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ANNUAL
REVIEWS

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Ritual and Oratory Revisited:

The Semiotics of Effective
Action
Rupert Stasch
Department of Anthropology, University of California San Diego, La Jolla,
California 92093-0532; email: rstasch@ucsd.edu

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011. 40:15974

Keywords

First published online as a Review in Advance on

June 29, 2011

indexicality, iconicity, power, semiotic ideologies, poetics

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at

anthro.annualreviews.org
This articles doi:
10.1146/annurev-anthro-081309-145623
c 2011 by Annual Reviews.
Copyright 
All rights reserved
0084-6570/11/1021-0159$20.00

Abstract
Scholars have converged on a theory that ritual involves poetically dense
guration of macrocosmic order in microcosmic action. I illustrate this
by surveying work on how ritual and oratory involve coordination of
action across multiple semiotic media. I review at greater length the poetic density theorys interest in how ritual and oratory causally shape
peoples worlds, and the theorys interest in the edginess of ritual as a
site of articulation between actors with disparate political positionalities.
Much scholarship now examines norms of the pragmatics of sign use
(not just signications semantics, so to speak) as being of a piece with
the poetic, gurational organization of ritual and oratorical processes.
This turn of attention is important for understanding what it means
that ritual seems to be action about the organization of action itself. A
nal element in ritual and oratorys poetic density surveyed here is their
nesting in culturally variable ideologies of ritual and oratorical genres
themselves.

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INTRODUCTION

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Semiotic: having to
do with signication,
or ways in human
experience that the
presence of something
also makes present
something else

160

Amid anthropologys dramatic reorientations,

ritual has remained a core subject. Since its
most recent treatment in the Annual Review
of Anthropology (Kelly & Kaplan 1990), several
thousand more anthropological journal articles
and book chapters have been published on this
topic, along with hundreds of monographs (for
a sample, see Kreinath et al. 2007). Roughly
one article is published in each issue of American
Ethnologist and the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute alone. By comparison, anthropological work on oratory narrowly conceived
has been less prodigious. But already when this
smaller topic was last reviewed (Parkin 1984),
anthropologists increasingly saw research on
oratory as inextricably part of a wider eld of
inquiry into efcacy and authority in language
use generally (surveyed by Brenneis 1988, Gal
1989, and Bauman & Briggs 1990). This wider
eld has now further burgeoned.
Treating oratory and ritual together does,
however, suggest a principle of selectivity. As
speech to a listening collectivity that is understood to have potentially powerful consequences by dint of the speechs own qualities,
oratory is a form of persuasion through representation. It involves making present via language of what is otherwise not present, in a
manner that might lead people to deepen or alter convictions about social goods. On the ritual
side, the clearest parallels and overlaps with oratory scholarship will lie in writing that takes
ritual as also fundamentally semiotic and that
is concerned with how rituals organization as
representations bears on those rituals formative contributions to social life.
Given this, I privilege here a single theory
of ritual toward which anthropological studies
have long converged. The rst section outlines
the heart of this theory: Ritual involves exceptionally dense representation of spatiotemporally wider categories and principles in an interactional here-now. After a brief section tracing
how this theory is exemplied in work on coordination of ritual and oratorical signs across
multiple semiotic media, I then review a variety of ways ritual and oratorys gurational
Stasch

processes have world-making effects and are

closely tied to politics and history. Last, I discuss scholarship examining cultural variability
in denition and evaluation of ritual and oratory as such.

RITUAL AS POETICALLY DENSE

FIGURATION OF
MACROCOSMIC ORDER IN
MICROCOSMIC ACTION
It is probably a feature of human activities at
large that they involve assimilation of particulars to generals and vice versa. Action is the
linking of specic times, spaces, and situations
to more spatiotemporally expansive categorial
types and norms, even when these categories
are tacit, partial, plural, or unsettled. In this
sense, all action is representation, and all action is tropic guration: Certain things support
and evoke the presence of other things that are
different from them, as when a highly particular act makes present an abstract norm. And all
action is characterized by tensions of the presence in concrete practice of spatiotemporal layers that are other to that concreteness.
Anthropological work has converged toward a theory that what denes ritual is the
unusual density in it of representational relations of the kind just sketched. A ritual event is
characterized by the exceptional quantity and
vividness of the general types that are felt as
present in its concrete particulars. Further, this
piling on of links between a microcosmic spacetime of ritual action and larger macrocosmic
spacetimes requires and implies a great density
of links between different elements within the
microcosm of concrete ritual actions. Two
mutually correlative levels of dense guration
are brought into existence through rituals
markedly constrained and elaborate forms of
action: a level of dense semiotic links between
elements internal to the ritual scene, and a level
of links between this concrete scene and its
multiple other scenes of more expansive, abstract, or tacit categories and principles. (Here,
macrocosmic is a placeholder, not meant to
constrain what might count as a cosmological

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element, beyond the premise that it is greater

in spatiotemporal reach or in determination of
human affairs than are microcosmic elements.)
Aspects of this theory have been presented
in many vocabularies. Babcock (1978) describes
ritual as characterized by a surplus of signiers and signieds. Kapferer (1997) suggests
that ritual involves a correspondence between
bodily motions and motions of consciousness.
Rening an earlier concept of ritual as efcacious representation, Valeri (1985) suggests that ritual fosters model experiences
(pp. 34547) in which participants encounter
objects symbolic of implicit presuppositions
of action. Rampton (2002, p. 492) posits that
ritual helps people get past difcult changes
or problems in the ow of ordinary life by
draw[ing] on symbolic material that holds special signicance above and beyond the practical requirements of the here-and-now (also
Duranti 1994; Hanks 2000, p. 241; Gaenszle
2002, pp. 11271). Houseman & Severi (1998)
argue that ritual is distinguished by the multiplicity of normally incompatible aspects of
everyday life that it unies. Tambiah (1985)
holds that rites enact and incarnate cosmological conceptions and that in them redundant patterns fuse into one congurational totality (p. 153). Parmentier (1994) states that
rituals are not just structured; they are hyperstructured in that these cultural forms literally
call out: behold the structure! (p. 129). Mines
(2005) traces the quality of density cultivated
by the material organization of Tamil temple
festivals (pp. 15767).
This consensus is also discernible in a
dominant genre feature of empirical books and
articles. Anthropologists practice is to draw
connections between a ritual form and broader
features of its sociocultural context. These features could be wide conceptual, political, and
moral structures such as a sex-gender system
or a conguration of conicting class positionalities, and they could be unfolding historical
experiences such as a heritage of colonial domination or an incipient process of economic
upheaval. There is much variation in the kinds
and directions of causal and conceptual linkage

that authors see between ritual and surrounding

conditions, but these linkages are nonetheless
ones of making present: Something contains
within itself in partial, displaced, refracted form
the echo and fate of something else. Scholarship that proceeds in this mode is semiotic in
actual orientation even when not in name.
Within this theory, one step of further engagement with rituals organization has been
recognition of indexicality as a distinctive mode
of signication, in which a signier makes
present something else through a felt quality of
causal and spatiotemporal contiguity, as when
a knocking sound makes present an idea that
someone is on the other side of a door and
wishes it to be opened. This step invites analysts
to appreciate that ritual actions are composed
not just of a large quantity of semiotic layers but
also composed of a density of different kinds of
representational links by which one thing can
make another present. Inuenced sometimes
by Jakobsons (1960) theory that poetic effects in language use are created through dense
juxtaposition in contiguous text of elements
standing in relations of likeness-and-difference,
or by related lectures and publications of
Silverstein (e.g., 2003, p. 41), many authors
have analyzed rituals as involving close interaction between indexical sign relations and
iconic ones (Caton 1986, 1993; Kratz 1994;
Keane 1997b; Stasch 2003; Shoaps 2009, p. 460;
see also Turner 1991, using a vocabulary of
metaphor and metonymy). Ritual is composed
of densely crisscrossing indexical and iconic
relations between its different internal elements and of densely crisscrossing indexical and
iconic relations between the ritual spacetime
and larger macrocosmic orders made present
in that spacetime.
This idea can be illustrated even by a
reduced ritual such as a handshake, which
involves close relations of iconic and indexical
coordination between acts of sight, touch,
speech, and facial expression, as well as dense
indexical iconicities between the narrow
spacetime of the physical handshake and the
more expansive denition of participants
bond at levels of affect, morality, knowledge,
www.annualreviews.org Ritual and Oratory Revisited

Indexicality: mode of
signication involving
a felt quality of causal,
spatiotemporal
contiguity between
one element and what
it additionally makes
present
Poetics: relations of
patterned similarity
and difference between
elements in a
performed series of
semiotic acts, giving
the series aesthetic
force
Iconicity: mode of
signication involving
a felt quality of
likeness between one
element and what it
additionally makes
present

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Metasemiosis:
signication about the
activity of signication

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obligation, or memory. Another image for

getting across the theory would be the type
of map containing a You are here arrow
or dot that is often found at malls, campuses,
and airports. Like such a map, a ritual makes
present in a small sensory space a picture of
larger, more diffuse spatiotemporal orders. The
ritual act and the larger order it projects are
not just iconically but indexically in each other.
Interpreting a You are here sign, a pedestrian
is in the plane of the map itself, as the arrow
or colored dot labeled here. Conversely, the
map is in the plane of the macrocosm, by virtue
of being mounted in a particular location in that
space. The viewer, by linking the cartographic
signs you and here to the here of where
he or she stands, has a model experience of
locatedness within a wider world. An actual
You are here sign is semiotically simple and
determinate, but imagine if what is depicted on
such a sign consisted not just of buildings but of
layers upon layers of other scales and categories
of space, time, action, history, personhood, and
social morality. Imagine too if within the signs
plane there are multiple You are here arrows,
wrought in different media, but each connecting the small scene of ritual action indexically
and iconically to larger spatiotemporal orders.
This understanding of ritual solves a contradiction between two commonly encountered
theoretical intuitions. On the one hand, ritual
is widely agreed to be a marked activity set
apart from everyday life and not reducible to it
(e.g., Babcock 1978; Smith 1987; Handelman
1990; Kapferer 2004, p. 37). On the other,
scholars regularly afrm that ritual is not easily
distinguishable from daily life but is an aspect
or potential of all action, such that a notion of
ritualization might be preferable to ritual
itself (e.g., Humphrey & Laidlaw 1994, p. 3;
Sax 2010, p. 4). Numerous studies document
the pervasive presence of ritual qualities in
everyday settings (Csordas 1997, Eneld
2009, Haviland 2009). The theory of ritual as
characterized by poetic density of signication
likewise understands ritual as a matter of
degree: Ritual intensies features common to
human activity at large. But the theory also
Stasch

understands differences of degree in this area

to amount to a difference in kind. The more
elaborate an acts poetic density, the more the
act stands out from other actions as metasemiotic (or metacommunicative, after Bateson
1972), a reexive meditation on semiotic
interconnection as a condition of activity.

RELATIONS ACROSS MEDIA

AND GENRES
One topic of inquiry through which scholars
have converged on the understanding of ritual as poetically dense guration is interaction
between semiotic processes in different media.
That ritual events unfold in multiple coordinated media has been well appreciated since at
least the deepening of the quality of accounts
of ritual prompted by Victor Turners work.
However, scholars have recently gone further
in examining how ritual and oratorical events
involve proliferation of parallel, contrasting, or
complementary signifying effects in different
media, fostering dense links of iconicity and indexicality across an events elements and making the principles signied by those elements
all the more vivid and convincing by virtue of
being reected on many different surfaces (e.g.,
Kratz 1994).
Studying male oratory in an Amazonian society, for example, Graham (1993) examines
how spatial and sensory arrangement of participants bodies (including their physical voices)
contributes to the quality of the polity made
through their talk. Lying on their backs outdoors at night and frequently overlapping their
speech, orators do not speak as or toward individual persons. Rather, the polyvocal, depersonalizing physical arrangements of speaking are indexical and iconic of messages of
balanced consensus between political factions
that are also the denoted content of the talk
(compare Duranti 1994; Yankah 1995; Basso
2009, p. 266). Bate (2009) examines the multisensory reorganization of urban space that
is integral to oratory in Tamil electoral rallies. Concerning cassette sermons in Cairo,
Hirschkind (2006) underlines the piety felt to
inhere in qualities of the human voice as such,

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and the ways that sermon listenings force is

relationally dependent on urban spaces sensory monotony. Talks iconic and indexical coordination with other semiotic channels has
been particularly fruitfully examined in research on ritual speech and on relations of semiotic complementarity between speech and material valuables in ritual exchange (Merlan &
Rumsey 1991, p. 219; Keane 1997b; Robbins
2001b; Jackson 2003; Demmer 2007).
Just as work on oratory has often examined linkages of speech and space, so too a
main concern of scholarship on rituals more
generally has been their dense relations with
buildings, settlement space, and landscape (e.g.,
Sather 1993, Santos-Granero 1998, Stasch
2003, Mines 2005). Often issues of a rituals
links to spatial forms lead also to questions of
a rituals intertemporal links with other events.
As Kratz (2009) shows, dense iconic and indexical resonance is not only an internal feature
of a ritual but also an aspect of its relation to
ritual forms performed at other times.
An allied tendency in research on oratory
has been increasing attention to formal political speechs dense interdependencies with other
expressive genres. Authors have examined relations of antipathy between oratorical forms
and gossip (Brenneis 1984, Besnier 2009), political cartoons ( Jackson 2012), or enraged public invective (Kulick 1993). But these authors
also document links of permeability, appropriation, and tropic reguration across genres.
Knowing the internal makeup of an oratorical form and assessing the forms cultural consequentiality require study of the wider eld
of semiotic genres within which it is situated
(Merlan & Rumsey 1991, Briggs 1992, Duranti
1994, Manning 2007, Shoaps 2009). Many of
these researchers show that the dialectics of
genre are a main site of the dialectics of social
domination along lines of gender or class. Main
straticatory dimensions of oratory are not visible without the comparative genre analysis.

WORLD-MAKING
Kelly & Kaplan (1990) emphasized rituals links
to politics and history. This family of issues

has further grown in prominence since their

review and is probably the most robust area
of anthropologists current engagement with
rituals paradoxical framing as both separated
from and joined with its surrounding environment: at once an alternative activity tinged by
otherness and an activity linked to its wider context by lines of causal and conceptual force.
The world-making consequentiality of
rituals continues to be a core concern. Most
exponents of the theoretical consensus introduced above do not prejudge the relative
priority of microcosmic and macrocosmic
orders but expect these to be coconstitutive.
By fostering dense patterns of guration
among ritual elements, as well as dense linkages between a microcosmic spacetime and
wider macrocosms, ritual actors often causally
bootstrap into existence the very macrocosmic
conditions the rituals represent, including
forms of political subordination, visions of
political community, or economic structures
(Wells & McAnany 2008). For semiotically
oriented scholars, describing rituals worldmaking effects has been part of a larger project
to unwind and dispel the persistent folk idea
that a representation is a nonreal portrayal of
preexisting real entities. Rather, processes of
signication are of the order of causality and
materiality, simultaneous to being of the order
of ideas. A person or village might be a sign,
making presentand made present byother
entities such as a god, a moral principle, or a
history (Mines 2005, p. 55). But the person or
village is no less real for that, and it may be
through the eshly, dusty signs involvement in
causal chains that it makes present its meanings.
Studies of oratory have been among
the richest empirical demonstrations of the
material and political constitutiveness of signication. Caton (1987, 1990) shows that artful
speaking is the substance of power and political
order, rather than secondary to it, in Middle
Eastern segmentary communities (also
Silverstein 2005, Demmer 2007). One way
basic political conditions of peoples lives are
created through linguistic representation lies
in dening the agents of action. Writing about
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Pragmatics: aspects
of signication having
to do with sign use,
such as models of the
relations between talk,
speakers, and hearers

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oratorical mediation of political life in highland

New Guinea, Merlan & Rumsey (1991) trace
how social groups are at once problematical
semiotic constructions and of very real material
consequence (p. 35) by documenting the
steadily reexive, interactive character of the
person reference forms used to depict who
is transacting with whom at major exchange
events. Rumsey (1999, pp. 6364; 2000) further
examines implications of speakers use of rst
person singular I forms to refer to social
groups, following up on Sahlins (1985). Rumsey
also explores political implications of the cooccurrence of different construals of a personto-collectivity relation within a single stretch
of discourse, or even within single pronominal
tokens. Duranti (1994) and Jackson (2012) discuss oratorical avoidance of syntactic patterns
that strongly attribute agency to particular
actors, and the force of exceptions indexing a
speakers unusually high status or a project to
introduce a new political dispensation.
What this literature is partly addressing is
the way the pragmatics of speaking is itself
made a gural medium, through and around
which macrocosmic sensibilities about power
and polity are projected (Silverstein 2005,
Lempert 2012). Efforts to dene ritual typically highlight that it is action which is highly
conventional, or carried out in adherence to
a rule. To quote Parmentier (1994) again,
[R]itual actions are not just conventional, they
are so conventionalized that they highlight or
call attention to the rules, that is, to the pattern,
model, or semiotic type which the ritual action
instantiates (p. 133). This adherence to a
received form is often felt to involve distancing
of action from the voluntaristic personal
intentionality of those who perform it. Ritual
participants frequently do not consider themselves to be authors of the forms they enact, or
of those forms efcacy. This is a point emphasized by the denition of Rappaport (1999),
and it is a point that leads Bloch (1974 and
elsewhere) to characterize ritual as, in effect, an
antipolitics. Yet coexisting with the opening of
space between act and de novo personal volition
is the strong sense that ritual centrally consists
Stasch

of action and is reexively about action. The

ritual act becomes its own object (Turner
2006, p. 236), such that we might even think
of ritualists as among the original practice theorists. Scholars of oratory have given extensive
attention to questions of the relation between
speakers and their speech, and to ways that the
dening of these pragmatic arrangements is
a site of guration of what people are to each
other politically. Work on the relation between
actor and act in ritual (and on this relations
political implications) might look to this literature for clues about empirical and theoretical
possibilities other than the antipolitics account.
Allied with patterns in the pronominal
and syntactic representation of personhood,
another tendency widely documented by
linguistic anthropologists is the widespread
occurrence of pragmatic representations of distance between orators and their utterances that
may work paradoxically to give these speakers a
stronger voice. Declarations of personal inadequacy or respectful subordination to superiors
separate talk from the speakers own will or
self-regard, but also tacitly invite audiences
ratication of that speaker as authoritative
(Bauman 1992; Basso 2009, pp. 25859;
Jackson 2012). Irvine (1992) looks at how
genre formalities of an insult practice allow
evasion of responsibility for the slight (compare
Shoaps 2009). Agha (1997) traces gaps between
orators overt portrayals of their manner of
spoken interaction and their actual practice,
enabling aggression to hide in plain sight.
Du Bois (1986) and Keane (1997b) explore
elaborate gradations of distance between ritual
speakers and their speech, including attribution
of authorship to ancestors or deities. Often
these patterns in social deferral of authorship
and mediated voicing of authority are in
relations of mutual iconicity and indexicality
with use of special registers experienced as
obscure, archaic, deep, beautiful, good,
or foreign (Duranti 1994, Engelke 2004, Basso
2009, Bate 2009). Rampton (2002) analyzes
British adolescents use of German fragments
in peer conversation as ambivalent meditations
on the emotion and political organization of

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classroom interaction with their foreign language teacher. Dialogic presence of multiple
agents of speaking in single utterances has been
a core theme of work on oratory and ritual
speech (Duranti & Brenneis 1986; Agha 1997;
Gaenszle 2002; Demmer 2007, p. 49). Often
participation frameworks of delegation or
diffusion of oratorical roles are important
to making speech unattributable to a single
voice (Graham 1993, Yankah 1995, Keane
1997b). Social networks of transmission and
repetition of speech iconically and indexically
support the sense of its divine emanation
(Engelke 2004) or other qualities of social and
ontological distance between beings involved
in the communication (Keane 1997a,b; Hanks
2000). Tomlinson (2004) underlines how
Fijian solicitation of divine aid through prayer
not only resolves afictions but also deepens
supplicants sense of powerlessness. Across
these diverse cases, power has something of a
Maussian feel: A speaker afliates to it by giving
it up or by entering into delicate dances of
checking and rechecking the interdependence
and boundaries of ones own personhood
vis-`a-vis consociates and divinities.
Another overlapping emphasis has been on
how speech forms are densely indexical and
iconic of understandings of the social and moral
relation of speakers and listeners. The listening relation in some settings may itself be a basic model of subordination (Hirschkind 2006),
whereas in others it is conceived as a relation
of joint responsibility or mutual completion
( Jackson 2012; Kuipers 1998, pp. 7476). Elsewhere, orientation to the listenerrather than
expression of the speakeris a template of the
social as such (Robbins 2001a). Numerous authors (e.g., Bate 2009, Jackson 2012, Lempert
2011) are broadly concerned with ways oratory creates its audiences by addressing them in
particular modes, a concern overlapping with
scholarship on formation of publics through
specic modes of mass-mediated communicative address (Cody 2011, this volume).
While demonstrating that the poetics and
pragmatics of how orators speak shape peoples
notions of polity and their convictions about

specic political decisions, the above-noted linguistic anthropological works also empirically
underline the partiality and indeterminacy of
specic efforts of speech-based world-making.
This theme has also been central to the theoretical convergence in studies of ritual. Intrinsic to
the idea of ritual as hyperelaboration of semiotic
relationalities is that there are too many of these
links in play, that they conict with each other
(albeit sometimes systematically so), and that as
an other formation in relation to what lies beyond it, ritual principles will be pitched against
competing macrocosmic understandings not
signied by the ritual except by occlusion
(Valeri 1985, p. xi; Handelman 1990, p. 9).
These are some of the forces leading toward
such generalizations as that a custom does not
become a ritual until people can disagree about
its meaning (Humphrey & Laidlaw 1994,
p. 12). A ritual You are here sign coexists and
competes with other such signs, only succeeds
partially and provisionally in convincing anyone of a macrocosmic orders existence, and appears to different persons as containing very different macrocosmic maps and guiding arrows.
One nuanced ethnography of political dimensions of ritual guration is Miness (2005)
study of caste politics in Tamil temple festivals.
Issues such as the village-dening path of inclusion and exclusion taken by a procession, or
the order and manner in which audiences gain
access to a deitys gifts of ash, are focused sites at
which economically rising castes revise the villages heritage of Brahmin ascendancy, and at
which members of enduringly dominated castes
struggle with hierarchys indignities (on processions, see also Schnell 1999, Bryan 2000). Many
other authors similarly show rituals to be ash
points of political conict, around which people
are provoked to articulate new discontent with
structures of inequality (e.g., Smith 2004). Like
Mines and others, Merlan & Rumsey (1991)
draw on categories from Voloshinov or Bakhtin
to characterize how conicting evaluations can
adhere to the same acts, as when certain community members label as insane (pp. 192, 219)
the New Guinea women who successfully innovated a previously unknown oratorical practice.
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Kuipers (2009) shows how in certain interethnic

social events, multiple and shifting ritual codes
are brought to bear on the denition of what
is going on, such that explaining a sequence of
events requires laying bare the specic macrocosmic implications that different actors understood as immanent in their particular actions of
the here-and-now (compare also George 1996,
Schrauwers 2000, Hateld 2010).
Keane (1997b) shows that among an eastern Indonesian people, a main focus of oratorical as well as extralinguistic ritual signs is
the difculty and uncertainty of ritual signication itself. This difculty is due in part to
the otherness of the parties who relate to each
other via ritual acts, including their differences
of political positionality and the uncertainties
of whether and how they have a common political community. Keanes turn of analysis offers a fruitful path by which to grasp the thoroughly semiotic character of ritual politics and
to make use of the rich semiotic evidence available for spelling out the shape of that politics
in a given case. One aspect of Keanes study is
its demonstration of how much ritual is centrally composed of participants awareness and
representation of possibilities of ritual acts failing, being misperformed, or leading to harm
(also Schieffelin 1996, Howe 2000, Stasch 2003,
Husken
2007). This is one aspect of the larger

pattern of ritual being pervasively metasemiotic

in character, and one illustration of the point
that ritual is action about action. Sign use itself is a central site and object of rituals dense
gurativeness, such that the tropes of ritual are
pragmatic, not (just) semantic. Often the main
way a ritual unfolds is through representation
about how to perform a correct, successful ritual. So too it is well established that a central
feature of oratorical discourse and its political efcacy is meta-oratorical discourse about
oratorys appropriate conduct and denition
(Merlan & Rumsey 1991; Duranti 1994;
Manning 2007; Jackson 2012, updating Ochs
1973).
Rituals siting at the intersection of differences of social and political positionality, and
capacity to provoke or mediate such differences,

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Stasch

has also been addressed through continued

work on classic issues of suspension or transgression of everyday norms, as a signature
form of rituals gural density. Studies examine
the association of rituals with boundary zones
foundational to the distribution of social power
(Aggarwal 2001) and single rituals promotion
of heterogeneous or contradictory overarching
principles (Waldman 2003; Sanders 2008,
pp. 13959). In many cases, analysts emphasize
the systematic character of the contradictions
themselves, nding in the ritual form an
expression of some condition of dialectical
interrelation and mutual irreducibility between
incompatible and yet conjoined alternatives
(Handelman 1990, p. 30; Hammoudi 1993;
Kratz 1994, p. 231; Houseman & Severi 1998;
Brightman 1999; Werbner 2001).
Ongoing attention to rituals consequentiality in shaping material and political worlds has
been matched by inquiry into rituals efcacy in
making cognitive and emotional worlds as well.
Another feature of the theoretical consensus
about ritual is that it does not prejudge that
dense signication (including the macrocosmic
conditions iconically and indexically signied
by ritual forms) is of a separate order from
personal subjectivity. Many empirical studies
have contradicted early statements by Tambiah (1985), that rituals formulaicness fosters
emotional distance, or by Bloch (1975), that
formulaicness occludes thought and agency.
An attitudinal imperative to pay attention
is regularly noted to be a basic aspect of ritual
(e.g., MacAloon 1984, Handelman 1990),
a subjective correlative of rituals semiotic
density. And even when participants are not
exactly understood as a ritual forms authors,
ritual is often characterized by experiences
of lack of distance between personal volition
and the skillful act (Schieffelin 2006), as well
as aesthetic and bodily pleasure. Concerning
Islamic womens daily prayer in Egypt and Iran,
respectively, Mahmood (2001) and Haeri (n.d.)
explore how repetitive, disciplinary performance of formulaic actions can foster deepened
rather than reduced senses of self-expression
and emotional involvement with an addressed

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other. Many further studies similarly trace

paths of reciprocal uptake and transformation
between subjective experience and collective
or impersonal levels of ritual form (Dussart
2000, Cole 2004, Mines 2005, Du Bois 2009).
Issues of rituals causal efcacy and political loadedness are difcult to separate
from numerous facets of the intimate relation
between ritual and history. Many works tell
histories of social upheaval through the lens of
transformations in a specic ritual or show how
rituals represent practitioners historical consciousness (Hoskins 1993, George 1996, Bucko
1998, Schnell 1999, Spyer 2000, Smith 2004).
These and other studies look at the shifting signicance of ritual complexes as points through
which people dene themselves relative to powerful regional or extraregional others (Williams
2003, Wibbelsman 2009). There is growing
work on ritual as a site of intercultural articulation between regional neighbors through
reciprocities of participation across differences
of form ( Jackson 2003); through individual
and collective schismogenesis concerning the
value, conduct, or appropriate exegesis of
specic ritual practices (Nourse 1999); and
through interethnic exchange of ritual forms
or careful exclusion of ethnic others from ritual
access (Harrison 1992, Poirier 1992, Wiessner
& Tumu 1998, De Jong 2007). Studies also
document the opening of ssures between ritual practices and their social contexts (Snyder
1997, Waldman 2003), leading even to radical
disavowal of a ritual system (e.g., Tuzin 1997).
There is also a large literature on ritual revitalization or genesis in relation to new political
and economic structures projecting denitions
of what rituals are and who should have them
or offering new kinds of resources to support
earlier ritual projects (e.g., Adams 1997, Saez
2004, Rudolph 2008). Addressing a common
theme, Munn (1995) interprets a rituals dense
orchestration of historical memory and forgetting, here on the scale of personal remembrance
of shared lives with kin. Vast numbers of studies
document the innovation or recontextualization of ritual forms in sociocultural modernity,
not only under conditions of postcolonial

economic or political distress but also in

bourgeois, industrialized, or settler-colonistdominated social locations (e.g., Comaroff &
Comaroff 1993, Shaw 2003, Kendall 2008,
Hellweg 2009, Roberts 2010). Many authors
address articulations between rituals and
state formation (Bowie 1997), in some cases
tracing patterns of divergence or only partial
appropriation between ritual activities and the
formal political sphere (e.g., Lomnitz 1995,
Malarney 1996, Kandiyoti & Azimova 2004,
Paulson 2006).
One important feature of the consequential ritual guration of historical temporality,
and a basic locus of rituals semiotic density,
is the frequent nesting in rituals of multiple
scales of time and scales of a temporalized social eld. This includes the common experience
that ritual events have an evenemential quality
of intense singularity, as well as of typicality.
Venbrux (1995, p. 71) details how a specic
1988 performance of a mourning ritual by Tiwi
islanders, while centrally linking the temporality of survivors mourning for one man to ritual
forms of the longer run, also included a song
and exchange of objects alluding to a famous
ambush of the early 1900s. This ambush was in
turn intertextual with land-focused narratives of
a mythological timescale, but was also brought
up as an oblique warning to a specic participant in the 1988 performance who was being excessively willful in marriage politics. This
man was murdered by an unknown assailant two
weeks after the performance.
Although it is a well-established practice
to link ritual to political economy and history,
studies vary a great deal in whether they give
an account of ritual as having an internal
relation to temporality and to power: in other
words, whether they provide a nonreductionist
account of ritual operations, in their formal
details, as being reexively about the dening
of temporal succession, temporal now-ness,
and intertemporal relations and about the
constitution of social authority. The elaborate
gurational makeup of ritual practices is probably best understood to be not in time and power
as its external containers, but of time and power
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Linguistic
ideologies: language
users tacit or overt
reexive sensibilities
about language, and
their sensibilities about
specic modes of its
use
Semiotic ideologies:
sign users reexive
sensibilities about the
denition, value, and
effects of different
semiotic systems they
use

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in the sense of being consubstantial with them.

From the side of semiotic approaches to ritual,
giving explicit accounts of how this works will
probably mean even further increasing the
focus on spatiotemporally situated sign use as
itself not external to signication but a main
site and object of rituals gurational density.

IDEOLOGICAL VARIATION IN
THE DEFINITION AND VALUE
OF RITUAL OR ORATORY
One important feature of recent research on
rituals relation to history and politics has
been deepened concern with cross-cultural and
cross-historical variability in peoples ideologies of ritual, following the lead of literature
on linguistic ideologies in particular or semiotic ideologies generally (Keane 2006). Here
ritual is understood to be not universal or
constant, but dependent for its denition and
ourishing on reexive models about ritual. A
similar insight has been a central area of innovation in recent work on oratory. Indeed, advances in scholarship on ritual and oratory alike
in these areas have often been led by work on
ritual speech or work that examines interplay in
single societies between ideologies of nonverbal
ritual and ideologies of language.
Robbins (2001a,b; 2007) explores one
New Guinea peoples ideological distrust of
language as a medium for knowing personal
intentions or social states and their high esteem
for ritual exchange of tangible objects as
reliable measures of truth (see also Merlan &
Rumsey 1991). Contrasting this conguration
with Protestantisms valuing of sincere spoken
expression of subjective interiority and distrust
of ritual, Robbins suggest that these variations
in semiotic ideology are a main site of cultural
and moral struggle in processes of religious
conversion (also Keane 2006, Schieffelin 2007,
Seligman et al. 2008, Bate 2010). Kohn (2002)
describes a situation in which incomers enacting ritual emblems of belonging are tolerated
but are not received as insiders unless they engage in appropriate everyday social interaction.

Stasch

Such cases illustrate that ritual efcacy is mediated by culturally particular sensibilities about
what ritual should look like, whether it should
be practiced, what it can do, and what else
it should be combined with. Other work has
sought to historicize the category ritual itself
to particular political conditions (Asad 1993,
Pemberton 1994) or has attempted to typologize kinds of rituals associated with fundamentally different institutional formations (Handelman 1990, Humphrey & Laidlaw 1994).
Research on oratory has similarly explored
oratorical forms cross-cultural embeddedness
in language ideologies different from the individualistic and reference-focused models dominating European theory. In her alreadymentioned account of political speech in an
Amazonian society, Graham (1993) argues that
Xavante assumptions that relations between
persons are the locus of political agency contrast
with a Habermasian ideology of political process as emerging out of communication of individual intentions. This case underscores that
different oratorical forms consist of culturally
and contextually particular clusters of communicative norms (also Basso 2009; Besnier 2009,
pp. 12083; Manning 2007, pp. 19293) and
that the folk model of oratory as necessarily a
matter of a single apical gure addressing some
multitude (Bate 2009, p. 50) is only one possibility among others. In his own study, Bate
(2009) charts how Tamil campaign oratory is
oriented by a model of the desirability of devotional proximity to superiors, with audiences
or cospeakers signifying through subordination
their own participation in the power of the
praised. He examines the related paradox of
the postcolonial democratic turn toward a created register of beautiful, archaicism-marked
Tamil not controlled by the very audiences who
are persuasively moved by it.
In work on the Malagasy oratorical practice
of kabary classically discussed by Ochs (1973),
Jackson (2008, 2009) explores how this genre
is embedded in notions that a speakers role
is not to deliver an ultimate message but to
share a path of thought that audiences can

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themselves take in and engage with. She quotes

one kabary teachers statement on the craft of
indirectness: Metaphor is a must. That is how
Malagasy people prefer to hear what one has to
tell them. They prefer it this way, in a curvy
manner. . .which is a way that calls for some
thinking and reection, and not too direct,
too direct ( Jackson 2012). This contradicts
Blochs (1975) oft-criticized thesis, emerging
out of his own Malagasy eldwork, that oratorical form is a tool of mystication and social control. Here instead subtle speech is a provocation to reasoning, indexical and iconic of subtle
thought and of a subtle and considerate speakerto-audience social relation (also Caton 1990).
Jackson further examines, though, how during
the 2002 presidential campaign and initial incumbency of Marc Ravalomanana the ideology
of kabary as communal meaning-making was
temporarily eclipsed by a competing model that
oratory should index a speakers internal moral
nature. Working with professional electoral advisors from the United States, this politician
emphasized referential directness, and he stigmatized poetic properties of kabary as tied to
corruption, deception, and lack of real political results. The newness of a form of governance was iconically indexed by the difference
and newness of a speech style.
Linguistic anthropologists have also increasingly studied oratory in the U.S. formal
political sphere and its constitutive ideologies
(Duranti 2006, Lempert 2009). Discussing
the rst President Bush, Hill (2000) traces
how U.S. campaign politics is informed
by a linguistic ideology of personalism:
Speech mainly expresses the moral character
of the would-be leader [in a fashion quite

opposite to Samoan oratorical avoidance of

the gure of the willful actor reported by
Duranti (1994)]. Hill also documents a strong
ideological concern with message: What
counts is not political speechs propositional
information about a candidates doctrines, but
the brand-like type of personhood indexed
by how a candidate speaks. (This is the same
explicit ideology of message as the crux of
effective political speech that Ravalomananas
U.S. advisors encouraged him to adopt in his
successful national campaign in Madagascar.)
Silverstein (2003) traces message through to
the second President Bushs cultivation of a
character image of trying hard. He contrasts
this with Lincolns incarnation at Gettysburg
of a message of Christian rebirth via sacrice,
conveyed iconically and indexically through a
fabric of artful metrical echoes and reversals in
a brief dedicatory address.

CONCLUSION
Ritual and oratory are interesting cases of basic
anthropological topics that have been around
for a long time, but about which genuinely new
theoretical and empirical insights are very much
possible to achieve. Even the model of ritual as
poetically dense guration of macrocosmic orders in microcosmic acts, which I claim to be
a well-established paradigm, is perhaps still in
need of its benchmark full-length theoretical
statement and empirical demonstration. The
language-learning and evidence-gathering investments demanded by serious work on both
these topics are often exceptionally daunting. I
hope to have provided some reminders, though,
that the effort yields valuable rewards.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any afliations, memberships, funding, or nancial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to Joel Robbins, Alan Rumsey, and Francis Cody for eleventh-hour support.
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Anthropology

Contents

Volume 40, 2011

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:159-174. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

by Cornell University on 07/29/12. For personal use only.

Prefatory Chapter
Anthropological Relocations and the Limits of Design
Lucy Suchman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Archaeology
The Archaeology of Consumption
Paul R. Mullins p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 133
Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian Archaeology
Michael D. Frachetti p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 195
Archaeologists and Indigenous People: A Maturing Relationship?
Tim Murray p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 363
Archaeological Ethnography: A Multitemporal Meeting Ground
for Archaeology and Anthropology
Yannis Hamilakis p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 399
Archaeologies of Sovereignty
Adam T. Smith p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 415
A Century of Feasting Studies
Brian Hayden and Suzanne Villeneuve p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 433
Biological Anthropology
Menopause, A Biocultural Perspective
Melissa K. Melby and Michelle Lampl p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p53
Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understanding
of Links Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and
Associated Conditions
Tessa M. Pollard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 145
From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolution
of Language and Tool Use
Michael A. Arbib p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 257

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From Hominoid to Hominid Mind: What Changed and Why?

Brian Hare p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293
The Human Microbiota as a Marker for Migrations of Individuals
and Populations
Maria Gloria Dominguez-Bello and Martin J. Blaser p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
Linguistics and Communicative Practices

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Publics and Politics

Francis Cody p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p37
Ritual and Oratory Revisited: The Semiotics of Effective Action
Rupert Stasch p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 159
Language and Migration to the United States
Hilary Parsons Dick p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 227
The Balkan Languages and Balkan Linguistics
Victor A. Friedman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 275
International Anthropology and Regional Studies
Central Asia in the PostCold War World
Morgan Y. Liu p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 115
The Ethnographic Arriving of Palestine
Khaled Furani and Dan Rabinowitz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 475
Sociocultural Anthropology
Substance and Relationality: Blood in Contexts
Janet Carsten p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p19
Hallucinations and Sensory Overrides
T.M. Luhrmann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p71
Phenomenological Approaches in Anthropology
Robert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p87
Migration, Remittances, and Household Strategies
Jeffrey H. Cohen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 103
Climate and Culture: Anthropology in the Era of Contemporary
Climate Change
Susan A. Crate p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 175
Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentality
of Immigration in Dark Times
Didier Fassin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 213

Contents

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The Cultural Politics of Nation and Migration

Steven Vertovec p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 241
Migrations and Schooling
Marcelo M. Suarez-Orozco, Tasha Darbes, Sandra Isabel Dias, and Matt Sutin p p p p p p 311
Tobacco
Matthew Kohrman and Peter Benson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 329
Transnational Migration and Global Health: The Production and
Management of Risk, Illness, and Access to Care
Carolyn Sargent and Stephanie Larchanche p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 345
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:159-174. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
by Cornell University on 07/29/12. For personal use only.

Concepts and Folk Theories

Susan A. Gelman and Cristine H. Legare p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 379
Migration-Religion Studies in France: Evolving Toward a Religious
Anthropology of Movement
Sophie Bava p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 493
Theme I: Anthropology of Mind
Hallucinations and Sensory Overrides
T.M. Luhrmann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p71
Phenomenological Approaches in Anthropology
Robert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p87
From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolution of
Language and Tool Use
Michael A. Arbib p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 257
From Hominoid to Hominid Mind: What Changed and Why?
Brian Hare p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293
Concepts and Folk Theories
Susan A. Gelman and Cristine H. Legare p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 379
Theme II: Migration
Migration, Remittances, and Household Strategies
Jeffrey H. Cohen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 103
Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understanding of Links
Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and Associated
Conditions
Tessa M. Pollard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 145
Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian Archaeology
Michael D. Frachetti p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 195

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Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentality

of Immigration in Dark Times
Didier Fassin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 213
Language and Migration to the United States
Hilary Parsons Dick p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 227
The Cultural Politics of Nation and Migration
Steven Vertovec p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 241

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:159-174. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

by Cornell University on 07/29/12. For personal use only.

Migrations and Schooling

Marcelo M. Suarez-Orozco, Tasha Darbes, Sandra Isabel Dias,
and Matt Sutin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 311
Transnational Migration and Global Health: The Production
and Management of Risk, Illness, and Access to Care
Carolyn Sargent and Stephanie Larchanche p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 345
The Human Microbiota as a Marker for Migrations of Individuals
and Populations
Maria Gloria Dominguez-Bello and Martin J. Blaser p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
Migration-Religion Studies in France: Evolving Toward a Religious
Anthropology of Movement
Sophie Bava p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 493
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 3140 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 509
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 3140 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 512
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at
http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

Contents

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