Inf. J.

EducorronolDevelopmenl,
Printed in Great Britain

Vol. 3. No.

1,pp.97-104,

PERSONALITY,

0738-0593/83 $3.00 + 0.00

Pergamon Press Ltd

1983

EDUCATION AND SOCIETY: A YORUBA

PERSPECTIVE*
E. AYOTUNDE

Professor

of Education,

Institute

YOLOYE

of Education,

University

of Ibadan,

Ibadan,

Nigeria

Abstract - Personality
has been given several definitions.
Nevertheless these may be classified
into two categories,
namely: (1) as an inner essential nature of man, and (2) as some outward
appearance
of man. The concept of personality held by the Yoruba people of Nigeria conforms to
this dual pattern. The inner essence of personality
is known as or; (inner head) while the external
manifestation
is iwu (character,
behaviour).
Two other components
of the person
are
pgbon (wisdom) and i;e (work or skill). Ori is independent
and the prime motivator
of human
action. It is conceived of as both the carrier of destiny and as a kind of guardian angel. It is not
subject to education.
qg)gbpn and is$ on the other hand are the main objects of education.
Much of
iwa is determined by ori, but education for pgbqn may modify iwu.
Yoruba ontology of motivation
stipulates that three factors are responsible
for motivating
human action: (1) Ori; (2) Aiye - the psychosocial
environment;
(3) Or&a - the pantheon of
deities. Traditional
education
is mostly informal but some West African tribes operate formal
schools known as pore or sun&. Curricula
in these schools conform to the Yoruba aims of
education,
thus confirming
that there are probably strong communalities
in aims of traditional
education among several West African tribes.
Western education
has often led to conflicts in the educated individuals.
Such conflicts often
can be traced to failure to take account of the traditional
perception of personality.
A closer study
of such perceptions
of personality
in each community
may prove fruitful for diagnostic
and
remedial purposes in educational
reform.

INTRODUCTION

similarities in culture and history in the various

countries,
each country must be regarded as
also unique. Even with the same country (as in
Nigeria) there can be tremendous
differences in
culture and ecology from one section to the
other.
Nigeria,
for example,
has over 200
languages and as many ethnic groups, each with
unique features of its own. Therefore,
in this
discussion,
while I may draw examples from
various parts of Africa, the main focus will be
on Nigeria, and within Nigeria the focus will be
on the Yoruba ethnic group to which the author
belongs.

The theme personality,

education and society
implies
the existence
of some interaction
between
these
three
significant
concepts.
Indeed, there is extensive research as well as
philosophical
literature on each, and most of
such literature points to substantial interactions
between
them. The central
concept
in this
trilogy, however, seems to be personality.
This paper intends
to discuss personality
from the perspective of an African society and
environment
with
a view to identifying
similarities
and
differences
between
this
perspective
and
Western
perspectives
as
reflected in the scientific literature of the West.
It should be emphasized
right from the
beginning
that Africa
is pretty
large and
heterogeneous.
While
there
are
several

THE CONCEPT

OF PERSONALITY

There are many meanings given to the term

Meanings
vary not only with
personality.
scholars within one discipline but also between
disciplines.
Thus for example there are definitions
peculiar
to the fields of theology,
philosophy,
psychology,
sociology
and law.
Definitions
also vary
with
societies
and

*Paper originally presented at the 8th Congress of the

World Association
for Educational
Research,
Helsinki,
Finland, 2-6 August 1982.
97

98

E. AYOTUNDE

cultures.
Thus, for example,
while the full
range of definitions
may be found in many industrialised
countries,
the traditional
meaning
in a developing country like Nigeria tends to be
of the theological and philosophical
variety.
Allport (1937) in a comprehensive
review of
literature identified
50 meanings.
He came up
with his own definition
as follows:
Personality
is the dynamic organization
within the individual of the psychophysical
systems that determine
his unique adjustments
to his environment.
(Allport, 1937, p. 48)

In spite of the variety

patterns were identified

of meanings, two clear

(Hunt, 1944, p. 3):

(1) Definition of personality

in terms of outward superficial appearance
of a person (what has sometimes
been referred to as the persona or mask).
(2) Definition of personality in terms of the inner essential nature of man.

Studies that have been done on the Yoruba of

Nigeria indicate that both patterns of definition
are present
in the traditional
philosophical
thoughts
of the people.
Morakinyo
and
Akiwowo
(1981) provide
a review of such
studies. Most of such studies have sought the
Yoruba
explanations
of
personality
and
motivation
in the philosophical
and religious
thoughts
of the people, as well as in their
language.
Perhaps
the
most
significant
repository
of
Yoruba
philosophical
and
religious
thought
is the ifa. ldowu
(1962)
defines ifa as the geomantic form of divination.
In Yoruba mythology
Orunmila, the oracle
divinity,
is regarded
as the
deputy
to
Olodumare, the supreme deity, in matters pertaining to omniscience
and wisdom. Connected
with the cult of Orunmila is a body of oral
recitals which belong to the intricate system of
divination.
These recitals are arranged in self
contained
chapters each of which is called an
odu. The odu corpus numbers 256 and to each
odu are attached 1680 stories or myths, called
pathways,
roads or courses (Johnson,
1899,
quoted by ldowu, 1962, p. 8). The odu corpus
is referred to as odu ifa and is known by heart
by every babalawo, i.e. diviner who is connected with the cult of Orunmila. In traditional
Yoruba life therefore, the babalawo is a highly
respected
person.
He is the custodian
of
knowledge
and wisdom. He can explain any

YOLOYE

events natural or supernatural.

He can predict
the future. In addition he is an accomplished
medical practitioner.
There are of course other sources of Yoruba
philosophical
thought such as the songs, and
folklore. Odu ifa nevertheless stands out as the
source par excellence of the wisdom of the
Yorubas. What then can be discerned from the
odu corpus about the Yoruba concept of personality?
Yoruba on tology of personality
Like the definitions
in Western literature, the
Yoruba definition
of personality
considers it as
having two components.
(1) Ori. Translated
literally,
ori means
head. However, to the Yoruba, the physical
head is only a symbol of an internal head, ori
inu. Ori inu is regarded as the very essence of
personality.
It is this ori inu that rules, controls
and guides the life and activities of the person.
The nature of ori inu is determined
at the time
of creation and thereafter
it is unalterable
by
any human effort. In common
parlance,
the
shortened word ori is used to denote both the
internal and the physical head. To the Yoruba,
each individual
is created separately.
At the
time of his creation, his ori kneels before the
creator and receives its portion (ipin). The portion is determined
in three ways: partly by a
free choice of ori (a kunlc yan); partly by a free
gift
of the creator
(a kunlc gba) and
partly by affixation
(ayan mo). The Yoruba is
of course aware of the biological
process of
conception
and birth. Nevertheless,
he believes
that the process of creation and the choice of
portions
takes place for each conception.
In
practice, ori is credited with a dual role: (1) the
essence of personality and controller of destiny,
and (2) a protector and guardian.
In the latter
role ori becomes an object of veneration
and
worship. If ori is not duly taken care of through
worship and consultation,
its protection
and
guidance may be withdrawn for some time and
then the individual,
left to his own devices, may
wander into pathways which were not meant
for him and the result is misfortune.
(2) Iwa. In many translations,
iwa is equated
with the word character.
Similar to what has
been found in Western literature,
there is a
moral/ethical
dimension to iwa but there is also

PERSONALITY,

EDUCATION

a dimension
that suggests conation.
Often iwa
is also equated with behaviour
- not just all
actions of the individual
but those that occur
with consistency,
regularity and pattern. Thus
iwa approximates
to what in Western literature
is called personality traits but at the same time
is the external manifestation
of the individuals
personality.
Ogbon. Intelligence
is seldom considered as
an mtrinsic part of personality.
Qgbgn is what
closely approximates
to the concept
of intelligence.
It is, however, more appropriately
translated as wisdom. pgbqn is seen as a function of the physical ori (head). Qgbgn encompasses all that is necessary for successful adjustment in society. In other words, it includes
knowledge of the culture, the mores, and the
codes of conduct. Thus the knowledge of how
to consult ori for guidance is part of qgbqn.
Thus while ori inu per se cannot be subjected to
training or education,
the physical ori can be
educated to develop qgbgn.
1;~. Literally translated,
if: means work.
Conceptually
however, when the Yoruba use
the term to refer to a persons overall endowments it is better translated as skill, particularly occupational
skills. Like qgbqn, it: is
associated with a physical part of the human
anatomy,
namely the arm and hand. Most of
the traditional
occupational
skills can, in fact,
be located in the arm and hand - farming,
hunting,
dyeing, cooking, building,
smithing,
carving, etc.
Thus, in Yoruba traditional
thought the four
most essential components
of the whole person
are: (1) Ori; (2) Zwu; (3) Qgbgn; (4) Z?c.
Ori is not subject to development
or education; it is given. Zwa is largely an external
manifestation
of ori and to that extent aspects
of it are not subject to education.
However, the
Yoruba recognise that being external there is interaction between iwa and the environment.
So
there are also ecological determinants
of iwa.
To that extent iwa can also be modified.
We
shall consider the case of iwa in a little more
detail presently.
Qgbqn and $c are the two
components
of a persons make-up
that are
almost wholly determined
by education.
The Yoruba ontology of motivation
Motivation
refers to the determinants
of
human activity. Western literature
is rich in

AND SOCIETY

99

theories
of motivation,
for example,
the
psychoanalytic
theory (Freud, 1953), the selfactualisation
theories (Maslow, 1954; Rogers,
1967) and the stimulus-response
theories (Estes
and Skinner,
1941; Miller and Dollard,
1941;
Mowrer, 1939).
According
to Morakinyo
and Akiwowo
(1981), the Yoruba identify three determinants
of human behaviour (the relevant aspect of personality is iwa).

(1) Ori - in this case the internal

ori (ori inu)

which we have discussed in preceding sections of this paper.
(2) Aye - literally translated as the world but
conceptually
it means
the psychosocial
environment
and more specifically people
in the psychosocial
environment.
(3) Orisa - meaning the pantheon of gods and
other supernatural
beings.
Ori. This is regarded as the primary source of
all achievement-oriented
behaviour.
It has
activating,
energising and directing properties.
Aye. This is usually held responsible
for
those types of behaviour that are detrimental
to
the individuals
well-being.
In other words,
although in theory aye could be responsible for
positive events, in practice its role is largely a
negative one. Thus aye is usually personified in
such creatures
as a& (witch) oso (wizard)
elenini (antagonists
of fellow mens progress)
and olofofo (the ubiquitous gossiper). Explanation for individuals
misfortunes
and unfortunate
acts are inevitably
sought
in aye.
Behaviour disorders which would be classified
as neuroses or psychoses would be attributed to
aye.
Orisa.
In
the
Yoruba
religious
and
metaphysical
world, there are believed to be
about 400 different orisa each with his or her
own distinctive
characteristics.
Many of the
orisa are believed to have once lived as people
but became
deified
as a result
of some
remarkably
distinguished
life. All orisa are
under
the control
of the supreme
being
Olodumare. An orisa may influence
an individuals action by taking possession of him or
by responding
to an invocation
by the individual for his help. Such invocation
would
usually relate to the expertise of the orisa.
Between them, these three entities determine
most of the action and behaviour
of the individual.

100

E. AYOTUNDE

It will be seen from the foregoing discussion

that the Yoruba interpretation
of the structure
of personality
and determinants
of behaviour
differ in some significant
ways from Western
concepts. It is important
to keep these facts in
mind as we discuss the role of education in personality development.
THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
IN
PERSONALITY
DEVELOPMENT
In practically
all cultures, education
plays a
significant
role in personality
development.
However, in a developing country like Nigeria,
the culture of the people has become increasingly difficult
to define. One of the significant
legacies of colonialism
is the introduction
of
Western education
and the Christian
religion
into the colonised country.
The result is that
one may identify within the same country three
categories of cultures, namely:
(1) Traditional - representing
the status quo
before the advent of the colonisers.
(2) Modern - representing
the culture of the
colonial power.
(3) Transitional - representing
a mixture of the
traditional
and the modern.
Most illiterates and rural dwellers belong to
the first category. They are still firmly rooted in
the traditional
thoughts and practices. Most of
the educated and the school children belong to
Formal
category
(3) the
transitional.
Western education and modernisation
have imposed the Western modes of thought,
values
and culture on them. Nevertheless,
they are still
firmly in contact with the traditional
through
their parents and extended family who mostly
belong to the traditional
category. Most of the
educated still regard their original villages as
home irrespective
of where they live and earn
their living.
There are relatively few people who would
belong to the second category, - the modern,
in the sense of having completely adopted the
Western culture and values. Nevertheless,
there
are a substantial
number who come close to the
specifications
of this category.
Whether we like it or not, the Western form of
formal education has become a part of the culture of developing countries.
The major problem of relating education
to culture and society therefore exists with respect to categories (1)

YOLOYE

and (3), the traditional

and transitional.
The
various conflicts that arise between education
and culture have their origin in the impact of
formal education of these people, especially the
category (3). In order to understand
the problem fully, it is useful to review the role of
education in the traditional
culture.

Traditional education
Using the Yoruba as a case study once again,
we may here recapitulate
the structure of personality
as traditionally
perceived
by the
Yoruba.
We identified
four essential
components:
(1) ori (essence of personality);
(2)
iwa (enduring
patterns
of behaviour);
(3)
og@n
(wisdom);
(4) i;$ (skills,
especially
occupational
skills).
Traditional
education among the Yoruba was
geared towards the development
of. qgbon and
kc. The development
of ygbgn m turn influences the development
of rwa although much
of iwa is controlled
by ori which in itself does
not fall within the purview of education.
Majasan (1967; 1975) has written extensively
on Yoruba traditional
education.
He identifies
the following agencies of traditional
education.
(1) Child-rearing
practices;
(2) Folklores and mores;
(3) Organised plays and games;
(4) Forms of association
and age grades;
(5) Formal apprenticeship.
In some Yoruba communities,
the age grades
involve
initiation
ceremonies
which provide
more or less formal education
in the codes of
conduct,
social responsibilities
and privileges
apertaining
to the particular age grades. By and
large, however, much of traditional
education
is informal.
In some other West African communities,
a
greater degree of formalisation
of traditional
education
has existed for centuries.
GrimesBrown (1972) has described extensively formal
traditional
education
among the Grain Coast
tribes of Liberia and Sierra Leone. Such education was given in what were called bush
schools because they were located in special
bushes outside the villages. Two forms of the
schools existed, namely, poro for males and
sande
for
females.
Because
a
certain
atmosphere
of secrecy and mystery surrounded
these schools, early Western scholars and missionaries described them as devel-bush.
Later

PERSONALITY,

101

EDUCATION AND SOCIETY

insight has shown that they were well organised

formal educational institutions with clearly
defined curricula. Table 1 below shows how
wide spread the bush schools were among the
Grain Coast tribes. The schools went by different names in different tribes.

has been an all-pervading dissatisfaction with

Western education as inherited from the colonial masters. The spirit of the discontent is
neatly summarised in the following declaration
of the Addis Ababa Conference of African
Ministers of Education in 1961:

Table 1. Names designating the pore in ten tribes

Tribe
1.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.

Belle
Dey
Gbandi
Gola
Kisi
Kpelle
Loma
Mandingo
Mende
Vai

Name of the poro

Finyer
Bohn
Polongi
Pore (Bohn)
Toma Polondo
Poro
Polongi
Kekene
Poro, Beli
Beli

Name of the

sunde

Sunde
Sai
Bendei or Sunde
Sande (Bondo)
Toma Bondo
Sannin
Zade
Musukene
Sande
Sande

Source: Adapted from The Tribes of the Western Province and the
Denwoin People: Bureau of Folkways, Interior Department, 1955,
pp. 15-37 (Monrovia, Liberia).

These schools have existed since the seventeenth

century and are still in existence today. Little
(1948) has summarised the purposes of education in these schools as follows:
(1) General education in the sense of social and
vocational training and indoctrination of
social attitudes.
(2) Regulation of sexual conduct.
(3) Supervision of economic and political
affairs.
(4) Operation of social services ranging from
medical treatment to forms of education
and recreation.
These four aims fit nicely into what the Yoruba
would also identify as the aims of education,
namely for (tgbqn, isf and indirectly iwa. It
does seem, therefore, that although the cultural
interpretations of the structure of personality
may differ in traditional African societies, there
may be considerable similarity in the aims of
traditional education.
Interaction of Western education and
traditional cultures
If there has been one single thing that has
most characterized educational ferment in the
new nations of Africa in the last two decades, it

the content of education in Africa is not in line with

either existing African conditions, the postulates of
political independence, the dominant features of an
essentially technological age, or the imperatives of
balanced economic development involving rapid industrialization,
but is based
on non-African
background allowing no room for the African childs
intelligence, powers of observation
and creative
imagination to develop freely and help him find his
bearings in the world.

Perhaps some of the statements in that declaration sound like over-reaction against the colonial past. But it does indicate the dilemma of
anybody trying to make a change in the system.
The problem is how to take account of so many
different factors.
A close study of the Yoruba concept of personality and determinants of motivation may
help us gain some insight into the real core of
the problem, for the problem is still largely unsolved even today.
Education for qgbgn, ig+?
and iwa as aims of
education are as valid today as they ever were in
the traditional society. What has in fact changed over the years are:
(1) What constitutes 9gQr (wisdom)? What
was wisdom in the Yoruba society a century

102

E. AYOTUNDE

ago may in fact be foolishness now because

the nature of society has changed.
The
wisdom required to adjust to the simple
village life in rural illiterate communities
is
very inadequate
for adjustment
in a metropolis of two million people.
(2) What constitutes
$e (skill)? Again the skills
required
for occupational
survival today
are vastly different from those required for
the simple life of fifty years ago.
Most educators,
I am sure, will agree readily
with these assessments although when prescriptions are made about changes in educational
policies,
educators
and policy-makers
alike
often act as if they are unaware
of these
changes.
We shall consider
some instances
presently.
But first let us consider if there are
certain things about traditional
thought
and
concepts that have not changed.
I would hold that for the Yoruba society, the
concepts of the structure of personality and the
ontology of motivation
have remained largely
unchanged,
even among the educated.
Many
social and emotional
conflicts owe their origin
to this fact. Let us consider two examples.
It is a well-known
fact, especially
in the
Yoruba areas of Nigeria, that the orthodox
Christian denominations
(Anglican, Methodist,
Baptist, etc.) have lost a lot of ground among
their converts to a new Africanised
version of
the Christian
religion known by the generic
name aladuru churches.
They conduct their
services with a lot of singing, clapping, drumming and dancing and lots of lengthy prayers.
The features of dancing and drumming
clearly
fit in beautifully
with the Yoruba culture in a
way that the dignified hymns of the orthodox
churches do not. But it would be a mistake to
think that this is the only reason they attract
more converts.
Perhaps the most significant
reason is that in their ministration
to the sick
and the troubled their methods are based on the
Yoruba ontology of motivation.
Their methods
inevitably
involve an attack on and exorcisation of aye. The orthodox
Christian
religion
tends to place the responsibilities
for problems
on the individual
himself and pays scant attention to societal evil-doers
- aye. It is well
known that most of the converts to the afadura
churches joined up in moments of severe personal problems
and difficulties
for which the

YOLOYE

orthodox
churches offer no solutions beyond
prayers to God.
Of course, the Yoruba recognise the power of
the supreme God but they also recognise the
powers of aye which must be neutralised before
prayers to God can be effective. Many of the
leaders of afadura churches have no more than
primary education,
yet highly educated men including university professors and top civil servants have joined their ranks as followers.
It is not uncommon
for fully trained and
qualified
medical doctors in times of severe
medical
problems
to turn to the illiterate
babaluwo
for help. Again
underlying
this
phenomenon
is the concept
of aye as the
motivator of misfortune.
Some medical practitioners have used this knowledge positively. A
prime example is Professor T. A. Lambo who
combined
Western
psychiatric
methods
with
traditional
ones to cure the mentally disturbed.
In other words,
two major
agencies
of
Western education,
the church and the school,
somewhere
along the line lost contact
(or
perhaps never made contact) with reality as the
Yoruba see it.
In religion, ahdura churches have provided
an alternative
with greater face validity. The
schools have yet to find an alternative.
In effect, Western education
has created dual personalities
in those who have been to formal
schools - a Western personality
superficially
imposed on the traditional
one.
Perhaps the area that has been most attacked
(and in my view, unfairly)
is the effect of
Western education on childrens motivation
to
work with their hands - a revered aspiration of
Yoruba traditional
education.
The erroneous
impression
has often been
given that African children who have been to
school do not like to work with their hands.
This is a subjective
judgement
based on the
reluctance of children who have been to school
to return to farming.
Some research evidence
available indicates that these children, although
they do not wish to farm, do not necessarily
dislike working with their hands.
Calcott (1968), as part of a bigger study in
the former Western Nigeria, administered
a
questionnaire
to a sample
of primary
six
children in which the children were asked to
choose what occupations
they would like to go

PERSONALITY,

EDUCATION

on to after primary school. Their choices were

as shown in Table 2.

Table

Table 2. Occupational
aspirations
of primary
Western state Nigeria

Occupations

six children,

% Choosing

Occupation

0.7
21.2
3.4
30.0
8.0
36.6

Farmers
Craftsmen
and artisans
Trades and businessmen
Professionals,
clerks, etc.
Others
Further education

The results suggest that what the children

dislike is not working with their hands per se,
but specific occupations. They do not like farming (0.7%) but they would like to be craftsmen and artisans (2 1.2 Vo). The operative factor
is not the mode of working but the acceptability
of the occupation.
Silvey (1969) in a similar study in Uganda
using secondary school students in the school
certificate year got the responses indicated in
Table 3.
Table

3. Occupational

aspirations
of Ugandan
school students

Occupation
Professional
(medicine,
law, etc.)
Commercial
or administrative
Scientific and natural
resources
Technical
Teaching
Social work
Farming
Others

secondary

% Choosing

24.7
4.3
18.5
10.9
14.0
4.7
0.4
21.7

Similar results have been obtained by Foster

(1965) and Foster and Clignet (1966) in Ghana
and the Ivory Coast respectively.
Contrary to common belief, general commercial and administrative posts are not popular in
terms of aspirations (4.3%). Foster (1965) in his
Ghana study made a distinction between aspirations and expectations of secondary school
students. His results showed different patterns
for these two as indicated in Table 4.

103

AND SOCIETY
4. Occupational
aspirations
and expectations
Ghanaian
secondary school students

Professional
(law,
medicine, etc.)
Scientific and technical
Clerical
Secondary school
teaching
Teaching at lower levels
Farming and fishing

Aspirations
% choosing

of

Expectations
% choosing

20.7
21.7
1.5

0.1
6.1
51.9

16.4
5.3
1.3

1.3
32.4
1 .o

In terms of aspiration, professional, scientific and technical occupations rate high (20.7%
and 31.7%) while clerical rate low (7.5%). In
terms of expectations, however, the positions
are reversed with clerical now rating very high
(50.1 O7o).Interpreting these data, Foster says:
Our evidence suggests that critics who have implied that
African students are unrealistic
in their vocational
expectations or wish to enter only clerical and white-collar
employment
are generally
incorrect.
They have not
realized what these students appear to perceive, that
there are few openings in the occupational
structure
apart from this kind of employment.
.
Ultimate
occupational
destination
may of course be partly influenced by vocational preferences but in the last resort,
it is determined by the structure of job opportunities
in
the economy. By a process of post-hoc reasoning it has
been assumed that vocational
destinations
reflect the
real aspiration patterns of students
more often than
not people are obliged to accept jobs that do not feature
very highly in their plans.

The search for relevant education

A lot of progress has been made in the new
nations of Africa in their search for greater
relevance in education. National curriculum
development centres have been created in most
countries. As many as 20 national centres
spread through as many countries in Africa
now belong to the African
Curriculum
Organisation (ACO). But the search has been
focussed on environmental conditions.
When educationists have attempted to do
something with the personality of the individual, they have, I am afraid, often missed
the point. Consider the case of working with
the hands discussed in the preceding sections,
for example. Educationists and policy-makers
have attempted to tackle what they perceive as
the problem by preaching something called the

E. AYOTUNDE

104

dignity of labour to the pupils. They implicitly

equate labour with manual labour, and attempt
to exalt it by cloaking it with some abstract
dignity. If we were to go back to the Yoruba
concept of .i.sc,however, we will note that you
can genuinely talk of the dignity of ise. Zse
was inevitable for survival of the indi;idual.
But remember that i;e is more correctly
translated as occupational skill and not as
manual labour. It is true that in former times,
occupational skills were also mainly manual
skills. Today the occupational skills that maximise the chances of survival are very often not
of the manual kind. Many of them are intellectual. If educationists operated from the basis of
this insight (which, by the way, the pupils have
no difficulty in achieving) more attention
would be directed to the relevant skills rather
than some non-functional
concept like the
dignity of labour. The concept of the human
personality as seen in particular cultures may
have significant implications for education. As
the foregoing discussion has shown, closer attention to such personality perceptions may be
very fruitful in more meaningful diagnosis of
educational problems and therefore in initiating
solutions.
NOTE
1. The African Curriculum
Organisation
(ACO) is an
association
of nationally
recognised Curriculum
centres in
Africa.
Its secretariat
is in the Institute
of Education,
University of Ibadan,
Nigeria. Countries
represented
are
Botswana,
Cameroun,
Congo,
Ethiopia,
the Gambia,
Ghana, Guinea Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi,
Mauritius,
Nigeria,
Sierra-Leone,
Somalia,
Swaziland,
Tanzinia,
Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe.

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