especially 29 % in Sohag, 27.5 % in
Gharbiyah, 26.5% in Sharkiyah and 25.5% in Qena.
The phenomenon of tangible bribery can be explained through the widespread of
shantytowns around cities, where poverty is abundant and people are mostly needy and
unable to secure their basic needs. In addition to the fact that the race in municipal
elections is not between two candidates, however, between more than 25 candidates,
which increases the tension of competition and forces candidates to spend more on
propaganda and buying votes.
Sixthly: The security attitude represents one of the most important criteria for measuring
the degree of transparency and neutrality of the electoral process and the degree of
compliance with laws and regulations regulating the process. This also has the effect of
influencing the acceptance of voters and candidates of the effect of their participation in
the process.
Building on the above, the legislature took great care to draw among the roles of the
security organization, the role of monitoring election campaigns and propaganda, in
addition to protecting and securing the external environment of election committees for
candidates and administrative staff as well. In cases where police officers have to enter
into election committee, the law obliges them to immediately leave the committee after
carrying out their tasks.
83.4% of the researched sample indicated the intense security presence inside election
committees, where 100 % in Aswan,97.5% in Port Said, 96.5% in Suez,95.9% in
Menya,95.2 % in Kafr El-Sheikh and 93.2% in Cairo . These are governorates
characterized by the intense competition between opposition and NDP candidates.
16.6% indicated the absence of the security presence inside election committees, where
33.8% from Sharkiyah, 28.3% from Assiout, 27.9% from Gharbiyah and 25.3% from
Behairah. It is worth mentioning that such reported absence is rather misleading, as in
cases of relative calmness, security forces mingle among the masses and it becomes
difficult for the ordinary voter to identify them.
The problem does not lie in the presence of security forces around election committees,
however, the problem lies in not performing their tasks as good as they are supposed to.
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The crisis usually begins when security forces interfere because they are biased towards
one side against the other.87 % of the researched sample indicated the absence of any
problems facing them when they went to caste their vote, while 13% indicated that they
faced problems with security forces when they went to caste their votes. It is safe to
ague that security interference did not turn into a phenomenon.
It is also worth mentioning that the interference of security does not usually take place
on the election day, but prior to that day, where security forces filters the process either
through being rigid with candidates while presenting their papers or through arresting
some candidates. These actions made political parties more reserved to participate and
several political parties threatened to withdraw their candidates from the election if
security forces continue to hinder their participation such as the case of the Wafd
candidates in Mounfiyah. However, such cases are still limited and can not be
considered as a general phenomenon.
Seventhly: The phenomenon of group transportation of voters represents one of the
most important tools that guarantees having the votes of those transported by the
candidate to committees. The weak participation rates contributed to the appearance of
this phenomenon, which did not exceed 30 % at best out of the total number of
registered Egyptian voters. Thus, the candidate who is able to gather and transport a
large number of voters has a better chance of winning, let alone, if those gathered voters
fall under his control such as being members of his clan or residents of his home town.
It is safe to argue that the municipal elections witnessed a decrease of this phenomenon,
despite its continuation; however, it was not that flagrant as it was the case in the
Parliamentary elections. 57.7 % of the researched sample indicated the absence of group
transportation of voters, where 98.9% in Kafr El-Sheikh, 96.6 % in Port Said, and 96.6
% in Suez. As for those who indicated the presence of group transportation were 23.7%
concentrated as 55.8% in Sohag,53.5% in Qena,32.7% in Beheria,32.1 % in
Monufiya,31.6% in Damietta and 37.6% in Gharbiyah, while 18.6 % did not take notice
of the occurrence of the phenomenon.
The above shows that the phenomenon did not transform into a dimension of
competition between candidates to win more votes. There is another explanation for the
decrease of the phenomenon, which is the geographical nature of municipal electoral
districts. Municipal electoral districts are divided into smaller, which do not require a
means of transportation to reach. In addition to the fact that most supporters of a
candidate in municipal elections are members either of his clan or his hometown, i.e. the
candidate enjoys very strong relationships with his supporters and thus does not need a
group transportation to secure their vote.
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Eighthly: Polling centers are considered an integral part of the electoral process, where
only administrative staff must be present inside those centers to supervise and administer
the process of casting votes. It is worth nothing that the law prohibits citizens from being
present inside polling centers after casting their votes. The law also prohibits candidates
and their supporters from any campaigns or propaganda inside polling centers aiming at
influencing or convincing voters. In this regard, the law grants the head of the election
committee the authority of a judicial officer and obliging police officers of securing the
committee in order to guarantee the transparency and accountability of the electoral
process.
More than half the researched sample, 51 % indicated the absence of election
propaganda inside polling centers especially, 100% in Aswan, 99.5% in Kafr El-Sheikh,
99% in Suez, 98.9% in Port Said, while 39.1% indicated the presence of propaganda
inside electoral committees, without the interference of policemen, despite their
knowledge, especially in governorates such as Damietta 91.9%,Bani Suief 80.9%,
Sharkiyah 69.4% and Assiout 16.6%, while 9.9% abstained from giving any data in this
regard.
If we attempted to identify the political identity of the violating propaganda, we find out
that it comes from almost all political trends, whether NDP 33.5% or Opposition parties
24% or independent candidates 13.5% or other candidates 29%.
Ninthly: Several political parties and members of the political elite have been
demanding over the past decades the necessity of reviewing the procedures and steps of
the voting process in order to reach the sufficient accuracy and transparency and to
eliminate the subsequent violations in each elections, bearing in mind that many of these
violations are cited in the various court cases filed in front of Egyptian courts.
The administrative competent entity began -since the Peoples Assembly elections of
2000- to respond to the above demands and started implementing various steps such as
the existence of a curtain behind which the voter castes his/her vote, the use of a
transparent box for collecting votes, the use of phosphoric ink to guarantee that each
voter castes his/her vote once and only once and hanging electoral schedules so that
voters can know their numbers before casting their votes.
Voters from the researched sample indicated, upon the implementation of the above
steps- that procedures followed are quiet safe and smooth in the different dimensions of
the electoral process except for some minor cases. On the other hand, there are various
indications on the low rate of participation, 28.4% indicated that they found the polling
center empty, 39.3% indicated that less than 5 voters were present, 23.8% indicated that
less than 10 voters were present while 8.5% indicated that not more than 15 voters were
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present. These indicators show the weak keenness of voters to participate, where voting
rates ranged between 4%-10% out of the total number of registered voters.
Researched voters also indicated the duration of casting the vote, 53.6% indicated that
the voting process took half an hour, 10.1%indicated that the voting process took an
hour, 5.9% indicated that the voting process took more than an hour and 30.5%
indicated that they are unable of defining the duration of the voting process. These
voting durations are considered ideal, bearing in mind the nature of the Egyptian
personality, which considers the voting event as a socialization event as well.
As for electoral lists and name search, 85.3% indicated that they did not find any
difficulty in finding their names and reaching the right voting places, especially in
Aswan 99%, Suez 98.5%, Port Said 98.5%, Kafr El-Sheikh 97.9% and Cairo
96.6%.14.6% of the researched sample indicated that they found difficulties in finding
their names and reaching the right voting places especially in Gharbiyah 28.6%,
Damietta 28%, Monofiyah 23.8% and Behaira 23.6%.
The above results seem a bit strange in the light of the various complaints of errors in
registered names, repeated names, group registration and the fact that electoral lists are
not yet edited to exclude names of deceased or those banned from practicing their
political rights. There were suggestions to have registration through the national ID,
which is a unique number for each voter instead of the existing system, which facilitates
such errors. The above results can be due to the fact that researched sample was not
representative of those who are still in the process of casting their votes or those who
have not at all.
As for the presence of candidates representatives inside polling centers, 73.8%
indicated their presence especially in governorates of Aswan 99.5% and Kafr El-Sheikh
98.9%, while 14.2% indicated their absence especially in Menya, where 55.5% indicated
that they have not seen any representatives of candidates inside polling centers.
Regarding the attitude of representatives of candidates, which might have a negative
impact on the voter, 69.8% of the researched sample indicated that representatives
committed violations, while 30.2% indicated that such representatives in polling centers
influenced them. Representatives belonged to various political trends such as 40.3%
belonged to the NDP, 23.2% belonged to opposition parties, 13% represented
independent candidates. This reveals that the process of influencing voters did not
follow a systematic trend and the higher percentage of representatives of NDP
candidates is due to the fact that they are the larger in terms of numbers.
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As for the existence of phosphoric ink inside polling centers in sufficient amounts
following reports that it is insufficient or rare, 88.9% indicated its availability, while
8.7% indicated its absence in polling centers. Thus, when questioning voters whether
staff at polling centers insisted that voters use phosphoric ink, 85.6% indicated that they
did while 14.4% indicated that they did not.
As for the secrecy of the voting process behind a curtain where the voter castes his/her
vote, most of the researched sample indicated adherence to this procedure, 86.8%
indicated the presence of a curtain in polling centers, while 13.2% indicated the absence
of a curtain and their inability to vote behind it. It is worth noting that the issue of the
secrecy of the vote has to be tackled in the light of prevalent cultural and social norms,
for instance, in the countryside, voting behind a curtain is considered as being scared of
other candidates and their supporters.
As for the issue of the presence of certain individuals besides voters while casting their
votes, 64% of the researched sample indicated that it happens, while 36 % indicated that
it does not happen. This can happen either because the voter does not know how to caste
his/her vote and thus requires someone to assist him/her or because the voter is under the
influence of the supporters of a particular candidate and thus, the candidates supporter
want to secure the vote for that particular candidate.
Lastly, 88.5% of the researched sample indicated that they have placed voting cards
inside the glass voting boxes, especially in Port Said 98.9%,Suez 96.2% and Bani Sueif
95.2%, while 11.5% indicated that when they did not place voting cards inside glass
voting boxes especially in Aswan 22.5% and Sohag 24.8% for reasons such as the
insufficiency of voting boxes or lack of awareness on behalf of voters.
To sum up, we can maintain that the procedures for regulating the electoral process in
municipal elections did not witness any intentional violations, only due to lack of
awareness or insufficiency of regulations tools used. There is also another explanation
which is worth citing and that is the fact that the results of the municipal elections were
determined beforehand and that required interference to change any of the results were
done through the accumulated experience of security entities without having to agitate
voters or the media.
Tenthly: The municipal electoral system is considered to be the most complicated
among the other forms of political participation regulated by the Egyptian law. The voter
in various elections has to choose one candidate as it is the case in presidential elections
or two candidates as it is the case in parliamentary elections, with at least one worker or
peasant among both. Thus, it is very easy for voters to recognize candidates, compared
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to municipal elections, where the number of candidates is much larger and it becomes
difficult for voters to distinguish between them.
Voters in municipal elections have to choose between 10- 14 candidates for the
municipal council of the governorate, then 10-14 candidates for the municipal council of
the town then 14-24 candidates for the municipal council of the city then 12-18
candidates for the municipal council of the suburb and then 24 candidates for the
municipal council of the village, which is a large number of candidates and it becomes
very difficult for voters to choose the best candidates.
When questioning members of the researched sample if they can distinguish between
municipal candidates, 57.4% indicated that they previously know some candidates,
28.1% indicated that they only know some candidates and not all of them, while 14.5%
indicated that they previously know all candidates.
The issue of the voters knowledge of candidates opens the door for discussing several
problems of political and social reform in Egypt. Political practices are supposed to
allow for a distinction between candidates and their ideas. The ability to distinguish
candidates is one of the objective criteria of the voting process. This criterion is very
difficult to achieve in the light of the existing voting system, which leads at the end to
the absence of a methodology and the ability to make the best choice among competing
candidates.
When questioning candidates about the reasons of choosing a certain candidate, 35.1%
indicated that they previously know the candidate, 8.7% chose the candidate based on
previous achievements, 25.4% chose candidates because they were nominated by the
NDP and 3.3% chose candidates because of their finical support to voters.
It is very obvious from the above the process of political participation is passing through
a crisis in the light of the absence of political awareness and an identified goal. Voters
who give their votes to candidates not knowing why they did so or to what degree does
this candidate represent their interests and needs is considered a step back in the process
of political reform. To the majority of Egyptian voters, elections are the chance to
realize the gains and services, not secured by the government and thus their affiliation to
parties or their candidates becomes an alternative to their citizenship.
Eleventh: It is safe to argue that there can be neither elections nor candidates without
voters who are able to side with one candidate against the other and prefer one candidate
to the rest. There is no doubt that the problem of political participation is one of the
problems creating a crisis for the process of political reform and democratic
development. It became obvious that the poor and marginalized became the category
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having the upper hand in participation in order to secure their basic needs in return for
their votes and thus created attitudes which are in themselves a violation of the rules of
political participation, as opposed to the upper and middle class which has the upper had
in elections prior to banning political pluralism in 1953.
As for the rates of participation, it is still very low, where the total participation rate in
the three rounds of elections (presidential 2005-Peoples Assembly 2008-Shura Council
2007) did not exceed 27 % according to official statistics. Municipal elections were no
exception where participation rates did not exceed 25 % at best.
The results of the study show that those who have participated in the elections more than
once is 44.2%, while 29 % indicated that they participated for the first time. The state of
fear, which dominated the society following the 6th of April events, contributed to the
low participation rate. The fact remains that the political platform requires a review in
order to be able to reach the new generation, which grew up in the presence of different
means of communication and has access to more data.
In addition to the fact that there is a necessity for supporting the participation of young
generations to encourage them to go through the competition process. We also need to
find out ways of achieving a positive distinction in order to guarantee the appearance of
young calibers, which may motivate other youth to participate in the political scene.
Twelfth: Candidates platforms can be considered as the real test to judge their
capabilities so as to their knowledge of the problems of their electoral district and their
proposal of solutions to these problems. This is also supposed to a means of preference
for voters to decide on their choice of one candidate or the other. The failure of voters to
do so is considered as a problem of awareness, which has to be solved.
The results of the study at hand reveal the inability of voters to decide whether
candidates have viable platforms that are representative of the problems of their electoral
district or not since 36.9% of the researched sample indicated that candidates had an
electoral platform, while 38.8% indicated the absence of these platforms and 24.2%
abstained from answering.
There is no doubt that the crisis does not lie in voters who failed to identify electoral
platforms of their candidates, but the crisis lies in the first place in the political forces
participating in the elections and which thought that it is sufficient to hold conferences
and distribute flyers and brochures. Political parties underestimated the importance of
issuing a central electoral platform for each party candidate, expressing the vision of the
party and the role of municipal councils in the partys point of view. Only two political
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parties did so and they were the NDP and Tagamu in addition to the Muslim
Brotherhood prior to its withdrawal from municipal elections.
Thirteenth: The ministerial decree No.359/2008 regulated the process of electoral
propaganda and defined a ceiling for election spending to be EGP 20 000 for each
candidate. When questioning voters about their participation in the propaganda of
candidates, 61.1% of the researched sample indicated that they have participated in some
propaganda such as a seminar or a roundtable, while 38.9% indicated that they did not
participate in any sort of propaganda.
As for the sufficiency of propaganda, 31.9% of the researched sample indicated that
propaganda was sufficient, 35.6% indicated that it was close to sufficient and 14.5%
indicated that it was insufficient. This can be explained by the variation in propaganda
strategy in municipal elections. Also, the high satisfaction degree among voters should
not be misleading as the researched sample is representative only of voters who have
voted already.
As for financial spending on propaganda, 34.1% indicated that spending was huge
especially in Port Said 61.8%, Kafr El-Sheikh 60.3% and Suez 60%, 21.5% indicated
that spending was normal especially in Qalubiyah 61.8%, Monfiyah 24.3% and Behairah
34.1% and 44.5% abstained from answering this question.
We have to bear in mind the difficulty of tracking and evaluating the financial spending
parameter, given the fact that the law did not mention the status of donations given to
voters internally and did not define a ceiling for its spending.
Fourteenth: Ignorance of the role of elected councils and the right of its members
represents one of the most important obstacles for the political reform process since the
lack of awareness among voters of the difference between the role of the member of
parliament and member of municipal councils, which lead to parliament losing many of
its important members. This brings up the issue of the importance of raising the
awareness of citizens regarding the roles of elected councils. The survey carried out by
the Centre for Information and Decision Making Support affiliated with the Cabinet of
Ministers that 48% of their sample (composed of 1000 Egyptian families) are aware of
the roles of elected councils, 24% of those aware participated in the elections, 66% are
only aware of some roles and 47% expressed that elected councils are not doing a good
job.
Results of the previous survey match the results of the study at hand since 79% of the
researched sample indicated that they are aware of the roles of municipal councils
especially in Port Said 100 %, Kafr El Sheikh 100 %, Suez 99%, Damietta 93%, while
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21% indicated that they do not have a clear idea of the role of municipal councils as it is
the case in Menya 64.2%. Alexandria 43.6% and Giza 35.6%.
As for the sources through which voters became aware of the roles of municipal
councils, media came in the first place 39.9%, then election propaganda 32.1% then Law
on local governance 15.1% then discussion with local officials 11.8% then 1.1% for
other sources.
The fact remains that such knowledge and awareness is instant and is related to the
intensive focus of the media during the election, thus reflecting the absence of an
awareness methodology and a clear plan for achieving community awareness.
Fifteenth: The results of the researched sample showed a positive bias towards the
participation of women, which means that the Egyptian society is becoming more
acceptable of choosing women as a representative element in elected councils.66.4% of
the researched sample indicated that they are ready to vote for women in municipal
elections, 18.6% indicated that voting for women depends on their ability to propose
new solutions to existing problems and 15 % indicated that it is impossible for them to
vote for women.
The final results of the municipal election came out to match the same results of the
study at hand as the number of women in elected municipal councils reached 2621
women with an increase rate of 294% where Al Sharkiayh came in the first place with
328 women, Dakliyah with 304 women, Al- Behairah with 268 women, Qaliubiyah with
181 women, North Sinai with 175 women, Al-Monoufiyh with 142 women,Giza with
113 women,Kafr El-Sheikh with 111 women,Cairo with 99 women,Al-Wadi Al Gedid
with 94 women,Gharbiyah with 88 women,Menya with 85 women,Beni Suief with 83
women,Damietta with 74 women,Assiout with 64 women,Ismailiyah with 59
women,Fayoum with 57 women, Aswan with 53 women,Alexanderia with 36 women,
Sohag with 35 women, Matrouh with 32 women, Qena with 29 women, Sinai with 27
women, Luxor with 23 women, Suez with 16 women and Red Sea with 14 women.
The study at hand also showed that the positive bias towards women is restricted to a
certain age group, as there was not any difference between voters from different age
groups, furthermore, support percentages ranged between 57% and 67%.
The fact that the gender variable did not have any impact on the bias towards women
since percentages was equal among those who accepted and those who refused the
participation of women from both genders.
Sixteenth: Results of the study at hand revealed that most of the researched sample
belonged to political parties that are recognized legally, who amounted to 68.7% out of
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the total number of voters in the sample, especially in Port Said 100%, Kafr El-Sheikh
100%, Suez 97.5% and Cairo 91%.While those voters who do not belong to political
parties amounted to 31.3% specially in Alexandria 58.6%,Damietta 52.9%, Qalubiyah
49.6% and Qena 46.6%.
These results show the real crisis of political life in Egypt. If political parties continue to
be that weak, they will continue to fail to attract new members and the rate of
participation will not increase due to limited membership.
Reality says that those political parties especially opposition parties have been suffering
from the domination of the elite in party mechanisms and decision making which
created a gap between these parties and the masses. It is worth mentioning that most
political parties have witnessed memberships, which soared very high when pluralism
was restored to Egypt and then members lost interest when it became obvious that
political parties are not effective. Thus, political parties were transformed from attractive
to repulsive entities.
Furthermore, voters not affiliated with any political party explain that the reason is due
to the fact that political parties do not have the least degree of influence in addition to its
repulsiveness to the younger generations. Looking at the real picture, it is safe to argue
that all the above is a repetition of the painful reality suffered by political parties since a
long time.
The municipal elections were a revealing model of the crisis of Egyptian political
parties, which failed except for the NDP to cover all electoral districts, despite the
declaration of opposition parties of the necessity of a peaceful transfer of power in a
transparent and accountable electoral process, for instance, the Wafd offered 507
candidates, the Tagmu offered 236 candidates, the Nasserite party offered 170
candidates and the front offered 16 candidates. In other words, municipal elections
which require 25 000 candidates had less than 1000 opposition candidates leaving 51
000 seats for the NDP and independent candidates. The huge variation in numbers is a
clear evidence on the crisis suffered by Egyptian political parties.
The crisis did not stop at the above point, but went further to reach the internal reality of
political parties, where political alliance turned against one another immediately after
the elections like what happened with the Nasserite coalition when the Nasserite party
exchanged accusations of striking deals with the NDP to win seats in the elections.
As for the Wafd party, various conflicts erupted regarding its membership of the
municipal council of Fayoum, where various accusations were exchanged of adopting
the thought of the Muslim Brotherhood and making the way for them under the banner
of Wafd party.
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Needless to say that subsequent crises of Egyptian political parties is the major obstacle
facing any reform or development in the light of the repulsiveness of citizens towards
political participation. Thus, necessity implies developing political parties in order to
serve as an attractive element for citizens presenting qualified candidates and calibers
capable of political competition.
Seventeenth: The municipal elections inspite of its limited electoral districts,
represented a good model of participation aspired by the Egyptian citizen, in the light of
decreased violations and interferences. 75.1 % of the researched sample indicated that
they desire that the voting process to be repeated in the future especially in Port Said
99.6%, Kafr El- Sheikh 99.5%, Aswan 99% and Suez 99%. 6.2% indicated their refusal
to repeat the voting process again.
As for the gender dimension, 75.6% of males and 73.8% of females indicated their
keenness on repeating the voting experience, while 6.4% of males and 5.7% of females
indicated their refusal of repeating the voting experience in the future. This can be taken
as a good indicator on the development of the voter's trust in the influence of
participation.
Concluding Recommendations: An Invitation to Think with the Voter
The use of the method of knowing the opinion of the voter in the electoral process
represents a different path and initiative in evaluating and monitoring elections, and
since the study is based on using this method usually does not end with
recommendations, but usually ends with ideas for future implementation, as recording
recommendations shall not benefit governmental or non-governmental entities. Also,
since the study at hand is based on a survey, an outlining of a work plan in the future
becomes very important, in order to deepen the participation of citizens in public affairs
and develop the political life on the basis of voters preferences. From this point
onwards, thinking with the voter gets to have a special importance, notwithstanding, the
fact that the experience is still very recent, but regarding its long-term effects, which
influence the reality of political development.
It is possible to propose a number of ideas suitable for a future work plan, in the light of
the results of the study at hand as follows:
1. Raising the awareness of voters of the importance of the electoral platform in the
field of elections in general and municipal ones in particular. This represents a
field for future work as it is possible to train voters, raise their organizational and
knowledge abilities in order to enable them to better understand the electoral
system in a political context, without having to surrender to tribal or family ties.
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2. Raising the awareness of voters of the municipal system such as its structure,
dimensions, roles and importance. This shall help in increasing the rate of
participation in municipal elections. It is very important to train voters on how to
understand and analyze electoral programs and participate in discussion forums
on elections as all this shall help in building a better political awareness, which
enables voters of choosing the best candidates and face negative aspects of the
elections such as buying votes or bribery....etc.
3. Raising the awareness of voters of certain qualitative issues and matter of public
concern in municipal elections such the issue of the participation of women, youth
problems. There is no doubt that interest in such matters enriches the awareness of
voters and clarifies their preferences.
4. Raising the awareness of voters of the importance of having a civil state and the
necessity of eliminating religious slogans and symbols from the electoral process
such as the Muslim Brothers slogan of Islam is the solution. It is worth
mentioning that some NDP candidates used certain Quaranic verses and sayings
of the Prophet in their banners and propaganda, which is also considered an
obvious violation of the law.
5. Working on developing electoral committees, which a direct requires the
knowledge of voters preferences. Future surveys in future elections must include
questions about electoral committees and means of developing them.
6. Knowledge of voters electoral preferences, which is rather a controversial issue
as it is directly related to the partys view or the voters political views. However,
this represents an important issue for political trends and can be an important part
of political programs and electoral platforms. It is worth noting that the political
opinions of voters are an integral part of developing democratic life and political
parties. The ability of political parties to influence the preferences of voters in an
indicator on their political capability and their degree of closeness to the masses.
Thus, problems of voters and their major concerns must be the main basis for
electoral programs and platforms.
7. The study at hand revealed the importance of electoral propaganda, thus a future
work plan can be focused on the content of electoral propaganda, the degree of its
attractiveness to voters, the criteria for the quality of propaganda, its regulations
and laws and means of developing existing methods of electoral propaganda as it
is one of the means of raising the awareness of voters.
8. The media as it has been revealed by the study at hand is the main source of
knowledge for voters, thus a future work plan can to intensify programs on
electoral awareness clarifying the roles of municipal and parliamentary councils
especially during the season of the elections and that can be regarded as a seasonal
role for the media. The future work plan may also include criteria for evaluating
the performance of the media during times of elections.
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9. We can not talk about political reform without developing political parties and the
roles they play among the masses. The study at hand revealed that the majority of
political parties are suffering from a gap existing with the masses, stagnation, a
decrease in their membership and the domination of seniors on leadership
positions leaving no room for the younger generation. Thus, a future work plan
can be the means of building new calibers among the younger generation
qualified of removing the stagnation currently prevailing in political parties, and
raising the awareness of the younger generation of controversial issues in order to
enable them to contribute with new solutions.
10. The study at hand revealed the emergence of a new societal and knowledge
variable that has to do with the participation of women in political life and the
possibility of voting for women in elections. It is worth noting that the
constitutional amendment, which called for ending the discrimination against
women, is not enough, however, it is important to include in future work plans
training for calibers of women in order to qualify them for an effective political
participation and raising their awareness of important issues of public concern.
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First
Media Reports
32
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Maat Center Held a Training Course for Trainers.

In the framework of Voter's Vote Project implemented by Maat Center for Judicial and
Constitutional Studies and supported by (MEPI), the center ended the training course that
was held to train (21 trainers) who are chosen to participate in preparing observation
squads, which are prepared for the local elections in 8\4\2008.
Voter's Vote Project aimed at watching election committees in ninety-four election districts
distributed in 21 governorates through 940 civil observers and 94 coordinators.
Maat Center for Judicial and Constitutional Studies implements this observation project in
the framework of a philosophy adopted by the center to activate new forms of observation
in order to enhance voter's situation. Thus, the center estimates the election process, and
defines ways to develop it and to activate voter's participation in it by watching events and
violations through voter's eyes and voice. The voter's voice which is trying to read
objectively the real status in local elections and which support developing it and activating
forms of its decentralize during the coming period. This comes because of the center's view
to spread culture of participating, activate elections awareness, achieve fair representation
for social marginal sectors, and assert value of the culture of variety and accepting the
other.
Participants in the training course asserted the importance of observing local elections in
Egypt, as observation represents public guarantee to assert election process's integrity or to
expose its violations and trespasses. They also asserted its importance as in this round it is
so close to lately constitutional amendments, which asserted the role of local councils'
member in recommending and nominating president of the state, and in the framework of
supporting the decentralized state especially as it is expected to pass new draft for local
administration.
The course was ended after exhaustive discussion about the model of (voter's vote form)
that will be applied in the Election Day to insure the form's ability to express the voter
objectively and effectively.
2008/3/22Cairo
Media report (2)

Maat Center starts
(The Voters' Voice Project) observers' training
Maat Center for Juridical and Constitutional Studies started today the 1st of April 2008 the
second training program for preparing and rehabilitee of observers of (the Voter's Voice
Project). The project aims at measuring the commitment of the executive authority in
implementing the electoral procedures and activities (in local council elections 2008)
according to the international regulations and standards of honesty and transparency inside
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a sample of 94 constituencies distributed over 21egyptian governorate by conducting 41

training program.
The 4/day training programs that will end on Friday the 4th of April 2008 will benefit 940
field observers and 94 constituency coordinators, which is total teamwork Maat depends on
in achieving his targeted observation which symbolizes an unprecedented experience in
measuring the naturalness and the honesty of the electoral process.
The training program focuses on providing the voter with the required information to
realize the difference between the observation and the supervision and the difference
between the local and international observation of the election in addition to clarifying the
legal basics of and the purposes behind the observation process stressing on the basic rules
in the election observation and the important actions that should be done during the voting
process.
The training will explain samples of the application a form prepared to record the voters'
impressions towards the electoral process, the forms of violations and oversteps that may
happen, and determine the responsible for it, in addition to exploring practical cases to
show the ways emergency situation that may face them while reaching the voters should be
handled within the framework of the supporting the citizens' participation in public life.
The Voters' Voice Project is implemented by Maat Center for Juridical and Constitutional
Studies in cooperation with One World Foundation for Development and Civil Society Care
And Mansora based Human Development Association.
Cairo 1/4/2008
Media Report No. (3)

Maat Finishes a Training Program for Observers of the Voters Voice
Project
Maat Centre for Legal and Constitutional Studies finished a training program for preparing
and qualifying field observers, who will be participating in observing electoral committees
during the coming municipal elections held on Tuesday April 8th, 2008. The training
program comes within the framework of the Voters Voice Project, where the project
depends on measuring the degree of public satisfaction with the electoral process, the
degree of acceptance of the elections results and the public understanding of voting
procedures and methods through the vision of the voter. It is worth noting that the program
represents an unprecedented observing experience among civil society organizations.
The training program consists of 41 training courses in 21 governorates targeting 94
districts with a total number of 940 observers joined by 94 general coordinators.
Maat Centre for Legal and Constitutional Studies chose to depend on an extensive training
method, with 1500 observers as participants and 560 trainees more than the required
number of trainees so that it is possible to choose the best elements while taking into
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consideration efficiency and neutrality in execution, which in turn helps in guaranteeing an

objective and creditable report.
Participants in the training demanded the necessity of reviewing the law on municipal
governance Law No.43/1979 in order to support decentralization and granting wider
competencies to municipal councils, supervision of the executive power and granting
municipal councils the right to withdraw confidence from executive officials in case of
unsatisfactory performance.
Participants also demanded the review of the method of electing members of municipal
councils, as the current method makes it difficult to choose effective elements with a high
degree of expertise and skill and at the same time, it is impossible for the voter, no matter
how educated he/she is to choose 44 candidates at one time.
At the end of the training, participants were keen on evaluating the process of monitoring
previous elections, stating its drawbacks, suggesting ways and mechanisms of dealing with
such drawbacks in order to achieve the aim of the monitoring process and guarantee the
interaction of civil society in empowering the role of the citizen and his participation in
public life.
Media Report no. 4

Forming Operation Rooms for monitoring the upcoming Municipal Elections
(2008)
Maat Center for Juridical and Constitutional Studies in cooperation with One World
Foundation and Human Development Association established three central operation rooms
to monitor the local council elections in order to insure continual connection with the
observers and record what might happen from violations and oversteps.
- The basic room: Maat Center for Juridical and Constitutional Studies;
0123005252
0188880698
0188880784
Tele: 35705605
Fax: 37759512
-Subordinate Room no.1: One World Foundation For Development and Civil Society care ;
0181311139
0111831140
Fax:33049334
-Subordinate Room no. 2: Mansoura based Human Development Association;
0102851096
01204134498
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0184393642
Tele: 0502291919
Cairo 7/4/2008
Media Report no. 5

Voter's Voice Project
Observers Heads for the Polling Centers
The special observation team for The Voter's Voice Project implemented by Maat Center
for Juridical and Constitutional Studies in cooperation with One World Foundation for
Development and Civil Society Care and Human Development Association in Mansoura
heads to the Polling stations in the constituencies where the local elections are held in
Egypt's different governorates.
After the observation team gathered this morning at 7am to revise the distribution plan
and determining the duties, they were send out at 7:30 so they can reach the polling stations
before the voters.
The Center's affiliated observation team consists of 940 field observer in addition to 94
field organizer in 94 constituency as a sample distributed over 21 governorate.
The Voter's Voice Project aims at polling the voter's opinion and determining their stand
from the procedures and the electoral mechanism to record their opinions and their
evaluation for the whole process through the voter's point of view, eyes and voice to
guarantee the best expression of the efficiency and the competence of the electoral process
in it's current form and express the citizen's vision of the political and societal reform
process.
Cairo 8/4/2008
7.30 am
Report no. 6
Voter's Voice Project's Observers In Action
The observers of voter's voice project affiliated to Maat Center for Juridical and
Constitutional Studies, One World Foundation and Human Development Association in
Mansoura started their role in recording and monitoring the polling stations in 21
governorate.
Until now the Center's operation, rooms didn't receive any news about any observers'
prevention or restriction in the different stations.
Cairo 8/4/2008
8.30 am
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Second
Qualitative Field Reports
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Voter's voice no.1

Weak Turnouts and Medium Trust
The voters represent the most powerful element in any electoral process
in a democratic frame that respects multi-candidate system and its tools and in turn
respects connecting with and truly convincing the voters with the electoral program and
goal of the candidates to guarantee the voter's voice as a bridge to the authority or through
a dictatorial system seeking to take advantage of the voter's voice by forgery of the
outcomes which deceives the dictatorial system more than the simple citizen.
This might be the main reason for a project that records the impressions and the visions of
the voters and their stance from the rules governing the democratic practice and measure the
degree of awareness and ability with the electoral positions (candidate voter supporter )
in a way consistent with the law.
The first version of the project implemented by Maat center for measuring the voter's
directions in a first of a kind monitoring experiment in Egypt and the Arab region which
targets monitoring 94 constituency distributed over 19 governorate ( at first the project
targeted the 21governorates until Al-Faium and Ismailia governorates was settled by
uncontested wining made the center replaces it with other constituencies in governorates
witnessing a complete electoral process ) through 940 field observer dealing directly with
the voters in addition to 94 general organizer responsible for supervising the different
constituency.
The some voters accepted the record applications and others rejected it were the reactions
varied from one sector to another although the opinions were distributed as following:
-the first direction was the majority where people were so excited for expressing their
opinions in the electoral process and the figures witnessed, with a report of the most
important violations happened and how it was discovered , the followers of this direction
were keen on presenting ways to develop the electoral process for example : amendments
for the practicing political rights law , the local management law beside demanding another
distribution of the different levels of the local council in order to allow interaction with all
the candidates from all directions.
The second direction was the people who apologized from the beginning to participate
with the observers or the applications motivated by fear from the effects that might harm
them if their opinions were known and they asked some questions about the application ,
the ones carrying it , the aim of it , and how the opinions inside it from directions and biases
will be dealt with, where the situation ended either by the voter's convention and trust of the
different monitoring form or by an apology and a quit withdraw .
The third direction was the most violent reaction where some (although they were few )
voters torn up or stole the applications and ran away and other tried to assault the observers
and hinder them from doing their jobs specially that most of this voters were supporters of
definite candidates or executive authority men whom some of them left their duties to
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devote themselves to put obstacles for the observers as what happened in (Kena Suhag
Al-Menia Al-Giza Al-Kalubia Al-Garbia Al-Askandaria )governorates.
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Until 3pm the voters dealt with the voter's voice applications as following:
number governorate
Required
done
remains
rejected
1
Al-Giza
700
297
403
17
2
BaniSuwaif
200
110
90
8
3
Al-Menia
400
184
216
21
4
Assut
700
405
295
18
5
Suhag
700
363
337
51
6
Kena
300
91
209
32
7
Al-Kalubia
300
188
112
4
8
Al-Garbia
400
250
150
14
9
Al-Behera
400
140
260
70
10
AL-Monofia
200
85
115
50
11
Alexandria
700
418
282
87
12
Domiat
400
244
156
61
13
Al-Sharkia
700
320
380
88
14
Al-Dakahlia
700
405
295
109
15
Cairo
1700
700
1000
215
16
Aswan
200
86
114
14
17
Al-Suwais
200
97
103
11
18
Kafr El-Shaik
200
95
105
18
19
Port Saed
300
123
177
24
The media's observer of voter's voice project will continue releasing his reports of
measuring the voter's interaction through the coming voting hours.
Cairo 8/4/2008
2:00 pm
Voter's voice no.( 2 )

Difficulties and Obstacles
Rendering Municipal Elections of Less Value in Making
Differences
The observers of Voter's Voice Project implemented by Maat Center for Juridical and
Constitutional Studies in cooperation with One World Foundation and Mansoura based
Human Development Association continue recording the voters' directions and impressions
of the local elections, and it's governing rules, to insure the transparency and the
neutralization of the executive authority's performance through out this democratic round
which comes in a case of controversial societal instability .
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In spite of the many difficulties and the obstacles that faced the observers, they were
still determined to continue doing what they believed in, adding an extra importance to and
undoubtedly enriching the experiences itself , as despite the detention of Shebeen AlKanater and Kerdasa's constituencies organizers Amr Mansour Badr and Ahmad Nagah
Abdel-Khalek and the prevention of and security calling for the observers in (Kalubia
Giza Souhag Alexandria ) moreover taking the union's and identity cards from some of
them, added more credibility and sincerity to the observer's reports and the facts reported in
it , from the voters' voices, eyes and impressions that powerfully expressed their desire to
the societal participation and development despite the obstacles that faces the society's
movement towards these directions.
Until 5 pm the observers continued recording the voters points of view in spite of the
weak turnouts and the absence of the voter's body used to show up for the different
elections considering that it's the prime beneficiary in determining the winner's of the
elections and who did played this role in some cases.
The voter's dealt with the questionnaire as following:
number governorate required done remains rejected
1
Al-Giza
700
486
214
25
2
Bani Suwaif
200
187
13
11
3
Al-Menia
400
304
96
28
4
Assut
700
631
69
31
5
Souhag
700
567
133
87
6
Kena
300
165
135
45
7
Kalubia
300
199
101
13
8
Al-Garbia
400
328
72
21
9
Al-Behera
400
284
116
104
10
Al-Monofia
200
173
27
76
11
Alexandria
700
605
95
144
12
Domiat
400
328
72
88
13
Al-Sharkia
700
555
145
130
14
Al- dakahlia
700
611
89
199
15
Cairo
1700
1266
434
357
16
Aswan
200
176
24
24
17
Al-Suez
200
154
46
25
18
Kafr El-Shaik
200
162
37
23
19
Port Saed
300
211
89
32
The information observer of Voter's Voice Project will release a concluding statement for
the project and It's ability to connect with the voters on the recording level for all the
possible violations and on the participation level to ensure the participation of the
marginalized sectors in the social life
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Cairo 8/4/2008
42
5:00 pm
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Voter's Voice (3)

When A Vote Becomes Exposed
Cairo 8/4/2008
By the end of the electoral day for renewing the membership of the five levels of the
Egyptian local council, a round of the peaceful authority deliberation and one of insurance
of societal participation ends with it's recording and monitoring of the leaders performance
(attitude and individuals) and abilities to change or regain the trust , it's a round that many
waited for, had plans and expectations to benefit from it, as much as possible , but
unfortunately the real situation exceeded all the aspirations by putting more restrictions
between the citizen (as a candidate) and the polling stations and between the citizen (as a
voter) and the ballot boxes so that his voice loses first the ability to change and second the
ability to express himself.
As a result to the extensive security, preventing the voters from participation and closing
the polling stations in the face of all who participated in the monitoring process. The
observers of the voter's voice project suffered in dealing with some voters who had their
own doubts and fears to participate with their opinions in the questionnaire ,although it
doesn't obligate the voter to write his name or even his own hand writing (a philosophy we
took in consideration when we made the questionnaire) , it's the fear culture and the security
camouflage which the citizen suffers and is considered as the main reason for the
participation rejection and the citizen's escape from nomination and voting which put a
heavy weight on the shoulders of the civil powers supporting the human right and the
activation of the citizen's right to participate by nominating himself or by voting some one
in to run the public affaires.
By the end of the day the voter's voice questionnaire was completed (about 9400 paper),
filled by the voter's answers with the help of 940 field observer volunteered to play this role
with Maat Center for Juridical and Constitutional Studies who implies this project in the
cooperation with One World Foundation and Human Right Association. the number of the
observers in this project reaches (10340 observer) considering every voter played a
monitoring role with his cooperation with us an observer from the moment the left his
house heading to vote until the moment he leaves the polling station and that makes us have
the largest number of observers in the history of Egypt's elections.
Despite what the observers have suffered from the aggressive security and the
uncooperative electoral administration (which released reports and rejected them after that)
to the terrified voter who gave a word and dozens hold it back, the project's hug success in
achieving it's intended role presents a good indication to what the project aims to achieve in
the future which revolves around two very important axis:
The first: the guarantee to increasing the voter's participation percentage in the political
life by increasing their trust in the procedures and stressing on their role in determining and
choosing the kind of relation they want with the executive administration whom the have
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the right to question and judge at any time if it deviated any of the social norms which
connects the ruler and the ruled.
The second: supervising the procedures, methods and rules governing the political
process by revealing it's defects and faults as a phrase followed by a comprehensive
societal dialogue to reach the best legal form for managing the political struggle in an
objective, neutral and honest way which can guarantee the voters role in the community's
affaires.
The stage of collecting data and recording the voters' opinions about the local election is
the first step in the Voter's Voice Project as we will start from today sorting out the
questionnaire papers a special program to sum up the results and the general indications
with a number of experts and researchers who will deal with it in order to form a final
resolution proposal concerned with coming out with results , recommends and analysis that
will present ideas to develop the public's participation and manage the political struggle,
increase the constituencies and create connection between them and the crowd rather than
recording the violations and oversteps of the day of the elections which is importance made
us seek despite the obstacles and the difficulties continue the mission to benefit from it's
results .
The voters dealt with the questionnaire as following:
No.
governorate
required done
1
Al-Giza
700
725
2
Bani Suwaif
200
206
3
Al-Menia
400
411
4
Assut
700
701
5
Souhag
700
708
6
Kena
300
305
7
Al-Kalubia
300
309
8
Al-Garbia
400
421
9
Al-Behera
400
413
10
Al-Monofia
200
216
11
Alexandria
700
738
12
Domiat
400
415
13
Al-Sharkia
700
716
14
Al-Dakahlia
700
741
15
Cairo
1700
1795
16
Aswan
200
206
17
Al-Suez
200
201
44
remains
rejected
42
17
33
35
92
58
19
43
117
94
200
106
164
251
444
39
41
18
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Kafr El-Shaik
Port Saed
200
300
214
327
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34
48
The information's observer of the voter's voice project will continue releasing his reports
and results of the researchers according to a time schedule for analyzing and the calculating
the achievement of the different questionnaires by creating new forms of connection that
supports the idea and seeks it's generalization for the voice to be not only to the voter but to
the citizen who has rights as much as he has duties .
Cairo 8/4/2008
9:00 pm
Local elections (2008)

Extensive Security Few Voters
This morning witnessed one of the most strange rounds of authority peaceful
deliberations through the ballot boxes ; the local elections 2008 which was delayed for two
years waiting the new act of the local management , and that didn't happen until now in
addition to the political and social instability and the state of furious anger seldom
witnessed by the country as remonstrance took over , protests increased and strikes in a
way enriched the political life and made a lot of researchers and experts expect a huge
change in the form and style of the relations between the citizens as real decision makers for
determining and choosing their representatives in the elected local councils and the
executive authority responsible for implying the development and the societal advancement
programs, this opinion was severely hit by the current electoral round for lots of reasons
such as:
- the weak turnouts for the nomination independent or political opposition powers which
were not more than 5000 candidate in the best expectations although their were more than
50000 seat which is a fatal hit to the reformation and the authority peaceful deliberation
through a competitive conflicts between almost equal political forces .
-the strike called by the political forces on Sunday April 6 ,which caused disruption and
anxiety used by the executive authority to impose more restrictions on the voting process
which effected the voter's turnout to voting ,as the stations witnessed according to voter's
voice observers a case of extreme security alert specially in Al-Gharbia ,Al-Dakahlia ,
Al Behera, Qena, and Suhag governorates in addition to closing a number of polling
stations in some constituencies.
-The return of the manipulating voters policy the disappearance of the judges and leaving
the supervision of the polling stations to the management administrative employees who
interfered as a main participant in the electoral process with it's total support to the ruling
party over all other opposition powers, the forgery, the blackening of ballot papers, the
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illegal election, the nomination list's mistakes and other oversteps which were recorded by
the voter's voice observers.
-The absence of the voter's voice by his refusal to participate or by his fear to give an honest
opinion that will have harmful effects on him. The observers recorded states of panic while
the voters were asked about their opinion and what they saw inside the polling stations, to
determining their stance from the rules and organized procedures of the electoral process
and the voting which is the goal of the project that was relatively hindered by voter's fear
specially that among these voters were others determined to participate and show their
stance from the electoral process and what defaults it from obstacles.
-The first hours and until the moment of the report writing a state of extensive security alert
as the security bodies gave up their role in maintaining order to prevent the voter's from
voting or assaulting the observers in addition to the arrest of Amr Mansour Badr voter's
voice project organizer in Kalubia and Ali Ahmed Nagah Abdel Khalek in Kerdasa police
station Giza and the bugging of the observers in Sohag and Assut .
-In this observation frame work the observers of Maat Center for Juridical and
Constitutional Studies recorded the following facts from the polling stations:
In Abnaa El-Thawra school Bandar El-Menia constituency the polling stations were
closed the voter's were prevented from voting in the three stations of the school.
In Al-Kholafaa Al-Rashedeen, school Al-Omrania constituency the voters were
transferred by the NDP cars to the entrances of the schools and were allowed to group
voting.
In Al-Akhlas primary school al-Omrania constituency, the observers recorded mistakes in
the nomination lists.
In Al-Zeraa peoples assembly member, Mosaad Lotfi El-batal closed school dakahlia the
station.
In Al-Sembelawean constituency, the candidates deputies were detained and prevented
from entering the stations until they were transferred to an unknown place.
In Zakazek constituency Al-Sharkia governorate, the observers recorded the existence of
extensive electioneering on the doors and entrances of the polling stations for Ramadan
Ateya (tank), Abdel Azeem Kamal (Wallace), Ahmed Alakad (camel) and Ali Aziz
(phone).
In Al-nahal and Alsadat schools belbeas constituency the stations were closed and no
body was allowed to approach.
In Kantura, the observers recorded a group voting process for candidate Rashed ElZoraki.
In Matures, the observers recorded an extensive security siege over the polling stations.
In Om El-Abtal school station Abo-Kortas constituency the observers recorded an
extensive security existence and as soon as a gray Toyota car arrived the station was closed
and the voter's were prevented from entering.
In Al-Sanaweya school for boys station Al-Delengate constituency the observers recorded
the detention of an observer of the Egyptian Association for the Support of the Democratic
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Development and taking the observation and personal identity cards and preventing him
from entering the station with the knowledge of the police's chief .
In Kasr El-Thakafa station Delengate constituency a low voting turnout.
In Kafr El-Shaike School, for girls station the observers recorded entry prevention and
observers detention processes.
In Beban school station Kom Hamada constituency, the observers recorded the existence
of security bodies inside the polling stations preventing the voters from entering and voting.
In Kous constituency the voter's voice project's observers were stopped , detained and
transferred to Kous's police station preventing them from observing or leaving unless they
promised not to participate .
In Kasem Amin school station in Gomrok constituency observers recorded, an officer
prevented the reporters from entering the polling stations.
In Al-Shaheed school Kena Bandar constituency Gomaa Ashraf Gomaa a voter's voice
observer along with all the observers of participating associations were prevented from
entering the polling station and threatened to be detained if they insisted on participating.
In Alnozha constituency, the observers recorded an extensive existence of outlaws and
convicts around the polling stations to prevent Christian candidate Peter Nabils associates
and supporters from participating in the elections under the security's protection who
refused to interfere declaring their neutral (negative) attitude expected from them.
The circumstances of the local elections in this term represents a sever violent slope
requires high ability and efficiency to overcome it's effects and regain the voter's trust
whom we targeted his voice and eyes to substitute us in showing and presenting events and
biases of the electoral process and bring back the citizen's participation and citizenship
spirit unfortunately we found our selves in front of will's restriction and mouth's
muzzlation which can hinder the sound of our free voices if we wasn't dealt with properly.
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Third
Technical Reports
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Lots of Violations and Breaches in the

absence of Voters, Will the vote make a
difference?
Prepared by
Abd El-Nasser Kandil
Project Manager
Report No.1
Cairo in 29/3/2008
The voters voice project represents an extension of the vision of Maat Centre for Legal and
Constitutional Rights, aiming at creating new forms of monitoring to support the points of
view calling for empowering the role of civil society organizations in monitoring elections
and reveals the drawbacks and violations practiced during the election process on purpose.
At the same time, the monitoring form- with all its objectivity- represents a response to
those who doubt its use.
The starting point came through the partnership between One World Foundation for
Development and Civil Society Care and the Human Development Association in
Mansoura in order to execute the Monitoring for the Sake of Participation Project, which
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was voluntarily executed, without any funds to monitor claims of observers and the degree
of their compliance with monitoring criteria breached.
The executive strategy of the Voters Voice project is based on monitoring municipal
elections in 94 electoral districts in 21 governorates through 940 field observers working on
recording and documenting the electoral process.
On this basis, the observer in the Voters voice project works not only on monitoring ballots
but also on realizes his goal through voters who participate by casting their votes and thus
can identify the degree of influences or violations through voter participation and means of
overcoming such violations in order to guarantee an ability to realize the process of
development through social cooperation.
Within the framework of executing the Voters Voice Project, the centre realizes its first
report on 2008 municipal elections, where it records and analyzes the various parties
participating in the elections and has the following observations:
Firstly: The first municipal elections were held in April 8th, 2008 with the aim of
occupying 49 thousand and 522 seats distributed as 3230 members on the level of
municipal councils in governorates, 13302 members on the level of municipal councils in
counties, 5168 members on the level of municipal councils in cities, 1374 members on the
level of municipal councils in districts and 26448 members on the level of municipal
councils in villages. A total number of 59708 candidates spread along the whole political
spectrum, where final results reveal 45943 seats for NDP(97%),142 seats for Wafd (0.3%),
8 seats for Tagmu(0.02%), 8 seats for Nasserite Party(0.02%), one seat for Young Egypt
and 5 seats for the Liberals Party (0.01%), as for independent candidates, they won 1239
seats (2.6%).
Secondly: It was supposed to hold municipal elections during 2006 , given the fact that
Law 43/1979 on Local Governance defined the duration of the municipal council to be four
years per session, however, the results of the 2006 parliamentary elections and the rise of
the Muslim Brothers as a possible alternative for the existing regime led to a hesitation in
holding municipal elections, on the basis of a suggestion presented by NDP members of
parliament asking for postponing municipal elections for 2 years until the assembly finishes
the law on decentralization following constitutional amendments (article 76).
Thirdly: Municipal councils are governed by Law No.43/1979 and its amendments by Law
No.49/1981, Law No.145/1988, Law No.9/1989 and Law No.84/1996.This clarifies the
absence of a complete vision for the work of municipal councils and aim behind their
functions, where most councils lack the necessary tools for monitoring and observing the
performance of executive officials. Thus, such councils lost their efficiency and influential
role and finally its ability to execute development projects.
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Fourthly: Municipal elections are held in the absence of electoral committees, despite the
fact that law states for the supervision of electoral committees, which resulted in having the
executive power, determine its results and procedures. The net result in this case was the
impossibility of holding the executive branch accountable and responsible for the election
results.
Fifthly: As soon as the presidential decree No.55/2008 calling for registered voters to caste
their vote in municipal elections, the Minster of Interior issued its decree No.358/2008
defining the required documents for nominations, followed by the decree No.359/2008
regarding the legal regulations regulating election propaganda and campaigns, which
banned the use of religious symbols or the use of places of worship for campaigning for the
elections. The decree also put a limit for spending not to exceed 20 000 Egyptian pounds.
Sixthly: The absence of clear and definite information on the number of candidates without
having any official source as a reference, even the Ministry of Local Administration and the
General Authority for Information. There has not been any official statement until the
present day revealing the names of candidates, their numbers and their parties
Seventhly: Violations against candidates were noticed since the first day of nomination,
especially against independent and opposition candidates, in addition to incidents of insults
and violence. There were incidents of cleaning fines issued by certain governors against
certain candidates reaching 1000 Egyptian Pounds. All the above led to hindering the
nomination of several candidates.
Eighthly: Municipal elections emphasized the rift existing in the NDP between reformists
and hard liners, where various NDP candidates exchanged accusations of dominating
nominations lists, which led to many members resigning from the party. The crises which
erupted in the NDP, with the termination of the nomination phase and the anger which
resulted due certain selections and which included all categories even Copts and women
shows the extend of the crisis which the NDP is facing and the danger of reactions which
used new methods such as strikes, court cases and freezing memberships. Such issues
highlight the importance of conducting an internal dialogue in order to restore unity and
coherence to the party.
Ninthly: Municipal elections clearly revealed the crisis of opposition parties, where it
became obvious that they are totally isolated from the Egyptian street, in addition to its
inability to interact with the public or offer effective candidates. It is worth noting that the
NDP was the only party capable of covering all electoral districts in the municipal elections,
while all opposition parties failed to do so.
Despite its weakness, the opposition suffered from a series of violations and breaches
during the nomination period due to the rigidness of acquiring official papers in order to
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hinder their nomination. Let alone, incidents of insult and violence suffered by several
opposition candidates.
Tenthly: The municipal elections supported the political picture which portrays the Muslim
Brothers as the possible alternative for the existing regime in case of any change in the
executive power, which is quiet clear from the nominations of the Muslim Brothers in the
municipal elections. Although, most observers expected their withdrawal following the
heavy blow they received after Khairat Al-Shater was arrested and referred to trial. The
Muslim Brothers depended on filing court cases infront of the Supreme Constitutional
Court objecting banning them from being nominated in municipal elections. It is worth
mentioning that what the Muslim Brothers are suffering is a reaction towards the state of
confusion and worry they created by suggesting themselves as an alternative to the existing
regime as well as its portfolio which created a lot of worry due to its hostility towards a lot
of political trends.
The matter must lead the Muslim Brothers to conduct an internal objective dialogue in
order to come up with its definition of a peaceful transfer of power and accepting other
political trends on the political scene.
Eleventh: Civil society organizations complement the political reform process through its
role in monitoring municipal elections in the natural extension of an existing experience in
mentoring all Egyptian elections. 15 civil society organizations announced monitoring
elections either individually or jointly with other organizations, estimating the amount of
funding granted for the monitoring process to reach 3 million Dollars following several
negotiations and maneuvers due to what has been said regarding an agreement between the
government and one of the funding agencies in order not grant funds for civil society
organizations for the monitoring process since the government accused observers of being
biased and dishonest in their reports. This was one of the reasons, which lead Maat Centre
for legal and constitutional studies, and One World Foundation for Development and
Society Care to execute the Monitoring for the sake of participation project in order to
monitor the performance of observers and deal with their drawbacks.
Among civil society organizations, there is a disagreement between those who support
monitoring as an effective process and those who view the monitoring process as
ineffective as it fails to hold those responsible for violations accountable for them.
The bigger challenge remains infront of monitoring organizations in proving its ability in
qualifying its observers in order to undertake its neutral role in an influential manner during
the electoral process.
Cario 8/4/2008 2 pm
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(Voter's Vote Project)

Voters' Absence and Security's Dominance.
Elections As It Shouldn't Be.
Prepared by
Abd Al Nasser Qandeel,
The Project's Administrator.
Preparatory Report
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Two centuries and ten years is the age of local councils in Egypt since it appeared for the
first time in public work arena, through these years the experience progressed and these
councils turned from advisory institutions, started in 16 departments by Napoleon
Bonaparte and decreased to 14 ones in Mohamed Ali era. The existence of these councils
continued as a fetus outside administrative womb until the constitutions of 1923 was set and
confess the system of local administrative in the two articles 123 & 133. The matter was
completed by the constitution of 1971, which divided Egypt into administrative units each
one have its own characteristic and divided in levels (governorate- district- center- cityvillage). The law 43 of 1979 was criticized because it cannot achieves its aim to make
Egypt a decentralize state able to satisfy its needs, and to assure public sectors' participation
in state's administration. These shortages of the law were because there is no text to assure
the right of councils' members in observing executive authority performance, while the law
gives executive authority massive powers in forming and dissolving elected councils. In
addition, electoral manner stated by the Egyptian system, to select peoples' representatives
in managing public affairs, has clear defects so it cannot select the best and the qualified
because there are many chances of interference which drive those of power and influence.
There is many other charges directed to this electoral system along last decades; this is the
cause of the historical decision of President Mubarak to amendment article N.34 of the
Egyptian constitution. Some people called the decision (Egyptian Development Initiation)
because some of its important aims, declared by President Mubarak in front of the Egyptian
Peoples Assembly, were to create a new electoral system able to support these councils, to
assure representation of different political powers, to enhance party differences, and to
create new political stuff in which women participated clearly. The amendment also aimed
at stating a new law for local administration to support the decentralized state and to give
administrative units wider authorities and powers to provide citizens with services and good
life.
The call of public local councils' elections, in its five levels (governorate- district- centercity- village) was depended on this base. The president called for these councils' elections in
8 April 2008, the day witnessed dramatic accidents difficult to be accepted if it comes in
dramatic fantasia, but it was a part of our practical reality which is difficult to believe its
existence or to coexist with it especially with the continues talk about political and social
movements and about the appearance of new social powers with systematic machineries,
differs from old ways passed by reality, to manage conflict.
We can summarize our notes about local councils' elections in some points to show the
elementary viewpoint around accidents witnessed in this day, waiting for full illustration
will achieved by the center in coming weeks, as follows:
Firstly: Voter's Vote Project, implemented by Maat Center for Juridical and
Constitutional Studies with support of Middle East Participation Initiation (MEPI) and with
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cooperation of One World Institution for Development and Association of Human

Development in Al Mansoura. Many Associations in different governorates were
participated in implementing this project like, Al Aoon Assembly for Human Rights in
Qalyoobia, Al Aorooba Association for human rights in Alexandria, Al Addala Center in Al
Gharbia, and Al Addala Institution in Sohag. The project represents a new observation
model applied by the center for many reasons the most important reason is to assure
people's participation in democratic process, to measure their awareness about it, to read
electoral procedures objectively through the most important element in the democratic
system because the voter is the only inevitable element and his participation cannot
restricted absolutely in public work otherwise elections will lose its value and aim.
Secondly: All observatory bodies objected some individuals to participate in observation
process, some of them reached the number of five thousand observers while others do no
exceed some dozens. In our project we aimed at a number never been reached, which is ten
thousand observers more than nine thousands of them came basically to vote in elections
but at the same time he can read procedures and measure it neutrally as normal observer.
The project objected 94 electoral districts (they were distributed in 21governorates but
ending elections using recommendation in Al Esmaeelia and Al Fayoom decreased them to
19 governorates) so we have 940 civil observers every one of them deal with ten voters
along elections' day by the rate of one voter every hour). Thus we have 9400 voters
participated in observation process indirectly and number of districts' coordinators, 94
coordinators, so the total observation team we collect our information about procedures,
violations, electoral activities through it consists of 10434 observer. We actually believe
that it is unprecedented number in observation process in Egyptian elections.
Thirdly: Thirty six million, fifty-nine thousands, and three hundred and ninety five voters
were called to elect 5185 local council distributed as follows: (27) governorate councils,
(185) city councils, (218) center councils, (79) district councils, (1215) local and village
units, and (3461) village councils. The number was decreased to (25) million voters because
in many districts, elections were terminated though a candidate returned unopposed and
election was done in many levels because there is one candidate over the needed number.
The most important issue is voters' abstention of participation that represented a deathblow
for any social reform, because without aware public members who are able to defend their
benefits we cannot ensured even already exist rights and privileges for citizens. Thus,
political and social powers are in self-challenge about their ability to increase voter's
awareness about participation importance and its influence on his life, while we cannot
ignore the state's role in supporting participation process and in applying national program
to reach it, this matter will be discussed later in the final report.
Fourthly: About 85% of seats were terminated through candidates returned unopposed
because their were no candidates to be elected for them. Among (52) thousand seats,
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represented the total seats should be under elections, (44) thousand seats were terminated
through candidates returned unopposed so the remainder were (8) thousand seats enter
elections between about (10) thousand candidate, this means that there are another (6)
thousands seats whose candidates also returned unopposed. Thus, real elections were hold
for just (2) thousand seats with a percentage less than (4%) of local councils' seats. This
percentage show political process' weakness and shortage, as it is unable to create a new
generation to renew administrative and executive bodies to achieve citizen's benefits.
Fifthly: National Party existence and will dominated elections in spite of all the charges
directed to it, but it could overwhelm competition, this is clear if we follow candidacy map
for a level. In Cairo, the party succeeded in ending 24 electoral districts for its benefit, in Al
Esmaelia and Fayoom all elections were ended for its benefit except 10 seats in Al Fayoom
and 18 seats in Al Esmaelia were gone for opposition like AlWafd, Al Tagammoa, and Al
Nasseri. In Bani Sweef fife districts were terminated through candidates turned unopposed
so elections in the two districts of Bani Sweef and Baba were done for just six seats, in Giza
11 centers were terminated through candidates returned unopposed, in Alexandria seven
districts, in Al Bohaira 6 districts, and in Aswaan 450 seats were terminated through
candidates returned unopposed and they were distributed as follows (110) center, (48) city,
and (292) village. Also in Dakahlia, (3782) were terminated through candidates returned
unopposed in (228) levels, in Al Monofia (2729) seats were terminated through candidates
returned unopposed, in Kafr Al Shaykh (2067) seats were terminated through candidates
returned unopposed in (120) levels, in Sohaj (1604) seats were terminated through
candidates returned unopposed in (91) levels, and in Luxor (432) seats were terminated
through candidates returned unopposed in (9) villages.
In scattered elections, National Party also ensure absolute majority; in Aswan elections
were between (1808) candidates distributed as follows: (1458) National Party, (302)
independence, and (48) opposition powers, in Al Bohaira elections were in (9) centers
between (3534) National Party, and (64) opposition. In Sohaj elections were between (841)
candidates distributed as follows (718) National Party, (5) Al Tagamoa Party (1) Wefaa
Party, and (117) independence, and in Al Monofia elections were for (68) seats in four
districts with (72) candidates.
Aforementioned numbers indicate absolute overwhelming of National Party in local
councils' seats, this overwhelming differs completely from Peoples' Assembly structure,
which regarded to be the most council represents voters' will. This means that it is
abnormal and that it needs big reform especially as inner elections in National Party
witnessed many suspicions and arguments we tackled previously in the preparatory report.
Thus we can talk about substitute system ensures public participation and real competition
between trained and qualified cadres able to offer new thoughts and situations in the
councils supposed to be the real power in administrating state's affairs and in serving
citizens.
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Sixthly: Egyptian opposition, represented in 23 parties beside National Party, offered

about (1700) candidates to compete for (52) thousand seats, this percentage is a very small
one with it we cannot believe that there is a real party life in Egypt in spite of repeated
protesting vocal phenomena, which make us imagine an image differs completely from
reality. Blocs inside every party competed aggressively more than its competence with the
other and its offering for itself as a possible substitution for National Party. Al wafd
(Abaza) Party selected (535) candidates in front of (50) candidates for Al Wafd (Noaaman),
Al Ghad (Moosa) selected (117) candidates in front of (28) candidates for Al Ghad (Nour),
and Al Gabha (Harb) selected (15) candidates in front of (10) candidates for Al Gabha (Al
Sadat). Therefore, we can say that parties' inner fights are stronger than its fights for power
and that their competition for reins of party is more than their competition for reins of
government. This may be a strong objectivity of parties and a confession that along with
sever weakness and delicacy it suffered it cannot enter a fight with such power.
However, if we tried to look at main opposite parties (Al Wafd Party, Al Tagamoaa Party,
and Al Naserry Party) we will find that Al Wafd Party offered (535) candidates in (23)
governorates, (18) of them were returned unopposed (6) candidates in Al Fayoom and (12)
candidates in Ismaeelia. The remainder candidates in elections were distributed on the
following governorates Al Sharqia (97), Cairo (69) Al Gharbia (46), Qenaa (39), Al
Bohaira (31), Al Dakahlia (29), Al Qalyobia (24), Al Giza (23), Aswan (21), Kafr Al
Shaikh (19), Boor Saeed (15), Luxer (14), Domiat (12), Alexandria (11), Asyoot (9), Al
Menia (7), North Sinai (6), Al Bahr Al Ahmer (6), Al Waadi Al Gadid (4), Al Swise (3),
Bani Sweef (2).
In Al Tagamoaa Party (240) candidates were applied they were distributed on (24)
governorates, they are included (16) women and (47) Christians. Of the Christians there
were (25) returned unopposed; (6) in Al Esmaaelia, (4) in Luxer, (2) in Al Fayoom, (3) in
Al Monofia, and (6) in North Sinai. The remainder candidates were distributed on the
following governorates: Cairo (31), Aswan (26), Qalyobia (23), Dakahlia (23), Qena(13),
Asyoot (12), Alexandria (11), Al Bohaira (10), Al Sharkia (9), Sohaj (7), Giza (5), Demiat
(4), Al Swees (4), Boor Saeed (4), Al Menia (4), Al Gharbia (3), Bani Sweef ( 3), North
Sinai (3), Al Monofia (3), Kafr Al Shaikh (2), Matrooh (2), and Luxer (1).
How ever, in Nassery Party (138) candidates were remained after (31) were returned
unopposed. These information show real abilities of opposition parties away from many
daunting sayings that cannot be accepted because it continuously gives these political
powers a place and area away form its real abilities in a deceiving manner. Although it is
confessed that, they were objected to pressures and actions to limit their competition area,
but reality shows that even if they were not been exposed to these social powers they were
not be able to run an effective competition in the nation's territories. Al Wafd announced
that its utmost desire is to offer (1770) candidates, Al Tagamoaa (600) candidates and Al
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Nassery (500) candidates, so we have just (2870) candidates with the percentages do not
exceed 5% of National Party's candidates. It is supposed that every party of these three
parties alone is a possible political substitution for the governor party; it is supposed that
every one has policies and programs that may be able to be applied in the Egyptian case, but
it seems that thoughts are far form cadres and qualified leaders.
The real problem represented in these parties' acceptance to crumbs of transactions
concluded with National Party, these transactions assure those parties to gain some seats.
Some people regarded this as victory while the other regarded this as a defeat because it
contradicts with rules of opposition parties under domination of National Party on seats, so
what is the importance of (6) seats for Al Wafd, (2) seats for Al Tagamoaa, and (2) seats for
Al Nassery in Al Fayoom while the National Party on the other side gained (2350) seats. In
addition, what is he importance of (12) seats for Al Wafd, (6) seats for Al Tagamoaa, and
(1) seat for Al Nassery if the National Party gained in return for them (1266) seats. In
addition some people accepted the transaction to achieve personal benefits like what has
happened in Al Wafd of Ismailia when Mohamed Gomaa, leader of Al Wafd committee in
Faeed center and city, accused deputy Salah Al Sayeegh of flattering his family as he
choose his wife, candidate of Ismailia city's local council membership, and his brother,
candidate of Ismailia governorate local council membership in the giving up transaction
done in the governor bureau on the account of other candidates. At the same time, Abas
Barbary,candidate of Al Wafd Party for the governorate local council accused Al Sayeegh
of misuse his authorization to abandon candidacy for the interest of his family. The most
disster of these transactions is what had happened in the Election Day's morning in Al
Mahalla City, which witnessed disturbance atmosphere some people ignore it and suffer
form it. In Al Mahalla their was a great security fear from citizens' going to election
committees so that a transaction was held between opposition parties( Al Wafd, Al
Tagamoaa, Al Gabha, Al Geel, and Al Amal) and the National Party, according to this
transaction elections was ended through members' returning unopposed; Al Wafd gained
(5)seats, Al Tagamoaa gained (2)seats, Al Amal gained (3), Al gabha gained (3) seats, and
Al Geel gained (4) seats while National Party gained (181) seats. This means that these
opposition powers cheated citizens whose freedom were chained with approval of
opposition parties who keep talking about corruption not away form them. Opposition
parties' acceptance of these transactions, done under blessing of central leaders, shows a
case of stray and contradiction between valuable and profiteer in elite circles inside political
parties and assures the society's need of different political speech ideal in adopting ideas
and defending them so simple citizen can trust it about its ability to be a possible substitute.
Seventhly: In spite of all obstacles placed upon Muslim Brotherhood to chain their
ability to participate in local elections and leaded them at then end to announce the decision
of boycotting electoral process and to call for voters and political powers to boycott it, but
they continue in their deceiving and playing policy in situations supposed to be basic ones
and can not dominated by profiteer principle.
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The withdrawal decision was justified by what the group suffered since announcing its
participation in the elections by offering (10) thousand candidates (5774) of them succeeded
in applying their papers and (498) candidates remained after announcing lists, but final lists
send a strongest strike for the organization called banned organization when candidates
remained were just (21) candidates. The group regarded that it offered a heavy price to keep
them because detainees' number reached more than thousand detainees because of elections.
In addition, executive authority did not respond to judicial judgments of candidates which
reached (602) judgments from the Administrative Court to enable candidates to be listed in
electoral lists in addition to (819) judgments to stop electoral process.
Pressures and discipline campaign placed on Muslim Brotherhood since their starting to
candidate may be a justification for their withdrawal decision but it can justify the release of
Mohamed Habeeb, first deputy of the general guide, that ( Muslim Brotherhood's call for
citizens and political powers to boycott elections do not mean withdrawing the (21)
Brotherhood candidates). This is regarded to be a paper of the deceiving play excelled by
the group to reach its benefits regardless of its accordance to sound system in general work.
The most strange thing is that the group who decided alone to enter local elections and who
offered its candidates without coordination or connection with other political powers
regarding it its own decision. However, it attacked other groups and political powers who
refused to accept its orders as if the group's orders are a matter that cannot be refused even
if it contradicts with situations and aims of other parties. Other parties' weakness might be a
chance for Muslim Brotherhood to achieve aims just for the benefit of the group and its
cadres.
Muslim Brotherhood Group is requested to reform its relation with political powers and to
improve its image with other powers and parties because this image was mixed with
situations and events when the group regarded just its benefits even if it's on the account of
their partners in the field as what happened in elections of Peoples Assembly 2005 when the
group was just keen to its candidates' success even if it is on the account of opposition's
candidates, the group's transactions caused the failure of many well-known members of
oppositions and leaded to instability in the relations with all parties.
Eighthly: Local elections based the machinery of defaming candidates with a cause or
with out as a mean to remove possible opponents or to obstacle their propaganda plans.
This justifies the high increase in defamation numbers appeared in the following
observation; in Cairo defamation number reached (700), in Dakahlia (508), in Demiat
(273), in Port Saeed(273), in Kafr Al Shaihk (200), in Giza (165), in Gharbia (113), in
Fayoom(70), in Asyoot (29), in Bani Sweef (27), in Sohag (16), in Matroh(11), and in
South Sinai (7).
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Ninthly: The election witnessed executive authority's continuing to ignore judicial

judgments issued form Administrative Court, which stated its right to judge suites presented
before it asserting that the president's decision to call for candidates to go for election is an
administrative one, and that local councils are executive councils thus the court has the right
to judge suits and to observe administrative decision.
The judgment of Administrative Court was issued few hours before election process, it was
to stop election and to cancel the unopposed returning in (7) electoral districts in Cairo
which are (Helwan, Al Tepeen , Al Basateen, Dar Al Salam, Al Marg, Al Nahda, Al Sahel)
in addition to (11) electoral districts in Giza which are (Giza city, Al Agooza, Al Doqe, Al
Azizia, Al Badrasheen, Al Shoobek Al Gharbi, Embaba, Al Haram, Al Omrania, South
Giza, and Nahia). In addition elections were cancelled in all districts in Bani Sweef
governorate except Atsa district, and candidates' returning unopposed also were cancelled
in all election districts in Al Fayoom, this was because the court observed executive
authorities' arbitrariness in executing judgments issued for the benefit of some candidates to
list them in candidates lists. Not executing judicial judgments indicates a constitutional
crisis in the relation between the three authorities, each of them is supposed to be
independent and respected and to have absolute authority in its specific field. Hence, it is
important to revise this relation form and to study the need of constitutional amendment to
return dignity of juidical judgments, which never executed. Because of not executing
judicial judgments (1000) citizens bring suits against governors of (Cairo, Giza, Bani
Sweef, and Al Fayoom), also Tarek Qotb, member of People Assembly of Al Mansoura
center district asked Prime Minister and Minster of Local Development for a quick
knowledge in which he accused Dakahlia's governor, Ahmed Saeed Sawan, of not
respecting judicial judgments issued for the benefit of some candidates to list their names in
candidates' list. In addition, (7) candidates of Al Tagamoaa and Al Wafd sent a warning to
Al Sawan in which they demand executing judicial judgments issued for their benefit to list
their names in candidates' list.
Tenthly: Civil society organizations continued performing their role in supporting voters'
participation in public life through observing general elections held in Egypt and through
exposing defects and shortages may occurred in it. Thus (12) civil organizations requested
National Council for Human Rights in order to watch and observe elections. The National
Council for Human Rights sent these requests to the committee supervising elections in
Ministry of Local Development, observation requests applied by organizations reached
more than (8) thousands observation licenses.
Although the National Council for Human Rights performed its role in completing
observation requests and sending it to the committee supervising elections, but some
organizations, in their observation reports issued in the Election Day, criticized the councils'
role and make it responsible of not issuing observation licenses for their observers in
different governorates. Maat center announcing its appreciation for these reports but in the
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same time directed sincere thanks to the National Council for Human Rights for its
cooperation with the center in issuing all observation licenses for Maat center's observers
and they receipted their licenses form the committee's headquarters affiliated to Ministry of
Local Development after completing missed information.
The most important thing to be studied is the practical action during electoral process that
indicates that security men and executive authority do not respect observation reports.
Many observers watched the preventing process they were disposed to in addition to
arresting or abuse by security men or candidates' supporter. Thus, it is important to discuss
this matter, to stated suitable basic solutions for this problem, which contradicts with report
N.4 the High Committee of Elections issued in 17\5\2007 about permitting civil society
organizations to observe elections, and judicial judgments preceded it, which grant
institutions to observe electoral process.
Eleventh: Abuse represent something seems to be basic in the Egyptian model of
managing electoral process to the extent that it may return from a custom to an original
thing rarely disappeared in electoral practices. This abuse may be a result of competing
conflict between some candidates because of close votes' numbers or close victory chances,
or may be a result of tribal or family congestion, which leads in many cases to crises and
hard clashes. The abuse may also be a result of competing conflict between different
political powers as most of them dominated by certainty that their method is sound and
strong in front of all other trends and powers. All these trends and powers are away from
managing conversation and political conflict peacefully, so this leads to the appearance of
trends of political violence and leads to that some trends are abiding by power and thugs
system to impose its wants. This have a very big effect in many clashes and abuses will be
reported in the report later on. This matter reached to that some supporters of National Party
stroked a candidate of Al Tagamoaa in South Sinai, a candidate of Al Wafd in Ismailia, and
a candidate of Al Nasery in Domiat. Yet, competition between National Party's candidates
for official and unofficial lists reached to the extend that one of the candidates divorced his
wife to annoy her brother whose name was mentioned in official lists of National Party in
Al Areesh.
Security body's abuses were the most dangerous ones and have strongest effects on voters.
Security body is supposed to neutral and its role is just to secure electoral committees form
outside without legal permission to enter in the committees unless it is summoned by
committees' leaders to deal with emergency cases and then they had to leave as soon as it is
over. However, the real situation witnessed clear interference in many places; police
officers dominated committees' entrances and in many cases, they prevented entering or
getting out form them. In addition, their reaction was severe with observers; they prevented
them from entering, chained their moving and connection with voters, and some times
arrested and detained them as what has happened with observers of (Voter's Vote Project)
Ismaeel Mansour Badre, in Shebeen Al Qanater electoral district in Qalyobia, Hnan Hosain
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and Gomaa Ashraf coordinators of Qena governorate, Ahmed Nagah Abd Al Khalik
observer of Kerdasa district, and Ahmed Thabit in Al Hawamdia district. This abuse did not
restricted with observers of (Voter's Vote Project) but it extended to other organizations
whose observers were arrested and prevented form practicing their work. These actions
placed many question marks around the strict situation without justification; these situations
make voter's ability to make the desired change doubtful and cause voters' sever hesitation
to participate, it also may be the most effective justification of voters' abundance of
participation.
In this respect, process champers in Maat Center for Juridical and Constitutional Studies
received reports form districts' observers in governorates about trespasses and abuses
happened in front of electoral committees, the most important of which were:- In the committee of Mafrotha Common School affiliated to Mena Albasal district in
Alexandria, (Voter's Vote Project)'s observers affiliated to Maat center observed voters'
abundance from participation.
- In the committee of local administration in Bebian country affiliated to Kom Hamada
district in Al Bohaira governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat
center observed that police officers close committee's entrance and prevented voters form
entering.
-In the committee of Zomran Alnakhl Secondary School affiliated to Delengat district in Al
Bohaira governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Mat centre observed
poor turnout of voting.
- In the committee of Al Ekhlas Primary School affiliated to Omrania district in Giza
governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed giving
voters presents in kind and purchasing votes in return for 30 pounds for every vote.
-In the committee of Salah Salem School affiliated to Abo Korkas district in Al Menia
governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed security
body's intensive existence on entrances of committees and frisking all people before
entering.
- In Al Salam Primary School affiliated to Kafr Shokr district in Al Qalyobia governorate,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed preventing observers
from entering committees and tacking their observation card and their ID card.
-In Al Khanka Primary School affiliated to Al Khanka district in Al Qalyobia governorate,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed preventing observers
form entering the committee and closed it at 12.30 pm.
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- In Al Wardian Technical Developed School affiliated to Mena Albasal district in

Alexandria, observes of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed stopping
voters at committees' doors and asking them about their voting and the candidate the will
vote for.
- In Al Mahameed Bahary Primary School affiliated to Armen district in Qena governorate,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed processes of
collective voting for the benefit of National Party and using cars to bring voters to the
committees.
- In the committee of city's council affiliated to Delnagte district in Al Bohaira governorate,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed intensive security
existence inside committees.
- In Al Kahnka Secondary Girls' School affiliated to Al Khanka district in Al Qalyobia
governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed that
some voters attended to vote then they found that other had voted for them.
- In the committees of Al Mafrotha Grils' School affiliated to Mena Albasal district in
Alexandria governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat Center
observed a process done by candidates of National Party to purchasing votes in return for
20 pounds for every one.
- In the committee of Al Wardian Secondary School affiliated to Mena Albasal district in
Alexandria governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center
observed preventing observers form being in front of the committee and preventing all
voters from cooperating with them.
- In the committee of Al Mahameed Bahary Primary School affiliated to Armen districts in
Qena governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed
events of riots and violence between supporters of National Party and supporters of one
independent candidate.
- In the committee of Al Nasser Secondary Girls' School affiliated to Moharam Bik district
in Alexandria governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center
observed signboards on the committee's door for the benefit of Saeed Abd Al Reheem,
National Party candidate.
- In the committee of Al Khanka Secondary Girls' School affiliated to Al khanka district in
Qalyobia governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center
observed closing committees' doors before voters at 5:30.
- In the committee of Al Sallam Primary School affiliated to Kafre Shokr district in Al
Qalyobia governorate observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed
using massive wooden boxes and poor turnout.
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- In the committee of Salah Salem School affiliated to Abo Qorkas district in Al Menia
governorate observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed poor
turnout and hanging signboards to propagate for National Party's candidate and independent
candidates on committees' doors.
- In the committee of Bebian School affiliated to Kom Hamada district in Al Bohaira
governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed massive
wooden boxes inside committees.
- In the committee of Al Zeraa School affiliated to Dayroot district in Asyot governorate
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed poor turnout.
- In the committee of Al Nawara Secondary Boys' School affiliated to Badari district in
Asyoot governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed
propaganda inside committees' headquarters for the benefit of National Party's list.
- In the committee of Matbaa Secondary School affiliated to Abo Teeh district in Asyoot
governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed
distribution of in kind presents for voters.
- In the committee of Al Rashad School affiliated to Manfaloot district in Asyoot
pressures inside voting committees to force voters to vote for the benefit of National Party
list and observed electoral propaganda on committees' doors.
- In Esbaa Al Zohary Primary School affiliated to Al Badry district in Asyoot governorate
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed poor turnout.
- In the committee of Koom Al Shakafa School affiliated to Kormooz district in Alexandria
governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed electoral
bribes as supporter of a candidate called (Afaf) gave the voter 30 pounds to vote for her.
- In the committee of Ahmed Shawky School for Intellectual Education affiliated to
Moharam Bik district in Alexandria governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project)
affiliated to Maat center observed signboards on the committee's door for the benefit of Al
Gabha candidate (Mahmood Zead).
- In the committee of Moharam Bik Secondary Girls' School affiliated to Moharam Bik
district in Alexandria governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat
center observed signboards on the committee's door for the benefit of the two candidates
(Nagi Abd Al Haleem- Attab Darweesh) of National Party and (Mahmood Zead ) of Al
Gabha Party.
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- In the committee of Al Roda School affiliated to Qena district in Qena governorate,

observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed intensive security
existence on the committee's door to prevent voters form entering.
- In the committee of Al Sadat Secondary School in Bander Al Menia district in Al Menia
governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed poor
turnout.
- In the committee of the local unite in Baian village affiliated to Koom Hamada district
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed that National Party's
candidates using microphones to propagate in front of committees.
- In the committee of Salah Salem Primary School affiliated to Abo Quakas district in Al
Menia governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed
security men prevention of voters and frisking observers.
- In the committee of Al Waffaaia School affiliated to Delengat district in Bohaira
Governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed that
some one called (Mosad Gabr), a member of National Party secretariat closed the
committee before voters at 4pm.
- In the committee of Bani Al Delengat Primary School affiliated to Al Delengat district in
Al Bohaira governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center
observed that National Party's deputyies blackened cards for the benefit of National Party.
- In the committee of Abo Gabal School affiliated to Dayroot district in Asyoot
governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed poor
turnout.
- In Military Secondary School affiliated to Bander Al Menia district in Al Menia
members of National Party aided by security men to prevent voters and observers from
entering the committee. They also distributed presents and beverages on their acquaintances
inside electoral committees.
- In the committee of Al Khanka Primary Boys' School affiliated to Al Khanka district in Al
Kalyobia governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center
observed that some people vote more than one.
- In the committee of Koom Zomran Primary School affiliated to Al Delengat district in Al
Bohaira governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated Maat center observed
that the committee was closed before voters at 3 pm.
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- In the Committee of Al Shamse Empiricism School affiliated to Kafre Shokr district in Al

Kaliobia governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed
police officers threats for the committee's leader that if they did not cooperate with
candidates of National Party their job place( local unite city council) will shifted outside
the governorate.
- In the committee of Abo Zaabal Primary School affiliated to Kafre Shokr district in Al
Kaliobia governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed
the National Party's secretary in Khanka trying to hinder observers' work and to prevent
coordinators from getting near to voters.
- In the committee of Al Fat-h Primary School affiliated to Delengat district in Al Bohaira
security men aided by some women drive back three lawyers (Ladies) observe elections
with Al Naqeeb Institution and the Egyptian Assembly to Support Democratic
Development.
- In Salah Al Deen School affiliated to Mina Al Basal district in Alexandria governorate,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed the entering of car
N.122647 Alexandria Taxi, in the car their were people hailing for National Party's list
those people were coming form Al Taleea School under auspicious of police officers of
Meens Al Basal.
- In the committee of Al Sadat School affiliated to Kormoose district in Alexandria
(Mohamed Al Azab), candidate of National Party and general administrator in Al Gomhoria
Hospital, put posters on many committees' doors in the district.
- In the committee of Gheet Al Anaab School affiliated to Kormoze district in Alexandria
governorate, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to Maat center observed a car
with the sign (1088 government ) filled with children who were hailing for National Party's
candidate ( Mohamed Abd Al Hameed Ghareeb).
- In the committee of Al Sawamaa School Shark affiliated to Abp Teeg district in Sohaj
supporters of National Party's list aggressed upon an observer of Al Naqeeb Institution
because he tries to prevent them from blackening cards for the benefit of National Party.
- In the committee of Al Khaleefa Secondary School affiliated to Al Khalifa district in
Cairo, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed
closing committees before voters.
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- In the committee of Al Shamashragy School affiliated to Shobra district in Cairo,

observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed electoral
bribes when the vote reached 50 pounds.
- In the committee of Al Attaren Secondary Girls' School affiliated to Shobra district in
Cairo, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed
electoral bribes when the vote reached to 20 pounds.
- In the committee of Al Galal School affiliated to Shobra district in Cairo, observers of
(Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to one world Institution observed permitting some people
to vote while their names were not in voter lists.
- In the committees of Helwan New Primary School affiliated to Helwan district in Cairo,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed that
observers were prevented from entering committees unless they have a permission form
police center although they had permissions form Ministry of Local Development.
- In the committee of Helwan Old Common School affiliated to Helwan district in Cairo,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed signboards
inside and outside committees.
- In the committee of Al Naqrashi Secondary Boys' School affiliated to Hadaik Al Qobaa
district in Cairo, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution
observed propaganda inside committees for benefit of candidates of (National Party, Al
Tagamoaa, and independents).
- In the committee of Omar Ben Abd Al Aziz School affiliated to Helwan district in Cairo,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed processes
of collective voting by workers in Military Factory 56, and signboards around the
committee for benefit of candidates of Al Tagamoaa and independence.
- In the committee of New Testimony School affiliated to Rood Al Farag district in Cairo,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed that there is
no place to ensure voters' privacy.
-In the committee of Al Yazedi School affiliated to Rood Al Farag district in Cairo,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed that
children around nine and ten years old voted using their school card and observed cards
blackening for the benefit of National party's candidates.
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- In the committees of Om Al Abtaal affiliated to Helwan district in Cairo, observers of

(Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed closing committees'
doors while the officers taking their lunch meal.
- In the committee of Mahmood Sami Al Baroodi School affiliated to Cairo, observers of
(Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed propaganda around the
committee for the benefit of candidates of National Party, Al Tagamoaa, and independent.
- In the committee of Technical Practicing School affiliated to Tebeen district in Cairo
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed signboards
inside and outside the committee and that there is no place to ensure voters' privacy.
- In the committee of Al Gamalia Commercial Girls' School affiliated to Al Gamalia district
in Cairo observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed
that observers of civil society were prevented form entering committees.
- In the committee of Al Shorafa School affiliated to Al Gamalia district in Cairo, observers
of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed closing the
committee before voters and forced them to leave without voting.
- In the committee of Al Tahreer Preparatory School affiliated to Mattaria district in Cairo,
observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed four cars of
central security siege the committee.
- In the committee of New Moassasa Primary School affiliated to Hadaik AL Qobaa district
in Cairo, observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to One World Institution observed
massive wooden boxes and no Phosphoric ink.
- In Talkha district in Dakahlia governorate observers of (Voter's Vote Project) affiliated to
Human Development Association observed Microbus number 1634 Al Dakahlia Taxi
carried some youth who rush into committees and blackened cards for the benefit of
(Mohamed Lotfy Moursy) brother of (Saad Lotfy Moursy) a member in People Assembly.
- In Al Damanmhour district in Al Bohaira governorate observers of (Voter's Vote Project)
affiliated to Human Development Association observed security men's driving away of
observers and preventing them form getting near committees.
- In Al Ebrahimia district in Al Sharkia government observers of (Voter's Vote Project)
affiliated to Human Development Association observed that the security body closed
committees completely and prevent candidates and their deputies form get near the
committees.
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(Voter's Voice Project)
Satellite Channels on the Elections Day
Behind Images and News

In Maat's View Point
Prepared by Informational
Observer
Voter's Vote Project.
Information is the fourth power to observe elections, reveal strong points, shortage, weak
points, and corruption images, so it asserts positive points, and reveal negative ones until it
is stopped.
This is the role mass media supposed to do neutrally, objectively and sufficiently, but
information media especially TV's coverage, with its huge ability to transfer ideas and
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deepened images, became a space for every team according to its own way especially if the
subject was critical, very important and has a great influence upon other important subjects,
like elections; mainly local councils elections held in Tuesday, 8th April, 2008.
These elections are the gateway to serve many sectors of peoples, and the state tries to end
centralization with all its defects through them. The moat important thing is that after
constitutional amendments and Local Administration Law supposed to be discussed and
issued, local councils will have a great effect in selecting president of the state and will
have the right to questioned executive authorities, after it is too late.
In this respect information observer unite affiliated to Maat Centre for Juridical and
Constitutional Studies is keen to make a report just for TV's coverage and news coverage
for local and public elections in Elections Day in more than TV channels differed in trends
in order to offer a rich and true image for different informational views tackled public
elections in Egypt.
The TV channels were observed are:

are
Al Nile Egyptian News Channel - the First Channel- the Egyptian Space ChannelNile TV-Al Arabia Aljazeera - Aljazeera international Al Horaa Al Horaa
Iraq Al Moustakbal B.B.C - C.N.N.
The observer noticed that there are many forms of coverage, the most important of
which is the news line repeated every 10 minutes in most of these channels, the coverage
was from 8.30 am till 9 pm as the following
Al Nile Egyptian News Channel:
- Local public councils' election started in all governorates today.
- Five operation champers for citizen society organizations to receive reports of
observing elections.
- 25 million voters select their representatives in local council elections.
- Police confronts riots acts in Al Mahala Al Kobra.
- Attorney general asked for fast judicial procedures to eliminate riots actions and to
identify its criminal responsibility.
- Al Gabali visits injured people in riots actions.
Egypt, the first channel:
- Egyptian governors ended its preparation for local council elections due today.
- Start voting in local elections.
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Al Arabia:
- Local public council elections start in Egypt.
- Egyptian voters' poor turnout in voting centers.
- Ruler National Party ensures his candidates' winning by returned unopposed.
Aljazeera:
- A boy was killed and 20 were injured, of them five security men, in confrontations in
Al Mahalla between demonstrators and Egyptian security men.
- 320 people in Al Mahalla Al Kobra were suited for raising riots.
- 95 members from different Egyptian governorates were detained charged of urging for
the strike.
- Muslim Brotherhood called for boycotting local councils elections.
- Boycott is because the authorities hinder efforts to candidate in elections.
- Voting process started in Egyptian local elections.
- Voting continued in Egyptian local councils' elections.
- An a agreement between National Party, and parties of Al Tagamoaa, Al Wafd, Al
Geel, according seats in Al Mahalla Al kobra.
- 19 of Muslim Brotherhood were detained although there is a judicial judgment to
release them.
Aljazeera international:
- Arrested people shred a photo of President Mubarak.
- Protests' escalated because of gas and food high costs
- 25 protesters were arrested.
Al Horaa:
- Fights and strikes returned in Al Mahalla Al Kobra after the police arrested dozens of
citizens.
- An Egyptian young man was killed in clashes with security powers in Al Mahalla.
Secondly: photographed reports with vocal comment and meetings of continuing
voting process in local public councils.
Al Nile Egyptian News Channel:
Outside repots, Al Bohaira governorate: included the following:
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- Poor turnout in committees while it is expected to increase after 3 pm, the official date of
ending work, but Brotherhood boycott is not a cause.
- High turnout of women and their tendency to support women candidates.
- Quite elections and there are no organizations of civil society or observers.
- Elections' turnout is high in countryside than in cities because of families' tribalism and
law services.
- Reform cannot be but through a full base in selecting local councils' candidates.
- Public awareness was raised, for candidates and voters, about the importance of election
process.
Al Sharkia governorate:
- Expected percentages of participation.
- Numbers of candidates, main and sub elections districts, and available seats.
- Meetings with Al Sharkia governor and some voters.
- Ensure the impotence of woman participation based on reality.
- Clashes between candidates' representatives dissolved quickly.
Cairo governorate: Al Saeeda Zainab (alone):
- Boring calm, no complains, and no voters.
- Poor turnout but it may be moderate after official dates of ending work.
- 12 civil society organization observed the elections.
- The turnout did not increase until committees were closed.
North Sinai Governorate:

- Voting percentages increased because committees' places are near peoples.
- Sinai women participation increased as candidates and voters.
- There are no groups of human rights or observers; just individuals.
- Elections are generally calm especially in Al Areesh.
Giza Governorate:
- 80% of seats are given to candidates who are retuned unopposed.
- Numbers of candidates, districts, and seats.
- Meetings were held with National Party's candidates.
- A meeting was held with Al Wafd Party's representative (Abaas Al Tarabili),
journalist.
Alexandria governorate:
- Calmness and transparency.
- Different participation percentages.
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- Ignore the boycott demanded by Muslim Brotherhood.

The first channel:" news sector, reports and releases":
- The importance of juridical amendments and of amendment local councils.
- Operation champers to observe election process, organizations' names, and meetings with
them in the National Council for Human Rights.
Reports from governorates:

Kafr Alsheekh Governorate:
- The importance of decentralization.
- Statistic data about the election process.
- Hot committees, joint parties.
- Special participation of woman.
Al Kaliobia:
-Voter's massive turnout.
- Statistic data.
- Christians participation.
- Al Menia, Asyoot, Sohaj.
- Statistic data (Aswan).
- Statistic data.
- Meetings with just women (voters).
Al Bohaira governorate:
- Generally calm.
- Skirmishes between candidates' supporters.
- Closing ballot boxes in governorates.
Al Horra:
News reports for its reporter in Cairo included:
- Muslim Brotherhood called upon boycotting elections and promised to abuse it.
- Elections are calm because of no competence.
- Judgments to stop elections.
- Meetings with Husain Ibraheem Muslim Brotherhood representative and Ameena Al
Nakash from Al Tagamoaa, left wing party.
- Muslim Brotherhood boycott is a kind of despair because the ruler party ended 90% of
the elections by candidates returned unopposed.
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- Opposition parties do not respond to Muslim Brotherhood's call to boycott elections

although they refuse the way the state deal with them.
- New constitutional amendments, its influence on general and political life and on
selecting president of the state.
- Purchasing voters' votes.
- Judicial observation negligence of the phenomenon.
- Weak observation of civil society organization.
Aljazeera: news reports repeated every an hour about elections. These reports included
hints about Al Mahalla events, after that a report intended for riots in Al Mahalla, and it
included the following:
The title as it was written:
Polling process started in Egyptian local councils' elections among calls to boycott it and
clashes on the background of strike, messages from Tanta, Cairo, and Zakazik.
The reports included:
- Poor turnout and there is no elections.
- No violence.
- Juridical Bodies did not found any thing to observe.
- Al Mahala Al Kobra transaction between the government, represented by ruler party, and
representatives of AlWafd, Al Tagamoaa, Al Geel to win in the elections as a return for
participating in calming down situations in Al Mahala Al Kobra.
- Depended committee was prevented in Upper Egypt governorates.
- Collective voting in committees " Abo Gabal".
- Security body controls Al Mahalla, gatherings to release detained, and politicians try to
calm down situations.
- Boycott call has no thing to do with poor turnout.
- Opposition parties ended its situation.
- Conflict between National Party's candidates and independents dissident from it.
- More than five thousand judicial judgments to stop elections neither of them was
executed.
- Rigging in some committees.
- Observers from Sweden and Norway.
- No security pressure.
- Candidates of Muslim Brotherhood refuse to give up their candidacy in spite of the
boycott hopping to challenge its rightness after that 5 in Qalyobia and 7 in Dakahlia.
- Turnout did not exceeded 2% in all committees.
- No civil society organizations in some governorates.
- Other transactions between National Party and parties of Al Wafd, Al Tagamoaa, and Al
Nasery to put an end for other districts which is not certain yet.
- A candidate of Al Tagamoaa in Al Areesh was stroked.
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- More abuses like do not use phosphoric ink, propaganda inside committees, blackening
cards, and preventing some candidates and some voters.
- National Party insists upon neutrality, transparency, and condemned opposition situation
because of weak participation and boycotting calls.
- The main motive of poor turnout is that parties are lacking credibility.
After that a detailed report about Al Mahalla events:
- Al Mahalla turned to a battlefield; strike, and tear gas to dissolve demonstrations.
- Prime Minister visit workers of spinning and textile and rewarded hem for not striking.
Al Arabia:
- Space channels were prevented from tacking photos and inter into committees.
- Prime Minister and all ministers in Al Mahalla AL Kobra supported those who did not
strike.
- The city is calm and security body controls situations.
- Elections poor turnout is a result of ending most of it through candidates turned
unopposed for the benefit of National Party, and it is not a result of Muslim Brotherhood
calls or Kefaia's calls.
- The importance of local council elections.
- The ruler National Party dominated local councils, Peoples' Assembly, and Shora
Council; the direct influence of this is dominating basic ways to elect president of the
state.
Nile.TV:
- Broadcasting a short documentary film for 9 minutes entitled "Local Councils the
Gateway to Decentralization" in which meetings were held with different political, party,
governmental, and opposition trends.
Thirdly: Studio meetings.
Al Nile Egyptian news channel:

- A section about local elections and its influence in Sabah Gadid, with the journalist
(Asama Sheahta)editor-in-chief of Almassa newspaper, in which he emphasis on
decentralized and woman participation.
-A reading in the newspapers tackled lections in local councils in Egypt.
- 'Al Mashhad" program entitled "Local councils; activated political participation".
The program have as a guest 1-Dr. Omena Al Shanwany , expert in international
political relations and a member in the Egyptian council for foreign affairs.
2- Mr. Mohamed Ragab, parliament deputy and majority leader in Shora Council.
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These guests discussed elections as follows:

- Administrative division controls the nature of local council.
- Specialization and responsibility differences between members of Peoples Assembly and
those of local councils.
- Observing People's Assembly with committees of fact-finding, support activating local
council's supervision, and question with executive authority.
- New local Governing Law is under discussion and the try to activate Local councils' role
to put truth in executive authority and to end corruption if any.
- Constitutional amendments.
- The effect of families' ancestors in raising participation rate in countryside.
- The importance of select candidates precisely because their role will be critical in the
coming period.
- Quota system and the influence of its deletion.
The first channel:

A section in a program called "She" (program intended for women), in a section entitled
"women participation in local councils" Dr. Zainab Sakr, a member in Shora Council, was
hosted.
- Woman's qualification as the evidence is their participation in national assemblies.
- The worry about society's viewpoint towards woman participation in policy with its
conflicts.
- The effect of changing constitutional articles.
- Woman in circles of making decision.
- Women candidates support women's awareness, and participation was expected to
increase to reach 10% of local council's seats.
Aljazeera:
With the studio newscaster who transferred from Cairo.
Ali Shams Aldeen, member of cultured committee in National Party, about National
Party's viewpoint of local elections atmosphere.
- The explanation of poor turnout in elections.
The answer: that is because of work dates.
- The explanation of weak participation of parties and law candidacy rate.
The answer: candidacy is a right of all, but papers of application were incomplete.
- The refusal of Muslim Brotherhood participation.
- The explanation of the congested and violent election atmosphere.
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The answer: some political powers, which have no credibility, urged people. However,
Egyptian people are aware of their interests and priorities, also Egypt is in the reform
period and it is normal to find abnormal activities.
- The guest also raised a doubt about numbers offered by the newscaster about Muslim
Brotherhood's participation and numbers.
Behind news and image from Maat's viewpoint.

It is unusual that local councils' elections in Egypt were neglected in great news
channels like c.n.n and b.b.c although these channels cared for presidential elections, riots
in Kenya, terrorism events in Mauritania, and of course Iraqi events, as elections day
coincided with the fifth anniversary of Baghdad occupation, thus their was a care about
Baghdad's inner affairs, results of the previous occupation period, and American Congress
discussions about assessing American army in Iraq and about its financing. This news was
very clear in the period intended by Al Horra and Al Horra Iraq for direct
broadcasting form America and Iraq. Aljazera channel did the same thing.
However, Al Arabia channel was more interested in Lebanese and Palestinian critical
affairs in addition to its care about Iraqi news, and finally Egypt, which is expected.
Yet, the most remarkable thing is the continuous relate between election process of local
public councils and events of Al Mhala Al Kobra even in the governmental Egyptian
channels or other channels, and if this relate was done unintentionally or intentionally for
another purpose.
Relation between the two incidents; riots in Al Mahala AL Kobra, violence, detention, and
injuries accompanied it, then efforts exerted to calm down riots, and local public council
elections with weak participation of parties and people means in the informative custom
clear relation between them and carry a social silent condemnation for all Egyptian
political powers I do not believe that the Egyptian TV meant this; however, Al Arabia
and Al Horra asserted this meaning and Aljazeera exaggerated it when it asserted
violations, rigging, and boycott calls, it was very clear even in its choice for comments,
article titles, and reports.
The Egyptian governmental TV, represented in Alneel Egyptian news channel, news
department and its channels in the first channel and the space channel and Nile TV,
admitted poor turnout and weak participation in elections, but it asserted that woman
participation as a candidate, a voter, and as a candidate retuned unopposed increased than
previous years so it is agree with governmental trend supporting Mrs. Sawzan Mubarak 's
efforts to activate Egyptian woman's role and to empower her politically, economically,
and socially through huge numbers of meetings with woman voters.
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Image was intended to transfer the idea of Christians' participation in elections through
making records with Christian women and through focusing on electoral signs for
Christian candidates; so this is a refute for claims, of marginalizing women and Christians
as well, often raised against the government.
Certainly, Egyptian TV reports mentioned slight skirmishes in calm committees but it did
not pointed to any violations that may be the cause of these skirmishes, also reports were
vacant of meetings with opposition candidates or Muslim Brothers representatives, which
is an understood matter.
On the other hand, reports about operations champers of civil society organizations, and of
The National Council for Human Rights may be regard as rightful praise to keep
democratic view.
The emphasis on constitutional and legislative foundation of local councils' elections, and
its relation to People Assembly and to the coming presidential elections was a solution to
fill the coverage beside statistic data of candidates' numbers, electoral districts, general
and sub committees, and seats available for candidates. Egyptian TV channels transferred
this news, while in the other channels the image was as follows:
In Al Horra, the emphasis was on Muslim Brotherhood group matters and their call
for boycott with intended neglect of the Egyptian events against it, which regarded as a
continuation of the American attitude of fear from Islamic extension, the American
attitude tries to assert that it has no public background. It is normal that this channel
accepted National Party's domination in elections reluctantly. In addition, it pointed at
ending elections through candidates returned unopposed, opposition party's dissatisfaction,
and it observed some violations, and criticized gently civil society organizations in Egypt
depending on its own concept of transparency and democracy in Middle East, but
relatively calmness in relations between Egypt and America was reflected in the channel
as it never blame the government or the National Party.
Al Arabia channel, deal with local councils' elections and Al Mahalla Al Kobra riots in
the same manner it covered Palestinian affairs, power conflicts between Hamas and Fat-h,
and the inner violent actions in West Bank i.e. relatively neutral.
At last Aljazeera : I put it at the end intentionally because its tackling and its images
carries much more:
Like:
The report of riots and disturbances in Al Mahala started directly after elections report
whose reporters abided by mentioning Al Mahala events as a part of their coverage of
local councils' elections in Al Mahala Al Kobra. The report at the begging of every hour
all day long presented the following:
78
Final Report
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An image of demonstrators shredded a photo of President Housny Mubarak, and officers

of central security chase all people violently, till now it is a mere image photographed by
chance, but on the news line in Aljazeera International, speaking in English, tree news
translated as:
Demonstrators fired posters (big photographs) of President Mubarak; the demonstration is
a contest on the raising in gas and food prices, and the police arrested 25 of the
demonstrators. The news never been as this in Aljazeera, speaking in Arabic, may be to
prevent embarrassment with those who speak Arabic and do not excel English.
Arabic broadcasts cared about numbers of detained and of the accused of causing riots in
Al Mahala Al Kobra and in different governorates especially Muslim Brotherhood.
We will not comment on vocal comment style in these reports because Egyptian
newspaper issued in 9\4\2008 commented it fully.
Another image in which commentator was tacking about the importance of local public
councils to serve Egyptian citizens in remote distances but the image reflected a process of
purchasing votes some poor people next to electoral committee as they were waving to
the camera with money happily, which need no comment.
In conclusion, power competition in information field and the care to achieve inserting
news coverage to keep watching rate and to be the best mat urge some channels to the
invention area. Some times defending local benefits may lead to ignoring some facts, but
in the frame of open skies and free information it is all accepted because free opinion is
granted as well as free answer; but to turn the mater to a defamation campaign shows just
bad things and focuses on it, it is far from information role.
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New: Elaraby
Page: 8
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New: Ros alyousef
Page:26
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New: Eldostor
Page: 4
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Date: 13/4/2008
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New: Nahdet masr
Page: 6
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New: October
Page: 14 - 15
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New: el ahram
Page: 9
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New: Ros alyousef
Page: 27
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Date: 12/4/2008
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New: Nahdet masr
Page: 1
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New: Elbadel
Page: 2
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Date: 10/4/2008
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New: El dostor
Page: 4
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Date: 10/4/2008
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New: El dostor
Page: 16
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Date: 10/4/2008
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New: El ahram
Page: 26
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Date: 9//4//2008
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New: Ros alyousef
Page: 6
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Date: 9/4/2008
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New: Nahdet masr
Page: 6
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Date: 9/4/2008
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New: Nahdet masr
Page: 1
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Date: 8/4/2008
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New: Elwatany elyoum
Page: 24
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Date:8/4//2008
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New: October
Page: 11
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Date:6//4//2008
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New: almasaa
Page: 11
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Date:2/4/2008
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New: Akher saa
Page: 16
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Date:2//4//2008
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New: Ros alyousef
Page: 11
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Date:1//4//2008
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New: Ros alyousef
Page: 5
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Date:28//3//2008
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Date:25/3/2008
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New: October
Page: 29
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Date:23//3//2008
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New: almasry elyoum
Page: 5
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Date:22//3//2008
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New: al tarek
Page: 1
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Date:18/3/2008
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New: Eldostor
Page: 4
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Date: 8/3/2008
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New: elwafd
Page: 5
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Date:23/2/2008
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New: Akher saa
Date:2
29/1/2008
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Photos of activities
Training trainers
111
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Training Observers
Preparing the operations

room
112
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Operations room
The operations room recording

elections events
113
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Statements and complaints over the

phone
Elections broadcasted in
the media
114
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Data and reports on the

hour
Recording complaints and violations at

first hand
115

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The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

Back to Square One

The Voters Voice

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

2008 Municipal Election

Back to Square One

Back to Square One

Maat for juridical and Constitutional Studies

Mobile: 012+ 20 (2) 012 6521170 & + 20 (2) 012 6521175

Director of the Centre:

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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Maat Centre for juridical and Constitutional Studies is very

List of Civil Society Organizations, which contributed to the execution of the

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

Back to Square One

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

Back to Square One

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

Back to Square One

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

Back to Square One

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

Back to Square One

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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NDP, which led many NDP members to nominate themselves as independent

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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programs to train female candidates in order to guarantee a positive participation of

The Voters Voice Project

2008 Municipal Election

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