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Summary
This study sought for national characteristics that moderate the individual-level relationship
between job characteristics and job satisfaction. Data from two distinct questionnaire surveys
administered to 107,292 employees in 49 countries was analyzed by employing multilevel
modeling. Results showed that the link between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is stronger in richer countries, countries with better governmental social welfare programs, more individualistic countries, and smaller power distance countries. By contrast,
extrinsic job characteristics are strongly and positively related to job satisfaction in all countries. In addition, we found that intrinsic job characteristics tend to produce motivating satisfaction in countries with good governmental social welfare programs irrespective of the
degree of power distance, while they do not tend to work so in countries with poor governmental social welfare programs as well as a large power distance culture. Socio-economic and
cultural approaches to explaining cross-national variation in work motivation are discussed.
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Introduction
In poorer countries (e.g., Adigun & Stephenson, 1992; Kanungo, 1990), in less individualistic countries (cf. Diener & Diener, 1995), and in countries with larger power distances (e.g., Earley &
Stubblebine, 1989; Eylon & Au, 1999), intrinsic job characteristics such as challenge, recognition,
autonomy, and the work itself are less closely related to job satisfaction, while extrinsic job characteristics such as pay, job security, and working conditions are more closely linked with job satisfaction.
Despite the great contribution of these pioneering studies to our understanding of cross-national differences in intrinsic/extrinsic motivation, two questions remain unsatisfactorily addressed. The first
* Correspondence to: Xu Huang, Department of Management, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hung Hom, Kowloon,
Hong Kong. E-mail: mshuangx@polyu.edu.hk
y
The pilot study was carried out while Xu Huang was a visitor at the Norwegian Social Science Data Services (NSD) in Bergen,
Norway, under the Training and Mobility of Researchers Programme funded by the European Union. The main study was
conducted while Xu Huang was a PhD student at the University of Groningen, the Netherlands, under the Ubbo Emmius
Fellowship Program.
160
question pertains to how to explain the cross-national variation in the link between job characteristics
and job satisfaction, if any. Based on the World Values Survey, a three-wave (1981, 19901991, 1995
1998) worldwide investigation of sociocultural and political values and beliefs of publics in more than
65 societies containing almost 80 per cent of the worlds population, Inglehart (1997, p. 329) suggested
that cross-national differences in peoples values and in how they evaluate their environments, lives,
and work might lie in differences in economic development in conjunction with cultural inertia. Building on this assertion, we attempt to shed light on how both socio-economic factors and cultural factors
predict cross-national variation in the relationship between intrinsic job characteristics and extrinsic
job characteristics, on the one hand, and job satisfaction, on the other. The second question is how the
above explanations should be scientifically tested. The conclusions of early comparative cross-national
studies were largely based on inferences instead of direct statistical testing. For example, when comparing workers behaviors in the USA and Britain, the researchers merely attributed the stronger link
between supervisors feedback and work performance in the USA to the fact that the USA has a smaller power distance culture than Britain does (Earley & Stubblebine, 1989). Adopting a multilevel
approach, the current paper statistically tests the link between national characteristics and observed
cross-national differences in individual-level relationships.
In the following section, we formulate eight hypotheses about the influence of national characteristics on how people perceive and evaluate their work environments. In a pilot study, we tested the
hypotheses by using a relatively small sample of nations and respondents. Based on the findings in
the pilot study, we then retested the hypotheses in the main study by using a much larger sample of
nations and respondents that allowed more refined model testing to rule out rival explanations at the
country level.
161
Figure 1. National wealth, social security, cultural individualism, and cultural power distance as countrylevel moderators of the individual level relationship between intrinsic/extrinsic job characteristics and job
satisfaction
characteristics that predispose how the inhabitants value these job characteristics. In the cross-national
research literature, there are two sets of overarching explanatory frameworks in which socio-economic
factors and cultural factors seem to be paramount in explaining the cross-national variation in workrelated values and attitudes (e.g., Aycan, Kanungo, & Sinha, 1999; Davis, Schoorman, & Donaldson,
1997; Hofstede, 1991, 2001; Inglehart, 1997; Smith, 1992; Trompenaars, 1993). Before laying out
hypotheses on the basis of the socio-economic perspective and the cultural perspective, it should be
noted that, recently, research exploring the cross-national differences in peoples affective outcomes,
such as life satisfaction and job satisfaction, has been on the increase. Socio-economic factors (e.g.,
Veenhoven, 1991; Veenhoven & Ehrhardt, 1995), cultural factors (e.g., Hui, Yee, & Eastman, 1995;
Arrindell et al., 1997), or both (Van de Vliert & Janssen, 2002) were related to life satisfaction or
job satisfaction at the country level. However, the focal interest in the current paper is to examine
the moderating effect of national characteristics on the individual level link between job characteristics
and job satisfaction instead of the main effects of national characteristics on job satisfaction (see
Figure 1).
Socio-economic perspective
The major theoretical principle underlying the socio-economic perspective is firmly welded to
Maslows (1954) well-known need-gratification theory of well-being, which postulates that higher
needs become salient as lower needs are gratified. Prior studies suggested that lower needs are less
potent for predicting happiness in rich countries than in poor countries (Veenhoven, 1991; Veenhoven
& Ehrhardt, 1995). Moreover, Adigun and Stephenson (1992) found that British workers were motivated more by intrinsic job factors such as achievement, the work itself, and recognition, whereas
Nigerian workers were motivated more by extrinsic job factors such as pay, fringe benefits, and working conditions. Kanungo (1990) revealed that Indian workers seemed to be indifferent towards challenging jobs. Inglehart (1997, p. 31) explained that, in economically developed countries, people tend
to take survival for granted. Such societies have experienced a gradual but phenomenal value change in
the course of economic development. Over time, values related to economic achievement have become
less salient than values related to enhancing self-expression (Inglehart, 1997, p. 33). Workers in richer
countries may attach more value to the intrinsic aspects of work and, therefore, may be motivated more
by intrinsic rewards, because they have taken survival for granted. By contrast, workers in poorer
countries may be motivated more by extrinsic rewards, because the lower needs (e.g., food, money)
are still more salient than the higher needs (e.g., self-esteem, self-actualization). Therefore, we
expected that:
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
162
Hypothesis 1: The positive relationship between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is
stronger in richer countries.
Hypothesis 2: The positive relationship between extrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is
weaker in richer countries.
Apart from national wealth, another socio-economic characteristic that affects the extent to which people take survival for granted is the degree of development of the national social welfare programs (or
social security system). Interest in the function of social security has heightened in the wake of the
emergence of welfare states in the last century (Ashford, 1986). The nub of the arguments is that a
fully developed social security system serves as a vehicle to secure the fulfillment of basic human
needs (Taylor-Gooby, 1991). In countries with a well-developed social welfare system, people are
more likely to experience good physical well-being, economic autonomy, and emancipation from
the confinement of a particular social system (Doyal & Gough, 1984; Plant, 1985; Weale, 1983).
The development of a social security system may well engender a shift in social value norms towards
an emphasis on self-expression. Hence, it is plausible to argue that, in countries with a well-developed
social security system, workers may tend to place more emphasis on higher needs and are therefore
more likely to be motivated by intrinsic rewards. In countries without a well-developed social security
system, on the other hand, workers may be motivated more by extrinsic rewards that satisfy basic
needs. Thus, it followed that:
Hypothesis 3: The positive relationship between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is
stronger in countries with a better social security system.
Hypothesis 4: The positive relationship between extrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is
weaker in countries with a better social security system.
Cultural perspective
It is intriguing that, compared to the socio-economic perspective, the cultural perspective takes a rather
different approach to the explanation of the cross-national differences in needs structure. People from a
particular country are seen as prone to placing more emphasis on higher needs, not simply because
their lower needs are gratified, but primarily because this is a culturally inherited trait (see Hofstede,
1991, pp. 7374). For instance, cultural individualism has been consistently found to be positively
related to self-esteem at country level (Chiu, 1993; Nevis, 1983; Page & Cheng, 1992). Moreover,
self-esteem is more strongly related to life satisfaction in more individualistic countries (Diener &
Diener, 1995; Oishi, 2000; Oishi, Diener, Lucas, & Suh, 1999). These findings are basically supportive
of Hofstedes (1991) observation that in individualistic cultures people tend to be self-reliant, be selfmotivated, and place more value on individual interests. If such culturally inherited values serve as a
criterion for evaluating the meaning of various management techniques and the valences of their behavioral outcomes, it should not come as a surprise that workers in individualistic countries value intrinsic job characteristics more than do workers in collectivistic countries. By contrast, in collectivistic
countries, economic and social security is often considered more important to life than freedom and
control in the work place (Kanungo, 1990), and economic as well as social goals are ranked higher than
individual goals (Alpander & Carter, 1995; Nevis, 1983). Put differently, in collectivistic countries,
higher needs such as self-actualization often give way to lower needs such as economic security
and social affiliation (Hofstede, 1991). Hence, workers in collectivistic countries are more likely to
place great emphasis on extrinsic aspects of their jobs than workers in individualistic countries.
Hypothesis 5: The positive relationship between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is
stronger in countries with a more individualistic and less collectivistic culture.
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
163
Hypothesis 6: The positive relationship between extrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is
weaker in countries with a more individualistic and less collectivistic culture.
Culturally transmitted individualistic or collectivistic needs alone, however, may not provide a sufficient explanation of the cross-national differences in peoples evaluations of job characteristics. A closely related cultural variable, cultural power distance, defined and investigated by Hofstede (1980,
1991), may, in part, also explain such differences. For instance, frequent recognition of good work
and feedback, often regarded as desirable intrinsic rewards in small power distance countries, were
interpreted by employees in large power distance countries as undesirable and unnecessary
(Earley & Stubblebine, 1989). Hofstede (1991) argued that a small power distance culture is characterized by a more participative style of management and greater aspiration to autonomy among individual workers. It is, therefore, reasonable to expect that intrinsic job characteristics, such as autonomy
and management feedback, are valued more by workers in countries with a smaller power distance
culture. By contrast, in countries with a large power distance culture, people take social inequality
for granted, and less powerful people are usually dependent on the more powerful people. Moreover,
in these countries, status, power, skills, and wealth are expected to go together. In other words, the
pursuit of more tangible rewards, such as pay, promotion, and good working conditions, may be the
primary goal of most people as they strive for more power and more privileges. Hence:
Hypothesis 7: The positive relationship between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is
stronger in countries with a smaller cultural power distance culture.
Hypothesis 8: The positive relationship between extrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is
weaker in countries with a smaller cultural power distance culture.
Explanatory competitors
Selecting the four most commonly used country-level predictorsnational wealth, national social
security, cultural individualism, and cultural power distanceas country-level moderators of the link
between job characteristics and job satisfaction in the current research was complicated by the fact that
all four national characteristics are potential explanatory competitors. Therefore, it is desirable to identify which one is the ultimate country-level explanatory variable, if any. In a broader sense, it is intriguing to see whether the socio-economic variables or the cultural variables have more explanatory power.
We trust that the above problem can be mitigated by controlling for potential confounds. In this vein,
we sought to control for as many of the hypothesized moderating effects as possible by allowing the
four moderatorsnational wealth, national social security, cultural individualism, and cultural power
distanceto control for each other. Therefore, taking the above arguments together, we attempted to
explore whether controlling all other predictors will disconfirm some of the eight hypotheses.
Pilot Study
We conducted a pilot study using the data retrieved from the International Social Survey Program
(ISSP). Nineteen of the ISSP members took part in the 1997 Work Orientation Survey. After dropping
all respondents who were not full-time workers or who had missing values, we finally based our
analysis on a sample of 8,506 full-time employees nested within 19 countries. In this pilot study,
job satisfaction was measured using a 7-point Likert scale item (1 Disagree to 7 Agree): How
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
164
satisfied are you in your (main) job? Intrinsic job characteristics (IJC) and extrinsic job characteristics
(EJC) were measured using five 5-point Likert scale items (1 Disagree to 5 Agree). Two items
were predominantly IJC (My job is interesting; I can work independently) and three items were
predominantly EJC (My job is secure; My income is high; My opportunities for advancement
are high). National wealth was the Gross National Product per capita (GNP) retrieved from a statistical reference book, National Cultures of the World (Parker, 1997). Social security level was measured
using a dummy variable retrieved from the same statistical reference book with 1 and 0 referring to a
country with or without a full social security system, respectively. Hofstedes (1991) individualism
index and his power distance index (both ranging from 1 to 100) were used as the operationalizations
of cultural individualism and cultural power distance.
In order to distinguish IJC from EJC, we performed a confirmatory factor analysis using the Lisrel
8.14 computer package (Joreskog & Sorbom, 1993) on the five items at the individual level. The multiple indicators of model fit indicated that the two-factor model of two IJC items versus three EJC items
achieved the maximum model fit among the three hypothetical models. Following the procedures used
by Mullen (1995), Singh (1985), and Peterson et al. (1995), we performed a multi-sample factor analysis to examine whether the factor structures of job characteristics are equivalent across nations. The
results showed a modest equivalence of the constructs across 19 countries (CFI 0.95;
RMSEA 0.07; for the meaning of the indicators, see Byrne, 1994).
Employing multilevel analysis (see the Method section for a detailed description of multilevel analysis), we tested whether the relationships between IJC and EJC, on the one hand, and job satisfaction,
on the other, vary across nations. We found that the link between IJC and job satisfaction significantly
varied across nations (residual variance 0.01, p < 0.05), while the link between EJC and job satisfaction did not vary across nations (residual variance 0.00, n.s).
We also found that the cross-national variation in the link between IJC and job satisfaction could be
explained by the four national characteristics (national wealth, social security, individualism, and
power distance), but to varying degrees. Plots of the results showed that, in support of Hypotheses
1, 3, 5, and 7, the positive relationship between IJC and job satisfaction was stronger in richer countries, in higher social security countries, in more individualistic countries, and in smaller power
distance countries (see Figure 2).
Context
165
Figure 2. National wealth, social security, cultural individualism, and cultural power distance as moderators of the
relationship between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction in the pilot study
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
166
Method
Compared to the pilot study, there were several methodological improvements in the main study. First,
we used a larger sample, which is more likely to minimize the problem of multicollinearity when
building more complex multilevel models (Kreft & De Leeuw, 1998; Snijders & Bosker, 1999). Second, we used a 7-item measure of job satisfaction instead of the single-item measure used in the pilot
study. Third, compared to the pilot study, the sample of the main study covered a wider range of countries, thus enhancing the cross-national generalizability of the findings.
Sample
The data was drawn from a survey conducted in 2000 in a multinational company. Questionnaires were
administered to employees through the management. All items were translated into the languages of
the countries under investigation by professional translation agencies. Employees were told that the
questionnaires would be kept completely anonymous so that the management would not be able to
identify the individual respondents. The response rate was about 76 per cent. The analysis was based
on a sample of 98,786 respondents from 41countries (see the Appendix): 62 per cent male, 51 per cent
blue-collar workers, and 49 per cent white-collar workers. The average age was 36, and the average
tenure period was 10 years.
167
found that extrinsic job characteristics such as pay (e.g., Tang & Gilbert, 1995) and security (Kuhnert
& Palmer, 1991) contribute to both intrinsic and extrinsic job satisfaction. To deal with this problem,
we adopted a strategy of using the factor scores of a number of IJC and EJC items so that each respondents perception of the degree of intrinsic and extrinsic job characteristics could be estimated.
Predominantly IJC was represented by a 2-item 5-point Likert scale measure (1 Disagree to
5 Agree): My job offers little opportunity to use my skills and abilities; My immediate boss seldom gives me recognition for work done well. Predominantly EJC was represented by a 3-item
5-point Likert scale measure (1 Disagree to 5 Agree): From what I hear, our pay is as good as
in other companies in our industry; Overall the physical working conditions where I work are satisfactory (e.g., ventilation, temperature, space to work,); The people I work with are willing to help
each other, even if it means doing something outside their usual activities. Based on an overall pancultural factor analysis, each respondents five raw scores were multiplied by the corresponding loadings on the intrinsic and extrinsic job factors analysis, respectively. Next, to disentangle the individual
differences and the country differences, we centered the individual-level IJC and EJC on their country
means (individual score minus country mean, see Kreft & De Leeuw, 1998, pp. 106107). As in
the pilot study, we conducted a confirmatory factor analysis and a multi-sample confirmatory factor
analysis. National wealth, social security, cultural individualism and cultural power distance were the
same as in the pilot study.
Control variables
Past research has shown that demographic variables, such as gender, age, job level, and tenure, also
affect the job satisfaction responses of individuals (e.g., Locke, 1976). Therefore, these variables were
controlled for with the help of dummy variables for gender (dichotomy), age group (five levels), job
level (five levels), and tenure group (seven levels). As mentioned earlier, national wealth, national
social security, cultural individualism, and cultural power distance were strongly intercorrelated. In
order to identify the most powerful country-level explanatory variable, we let the four country-level
predictors control for each other. Because potential confounds among the national characteristics may
not only come from the main effects of competitors, but also from their interaction terms with other
variables (Anderson & Anderson, 1996), we adopted a very conservative approach by including all
four country-level variables and all possible two-way and three-way interactions of job characteristics
and national characteristics in the model.
Analyses
Data analyses were performed using Mlwin, a computer package for analyzing multilevel models
(Goldstein et al., 1998). Mlwin produces estimates comparable to the unstandardized regression coefficients in ordinary regression analysis. However, compared to ordinary regression analysis, multilevel
analysis allows improved model specification and more accurate estimation of standard errors (Snijders
& Bosker, 1999). Moreover, how well a given model fits the data can be tested by chi-square change.
Results
As in the pilot study, to distinguish IJC from EJC, we performed a confirmatory factor analysis at the
individual level. Similar to the results of the pilot study, the multiple indicators of model fit presented
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
168
Table 1. Goodness-of-fit indices for one- and two-factor models of intrinsic job characteristics and extrinsic job
characteristics
Model
Null model
One-factor model
Two-factor model
2
d.f.
GFI
AGFI
RMSR
CFI
20,738.42*
1,873.8*
905.07*
10
6
2
0.92
0.98
1.00
0.88
0.96
0.97
0.12
0.05
0.02
0.00
0.79
0.96
Note: GFI, goodness-of-fit index; AGFI, adjusted goodness-of-fit index; RMSR, root mean square of residuals; CFI, comparative
fit index. Two-factor model one-factor model: 2(4) 908.73 ( p < 0.001).
*p < 0.001.
in Table 1 indicated that the two-factor model of two IJC items versus three EJC items achieved the
maximum model fit among the three hypothetical models. When we conducted the multi-sample confirmatory analysis to check the structural equivalence of job characteristics items using the entire sample, the Lisrel 8.14 computer program failed to generate any results on such a large sample. Therefore,
we split the sample into three parts. In each part, we randomly selected six countries and performed the
multi-sample confirmatory analysis. Again, the findings showed a modest equivalence across nations
(CFI ranging from 0.87 to 0.95, RMSEA ranging from 0.07 to 0.05). Table 2 provides an overview of
summary statistics and correlations between all the variables at the country level and the individual
level.
To test the hypotheses, we performed a stepwise multilevel analysis and tested the improvement of
model fit as shown in Table 3. Mlwin decomposes the variance of the dependent variable, job satisfaction, into two levels of variance: country-level variance and individual-level variance. As a rule (see
Kreft & De Leeuw, 1998), if the country-level variance accounts for 5 per cent or more of the total
variance, it will be worthwhile to conduct multilevel analysis to try to explain variances from both
levels. The results, not presented in the table, showed that 6 per cent of the total variance of job satisfaction had to be explained at country level. The analyses shown in Table 3 were conducted after controlling for demographic variables. We put IJC and EJC into the model in Step 1. The significant
positive coefficients (IJC: 0.18, p < 0.001; EJC: 0.35, p < 0.001) and a significant improvement of model fit (2 32,895.7, d.f. 2, p < 0.001) indicated that, at the individual level, IJC and
EJC were positively related to job satisfaction. In Step 2, we tested whether the links between IJC
and EJC, on the one hand, and job satisfaction, on the other, significantly vary across nations. A highly
significant increase of model fit in Step 2 (2 2,678.6, d.f. 5, p < 0.001) indicated that there was
considerable variation in the job characteristicsjob satisfaction links (or job characteristic slopes)
across countries. Mlwin also produces estimates of the residual variances of the slopes (Kreft & De
Leeuw, 1998) to indicate to what extent the IJCsatisfaction link and the EJCsatisfaction link vary
across nations, respectively. The results not presented in the table showed a significant variation in the
IJCjob satisfaction link across nations (residual variance of the IJC slopes 0.01, p < 0.001).
Although the residual variance of the EJCsatisfaction link also reached significance (residual variance of the EJC slopes 0.00, p < 0.001), the variance was too small to indicate any practically significant variation in the slopes. Thus, in line with the findings of the pilot study, Hypotheses 2, 4, 6, and
8, dealing with the explanations of the variation of the slopes in terms of EJC, were not confirmed.
Before moving on to Step 3 to let the four country-level variables control for each other, following
the same procedure as in the pilot study, we tested Hypotheses 1, 3, 5, and 7. The results, not presented
in the table, showed that the four interaction terms of IJC and wealth ( 0.05, p < 0.001), IJC and
social security ( 0.14, p < 0.001), IJC and individualism ( 0.08, p < 0.001), and IJC and power
distance ( 0.07, p < 0.001), were all significant and there was a significant increase in model fit
(see Figure 3). Hence, the four hypotheses were supported.
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
14,286.552
0.69
55.41
54.63
3.23
8,282.50
0.46
26.78
19.85
0.75
SD
0.15y
0.18y
0.19y
0.20y
0.19y
0.27y
0.41
0.00
0.05y
0.03y
0.04y
0.56y
2
y
0.59
0.30
0.72y
0.75y
0.68y
0.01y
0.58
0.37*
0.61y
0.72y
0.55y
0.05y
0.50
0.20
0.70y
0.51y
0.65y
0.01y
0.62
0.02
0.69y
0.41y
0.69y
0.04y
0.03
0.67y
0.04
0.15
0.01
0.26
170
Entry
Entry
Final
Final
Increase in model
beta
SEa
beta
SE
Step 1
Intrinsic job characteristics (IJC)
Extrinsic job characteristics (EJC)
0.18z
0.35z
0.00
0.00
0.20z
0.36z
0.05
0.01
2(2) 32,895.7z
0.21z
0.36z
0.01
0.01
2(5) 2,678.6z
Step 3
National wealth (W)
Social security (SECU)
Individualism (IND)
Power distance (PD)
0.02
0.07
0.05
0.11y
0.03
0.07
0.04
0.04
0.03
0.03
0.10
0.06
0.10
0.17
0.11
0.08
2(4) 10*
Step 4
IJC W
IJC SECU
IJC IND
IJC PD
0.01
0.05*
0.02
0.04y
0.01
0.02
0.02
0.01
0.02
0.03
0.02
0.08z
0.03
0.05
0.03
0.02
2(4) 28.5z
Step 5
W SECU
W IND
W PD
SECU IND
SECU PD
IND PD
0.02
0.06
0.04
0.06
0.08
0.05
0.11
0.06
0.04
0.12
0.10
0.05
0.01
0.06
0.03
0.07
0.05
0.05
0.11
0.06
0.04
0.12
0.10
0.05
Step 6
IJC W SECU
IJC W IND
IJC W PD
IJC SECU IND
IJC SECU PD
IJC IND PD
0.01
0.01
0.01
0.02
0.06*
0.02
0.03
0.02
0.01
0.04
0.03
0.02
0.01
0.01
0.01
0.02
0.06*
0.02
0.03
0.02
0.01
0.04
0.03
0.02
2(6) 8.9
2(6) 13*
In Step 3, we entered national wealth, social security, cultural individualism, and cultural power distance, so that the four predictors would control for each other. Power distance stood out as the only
significant predictor of job satisfaction. In addition, two of the four interaction terms entered in Step 4,
IJC and social security ( 0.05, p < 0.05) and IJC and power distance ( 0.04, p < 0.01), were
significant. In Step 5, six two-way interaction terms of the four country-level variables were entered
but none of them reached significance. Finally, we tested all cross-level three-way interactions
between IJC and the six combinations of two national characteristics in Step 6. It is worth noting that,
after controlling for all these effects, the two-way interaction effect of IJC and power distance on job
satisfaction was the only two-way interaction that remained significant. Another significant interaction
term was the three-way interaction of IJC, social security, and power distance ( 0.06, p < 0.05). The
plots in Figure 4 show that intrinsic job characteristics were linked to job satisfaction in all countries
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
171
Figure 3. National wealth, social security, cultural individualism, and cultural power distance as moderators of the
relationship between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction in the main study
Figure 4. National social security and cultural power distance as joint moderators of the relationship between
intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction in the main study
172
with high levels of social security, small power distance, or both, while there was no relationship
between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction in countries with both low levels of social
security and large power distances (simple slope test: 0.01, n.s.).
Discussion
The results of the pilot study and the main study reported here show that, whereas the link between
intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction varied significantly from country to country, the positive relationship between extrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction remained more or less the
same across the 49 countries. Furthermore, the consistent results across the two studies show that the
cross-national variation in the link between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction can be
explained by national wealth, national social security, cultural individualism, and cultural power distance. The relationship between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction is stronger in richer
countries, higher social security countries, more individualistic countries, and countries with a smaller
power distance culture.
These findings are in harmony with the explanations drawn from the socio-economic perspective, on
the one hand, and the cultural perspective, on the other. The socio-economic perspective explains the
stronger link between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction in richer countries and in countries with better social security systems in terms of survival issues being less important and intrinsic
aspects of jobs being more important for workers (Inglehart, 1997). From the cultural perspective, on
the other hand, the stronger link between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction in more individualistic countries and in countries with a smaller power distance culture is attributed to cultural
norms. In those countries, people are more likely to be socialized to focus on intrinsic aspects of their
jobs (Hofstede, 1980). For example, it was found that people in individualistic countries tend to attach
more value to high-order needs, such as self-actualization, than people in collectivistic countries
(Alpander & Carter, 1995; Nevis, 1983). Recent research has also shown that empowerment (Eylon
& Au, 1999; Robert et al., 2000) and receiving recognition from a boss (Earley & Stubblebine, 1989)
were more likely to be accepted by employees in countries with a smaller power distance culture.
The findings also suggest that social security is a stronger moderator of the intrinsic job characteristicsjob satisfaction link than national wealth. It appears that the degree of development of social
security system is more likely to capture the degree of socio-economic development of a nation than
national wealth per se. In a high social security country, people are more likely to be able to fulfill not
only their basic human needs such as physical well-being and safety, but also their need for emancipation from the confinement of a particular social system (Taylor-Gooby, 1991). Besides, Hofstede
(1991) as well as Shackleton and Ali (1990, p. 111) observed that cultural power distance is more relevant for organizational structure and behavior in organizations than cultural individualism, for power
distance is closely related to dominant organizational phenomena such as sharing power and centralization. Similarly, our findings do suggest that cultural power distance was a stronger determinant of
how workers assess their intrinsic job characteristics than cultural individualism.
The remaining question is whether socio-economic factors or cultural factors determine the crossnational variation in the impact of intrinsic job characteristics on job satisfaction. Inglehart (1997)
pointed out that, since Marx and Weber, there has been an unresolved tension between socio-economic
determinism and cultural determinism in explaining social development. Whereas Marxists tend to
attribute social and cultural changes to economic development and improvement of productivity,
Weberians argue that it is culture that nurtures economic development and social change. Rejecting both
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
173
socio-economic determinism and cultural determinism, Inglehart contended that value changes in
societies are linked to both socio-economic factors and cultural factors. Indeed, this socio-cultural
perspective has drawn much attention in recent cross-national studies (e.g., Arrindell et al., 1997;
Inglehart, 1997; Oishi et al., 1999), in which socio-economic and cultural factors were used simultaneously to explain cross-national differences in peoples values, attitudes, and behaviors. The findings
shown in Figure 4, too, are supportive of the idea that socio-economic factors and cultural factors reinforce and compensate each other in shaping peoples evaluations of their work. Specifically, intrinsic
job characteristics are associated with job satisfaction in countries with high social security and small
power distances, because in these countries (e.g., Denmark, Netherlands, and the USA) socio-economic
status and cultural norms predispose people to value intrinsic aspects of their jobs more. Moreover,
there is a significant link between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction in countries with high
social security and large power distance (e.g., Malaysia, Colombia, and Venezuela). It seems that social
security alone is sufficient to shift peoples values towards self-expression, thus making them value
intrinsic aspects of their jobs more. In addition, compared to high social security countries, in low social
security countries people are unlikely to take survival for granted, but they may still value intrinsic job
characteristics if their country has a relatively small power distance culture (e.g., Argentina, Pakistan,
and South Africa). Although we were not in a position to include many Eastern European countries in
our sample, it makes a good sense to argue that many of the Eastern European countries may belong to
this category. Finally, if a countrys socio-economic status and cultural norms constitute an environment
in which intrinsic rewards from ones job are undermined, such as those countries with low social security and large power distances (e.g., Egypt, Mexico, and the Philippines), intrinsic job characteristics are
not related to job satisfaction. In a nutshell, intrinsic motivation might work in countries with higher
levels of social security irrespective of the degree of power distance, while it might not function in larger
power distance countries with lower levels of social security.
Limitations
The studies have three salient limitations. First, while job satisfaction was an overall measure in the
pilot study, we used a job facet approach to measure job satisfaction in the main study. At first glance,
all facets including pay, benefits, job security, career opportunity, training received, recognition for
performance, and being treated with respect seem to be external. The lack of a more straightforward
measure of intrinsic job satisfaction dealing with achievement or the work itself may explain why the
IJCsatisfaction link is whereas EJCsatisfaction link is not moderated. However, we argue that the
facets of recognition and respect are to some extent intrinsic in nature, not only because many psychologists believe they are (Dyer & Parker, 1975), but also because they were indeed treated as facets
representing intrinsic job satisfaction in some prior studies (Hackman & Oldham, 1976; Herzberg
et al., 1959; Simonetti & Weitz, 1972; Singer & Coffin, 1996; Wernimont, 1966). Moreover, it has been
repeatedly ascertained that subjective satisfaction measures tend to constitute a syndrome, so that
when satisfaction is expressed with one realm it is likely to be expressed in other realms as well
(Inkeles, 1997, p. 335). Workers general affective states of certain aspects of their jobs may well spill
over onto evaluations of other job aspects (cf. Bamundo & Kopelman, 1980; Judge & Watanabe,
1993; Near & Rechner, 1992). Furthermore, although job satisfaction was measured differently in
the pilot study and the main study, the patterns of moderating effects on the IJCsatisfaction link
are essentially the same as in both studies.
Second, since it was not intended that the two surveys used in the studies would be used exclusively
to examine the relationship between job characteristics and job satisfaction, intrinsic job characteristics were measured using two items in each study only, leading to a potential problem of construct
Copyright # 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
174
validity. However, this problem is mitigated by the fact that the confirmatory factor analyses of the
different job characteristic items in the pilot study and the main study revealed a similar two-factor
structure of intrinsic versus extrinsic job characteristics. Moreover, in both studies, we found that
the link between intrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction varied from country to country, while
the relationship between extrinsic job characteristics and job satisfaction remained nearly constant
across countries. Finally, although the two studies used completely different samples as well as different items to measure intrinsic job characteristics, the interaction effects of intrinsic job characteristics
and each of the four national characteristics showed remarkable convergence (see Figures 2 and 3).
A related third problem is that in the main study one of the two IJC items (my immediate boss
seldom gives me recognition for performance) and one of the job satisfaction measures (satisfaction
with recognition for performance) are closely linked conceptually. Likewise, the EJC item from what
I hear, our pay is as good as in other companies in our industry is conceptually linked to satisfaction
with pay. The closely related items may blur the empirical test of the theoretical relationships between
job characteristics and job satisfaction, the central concern of the paper. However, even though the IJC
item and the job satisfaction item are conceptually related, our findings still showed that in lower social
security countries with a large power distance culture, IJC was not related to job satisfaction. Though it
is not clear whether, in the main study, the consistently strong individual level link between EJC and
job satisfaction is due to the fact that satisfaction with pay may be closely related to the corresponding EJC items, at least in pilot study, we found that EJC was strongly related to job satisfaction across
nations as well.
175
social security and a large power distance culture, extrinsic job characteristics are strongly and positively linked to job satisfaction in all countries.
Author biographies
Xu Huang is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Management at the Hong Kong Polytechnic
University. He received his PhD from the University of Groningen (the Netherlands) and MA from
Lancaster University (UK). His research interests include cross-cultural organizational psychology,
psychological empowerment, organizational justice, and management issues in China. He has published in the Journal of International Business Studies and Applied Psychology: An International
Review.
Evert Van de Vliert is a Professor of Organizational and Applied Social Psychology at the University
of Groningen, the Netherlands. His research has been published in Academy of Management Journal,
Academy of Management Review, Journal of Applied Psychology, Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Journal of International Business Studies, Journal of Organizational Behavior, and Journal of
Personality and Social Psychlogy. His key book publication is Complex Interpersonal Conflict Behaviour: Theoretical Frontiers (Psychology Press, 1997). Van de Vlierts current research interests focus
on cross-national organization psychology, with an emphasis on the impact of atmospheric thermoclimate on leadership and human resource management.
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4150.
Argentina
Australia
Austria
Belgium
Brazil
Bulgaria
Canada
Chile
Colombia
Czech
Denmark
Egypt
Finland
France
Germany W.
Germany E.
Greece
Hong Kong
Hungary
India
Indonesia
Israel
Italy
Japan
Malaysia
Mexico
Netherlands
New Zealand
6,800
17,000
20,200
23,950
2,680
1,140
20,800
2,550
1,500
2,710
24,400
730
26,000
20,400
22,300
22,300
8,200
14,600
3,350
369
680
12,100
18,600
26,900
2,960
3,660
18,300
14,900
Social security
0
1
1
1
1
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
1
1
1
1
1
0
1
0
0
1
1
1
1
0
1
1
49
36
11
65
69
80
23
10.5
39
63
72.5
74
38
63
71
67
67
35
25
18
80
33
68
35
35
60
68
48
14
54
76
46
26
30
80
79
77
78
13
50
54
104
81
38
22
Pilot study
N
Main study
N
504
441
3,847
4,469
5,039
351
329
358
136
434
483
378
431
161
132
59
234
6,063
7,227
169
3,266
571
3,089
1,303
573
379
437
417
563
310
1,252
7,913
17,269
134
Continues
179
Appendix: Continued
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
Norway
Pakistan
Peru
Philippines
Poland
Portugal
Russia
Salvador
S. Africa
S. Korea
Singapore
Slovenia
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
Taiwan
Thailand
Turkey
UK
USA
Venezuela
44,000
410
1,430
860
2,260
9,000
2,340
1,190
2,960
6,650
16,500
6,490
13,200
25,100
33,200
10,000
1,940
3,670
16,700
23,400
3,400
1
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
1
1
0
1
1
1
0
0
1
1
1
1
69
14
16
32
31
55
64
94
27
63
8
65
18
20
27
51
71
68
17
20
37
89
91
12
66
49
60
74
76
57
31
34
58
64
66
35
40
81
892
337
264
746
480
98
392
55
2,010
905
124
327
362
4,090
415
290
467
680
201
311
6,887
4,208
280
3,931
9,626
193