Ageing & Society 24, 2004, 411429.

f 2004 Cambridge University Press

DOI: 10.1017/S0144686X03001557 Printed in the United Kingdom

411

Older labour migrants well being in Europe :

the case of Switzerland
CLAUDIO BOLZMAN*, RAFFAELLA PONCIONI-DERIGO*,
MARIE VIAL* and ROSITA FIBBI*
ABSTRACT
This paper examines several aspects of the social situation of the older immigrant
population in Switzerland. It reviews their demographic history and characteristics and provides proles of their health and well being, their material standard
of life and access to social security and related benets. It reports selected ndings
from an original survey of older Italian and Spanish citizens who are resident in
the country, which show relatively high rates of disadvantage and poverty. The
determination of a large proportion of the immigrant population to remain in
Switzerland after they have ceased work demonstrates that the minorities who
entered the country as labour migrants will become a permanent element of the
Swiss population and its society. Neither the politicians nor the general public
in Switzerland have yet accepted the reality of this new diversity. Given the
continuation and indeed growth of international labour migration, the paper
concludes by discussing the social policy and attitudinal options that face the
governments and the population of Switzerland and many other European
countries.
KEY WORDS older migrants, Switzerland, demography, socio-economic
conditions, health status, social policy, social security, retirement.

Introduction

This paper reviews the demography of the older immigrant population of

Switzerland, and examines aspects of their health and wellbeing, with a
focus on their material standard of life and access to social security and
related benets. It reports selected ndings from an original survey of
older Italian and Spanish citizens who are resident in the country, which
shows relatively high rates of disadvantage and poverty. The determination of a large proportion of the immigrant population to remain in
Switzerland after they have ceased work demonstrates that the minorities
introduced into the country by labour migration will become a permanent
* Institut detudes sociales, Geneva, Switzerland.

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

412

Claudio Bolzman, Raaella Poncioni-Derigo, Marie Vial and Rosita Fibbi

element of the population and society. Neither the politicians nor the
general public in Switzerland are yet fully aware of the new diversity of the
population.
Statistics on immigrant populations in western European countries
show clearly that they are ageing or, put another way, that the initial concentration of young adults and their children is quickly being lost. While
it is invariably the case that foreigners are still younger than nationals,
the number of older immigrants is increasing rapidly. This growth
results from the ageing of the rst generation of immigrant workers
that were recruited during the 1950s and 1960s into western European
countries. The rst post-1945 wave of immigrants into Switzerland came
mainly from Italy and Spain, while many of those who moved to France
came from Algeria and Morocco, and those who went to Germany
predominantly came from Turkey. Indeed, in most parts of Europe,
the pioneer labour immigrations during the 1950s were dominated
by movements from other European or north African countries: only
later did long-distance inter-continental migrations make a substantial
contribution.
The ageing of these migrant groups can be shown from several statistical
sources on foreigners, migrants and minority groups. In Switzerland, for
example, in 1980 only 5.8 per cent of the resident population aged 6064
years were foreigners, but by 2000 their share had increased to 15.7 per
cent. Similar but more moderate growth is also taking place among
foreigners aged 65 and more years : their share of the resident population
increased from 4.9 per cent in 1980 to 7.1 per cent in 2000. Examining
more specically Spanish and Italian citizens resident in Switzerland, they
represented 3.2 per cent of the 6064 years population in 1980 but 8.1 per
cent in 2000, while among people aged 65 or more years, these two
nationalities increased from 2.0 per cent in 1980 to 3.5 per cent in 2000.
The growth of the absolute number of Italian and Spanish older people is
more impressive from 17,093 in 1980 to 39,174 in 2000, an annual growth
rate of 4.2 per cent. The foreign migrants who followed during the 1970s
and 1980s, namely the Turks, Yugoslavs and Portuguese, are also beginning to show increased numbers in the older ages (Table 1). If the ageing of
the immigrant populations is widely perceived to be relatively modest, it
is partly because it is occurring in parallel with demographic ageing in the
general population, but the ageing of minority and migrant groups has
distinctive features. As shown in Table 1, young older people now predominate in the immigrant population, which is a function of the dates of
their arrival and their young adult ages at the time. The relatively low
average age of the older immigrants accounts for the relatively high maleto-female ratio, although the nature of the jobs that attracted the migrants

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

Older labour migrants wellbeing in Switzerland

413

T A B L E 1. Principal older foreign residents in Switzerland by nation

and age group, 2000

Nation of citizenship

Percentage
of foreign
population

Number

Age group (years)

5564

6574

75+

49,582
41.0
15.5
8,948
7.0
11.0

24,930
46.0
5.0
3318
6.0
4.0

9835
40.0
3.0
1028
4.0
1.2

Italy
% of foreign residents1
% of Italians
Spain
% of foreign residents1
% of Spanish

319,641

23.0

83,405

6.0

Yugoslavia
% of foreign residents1
% of Yugoslavs

190,731

14.0

6,929
6.0
3.0

1657
3.0
0.8

300
1.0
0.1

Portugal
% of foreign residents1
% of Portuguese

134,675

10.0

2,060
2.0
1.5

425
0.7
0.3

114
0.5
0.1

Turkey
% of foreign residents1
% of Turks

79,476

6.0

2,969
2.5
4.0

1021
2.0
1.0

261
1.0
0.3

1,384,382

100.0

Total foreign residents

120,961

53,837

24,446

Sources: Authors calculations from data compiled by Oce Federal des Estrangers [ Federal Aliens
Oce] 2000; Oce Federa de la Statistique 2001.
Note : 1. Of the given age groups.

T A B L E 2. Projections of the Swiss and foreign older populations aged

65 more years by gender, Switzerland, 200030
2000

2010

2020

2030

Females

Males

Females

Males

Females

Males

Females

Males

Foreign citizens
Percentage male

39,096

41,336
(51%)

54,422

57,229
(51%)

61,434

61,406
(50%)

67,865

55,517
(45%)

Swiss citizens
Percentage male

552,071

390,593
(41 %)

681,786

460,185
(40%)

779,788

578,480
(42 %)

897,642

656,092
(42 %)

Source: Authors calculations from data compiled by the Oce Federal de la Statistique [Federal Oce
of Statistics] (OFS) 2001 a. See also Scenario: Tendance website http://www/statistik.admin.ch/stat_ch/
ber01/scen_95/fraph2.htm

and subsequent sex selection in return migration are also involved. In the
Swiss population aged 65 or more years, 41 per cent are men, but among
foreigners of the same age 51 per cent are men (Table 2). Recent population projections (with a 2000 base) indicate that the representation of
older foreigners in the foreign population and among older people in
general will continue to increase, and that the proportion of older women

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

414

Claudio Bolzman, Raaella Poncioni-Derigo, Marie Vial and Rosita Fibbi

will rise. In other words, the ratio of women to men among older
foreigners will converge with that found in the general older Swiss population (Table 2). One should note carefully that the available statistics take
into account only older foreign citizens, not all older immigrants. Many
have taken Swiss citizenship, but they are not visible in these statistics.
The actual number of resident older people in cultural minority groups
is higher than the statistics reveal.
Emergence of the elderly foreign population in Switzerland

If the ageing of immigrants is now visible and beginning to be acknowledged as a social reality, it is because a large part of the foreign resident
population has settled permanently. This is clearly indicated by the fact
that, among the 1.38 million foreigners living in Switzerland in 2000, 75
per cent had long-term residence permits. In the case of Italian and
Spanish citizens, 95 per cent have this type of permit.1 In most Western
European countries including Switzerland migrants were for a long
period seen as birds of passage (Piore 1979). Political and public opinion,
as well as the immigrants themselves, believed that their sojourn in the
host country would be consistent with their role as guest workers and
would therefore be transitory. But the situation has changed: either the
families of the immigrant workers came to join them or they married in
the adopted country; children have been born and schooled in the host
country ; and the parents, especially mothers, have been acculturated to
the resident country and have adopted aspects of the dominant way of life.
Moreover, the longer the time spent in the host country, the greater and
more enduring its inuence, and the original project to return to the home
country has receded as a priority and is less and less realised (Bolzman,
Fibbi and Vial 1999). As has been emphasised by the sociologist Sayad
(1991 : 19), There is no immigration, even supposedly for work and work
alone that does not transform into family migration [or] migration for
settlement .
The fact that an immigrant population has settled only becomes clear
when large numbers of those who retire from work remain in the country.
That this is happening was shown by the authors project during 199497
in the national research programme on ageing. The study examined the
circumstances and aspirations of a random sample of 442 Italian and
Spanish citizens aged 5564 years who were living in Switzerland. More
than one-third of the interviewees planned to remain in Switzerland when
they ceased work ; one-third expected to come and go between Switzerland
and their home country; and only around one-quarter planned to return

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

Older labour migrants wellbeing in Switzerland

415

T A B L E 3. Planned country of residence in old age by gender and age among

Italian and Spanish citizens resident in Switzerland, 199497
Age group years
Aged 5559 years
Planned country of
residence

Aged 6064 years

Men

Women

Men

Women

Percentages
Stay in Switzerland
Live in Switzerland and
Spain or Italy
Return to Spain or Italy
Total

21
44

36
45

37
36

62
21

35
100

19
100

27
100

17
100

Sample size

143

97

101

58

Source: Authors survey, for details see Bolzman, Fibbi and Vial 1998.

to their home country (Bolzman, Fibbi and Vial 2001). Moreover, the
intention to stay in the resident country became stronger with the approach of retirement. At the time of the research, the retirement age in
Switzerland was 65 years for men and 62 years for women. In our sample,
those aged 6064 years were more likely to wish to stay in Switzerland than
those aged 5564 years, who were more likely to prefer coming and going
(Table 3). The majority of the latter when they are older will probably
choose Switzerland as their country of residence, partly because either
their health or their economic situation will not allow them to travel frequently between the two countries. Women were more likely than men to
want to settle in the host country, commonly because they wished to live
near their children and grandchildren, and to keep the independence that
they have acquired in the host country and which would be compromised
if they returned (Bolzman, Fibbi and Vial 2001).

Older immigrants: a population largely ignored until recent years

If the ageing of immigrants is the inevitable consequence of the history

of their settlement and the passage of time, in Switzerland as in most
European countries, the older members of the population were for a long
time ignored by the public and in welfare policies. The hiatus between
their existence and experience and the slight attention paid to older migrants can be attributed to several factors, among which the initial immigration policy and its eects have played a central role. In fact, the
immigrants who came to most European countries during the 1950s and

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

416

Claudio Bolzman, Raaella Poncioni-Derigo, Marie Vial and Rosita Fibbi

1960s were recruited as temporary workers and seen as useful to the

economy in the short term. They worked mostly in unskilled jobs and
endured severe legal restrictions, as on family reunication, geographical
and professional mobility, and access to social security and public assistance. The immigrants also met hostility from sections of the native
population. No integration policy was implemented for this rst generation of immigrants : its accomplishment was left entirely to the private
initiatives of the immigrants themselves.
When Swiss migration policy was reformed at the beginning of the
1990s, no mention was made of older immigrants, in contrast to the
German reform with the 1990 amendment of the Foreigners Act. Swiss
policy approaches to the ageing of its immigrants have been guided principally by demographic and economic considerations, as more generally
the presence of immigrants has been evaluated mainly in terms of the costs
and benets to Swiss society. The circumstances and needs of immigrant
older people aroused little interest until very recently. Many Swiss politicians and social scientists customarily viewed immigrants purely as a
labour force that would help to rebalance the age structure of the population and nance the Old Age and Survivors Insurance Schemes
(OASI). For example, in 1993 a member of parliament worriedly asked the
Federal Council if, to nance the OASI until 2040, the foreign percentage
of the population would have to grow to 40 per cent. He argued that this
would not be a solution because these people ultimately grow old themselves (Stalder 1993: 40). It is of interest that the politician projected the
phenomenon far into the future, for previously immigrants had been
perceived mainly in terms of their economic roles as workers, consumers
and contributors to tax and social insurance (Bolzman 1999).
The designation of immigrant elders as Gastrentner [guest pensioners]
continues their construction as birds of passage rather than as a settled or
accepted element of the national population, as is the case in the United
Kingdom and The Netherlands, where the equivalent groups are now
described as ethnic minority older people. In those countries, it appears
to the authors, minority group older people are recognised as suering the
burdens of age, disadvantage and perhaps poverty, often compounded by
racism, and as a group that need dedicated social and health care services.
In Switzerland, by contrast, until very recently it was not judged necessary
for social and health policies to develop special measures to improve the
quality of life of migrant workers when they reached old age.
Awareness of the situation of older immigrants is therefore quite new in
Switzerland. The mentioned research on the Italians and Spanish nearing
retirement age led to the rst national conference on the issue in September
1999, which in turn promoted awareness and concern and was followed by

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

Older labour migrants wellbeing in Switzerland

417

innovative social measures. By contrast, in the neighbouring countries of

France and Germany, an understanding of the settlement of the migrant
population and of the presence of older immigrants arose through the
discovery of social problems among the most disadvantaged, and the
alert came not from research but from social and health workers in daily
contact with the population (Fabian and Straka 1991; Informationdienst
zur Auslanderarbeit 1993 ; Samaoli 1989, 1991).

The socio-economic, health and social network situations

of older migrants

A restrictive immigration policy and the lack of integration measures have

contributed to the creation of an insecure and vulnerable element in the
foreign population of Switzerland. In the long run, this will produce lasting
inequalities, even for the most settled foreigners. Such inequalities become
most evident when the immigrants reach old age. Even if the number is
relatively small, older migrants are over-represented among the vulnerable, marginalised and disadvantaged sections of the population, although
their vulnerabilities are both hidden and partly counterbalanced by relatively strong family networks.
Socio-economic situation
Our survey showed that some Italian and Spanish migrants had achieved
professional positions, and that about one-third of the men and one-fth
of the women had become independent workers or had assumed positions
of responsibility by 45 years of age. When their situation on the approach
to retirement was examined, however, it became obvious that some
were in precarious social and economic positions or in outright poverty.
A clear indicator is that a high proportion had been forced to retire
early because of long-term unemployment or health problems. Men had
been particularly aected, for 20 per cent of those aged 5559 years had
already left work, compared with about 10 per cent of all residents of the
same age.
In general, foreign workers have suered more unemployment than
Swiss workers. During the economic recession of 199193, they were four
to ve times more likely to lose their jobs than Swiss citizens (Haug 1995).
The dierential moderated during the 1990s because a large majority of
foreign workers obtained permanent residence permits (Permit C), and because unemployment insurance had become compulsory (this was not the
case during the oil crisis of the 1970s). As a consequence, most unemployed

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

418

Claudio Bolzman, Raaella Poncioni-Derigo, Marie Vial and Rosita Fibbi

foreigners now receive unemployment benet which provides a minimal

income, although their chances of nding new work are very low. Unemployment in 2003 was still much higher among foreigners (6.6%) than
among the Swiss (2.7 %), although the national level was relatively low
compared with other European countries (La Vie Economique 2003). Longterm unemployment becomes particularly common between the ages of
50 and 64 years. Just under 44 per cent of the unemployed in this age
group have been out of work for over a year, compared to 27 per cent
among the younger unemployed (La Vie Economique 1995).
The main reason for early retirement in Switzerland as elsewhere is ill
health. According to our survey, more than 75 per cent of the men who
had left the labour market before the ocial retirement age received a
disability allowance. The most severely aected foreign workers were
those who had worked in construction, among whom one-half received
this allowance. Generally speaking, among the Italians and Spanish
who had retired early, 15 per cent of men and nine per cent of women
received a disability allowance, three times the level for the total resident
population of the same age in the canton of Geneva (Fibbi, Bolzman
and Vial 1999a). The disability allowance is very dicult to obtain in
Switzerland.
Immigrant workers and especially women who are approaching the
retirement age are over-represented among those with low incomes. In the
study sample, the proportion with a personal monthly income of less than
SFr 1000 (well below the poverty line) was 8.4 per cent, two-and-a-half
times greater than for the resident population of the same age. A national
poverty study conrmed these results, for the likelihood of foreigners aged
60 or more years falling into poverty was twice the level for Swiss nationals
of the same age (Leu, Burri and Priester 1997). This reects the situation of
immigrants of all ages in Switzerland, for the proportion of the foreign
population who are working poor (12.2%) is twice as high as in the Swiss
population (6.2%) (Oce Federal de la Statistique 2001b). It is not surprising, therefore, that the foreign population makes greater use of social
welfare payments. In 1999, in Geneva, 3.4 per cent of foreigners, as compared with 1.8 per cent of the Swiss, received benets from social welfare
(Bolzman et al. 2002).
Health status and problems
Health problems are a daily preoccupation for elderly immigrants, either
because of their age or from the aftermath of their working life. According
to our survey, health was an important issue for 78 per cent of the Italians
and Spanish (75 % of men and 82 % of women). In fact, of seven issues

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

Older labour migrants wellbeing in Switzerland

419

T A B L E 4. Studies of older peoples self-assessed health in Switzerland

Location and year
Geneva, 1978
Zug, 1982
Switzerland, 1993
Switzerland, 1993
Geneva and Basle, 1993

Age group
(years)

Population

Percentage in
poor health

65+
57+
5064
5064
5564

Swiss1
Swiss1
Swiss1
Foreigners2
Italians/Spanish3

7.0
7.0
4.2
7.6
19.0

Sources: 1. Rapport de la Commission Federale sur la Vieillesse 1995. 2. Vranjes et al. 1995. 3. Bolzman,
Fibbi and Vial 1998.

judged to be the most important, being in good health and having a

harmonious family life were the most frequently mentioned (83%). The
preoccupation with health among our survey sample is readily understood. Industrial accidents are known to be relatively common among
immigrants, many of whom were and are manual workers in high-risk
occupations and working environments. Twenty-three per cent of foreign
workers had had industrial accidents compared with 16 per cent of Swiss
workers (Bollini and Siem 1995).
Self-assessment of ones state of health is a subjective but reliable indicator of both physical and mental health and has become a standard
indicator in social research. Various cantonal-level studies published during the 1980s showed that seven to 11 per cent of those aged 65 or more
years considered their health to be poor (Rapport de la Commission
Federale sur la Vieillesse 1995). The Italian and Spanish respondents in
our survey, although younger (5564 years), reported a higher prevalence
(19 %) of health problems, and more than half of them (11% of the sample)
received the disability allowance (Table 4). This syndrome has been described as the exhausted migrant eect (Bollini and Siem 1995). Many
migrants arrived in Switzerland in good health, for it was mainly the more
vigorous who left their countries of origin, and they underwent strict
health controls at the Swiss border. After 20 to 30 years of hard work,
dicult living conditions and an insecure legal status, however, many are
exhausted and have acquired health problems. A recent study in Geneva
showed a relatively short life expectancy among semi-skilled or unskilled
workers, that is, mainly immigrant workers (Guberan and Usel 2000).
Another survey of Spanish elders in Switzerland revealed that 30 per cent
of those surveyed were disabled or ill, and among those aged less than
65 years the proportion was 44 per cent. The majority of cases was associated with industrial accidents or the nature of their work (Embajada de
Espana en Suiza y FAMAES 2001).

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

420

Claudio Bolzman, Raaella Poncioni-Derigo, Marie Vial and Rosita Fibbi

Family contacts and networks

Family contacts and life are important inuences on the circumstances of
older people. This section of the paper presents selected ndings from the
authors survey on the family networks of immigrant elders and the ways
in which they are mobilised (for more details, see Bolzman, Fibbi and Vial
1998). The family network can be seen as a reservoir of resources which
is available to meet dierent kinds of needs material, symbolic and
emotional and is of great potential value to its members (CoenenHuther, Kellerhals and von Allmen 1994). This does not mean, however,
that it has limitless capacity, for its resources may be restricted by the small
size of the network, the geographical dispersion of the members, a lack of
anity among them, or reluctance to ask for help. On average, the Italian
and Spanish interviewees in our survey had 10 to 11 individuals in their
close network, and the modal composition was a mother or mother-inlaw, three siblings, three siblings-in-law, and two children, one of them
married with one child. Apart from the children who lived with their
parents or nearby, most other members of the family network lived far
away. Some mothers, mothers-in-law, siblings and siblings-in-law lived
close to the interviewees, but most were still living in the country of origin.
Those with more than half of their close family living in the vicinity were
in the minority (25%). On average, only three close relatives lived in the
same area as the respondents. If a child of a migrant had left their parents
home, however, he or she tended to have settled closer to his or her parents
than had Swiss children.
Every other adult child of Italian or Spanish parents who are resident in
Switzerland sees them several times a week, compared with one-quarter
of Swiss native citizens sons and daughters. The importance of intergenerational family relationships is revealed by the numerous exchanges
that occur between immigrant parents and their children. Some forms
of support are given mainly by parents to their children, particularly
nancial help and baby-sitting. Other forms of support are two-way, such
as moral support in dicult situations, shopping, helping with housework,
minor household repairs, driving (giving lifts) and gardening. One form of
support is given mainly by children to parents, namely help in dealing with
the Swiss bureaucracy (Bolzman, Fibbi and Vial 1997).
The interviewees were also asked if they could rely on family help at
times of sickness. Approximately 90 per cent expected their spouse and
children to give support, while 50 per cent expected some help from other
relatives. Such support can be moral, practical or emotional, but the migrants looked also to the social security agencies and social and medical
services to provide material support and health care. Most of the

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

Older labour migrants wellbeing in Switzerland

421

immigrants refused to become a burden on their children, because Swiss

society does not provide the material support to enable relatives to take on
a heavy burden of care. When immigrants reach retirement, they are
more likely to have low incomes and poor health than the Swiss, and this is
especially the case among women. Systematic information on these issues
does not exist, but it is clear that although foreign elders have some social
resources and support (their families and social networks), when serious
nancial and health problems occur, they rely mainly on social security
and public services.
Welfare policy and older immigrants

Given the development and growth of the welfare state, social security has
become the main means of protecting individuals from poverty and insecurity. Here we outline the Swiss legislation on social security, especially
as it aects older people, and examine to what extent and under what
conditions foreign elders are entitled to its benets. The Swiss social security system has two arms : social insurance and social welfare. The cornerstone of social insurance is a three-pillar system of nancial support,
namely public, occupational and private insurance. Old Age and Survivors Insurance (OASI) and Invalidity Insurance jointly make up the
rst pillar, and provide pensions that are intended to cover basic living
costs. When these are insucient, there are supplementary income benets. The second pillar is formed by occupational benet plans which
cover old age, survivors (widows) and invalidity payments. The rst two
pillars together should amount to at least 60 per cent of the beneciarys
most recent earnings, and allow pensioners to maintain the standard of
living to which they have been accustomed.
The rst pillar is compulsory for all, including the self-employed or
people not in gainful employment, e.g. parents of either sex who take care
of the home and children. The second pillar is only obligatory for salaried
workers. The third pillar the self-provision of additional assurance is
optional but, unlike other forms of savings, oers certain tax benets. The
three-pillar system has been embodied in the Swiss Constitution since 1972
and is intended to ensure a decent standard of living for people of retirement age and other pensioners. Social insurance therefore covers four
main areas : provision for old age; provision for dependants (widowed
spouses, children and the disabled) ; provision in case of sickness or
accident; and unemployment insurance and family allowances. Since
we are concerned with older people, we shall examine only the rst
two elements.

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

422

Claudio Bolzman, Raaella Poncioni-Derigo, Marie Vial and Rosita Fibbi

These forms of insurance grant nancial benets (pensions and compensation for loss of income) and cover costs in cases of sickness or accident. Social security benets, in particular those granted in lieu of an
income from paid employment, are mainly nanced out of salary-based
contributions. Health or sickness insurance, as it is called in Switzerland, is
nanced from premiums paid by the insured. The federal authorities and
cantons participate to a greater or lesser extent in nancing social security
(old age insurance, invalidity insurance and sickness insurance), while
supplementary benets are nanced completely from federal and cantonal
tax revenue. The occupational benet plan (the so-called second pillar of
social security) is a fully funded system.
Social welfare or social assistance is always means-tested. Based on the
principle of subsidiarity, it aims to provide everyone with the means to
meet their basic needs, in particular people who are not covered by any
other form of social security those outside the welfare safety net. To a
large extent, social welfare is administered by the cantons, but their regulations dier widely and there is great variation in the benets paid. There
are, of course, other cantonal and municipal institutions as well as private
charities that supplement the two primary sources of social security.
Foreign elders in the welfare system
Foreign residents in Switzerland are currently net payers into the OASI
scheme : they receive less than they contribute. The number of pensions to
be paid to foreigners will however rise sharply over the next few years, as
more migrant workers become entitled to draw their OASI pensions.
Foreigners pensions are relatively low, however, since the amount of the
pension depends on the number of years that contributions have been
paid. Most immigrants, even if they started to work at an early age, have
worked for only part of their active life in Switzerland. The most signicant dierence between the entitlements of Swiss and foreign elders lies in
their access to supplementary benets. Since 1965, legislation has required
the cantons and communes to pay supplementary benets to those whose
old-age pensions are insucient to cover their basic needs. These pension
supplements are part of the social security scheme and benets are a legal
entitlement. They make up the dierence between income and living
costs. Although they constitute a right, some people regard these payments
as charitable dole and resent having to depend on them. In the case of
foreigners, access to supplementary benets depends upon nationality,
and the duration of residence in both Switzerland and the canton. Foreign
elders need to have an unbroken 10-year residence in Switzerland to
qualify for supplementary benets. Those who come from countries

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

Older labour migrants wellbeing in Switzerland

423

without a bilateral social security agreement with Switzerland must be

recipients of an old age, survivors or invalidity pension in order to be
legally entitled to them.2
Unlike the OASI, the second pillar works on a money purchase system.
The pensioner receives a pension based on the amount of money contributed by themselves and their employer into the pension fund, plus the
accrued interest. Contributing to the second pillar has been compulsory
since 1985, but only for those with a yearly income of at least SFr 24,000.
Thus, many women, especially foreign women, do not benet from this
provision, since they earnt less than this amount when working in unskilled
and part-time jobs.
Health insurance gives everyone living in Switzerland access to adequate health care in the event of sickness, maternity or accident, where
these are not covered by accident insurance (which every resident is legally
obliged to take out regardless of age or nationality). Each family member is
insured individually. The level of personal contributions varies from one
canton to another and according to the particular insurance fund, but the
benets of the basic health insurance are the same. Within each insurance
fund, the contribution payment is the same for all members and no
distinctions are made by age, sex or nationality. Individuals may also take
out supplementary health insurance which gives access to private or semiprivate rooms in hospitals or to additional care (for instance, alternative
medicine). In the case of home nursing and care, the costs of assessment,
advice, counselling, and primary and therapeutic care are covered by the
health insurance fund. Foreigners are less likely to have supplementary
health insurance than the Swiss, probably because of its cost. In short,
even if foreign older people had started working at an earlier age than the
Swiss, many do not fully benet from OASI and second pillar funding
because they have contributed to the Swiss system for a shorter period of
their working lives or because they earnt less than SFr 24,000 per year. As
has been noted, women are particularly aected. In addition, foreigners
are not entitled to supplementary benets if they do not full the length
of residence condition. For several reasons, therefore, they are more
vulnerable to poverty.
Access to services

Even if welfare policies and social and health mainstream services meet
most of the needs of older people, for many reasons the services are not
always accessible to immigrant elders. The most important reasons
include the inadequate information about services for people who speak

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

424

Claudio Bolzman, Raaella Poncioni-Derigo, Marie Vial and Rosita Fibbi

non-Swiss languages and have little education, and the absence of policies
or measures to ensure the inclusion of this generation of immigrants in
Swiss society. Many immigrant communities distrust Swiss bureaucracy
because of the countrys harsh immigration policy. In addition, mainstream institutions do not pay enough attention to elderly immigrants, and
there is little training in multicultural approaches to health and social
work.
In general, the foreign population is less well educated than the Swiss,
mainly because of the nature of the migrant workforces recruitment. Our
research revealed that the Italians and Spanish aged 5564 years had low
levels of formal education, for 70 per cent had not progressed beyond the
compulsory school years. Most began working early in life and many
do not speak standard Italian or Spanish uently but rather a dialect
(Bolzman, Fibbi and Vial 1999). Immigrants have tended to have little
contact with public services during their working ages, a pattern that
persists into old age. When they needed help, habitually they turned to
their families (especially children) or to trades unions. In old age they
seldom contact ocialdom, whether the social services or their consulate,
and look only occasionally for advice or help from immigrant associations.
Italians more than the Spanish use trades unions and the patronati system
for help. This is probably because the Italian community in Switzerland is
longer established than the Spanish and has developed more voluntary
welfare and community associations.
Contacts with mainstream society appear to have been more dicult in
the Swiss-German language regions of Switzerland than in the Frenchspeaking zone. Among Spanish older residents, those who lived in the
Swiss-German region had most diculty in speaking the local language:
one-third could not communicate in German and the proportion was
higher among those aged 70 or more years (Embajada de Espana en Suiza
y FEMAES 2001). Some hospitals now train professional interpreters to
ease contacts and consultations with foreign patients, but in most places
the facility is still not seriously considered. Professionals in various health
services are however becoming increasingly aware of the language problems. A recent study of the access of foreign elders to supplementary help
and home care in Basle found that they knew little about these services,
and that a large majority thought that the only option for them was to
spend their old age in a nursing home ( Jacobs Schmid 2001). The problems that elderly immigrants have in accessing non-hospital health and
social services reect the lack of any serious integration policy and illustrate the long-term consequences. Another survey found that 83 per cent
of Italian respondents believed that the Swiss state had done nothing to
make integration easier for them, and that if their present situation was

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

Older labour migrants wellbeing in Switzerland

425

comfortable, this was entirely a reward for their own eorts (Colonies
Libres Italiennes en Suisse 2000).
Conclusions

A rising proportion of the population of foreign workers in Switzerland is

reaching old age and, contrary to ocial expectations, many will remain
in the country after retirement. Moreover, according to the ocial
demographic projections, the percentage of the all-age and the older populations who are foreigners will increase over the next 20 years. Italian
and Spanish migrants are in the vanguard of the ageing process, because
they are the most numerous national groups and their migration was the
earliest. Migrants from the former Yugoslav republics form the third
largest group of elderly immigrant residents in Switzerland. The socioeconomic situation of foreign older people is strongly linked to the conditions in which they have lived and worked. They are over-represented
among the poor and the sick, but on the other hand draw benets from
family support and informal ethnic networks and voluntary associations.
Yet neither their children nor the members of these informal networks are
able to provide adequate care and support in the event of disability, illness
or other age-related problems. In fact, immigrants expect their main
support in such cases to come from social security and the mainstream
services. Having contributed by their labour power to the prosperity of
Switzerland, they believe that they deserve the support of the nations
health and social institutions. As a Spanish woman said during an interview, my health has been ruined here so I have a right to treatment here.
Someone from the dole told me, You are not worth the money any more,
you might as well go home! When I hear that, it hurts. They treat us like
merchandise but we are human beings.
Ocially, most foreign elders have the same right to social security as
their Swiss counterparts, but because of their short residence in Switzerland and a lifetime of low wages, the OASI pensions and occupational
benets that they receive are less than those of the Swiss. Moreover, they
are not always entitled to supplementary benets, even when their income
is very low, because they have not been resident in Switzerland for long
enough to be eligible, while some are entitled to benets but do not realise
their right to claim them. Many elderly immigrants hesitate to ask for
social welfare, even if this is a constitutional right for people in need,
because they fear that if they need long-term assistance they will lose their
residence permit. One can say that the de facto welfare policy is that
foreigners who are old and poor are expected to arrange a private solution
to their poverty.

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

426

Claudio Bolzman, Raaella Poncioni-Derigo, Marie Vial and Rosita Fibbi

While a complex system of health and social care for older people has
built up incrementally in Switzerland, until the present time, little has been
known about the extent to which mainstream services support elderly
foreigners because no routine data are collected and no systematic research has been undertaken. Nowadays, however, local social services are
becoming more aware of elderly immigrants problems. This shift is
probably occurring because, rstly, there is a growing recognition that
most younger immigrant elders will stay and use Swiss services, secondly
through the increasing number of foreign social workers who are employed
in the social and welfare services, and thirdly from the slowly spreading
local awareness of multi-culturalism . This new sensitivity is most attuned
towards newly-retired immigrants, but immigrants aged in the eighties
and older are little helped by this development. For instance, there is no
policy about elderly immigrants access to old age services, and no study of
frail minority older peoples specic needs and preferences for their living
arrangements. No one knows how many immigrant and ethnic minority
elders still live with their families and how many live in nursing homes
(Fibbi, Bolzman and Vial 1999b). Questions about the actual and most
appropriate living arrangements of the oldest age groups of immigrants
are vital and require urgent examination.
At a broader level, the circumstances and welfare of elderly immigrants
are deeply related to questions of citizenship. If immigration policies
continue to consider international migration as abnormal, as exceptions to
a sedentary or frozen national order, both younger and older immigrants
will continue to be perceived as denizens, dierent and, as the cant has
it, the other . That means that they will continue to be denied full citizenship rights in both their native and adopted countries of residence. As a
consequence, there will be predictable surprise when new generations of
older immigrants living in precarious conditions are discovered. The
alternative course for European societies is to accept two social facts, that
our nations have become multi-cultural, and that migrations are an inevitable structural phenomenon in the contemporary world. Once these facts
are accepted, a country is more likely to embark upon a profound process
of institutional adaptation and to redene the notion of citizenship. That
would allow every long-term resident equal rights and the right to establish
a meaningful place in the society in which they live.

NOTES
1 The total resident population of Switzerland in 2000 was 7,204,055. There were
1,384,382 resident foreigners, 19.2 per cent of the total, the highest proportion of
foreign residents in any European country except Luxembourg (Oce Federal de la

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

Older labour migrants wellbeing in Switzerland

427

Statistique 2001). Since 1945, about two million immigrants have come to Switzerland. Without this immigration, it is estimated that the Swiss population would currently be 5.2 million rather than the actual 7.2 million (Wanner 2001). In fact, the
contribution of immigration to the nations demographic growth during the last 50
years has been more important in Switzerland than in the more commonly recognised
immigration countries of the United States, Canada or Australia (Haug 2001).
2 Refugee elders, however, are entitled to receive these benets after ve years of
residence in Switzerland.

References
Bollini, P. and Siem, H. 1995. No real progress towards equity : health of migrants and
ethnic minorities on the eve of the year 2000. Social Science and Medicine, 41, 81928.
Bolzman, C. 1999. Le parcours de deux generations dimmigres: un chemin dintegration?
[The life course of two generations of immigrants : a path of integration ?]. In Bolzman,
C. and Tabin, J. P. (eds), Populations Immigrees : Quelle insertion ? Quel Travail Social ? [Immigrant Populations : What Integration ? What Social Work ?]. Les Editions IES (Institut detudes
sociales) and Les Cahiers de lEESP (Ecole detudes sociales et pedagogiques), Geneva
and Lausanne, 4156.
Bolzman, C., Fibbi, R. and Vial, M. 1997. Espagnols et Italiens proches de la retraite :
structure et fonctionnement du reseau familial [ The Spanish and Italians close to retirement : the structure and functions of the family network]. In Beday-Hauser, P. and
Bolzman, C. (eds), On est ne quelque part mais on peut vivre ailleurs : Familles, migrations, cultures et
travail social [Born Elsewhere but Living among Us: Families, Migrants, Culture and Social Work].
Les Editions IES, Geneva, 15983.
Bolzman, C., Fibbi, R. and Vial, M. 1998. Modes de vie et projets davenir des immigres
espagnols et italiens proches de la retraite [ Ways of life and the future plans of
Spanish and Italian immigrants close to retirement]. Pre-retraites immigres research,
National Research Programme, Unpublished Working Paper 32, Institut dEtudes
Sociales, Geneva.
Bolzman, C., Fibbi, R. and Vial, M. 1999. Les Italiens et les Espagnols proches de
la retraite en Suisse : Situation et projets davenir [ Italians and Spanish residents
close to retirement : their circumstances and plans for the future]. Gerontologie et Societe,
91, 13751.
Bolzman, C., Fibbi, R. and Vial, M. 2001. La famille : une source de legitimite pour les
immigres apre`s la retraite [ The family: a source of legitimacy for immigrants after
retirement]. Revue Europeenne des Migrations Internationals, 17, 1, 5578.
Bolzman, C., Poncioni-Derigo, R., Rodari, S. and Tabin, J.-P. 2002. La precarite contagieuse :
Les consequences de laide sociale sur le statut de sejour des personnes de nationalite etrange`re [ The
Contagion of Precariousness : The Consequences of Foreigners Residence Permits for Their Social
Welfare]. Les Editions IES (Institut detudes sociales) and Les Cahiers de lEESP (Ecole
detudes sociales et pedagogiques), Geneva and Lausanne.
Coenen-Huther, J., Kellerhals, J. and von Allmen, M. 1994. Les reseaux de solidarite dans la
famille [Networks of Solidarity in the Family]. Realites Sociales, Lausanne.
Colonies Libres Italiennes en Suisse 2000. La condition des personnes agees italiennes en Suisse
[ The Circumstances of Older Italian Migrants in Switzerland]. Colonies Libres Italiennes en
Suisse, Berne.
Embajada de Espana en Suiza y FEMAES 2001. Analisis de la encuesta sobre la situacion de las
personas mayores espanolas residentes en Suiza [A Study of the Situation of Older Spaniards Resident in
Switzerland]. Federacion de Asociaciones Espanolas en Suiza, Berne.

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

428

Claudio Bolzman, Raaella Poncioni-Derigo, Marie Vial and Rosita Fibbi

Fabian, T. and Straka, G. A. 1991. Altere turkische Migranten un Migrantinnen in der

Spatphase des Erwerbslebens und im Ruhestand [Older Turkish migrants in the later
phases of working life and in retirement]. Zeitschrift fur Gerontologie, 24, 5, 28592.
Fibbi, R., Bolzman, C. and Vial, M. 1999 a. La precarite : un aller-retour pour les migrants
ages? [Precariousness : its return for older migrants ?]. In Bolzman, C. and Tabin, J. P.
(eds), Populations immigrees : Quelle insertion ? Quel travail social? [Immigrant Populations : What
Response ? What Social Work ?]. Les Editions IES & EESP, Geneva and Lausanne, 5768.
Fibbi, R., Bolzman, C. and Vial, M. 1999 b. Age et migration : Projets europeens par et pour les
migrants ages [Age and Migration : European Projects for Older Migrants]. Pro Senectute et
Commission Federale des Etrangers, Zurich.
Guberan, E. and Usel, M. 2000. Mortalite prematuree et invalidite selon la profession et la classe
sociale a` Gene`ve [Premature Mortality and Morbidity by Occupation and Social Class in Geneva].
Oce cantonal de linspection et des relations de travail, Geneva.
Haug, W. 1995. La Suisse : terre dimmigration, societe multiculturelle [Switzerland : A Country of
Immigration, a Multicultural Society]. Oce Federal de la Statistique, Berne.
Haug, W. 2001. Nouveaux espaces de linterculturalite en Suisse : utopie ou realite ? [New Intercultural
Spaces in Switzerland : Utopia or Reality?]. Communication au Congre`s de lAssociation pour
la Recherche Interculturelle, Geneva, 27 September.
Informationdienst zur Auslanderarbeit 1993. Aeltere Migrantinnen und Migranten, special issue
3. Verlag des Instituts fur Sozialarbeit und Sozialpadagogik, Frankfurt am Main.
Jacobs Schmid, I. 2001. Migration und Spitex Basel [Migration and Nursing Homes in Basle].
Fachhochschule fur Soziale Arbeit, Basel.
Leu, R., Burri, S. and Piester, T. 1997. Lebensqualitat und Armut in des Schweiz [Quality of Life
and Poverty in Switzerland]. Verlag Paul Haut, Berne.
Oce Federal des Etrangers 2000. Les etrangers en Suisse [Foreigners in Switzerland].
Bulletin dinformation statistique, 1 (December), 54.
Oce Federal de la Statistique (OFS) 2001. La population etrange`re en Suisse [ The Foreign
Population in Switzerland]. Bulletin dinformation statistique 2, OFS, Neuchatel.
Oce Federal de la Statistique 2001 a. Scenarios de levolution demographique de la Suisse
20002060 [Scenarios for the demographic evolution of Switzerland, 200060]. OFS,
Neuchatel.
Oce Federal de la Statistique 2001 b. Travailler et etre pauvre en Suisse [Working and Being Poor
in Switzerland], Communique de presse 22 (March). OFS, Neuchatel.
Piore, M. J. 1979. Birds of Passage : Migrant Labour in Industrial Societies. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.
Rapport de la Commission Federale sur la Vieillesse 1995. Vieillir en Suisse : Bilan et Perspectives [Old Age in Switzerland : The Balance Sheet and Perspectives]. Oce federal dimprimes,
Berne.
Samaoli, O. 1989. Immigrants dhier, vieux daujourdhui : la vieillesse des Maghrebins en
France [Yesterdays immigrants, todays older people : aged north Africans in France].
Hommes et Migrations, 1126, 258.
Samaoli, O. 1991. Vivre vieux et vivre immigre en France [Old age and older immigrants
in France]. Migrations-Societe, 3, 2942.
Sayad, A. 1991. Limmigration ou les paradoxes de lalterite [Immigration and Paradoxes of The
Other ]. De Boeck Wesmael, Brussels.
Stalder, J. 1993. 40% detrangers en lan 2040 ? [Foreigners will be 40 per cent by 2040 ?],
Question ordinaire 9 ( June). Securite sociale, 5, 40.
La Vie Economique (Berne) 1995. 9, 23.
La Vie Economique (Berne) 2003. 8, 86.
Vranjes, N., Bisig, B. and Gutzwiller, F. 1995. Gesundheit der Auslander in der Schweiz [Health
Situation of Foreigners in Switzerland]. Institut fur Sozial- und Praventiv Medizin der
Universitat Zurich, Zurich.

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8

Older labour migrants wellbeing in Switzerland

429

Wanner, P. 2001. The demographic characteristics of immigrant populations in Switzerland. Paper presented to the third meeting of the Group of Specialists on the Demographic Characteristics of Immigrant Populations, Strasbourg, 267 October 2000.

Accepted 11 September 2003

Address for correspondence:
Claudio Bolzman, Institut detudes sociales,
28, rue Prevost-Martin,
CH-1211 Geneva 4, Switzerland.
e-mail: Claudio.Bolzman@ies.unige.ch

http://journals.cambridge.org

Downloaded: 06 Apr 2012

IP address: 131.130.109.8