Tomasz - Gralak - Impacts - of - Steppe Peoples On The Polish Territories

Centra_kulturowe_Biskupin_2010:Layout 1
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 41
ROLA GWNYCH CENTRW KULTUROWYCH W KSZTATOWANIU OBLICZA KULTUROWEGO EUROPY RODKOWEJ

WE WCZESNYCH OKRESACH EPOKI ELAZA, Biskupin Wrocaw 2010
Tomasz Gralak
Instytu Archeologii Uniwersytetu Wrocawskiego
Impacts of steppe peoples on the Polish

territories: model analysis on the example
of so-called influences of the Huns
In the European history, the Hunnish episode is a unique example
of a steppe people, who suddenly appeared and whose activities have been relatively well attested by written sources. That gives a chance of comparison to
archaeological data and of creating model of actions, which are usually described
by an ambiguous term influences. The chronological analysis enables also the
temporal diversification of the process. So, the three-phase division of the influences has been proposed. The first phase is destroying the previous structures
by the appearance of the new people. The second phase covers direct influences.
Effects of the collapse of the Huns make the third phase. From such perspective,
not only artefacts related to the Huns have been defined as influences, but
also numerous phenomena and elements of other cultures, which appearance
on the Polish territories was a result of the activity of the Huns.
Appearance of the Huns in 375 started the Migration Period in Europe. Their
activity became the ultimate cause of many political and cultural phenomena.
They were supposed to be led through the Don River, viewed then as the boundary between Europe and Asia, by a doe, chased by them while hunting (Jordanes
123-125). The story has been supposed to become from old songs, handed down
traditions of the people of the Huns (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 55). The story is an
example of a myth presenting the divine granting of lands. The doe is a guide
there. But it also indicates the role for the Huns to play the role of hunters,
whose military tactics resemble hunting (Eliade 2002, 131-132). Apart from the
legend, a more prosaic cause of their migration is known: as a result of climatic changes, they sought adequate areas for grazing of their herds. Such phenomenon occurred cyclically in the Central Asia and caused great ethnic migrations (Moszyski 1925, 19-23). In the course of their migration, the Huns were
41
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 42
attacking tribes living on their way. This way, they caused the so-called avalanche
of peoples, which St. Ambrosius presented laconically: the Huns attacked the
Alans, the Alans attacked the Gots, the Gots attacked the Taifals and the Sarmatians (Ambrosius, Expositio, X: 10). Jordanes added peoples conquered by the
Huns before their attack on the Alans: Alpidzuros, Alcildzuros, Itimaros, Tuncarsos et Bioscos (Getica 126). As a result of the events, a new and terrible
rumour arose among the tribes of the north: over the whole region which
extends from the country of the Marcomanni and Quadi to Pontus, barbarian
hosts composed of different distant nations, which had suddenly been driven
by force from their own country, was now, with all their families, wandering
about in different directions on the banks of the river Hister [the Danube TG]
Ammianus Marcellinus (XXXI, 4, 2).
The phenomenon is reflected in archaeology and is defined as the so-called
post-Cherniakhov horizon, dated back to the D1 phase of the Migration Period
(Tejral 1986; 1987; 1988). In general, typical finds of the Cherniakhov culture,
identified with the Gots, as well as characteristic elements of the culture of the
Sarmatians and probably of other nomads, have been occurred in wide areas on
the Danube. That horizon is also noticeable in the area of southern Poland. That
concerns the area occupied by the population of the Przeworsk culture, within
which cultural disintegration and local diversification was developing. Metal and
ceramic artefacts, as well as funeral rites, are indicators of the processes. Some
isolated finds of the Danube or the Pontic features occurs in the whole area of the
Przeworsk culture. But, a distinct concentration of them can be only seen in Silesia and western Little Poland.
Elements of the Cherniakhov horizon are the most clearly visible within the
so-called Dobrodzie group or in its direct neighbourhood. The group occupied
the region of the boundaries between Upper Silesia and Little Poland (Szydowski
1977a, map 1). In the Dobrodzie group, there are no clear chronological indicators earlier than the D1 phase (Godowski 1989, 26-27). A layered funeral rite
is one of the essential characteristic of the group. In the Przeworsk culture, the
rite appeared already in the the late-Roman period. Its origin has been unanimously linked with the Dacian culture (Godowski 1969, 122-125; Szydowski 1977a, 74-78; Kokowski 2007, 152-153). The layered burials can be found
in 3 different variants. The first one consists of a homogeneous cremation layer
mixed with artefacts from a funeral pyre, the second one of clusters of cremation resembling individual burials. The third variant consists of burials filled
with burnt remains and resembling ditch objects. It has been pointed that the
similar division into 3 variants took place in the late-Roman period in the
Carpathian Tumuli culture (Baejewski 1998, 128-129).
In the habitus of the Dobrodzie culture, many elements of the southern and
the south-eastern origin have appeared. They have been also sporadically found
in other areas occupied by the Przeworsk culture, yet they have been nowhere
found in a comparable concentration.
42
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 43
2
3
11
9
10
12
5 cm
5 cm
11
5 cm
0
2
12
5 cm
0
3-8
5 cm
0
13
5 cm
5 cm
13
9-10
Fig. 1. 1, 4, 9, 12 Szczedrzyk, district Opole; 2 Valea Strimba, Romania; 3 Ockov, Slovakia;

5 Sntana de Mure, Romania, grave 63; 6 Dobrodzie Rdzina, district Olesko; 7 abieniec,
district Kobuck; 8 Kostelec na Han, Moravia; 10 Opatw, district Kobuck; 11, Zamorskoje,
the Crimea, grave 21; 13 Olsztyn, district Czstochowa. 1, 6, 13 after Szydowski 1974;
9, 10, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12 after Tejral 1986
43
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 44
Fibulas of the A 158 type (Almgren 1923) characterized by the length of 8-9 cm,
are characteristic of the last phase of the Przeworsk culture (Fig 1:12). They can
be found mainly in the area of the so-called Dobrodzie group. They have numerous stylistic analogies with decorated forms made from silver from the area in the
middle course of the Danube river (Szydowski 1977a, 45; 1977b, 119, Fig. 14).
The fibulas of that type are characteristic of the post-Cherniakhov horizon in the
area on the Danube river, where they belongs to artefacts of the interregional
character (Tejral 1986, 210).
On burial grounds in Dobrodzie, district Olesno and in Olsztyn, district
Czstochowa, rhomboid plates, being fittings of wooden bucket, have been
found. They were dated back to the D phase (Szydowski 1984, 79, table VIII:y,
XII I). That have been indicated that wooden stave bucket came from the habitus of the La Tne culture (Szydowski 1977a, 25). Fittings in the form of the
rhomboid plates have been found in the earlier phase, in Wrocaw Zakrzw.
Such ornamental motif has numerous analogies in the area of the Pannonia and
the Dacia Provinces and in the adjacent area of Barbaricum (Protase 1976, 66-67,
Figs. 21-22).
In the Dobrodzie group, buckles with a thickened frame have been found.
Among them, two pieces have got circular, discoid, decorated ferrules (fig. 1:13).
They come from Dobrodzie Rdzina and Olsztyn (Szydowski 1974, table
XCVII:m, CLXXII:y). They have analogies with artefacts from Smolin
in Moravia, Belgrad in Serbia, Tiszaladny and Szabadbattyn in Hungary. In general, in the Carpathian Basin, they have been linked with the post-Cherniakhov
horizon from the D1 phase (Tejral 1986, 200, Figs. 8:15-16, 22).
In the wide areas on the Danube river, buckles with a big, thickened, circular frame and with massive spike also have got analogies. They have been found
in great numbers in the area of the Dobrodzie group (Fig. 1:7-8). They have
been also dated to the D1 phase and linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon
(Tejral 1986, 209, Figs. 6:2, 24, 7:7, 8:9, 9:1, 17, 10:2, 6, 8, 10, 12, 18, 20, 21,
11:5, 12:8, map 1). Buckles with tetragonal ferrules (among them also those with
the thickened, circular frame), coming from Olsztyn and Dobrodzie, also have
got analogies in the area on the Danube river (Fig. 1:4-5). They have been also
linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon. It has been indicated that forerunners of the form were found in the area of the Cherniakhov culture (Tejral 1986,
209, Figs. 6:24, 7:12, 8:9, 9:9, 14, 10:11, 12, 12:7, 8, 12, map 2). A buckle found
in Opatw, district Kobuck with a circle ferrule has analogies in the area on
the Danube river. Such kind of artefacts have been also linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon dated to the D1 phase (Tejral 1986, 209, Figs. 6:26, 7:4,
5, 8:2, 15, 16, 10:2, 12:4).
Lingulate ferrules of belts tips, made from bronze, are the next type of artefacts which have analogies with the South. They have been found in the largest
numbers on burial grounds of the Dobrodzie type. Seven pieces come from
Olsztyn and one from Szczedrzyk, district Opole (Fig. 1:9-10). Apart from that,
44
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 45
they have also come from the Przeworsk culture, from Mirkw, district Wrocaw,
Opatw, Skrzydw, district Radomsko, Ojcw, district Cracow and abieniec,
district Czstochowa. It has been indicated that the forms had their genesis in the
south (Szydowski 1977a, 42; 1977b, 115-116, Fig. 13). They have been found in the
Danube area (Fig. 1:11) in the D1 phase,where they has been linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon. They have been assumed to derive from the Sarmatian cultures of the Pontic area (Tejral 1986, 210, Figs. 6:5, 8:18, map 1; 2000, 22).
A belts end with a tip in the circular form (Szydowski 1974, Table VIIId),
known from the burial ground in Szczedrzyk, has the closest analogy with
a piece from a treasure from Valea Strimba in Romania (Fig. 1:1-2). It can be
linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon and be dated to the D1 phase (Tejral
1986, 203, Figs. 8:4, 10, 22).
On the burial ground in Dobrodzie, an ornament in the form of bronze
ring decorated with wart-like knobs. It has got its analogies in the Danube area
(Fig. 1:3, 6), where analogous decorations has been dated to the Migration Period (Godowski 1977, 49, Table II:3; Szydowski 1977a, 52). It has been indicated that they derived even from the La Tne culture and that they occurred
together with the post-Cherniakhov horizon, linked with the D1 phase. The
revival of the forms can be connected with the Sarmatian cultures in the Pontic
area (Tejral 1986, 197, 203, 210-211).
Some unknown earlier types of weaponry also come from the area occupied
by the Dobrodzie group. In general, the sets of weaponry have been classified
as the 8th group of graves with weaponry in the Przeworsk culture. In the Danube
area, the group has analogies in sets from the beginning of the Migration Period
in the area of the upper Tisza river (Godowski 1994, 173-174).
From Dobrodzie (Pfzenreiter 1937, Table IX:5) and Lenica, district Lubliniec
(Kostrzewski 1938, 73, Fig. 14), finds of iron axes have come (Fig. 2:1, 2). The
nearest analogies of them have been found on the burial ground in erniki
Wielkie (Fig. 5:1, 2). The forms have been classified as the Lenica type (Kieferling 1994, 339). Despite the presence of numerous axes of different kinds in the
area of the Luboszyce culture (Kieferling 1994, 356), the possibility, that this kind
of weaponry has also been connected with the Pontic and the Danube area, can
not be ruled out. For similar artefacts have come from the late sites of the Sntana de Mure group (Fig. 5:3) in Romania (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 143, Fig.
5B:2).
In the area of the burial ground in Dobromierz, two swords have been found.
They are of the XI type by M. Biborski. They are the forms that had not previously occurred in the Przeworsk culture (Biborski 1978, 92, 94, 148, Fig. 53 ab).
However, they have got analogies in the neighbouring areas, especially in the
Danube area (Godowski 1992, 85).
On the burial ground in Dobromierz, a shield boss (umbo), with a flange bent
to the inside and with a highly cupolaed, vertically faceted bowl, has been found.
Also some fragments of one or two more bosses have been found (Fig. 2:1-2).
45
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 46
2
1
5 cm
0
1
5 cm
0
2
Fig. 2. 1 Dobrodzie, district Olesko; 2 Lenica, district Lubliniec. 1, 2 after Kieferling 1994
Two fragments of a similar shield boss come from the burial ground in Olsztyn
(Szydowski 1974, Table XCIII, CLXVII/f, CLXV/s; 1977, 33). In general, the
finds can be dated to the D phase. They have analogies with the Sarmatian sites
in Ujhartyn in Hungary and in Kerch on the Crimea (Godowski 1977, 72; Szydowski 1977a, 33). Two next pieces come from the house no. 10 in Muov
in Moravia (Fig. 3:3-4) (Tejral 1988, 230, Fig. 5:1-2). In general, they are dated
to the D1 phase, and their appearance in Central Europe has been linked with
the post-Cherniakhov horizon (Tejral 1986, 210, Figs. 20, 21, 7:17, 8:23, 9:22,
10:26, 12:12, 15:1-2, Map 1).
In the Dobrodzie group, many small iron pistons with a bar-like hilt (Fig. 3:5-8)
have been found. It has not been undoubtedly resolved for what use they were
intended. However, they could be javelins butts. They have been found on burial
grounds in Dobrodzie Rdzina, Olsztyn, Opatw and abieniec (Szydowski
1977b, 103, Figs. 2a-h, 3). In the Danube area (Fig. 3:9-11), they have been linked
with the post-Cherniakhov horizon, although they could be also a little earlier.
They could originate from the Pontic area and reach the Central Europe with
a populational and cultural wave caused by the pressure of the Huns (Tejral 1986,
200, 205, 207, 210, Figs. 8:19, 10:16-17, 11:11, 12:19).
A big, biconical bead made from greenish glass, found in the vicinity
of a sword on the burial ground in Dobrodzie Rdzina, is the artefact, which
directly indicates influences of the Huns. The bead is a so-called sword amulet
(Szydowski 1974, Table CII/ k; 1977a, 28, 54). Such artefacts are a characteristic part of the kit of the Hunnish weapon (Werner 1956, 33-35, 123).
Influences from the South and the East are also visible in pottery production. Different forms of thin-walled cups, imitating objects made from glass,
appeared. They could have their origins in the Cherniakhov culture and in the
Carpathian Basin (Rodziska-Nowak 2005, 268, Fig. 1:4-12). The similar
forms are known from the Sarmatian culture from the area of eastern Hungary.
46
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 47
10 cm
5 cm
0
1
5 cm
0
2
10
11
9
5
7
5 cm
0
5-8
5 cm
0
9-11
Fig. 3. 1, 2, 5 Dobrodzie-Rdzina, district Olesko, 3, 4 Muov, Moravia, 6 Olsztyn, district

Czstochowa, 7 abiniec, district Kobuck, 8 Opatw, district Kobuck, 9 Bratei, Romania,
10 Kostelec na Han, Moravia, grave 169, 11 Brno-Obany, Moravia. Scale: 3, 4 circa 1: 2. 1, 2
after Szydowski 1974, 3-4 after Tejral 1988, 5-8 after Szydowski 1977b, 9-11 after Tejral 1986
47
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 48
They were probably made under the influence of glass vessels, perhaps of the
types E 189 and E 196 (Godowski 1977, 172, 120, Fig. 13d). A funnel-like cup
with the surface shaped by cutting of roundnesses is also a characteristic object.
The cup, dated to the D phase, comes from the burial ground in Dobrodzie
Rdzina (Fig. 4:6). Analogies with the cup can be found in the late-Sarmatian
culture in the upper Tisza basin (Dobrzaska 1980, 120-121, Fig. 13:l).
A fragment of an elbow-shaped handle with a duct inside, broken off a jug,
comes from the burial ground in Szczedrzyk. A continuation of such construction from the Przeworsk culture from the early Roman period among hand-crafted vessels has been indicated (Dobrzaska 1980, 122-124, Fig. 15c). On the other hand, such jugs are supposed to derive from the Pontic area, from where they
reached the Carpathian Basin in the D phase, together with the wave of Sarmatian and Hunnish elements. The most important difference lies in the shape
of the handle it is bent at the right angle (Madyda-Legutko, Tunia 1993, 62-64,
84, Table XIXa, XXa; Madyda-Legutko 1996, 82, Table XXIII: 1-3).
A small jug with a low-placed corner point of the body, which gently turns
into the neck, has been also found. The jug is dated to the D phase and comes
from the burial ground in Dobrodzie Rdzina. It has the closest analogy with
a vessel discovered in an inhumation grave from Damboice, district Hodonin
in Moravia. Similar forms also come from the Cherniakhov culture (Dobrzaska 1980, 124, Fig. 15d). It has been pointed out that the appearance of such
type of jugs, and such form of vessels in general, is connected with influences
from the Danube area or from the eastern Carpathians, which got through the
area of Moravia (Szydowski 1977a, 63).
Apart from that, fragments of a jug thrown on the wheel, with a strip at the
base of the neck, have been found on a settlement in Opatw, the site no. 6,
the cluster no. 55/56. The vessel has the features of the Murga type, which
occurred in the Carpathian Basin from the second half of the 4th century to the
middle of the 5th century (Tempelmann-Mczyska 1983, 193, Fig. 14c). A jug
belonging to the same type comes also from Nowa Wie Krlewska, district
Opole (Godowski 1977, 173, Fig. 2). The closest analogies with that form come
from Murga, kom. Tolna, Csongrd Kenderfldek in Hungary and Oradea
in Romania. By reason of that, they can be treated as imports (Dobrzaska
1980, 138).
Some vessels being imitations of wooden buckets have been also classified.
They occur mainly on burial grounds and settlements of the Dobrodzie group
in Dobrodzie Rdzina, Kocieliska, district Olesko, Zakrzw, district
Krapkowice, Szczedrzyk and Lenica, district Strzelce Opolskie (Fig. 4:3-4). The
vessels are dated to the D phase. Analogical forms have been found in the
Cherniakhov culture and Sntana de Mure group, in the greatest numbers in the
area of Moldova and Romania (Szydowski 1984, 111-113, Figs. 5-8, 26; 1977b,
119-124, Figs. 15-17; Dobrzaska 1980, 125-126, Fig. 16d-e; Ionit 2005, 169,
Fig. 4).
48
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 49
5 cm
0
3-4
6
10 cm
0
0
5 cm
10 cm
1-2
Fig. 4. 1-2 Szczedrzyk, district Opole; 3-6 Dobrodzie-Rdzina, district Olesko.

1-2 after Godowski 1977; 3-6 after Szydowski 1977b
In the group of hand-crafted vessels, an untypical form, coming from the burial ground in Dobrodzie Rdzina, has been distinguished (Fig. 4:5). It was
a storeyed vessel, being distinguished by the carefully smoothed surface (Szydowski 1974, CXLIVf). The only analogies with that vessel are known from the
Carpathian Basin (Szydowski 1977a, 72-73), for example from burial grounds
in Trgor (Diaconu 1965, Table CXXXIII:1), Olteni (Mitrea, Preda 1966, Fig.
159:4).
49
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 50
On hand-crafted vessels, relief ornament in the form of conical or rounded

knobs also occurs (Fig. 4:1-2). The knobs are found on pot-like vessels and, first
of all, on small cups. The knobs were placed on the corner point or in the upper
part of vessels (Godowski 1977, 163, Table XXXVII:11, 14, XXXVIII:1). In the
Przeworsk culture, vessels ornamented in this manner appeared in Igoomia,
in the B2 phase at the earliest. They have analogies with pottery of the Carpi
and of the Getae Dacians from the area of Muntenia, where they are dated to
the 2nd the 3rd centuries (Dobrzaska 1990, part 2, 59, fig. 19, Table XVII: 2-3).
Some changes in tectonics of vessels also took place. From the C1b phase,
deep bowl-like forms with ruff-like rims has been appearing. The burial grounds
of the Dobrodzie type are the area of concentration of their appearance. The
ruff-like rims are known from the Greek pottery from towns in the Black Sea
area, then they appeared in the Dacian cultures. Since the 1st century A.D., the
corresponding bowl-like vessels appeared in the culture of Roman provinces
(Dobrzaska 1980, 98-103, Figs. 3d-g, 4a-f, map 1; 1990, 37).
To sum up, the area of the Dobrodzie group is characterized by appearance
of numerous and diverse elements originating in the Carpathian Basin and the
Pontic area. In general, most of them connect are connected with the so-called
post-Cherniakhov horizon. On account of migrations common in that period,
and on account of a sudden increase of elements from the Danube area, one can
assume that influx of a new population, at least partial, took place. The fact,
that in the D phase, the Dobrodzie groups settlement took up the earlier uninhabited areas, also proves that. That were the eastern area of Upper Silesia, covered by barren, light, sandy soil (Godowski 1985, 119). The site on the Birw
Hill in Podzamcze, district Zawiercie (Muzolf 1994, 281-284) is an example
of a new form of settlement, unknown earlier in the Przeworsk culture. It was
situated in the place of natural defensive values and it can be treated as a kind
of refuge (Mczyska 1998, 31). Among ceramic vessels, a large number of forms
referring to the Sarmatian culture from the Tisza basin attracts attention. Imported
vessels of the Murga type are the direct proof of connections with the pottery
of the area of the Carpathian Basin. A significant part of metal artefacts also
have the Sarmatian origin. That implies, together with numerous elements of the
Sntana de Mure culture and the funeral rite connected with the Dacian culture, the initial area of the newcomers supposed migration. That could be area
on the Tisza river, where the aforementioned cultures came into contact with
each other.
A concentration of Pontic elements and elements from the area on the
Danube is distinct also in Lower Silesia. That mainly applies to the burial ground
in erniki Wielkie. In general, the site is dated to the D1 phase and connected
with the post-Cherniakhov horizon (Tejral 1986, 203; Gralak 2008, 361-374).
That burial ground has analogies in south-eastern Europe. It especially refers to
a group of small burial grounds from Transylvania: Fintinele Rt, Archiud,
Budeti, Ocina Pe Dric, which are also connected with that horizon. Analogies
50
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 51
1
2
5
9
6
4
7
8
Fig. 5. 1 erniki Wielkie, district Wrocaw, grave 52; 2 erniki Wielkie, grave 46; 3 Fintinele
Rt, Romania, grave 8; 4 erniki Wielkie, grave 16; 5 erniki Wielkie, grave 12; 6 erniki
Wielkie, grave 48; 7 erniki Wielkie, grave 7; 8 erniki Wielkie, grave 37; 9 Fintinele Rt,
grave 4. Scale: 1, 2 circa 1: 3; 3, 8, 9 circa 1: 2, 4-6 circa 1: 1, 7 circa 2: 3. 1-2,
4-8 after Zotz 1935; 3, 9 after Mrinescu, Giu 1989
51
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 52
10
5 cm
0
4, 5, 10
Fig. 6. 1 erniki Wielkie, district Wrocaw, grave 22; 2 erniki Wielkie, grave 49; 3 erniki
Wielkie, grave 29/III; 4-5 Bratei, Romania; 6 erniki Wielkie, grave 8; 7 erniki Wielkie, grave 7;
8 Fntinele Rit, Romania, grave 3; 9 Fntinele Rit, grave 2; 10 Grdek nad Bugiem, grave 116;
11 Lecani, grave 9. Scale: 1-3, 6, 8, 9 circa 1: 2; 7 circa 2: 3. 1-3, 6-7 after Zotz 1935; 4, 5 after
Tejral 1986; 8, 9 after Mrinescu, Giu 1989; 10 after Kokowski 1993b; 11 after Bloiu 1975
can be drawn in fibulas with a tucked foot, buckles and the forms of funeral rite.
The greatest number of similarities can be found on the burial ground in Fintinele Rt (Tejral 1992, 242-243, Fig. 9:2, 4-9, 11, 12; 2000, 6-8). The burial
ground refers to the Sntana de Mure group, although it differs from the group
in a set of original features, which also occurs in erniki Wielkie. The funeral
rite consisted in graves with skeletons lying supine along the N-S axis, with
a head turned to the south (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 143). The similar arrange52
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 53
4
5
10
Fig. 7. 1, 6 erniki Wielkie, district Wrocaw, grave 7; 2, 5 Fintinele Rt, Romania,

grave 1; 3 erniki Wielkie, grave 43; 4 erniki Wielkie, grave 14; 8 erniki Wielkie,
grave 25; 8, 9 erniki Wielkie, grave 23; 10 Fintinele Rt, grave 11.
Scale: 2-5, 8, 9-10 circa 1: 2; 1,6 circa 2: 3. 1, 4, 6-11 after Zotz 1935; 2, 5, 10
after Mrinescu, Giu 1989
ment of burials took place in erniki in graves no. 7, 17, 18, 29I. In the Cherniakhov culture, such arrangement of skeletons has been described as an element of the Sarmatian origin (Magomiedow 2001, 41). In Fintinele Rt,
a battle axe as a grave good has been also found (Fig. 5:3), similar objects were
discovered on other burial grounds in Transylvania Trgor and Ciumbrund
(Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 143, Fig. 5B:2). In erniki, they were found in graves
no. 46, 52 (Fig. 5:1-2), (Zotz 1935, Figs. 19, 23:6). It has been pointed out that
53
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 54
the kind of weapon could appear in the Sarmatian population of the Cherniakhov culture under the influence of nomads from the foreland of the Caucasus
(Magomiedow 2004, 306). Apart from that, that burial ground is distinguished
by appearance of one-piece fibulas with a rhombic foot (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989,
139, 143, Figs. 3A:1-2, 3B:2) (Fig. 68-9), which have analogy with an object
from the grave no. 7 from erniki (Zotz 1935, Fig. 4:2; Tejral 1992, 242-243)
(Fig. 6:7). The exceptionally close similarity has been noticed between two fibulas from the grave no. 2. There are marks of two lines on tape-shaped bows of the
fibulas, which have an analogy with the fibula from erniki in the form of two
lines made by a punch. Similar fibulas have been also found in the Sntana de
Mure group (Kokowski 1993b, 24, Fig. 106e-f; 1995, 55-56), and their origins
should be linked with that group. However, these forms are distinguished by
a longer spring and by a tetragonal protrusion on the end of the foot (Fig. 6:11).
Appearance of amber eight-shaped pendants is also a specific feature of the burial
ground in Fintinele Rt (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 143, Figs. 6B:4, 8B:1) (Fig.
7:10). In erniki, corresponding ornaments have been found in the graves no. 14
and 22 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 6:1, 22:3) (Fig. 7:9). In the grave no. 1 from Fintinele
(Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, Fig. 2A:11-12), and in the grave no. 14 from erniki
(Zotz 1935, Fig. 6:2) (Fig. 7:4-5), similarly fashioned wire rings with ends overlapping each other have been found. Bronze pendants with plaited ends and
amber beads strung on them have come from the graves no. 7 and 43 (Zotz 1935,
62-63, 79, Figs. 4:3, 6, 16:1) (Fig. 7:1, 3). Since the late-Roman period, ornaments of such construction were clearly concentrated in the area of the Wielbark culture and of the Sntana de Mure group. It should be stressed that amber
beads are known only from the Masomcz group from Grdek nad Bugiem
(Kokowski 1995, 54), from the Cherniakhov culture from Romanove Seo
(Magomiedov 2001, 71-72, Fig. 75:2) and from the burial ground in Fintinele
Rt (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 127, Fig. 2A:14-15) (Fig. 7:2). Iron knives, being
grave goods, are also known from the both burial grounds. In erniki, they were
found in graves no. 7, 9, 12, 16, 30, 37, 48 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 7:8, 13:11, 10:7, 7:7,
20:6, 15:5, 6:7), and in Fintinele in graves 1, 4, 6, 8 (Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 142,
Fig. 2B:1) (Fig. 5:7-9). Such objects are sporadically found on burial grounds from
the Gothic culture. They are known from the Wielbark culture, although not
from all areas of its settlement. However, they have been found in greater numbers in the Lower Danube area and in the Pontic area (Kokowski 1995, 58, Fig. 78,
Map 60). They have been also discovered on burial grounds of the Cherniakhov
culture (Magomiedov 2001, 83, Fig. 76). But they are the most characteristic
of the burial grounds of the Sntana de Mure group from the area of Romania
and Moldova (Diaconu 1965, 88; 1969, 386, Fig. 14; Preda 1966, Figs. 14:6, 87:4,
158:12; Bloiu 1975, 222; Marinescu, Gaiu 1989, 142).
Apart from the connections with that specific site, a set of characteristic features of the Cherniakhov and the Sntana de Mure cultures has been discovered in erniki. To a considerable degree, that concerns the funeral rite. 17 skele54
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 55
tons, lying along the N-S axis, on their left or right sides, with tucked legs, have
been excavated. 8 of them were lying with heads pointing to the south and the
rest of them to the opposite direction (Zotz 1935, 113-115; Baejewski 1998,
120). They have analogies with burial grounds of the Cherniakhov culture and
of the Sntana de Mure group from the area of Romania in Spanow, Izworul,
Alte Necropole (Mitrea, Preda 1966, Figs. 59, 189, 200, 236:1, 240). In general, however, such arrangement occurs relatively rarely it constitutes 9,8%
of inhumation graves (Magomiedow 2001, 27). But it is characteristic arrangement of the aforementioned group of the Transylvanian burial grounds, where
irregular arrangement of the bodies, with heads pointing to the north, are also
frequent (Tejral 2000, 8). The burial ground in Fintinele, however, constitutes
the exception.
In erniki, skeletons lying supine along the N-S axis, with a head turned to
the north, with smaller or bigger deviations, has been discovered in 12 graves.
Such arrangement constitutes about 80% of inhumation graves of the Cherniakhov culture (Magomiedow 2001, 27). In the graves no. 9 and 51, skeletons
were lying with crossed legs (Zotz 1935, Fig. 35, Table. IX) (Fig. 9:1). Such position of a body has been known from the Sarmatian culture, it is especially characteristic of the Alans (Sulimirski 1979, 126, Fig. 44). Skeletons with crossed legs
have been also discovered in the graves no. 14, 28 and 34 on the burial ground
of the Sntana de Mure group in Lecani jud. Iai (Bloiu 1975, Figs. 13:1, 24:7,
29:1) (Fig. 9:2). It seems that the origins of such rites in the Masomcz group
should be linked with that environment. They have been found in Masomcz
in the grave no. 44 and in Grdek nad Bugiem in the grave no. 58. On the latter site, in the grave no. 19, a skeleton lying supine was characterized by mixed
feet bones, which indicated that they could have been originally crossed
(Kokowski 1986, Fig. 2d; 1993a, 20-21, 43-44; 1993b, Figs. 13A, 45A).
5 burial holes oriented, with smaller or bigger deviations, to the west-east
line have been also discovered in erniki (Zotz, 1935, Fig. 45). In the Cherniakhov culture and in the Sntana de Mure group, such arrangement has been
the most often noticed in the Black Sea area and in Central Ukraine
(Magomiedow 2001, 27). It has been linked with the post-Scythian population
(Magomiedow 2001, 42). In the grave no. 19, four individuals were buried. They
were lying in two pairs along the line NW-SE. The heads of each of the pair were
touching each other and the legs were lying in the opposite directions. Remains
of a fifth individual has been preserved in fragments (Zotz 1935, 70, Table IV,
Fig. 46). The person was probably laid in the grave at the latest (Fig. 10). Collective graves have their analogies with funeral rites of the Cherniakhov culture
in the Black Sea area. It is assumed that funeral rites of the late-Scythian population had survived in this area. Collective graves with skeletons lying along the
line W-E were characteristic of the population (Magomiedow 2001, 42, 183).
It should be also pointed out that on the northern coast of the Black Sea, where
the largest number of elements connected with that tradition has been discovered,
55
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 56
8
7
12
9
10
11
16
13
17
5 cm
14
15
12-14, 16-18
18
Fig. 8. 1 erniki Wielkie, district Wrocaw, grave 40; 2 erniki Wielkie, grave 38; 3 erniki
Wielkie, grave 7; 4 erniki Wielkie, grave 14; 5 erniki Wielkie, grave 17; 6 erniki Wielkie,
grave 31; 7 erniki Wielkie, grave 12; 8 erniki Wielkie, grave 30; 9 erniki Wielkie, grave 48;
10 Lecani, Romania, grave 34; 11-12 Oziernoje II, the Crimea; 13 Tep Malajdok, Hungary;
14 Lecani, grave 4; 15 Kostelec na Han, Moravia, grave 378; 16 Valea Strimba, Romania;
17 Bratei, Romania; 18 Fntinele Rit, Romania, grave 1. Scale: 1-2, 4-9, 18 circa 1: 2;
3 circa 2: 3. 1-9 after Zotz 1935; 10, 14 after Bloiu 1975; 18 after Mrinescu, Giu 1989;
11-13, 15-17 after Tejral 1986
56
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 57
a small amount of pottery in the graves is characteristic, as well as a general

absence of the ritual of cremation. It is worth noting that both of the features
can be observed in erniki (Magomiedow 2004, 305).
The grave no. 21, with two individuals lying supine (Zotz 1935, Table V),
has got an analogy with the grave no. 69 from Trgor in Muntenia (Diaconu
1965, 56, Table LXXXI). Cases of decapitation known from the graves no. 11
and 51 (Zotz 1935, Fig. 36, Table 9) have got an analogy with a grave from a burial
ground in Izvorul in Muntenia (Mitrea, Preda 1966, Fig. 198). In the case of the
grave no. 39, skull bones were covered by a big stone (Zotz 1935, Table VIII).
Such construction can be considered as a grave stele or, which is more probable, as a stone crushing the body for the ritual reasons. Such rituals has been
also known from the area of the Cherniakhov culture (Baejewski 1998, 134).
In the graves no. 40 and 45, mixed skeleton bones have been discovered, which
implies reopening of the burial holes (Zotz 1935, Figs. 42, 43; Pazda 1980, 191;
Baejewski 1998, 122). Such phenomenon has been known from the Cherniakhov
culture, yet especially from the area of the Sntana de Mure group (Kokowski
1995, 60; Magomiedow 2001, 29). Such rituals have analogies with the folk culture of the early-modern Europe. Removal of bones from a grave was the essence
of the ritual. After some time three, five or seven years, the bones were wrapped
in linen and placed temporarily in the sacred corner. In general, the custom
of ritual reopening of graves in the modern era occurred among Slavic and
Finnish peoples (Eliade 1995, 27), which indicates the Eastern European origins
of the ritual.
The hole no. 1, containing one ceramic vessel only, can also have connections with the Cherniakhov culture. The hole, at first dated to the early Middle
Ages (Zotz 1935, Fig. 45), has been assumed to date back to the Migration Period
(Boege 1938, 46, Fig. 1:1). It has been pointed out that the hole could be destined for making offerings. Similar holes have been discovered on the burial
grounds of the Cherniakhov culture (Baejewski 1998, 172, Figs. 20-21;
Magomiedow 2001, 37).
A crossbow-shaped fibula with a lengthened spring and a tucked foot, coming
from the grave no. 8 , has also got the largest number of analogies with the Cherniakhov culture and the Sntana de Mure group (Fig. 6:6) (Zotz 1935, 9, Fig. 5:2;
Kokowski 1993b, 81-82).
Among moveable artefacts, many forms having connections with the Danube
area and the Pontic area have been discovered. Belt buckles (Fig. 8) has been
linked with the sets from the Carpathian Basin, dated to the period of the post-Cherniakhov horizon. It concerns the forms of buckles with an oval, thickened
bow with oval or circular ferrules (Zotz 1935, Figs. 6:3, 6, 8:2, 7:1, 18:9, 20, 5;
Tejral 1992, 242, Figs. 4-8; 2000, 22, Figs. 2:1, 13). Small iron pistons with a bar-like hilt, aforementioned while describing the Dobrodzie group, seem to have
similar connections. In erniki Wielkie, four such artefacts have been discovered
(Fig. 54-6). They come from the graves no. 12, 16, 35, 48 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 10:6,
57
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 58
20:7, 7:3, 6:9). In addition, a strongly corroded sword (Zotz 1935, Fig. 17), probably of the XI type, has been found in the grave no. 39. It has got its analogies
on the burial ground in Dobrodzie and it was a new form of weapon at that
time (Biborski 1978, 92-94, 162).
Iron fibulas of the A 158 type (Fig. 6:1-3) have been found on the burial
ground in erniki. In the D1 phase, as it was mentioned in the context of the
Dobrodzie group, such artefacts underwent elongating and then had numerous
stylistic references in the middle Danube area (Szydowski 1977a, 45; 1977b,
119, Fig. 14). Fibulas of that type are also characteristic of the post-Cherniakhov
horizon in that area (Fig. 6:4-5), where they were of an interregional character
(Tejral 1986, 210). In erniki, they were up to a little over 7 centimetres long
and they come from the graves no. 22, 28/II, 2, 46, 49 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 22:5,
23:1-2, 24:2).
In the grave no. 16, 30, 35, 43, 46 (Zotz 1935, Figs. 20:4, 15:4, 7:2, 16:4,
23:3), iron rings have been found. They could be used for belt fastening. In general, they have been derived from the Sarmatian cultures (Madyda 1977, 379-380).
So their presence also indicates cultural connections with the Danube area. They
have been also known from the Cherniakhov culture and Sntana de Mure
group (Magomiedow 2001, 69, Fig. 73:8-9).
Finding of a circle bone pendant from the grave no. 25 (Zotz 1935, 72, Fig.
14:1) (Fig. 7:7) is worthy noticing. Similar kind of artefacts has been known from
the Scytho-Sarmatian culture and the Cherniakhov culture (Rogatko 1994, 346).
A bone pendant from the grave no. 7 (Zotz 1935, 62, Fig. 4:5) is also interesting.
It is characterized by an irregular, hammer-like shape (Fig. 7:6). Two identical
objects are known. The first has been found in the Elbe region, on a burial
ground in Pritzier in the grave no. 635, the second in the Sntana de Mure group
in Miorcani, Moldova, in the grave no. 78 (Rogatko 1994, 347).
And an artefacts from the grave no. 9 from the burial ground in erniki has
been linked directly with influences of the Huns. That is a glass bead being the
so-called sword amulet (Zotz 1935, 64-66, Fig. 13:4) (Fig. 7:8).
Probably a similar burial ground was in Grodzieszowice, district Oawa. It is
assumed that there were originally about 40 inhumation graves there, from which
only two were excavated methodically. In the both cases, the skeletons were lied
on the side in crouched position along the N-S axis, with the heads pointing
the south (Jahn 1926, 233-238). So, the form of the burial is corresponding to
graves on the burial ground in erniki. Inhumation graves, by reason of lack
of other burial grounds, seem to be dominant in the area on the Bystrzyca and
the Oawa Rivers (Pazda 1980, 190). Another burial of that type comes from
the area of Upper Silesia, from Kietrz, district Gubczyce, from the grave
no. 1704. The skeleton was lying on the right side, with the head pointing the
south. On that burial ground, inhumation graves had been already known since
the late Roman period, although they had been oriented differently at that time
(Gedl 1988, 157-160, 192, Figs. 34-35). So it seems that the fact can prove genetic
58
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 59
connections with the burials from Lower Silesia. In the grave from Kietrz,
17 amber beads, among them cubo-octaedric beads and eight-shaped pendants,
have been found. The latter prove the connections with the Gothic culture, in the
broad sense of the term (Kokowski 1995, 58). Apart from that, on the burial
ground in Kietrz, the site no. 11, and in Szonw, district Gubczyce, fragments
of cups in a form resembling artefacts known from the Dobrodzie group have
been found (Godowski 1973, 285, 292, Table VII:1-2).
To sum up, very close connections with the area on the Lower Danube and
the Pontic area are seen on the burial ground in erniki. Most of the southern
elements can be linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon. It seems that the
connections were mainly caused by migrations of populations from the area
of the Carpathian Basin. The migrations were caused by the Huns activity. Taking
into account the diversity of the southern cultural elements, admixture of population coming from those areas can be assumed. However, it should be stressed
that the process was not analogous with the process in the Dobrodzie group.
The influx of other groups of immigrants could be possible. First of all, diametrically different funeral rites, as well as different connections of other forms
2
0
60 cm
Fig. 9. 1 erniki Wielkie, district Wrocaw, grave 9, 2 Lecani, Romania grave 34.
Scale: 1 circa 1: 20. 1 after Zotz 1935; 2 after Bloiu 1975
59
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 60
1m
Fig. 10. erniki Wielkie, district Wrocaw, grave 19
60
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 61
of artefacts, indicate that possibility. While most of the elements in the

Dobrodzie group are related to the area on the Tisza river and the Sarmatian
culture, artefacts in erniki has got more eastern connections, which can be
linked with the circle of the Gothic cultures.
In the context of relatively precise chronology and of cultural connections
with the group of the burial grounds in Transylvania, an attempt of correlation
with historical events seems to be justified. The fall the Visigoths under the rule
of Athanaric on the Lower Danube, in the confrontation with the Huns, took
place in 376. A part of the population crossed the Roman border, the rest of it
got dispersed. After expelling of an undetermined section of the Sarmatians,
a group loyal to Athanaric settled in Caucaland, which has been located in Transylvania (Ammianus Marcellinus XXXI, 4, 7, 12, Wolfram 2003, 91-93). On
account of the location and the chronology, linking of the group with the burial
grounds of the Fintinele type seems to be very probable. Taking account of similarities in the material culture, the identification of the population using the burial
ground in erniki with one of the Gothic groups escaping from the Huns also
seems to be justified. The funeral rite also implies that representatives of the Sarmatian and the late-Scythian population were also part of the group.
Apart from wide areas with close connections with the Danube area, isolated
sites with such features have been also found in other areas of the Przeworsk
culture. In ugi, district Gra, a burial of a horseman buried with a horse have
been discovered (Petersen 1932, 158-161). He was probably laid in a chamber
formed by a boarding from hand-worked wooden planks. A set of iron buckles,
which together with an iron curb and a bronze bit composed remains of a set
of horse tack, was placed in the grave as grave goods. A long fibula of the A 158
type (Szydowski 1977a, 45; 1977b, 119) has been also found in the grave, as
well as two iron belt buckles and an iron spur of the VI-VIII groups by Godowski (1977, 89-90). Weaponry consisted of a tip of a spear and a long two-edged
sword classified as the XI type. As it was mentioned, such weapon is known from
the D1 phase and has got analogies in the Danube area. Interestingly, they have
been discovered in the area of Silesia (Biborski 1978, 92-94, Fig. 52), that is in the
area where artefacts linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon have been found.
In the analysed grave, a set of ceramic vessels, an iron buckets fitting and a fragment of a glass cup ornamented with cut ovals. The form of the grave has not
got any analogies in the Przeworsk culture, while it has been linked with the
circle of the Hunnish and the Sarmatian cultures. Such burials were found in the
area by the Caspian Sea, the Pontic area and the area on the Tisza and the Danube
Rivers. From the latter region, such rite could spread to Central Europe (Pazda
1980, 228-229, 236, 239). It has been pointed out that the burial has a very
close analogy with a burial of the Sarmatian type from jhartjn in the Hungary. The grave has been linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon (Tejral 1986,
203; 1987, 24). Also the glass cup with the cut surface can be linked with the
south-eastern direction. It has analogies with sites of the declining Cherniakhov
61
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 62
culture from Ukraine, Romania and Scandinavia (Tejral 1992, 241; Magomiedow
2001, 64-65, Fig. 66:1-3). In the context of the location of the burial in ugi,
a small concentration of findings from the Migration Period in the boundaries
between Silesia and Great Poland should be stressed. It concerns the sites located in the Gra and the Barycz settlement concentrations, described by S. Pazda.
Pieces of pottery with features of the Dobrodzie group was found, among
others, in the latter (Pazda 1980, 229-232). In addition, another sword of the
XI type have been found a little farer to the north, in Borw, district Kocian
(Biborski 1978, 92-94, 146, Fig. 54c).
In the Migration Period, a new kind of pottery thrown on the wheel, of the
Danube origins, occurred in Lower Silesia. Considering the imprecise chronology, it is difficult to connect it with exact historical events. Yet it is possible that
the knowledge of the pottery thrown on the wheel was brought by the population escaping from the Huns (Domaski 2005, 253-266). Changes in settlement occurring at that time also need to be stressed. In the area around Brzeg,
in the area that earlier were unpopulated, a new settlement occurred. The settlement was connected with iron metallurgy. The production system, recorded on
the excavated sites, seems not to be genetically related with earlier findings of that
type in Silesia, and it was most probably brought from the outside (Pazda 1994,
170-173).
The horizon of the Pontic or the Lower Danube findings is visible to a much
lesser degree in the Wielbark culture. In that case, the phenomenon has been
also interpreted as the reflection of the wave of flights from the Huns (Kokowski 2007, 193-195). Such findings concentrate in southern Poland, in the area
at the mouth of the Vistula River and, to a lesser degree, in the Warmia Region
and in southern Mazovia. In the grave no. 12 from the site on the catholic cemetery in Pruszcz Gdaski, a female skeleton of the anthropological type from the
area of the Black Sea has been found. The skeleton was equipped with two fibulas of the VI group, typical of the Cherniakhov culture and the Sntana de Mure
group. And an iron knife has been found in the grave no. 8 (Pietrzak, Ronowski 1996, 194-195, 198, Figs. 3-4), what is characteristic of the Sntana de Mure
group (Kokowski 1995, 57-58, Fig. 78, Map 60). On burial grounds near Elblg,
in Stary Targ, district Sztum (Heym 1939, 2-4), Rakowiec, district Malbork
(Heym 1939, 5-12) and Bornice, district Iawa (Heym 1939, 12-16), cremation
burials dominated and the form of vessels, which imitated vases known from
the Cherniakhov culture and the Sntana de Mure group, have been found. The
type of graves and the grave goods are similar to findings from the so-called Etulia group from Central and Southern Moldova (Kokowski 2007, 194). On the
next burial ground in Kozwko, district Nidzica, a considerable amount
of pieces of pottery thrown on the wheel, what was a novelty in the Wielbark
culture, as well as glass cups ornamented with cut ovals, have been found (Heydeck 1892). The next finding comes from Bogucin, district Posk. There, pendants, made from a bronze wire plaited in the shape of the figure of eight with
62
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 63
glass beads strung on them, as well as a lightly bent, tongue-shaped belt tip,
resembling a birds beak, and two thickened buckles have been found in a burial
under a destroyed tumulus (Biernat 1955, 210-212, Figs. 5-6). The niche grave
no. 116 from Grdek nad Bugiem has been also linked with that horizon. Such
form of burial is connected with the Sarmatian tradition (Kokowski 1995, 56).
In the grave, two fibulas with rhombic feet were placed (Kokowski 1993b, Fig.
106) (Fig. 6:10). In the area of the Wielbark culture, the next fibula of that type
is known from a tumulus in Pielgrzymowo, district Nidzica (Bohnsack 1938, 22,
Fig. 10; Kokowski 1995, 56). They differ from the aforementioned fibulas from
erniki and Fintinele in a tetragonal jut on the end of the feet and in a tape-shaped bow with a ridge lengthwise.
Findings linked with the post-Cherniakhov horizon can be described as the
beginning of the Huns influences in the Polish lands. One of the consequences
of the phenomenon was probably counting the local population among the avalanche of peoples, mentioned at the beginning. In the beginning, it was the
escape region for different population groups. The situation changed around the
turn of the old and new era. The Huns, during the reign of Uldin, were active
mainly in the Danube area, partly collaborating with the Romans (Tyszkiewicz
2004, 104-105). A large-scale expedition, strengthening the hegemony of the
Huns, is dated to the years 400-405 (Bna 1991, 19-20, 198, Fig. 69; Kokowski 2005, 482). It caused another wave of flights in panic, which this time
affected the present-day Polish lands. That probably caused serious depopulation, which is archaeologically reflected in a small amount of artefacts dated to
the D2 phase (Godowski 1985, 154). Granting that the Vandals were at least
a part of the population of the Przeworsk culture (Oldzki 1997, 81-90), the
depopulation of the Polish lands was connected with migrations of that tribe.
In 402, the Vandals and the Alans broke through the limes on the Danube and
attacked Italy (Claudius Claudianius, O wojnie z Gotami, 363, 414-415; Strzelczyk 1992, 80). However, it is unclear whether the information did not concern
the faction of the tribe inhabiting the Carpathian Basin. In 405, multi-ethnic,
indefinite Gothic peoples under the leadership of Radagais moved in the same
direction (Strzelczyk 1992, 81; Wilczyski 2001, 367-370). Both of the attacks
were repelled, in spite of the fact that, especially in the latter case, the invaders
were in very large numbers and were led by the charismatic leader. It is worth
noting that the Huns gave the significant support for the Empire being in the
defence (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 104-105). It undoubtedly indicates that the Radagaiss activities were the reaction to a military pressure of nomads as far back
as in the area of Barbaricum. It is probable that the pressure was connected with
enlarging of their dominion. It is possible that the next action was coordinated
with the latter one. In the same year, the Suebi, the Silingi and the Hasdingi
(Strzelczyk 1992, 81, 84), for the reason of earlier experiences in unsuccessful
attacking of Italy, decided to break through the limes in the Rhine area and to
attack Gaul. In the New Years Eve at the turn of the years 405 and 406, they
63
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 64
crossed the frozen Rhine. In the case of that expedition, the participation of the
Silingi, who are supposed to have lived in Silesia (Oldzki 1997, 81-90, Map 1),
proves that the population of the Polish lands participated in that migration. That
has been already pointed out in literature (Godowski 1985, 154; 1989, 28).
The migration of those tribes ends the early phase (D1) of the Migration
Period. In general, the phase consisted in the flight from the Huns. The serious
depopulation of large area of Barbaricum enabled the Huns to enlarge their
dominion much easier. That empire, named El in the Turkish Mongolian
languages (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 31-32), had been formed since the beginning
of the Huns presence in Europe and reached its apogee during the reign of Attila in the middle of the 5th century. Subdued peoples were forced to participate
in military actions undertaken by the Huns, yet they were allowed to retain their
own political structure. That is a characteristic feature of nomads organization
of rule (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 76, 87). It should be stressed that the subdued
peoples also benefited from the Huns military victories. In the Polish lands,
that phenomenon is archaeologically reflected in findings of elements of the
Hunnish material culture. Not numerous artefacts can be directly linked with
the Huns, and they have been found on sites of different cultural units. The distribution and the character of those artefacts indicate some regionalization and
different specificity of the contacts.
The area of the Carpathian Foothills in the eastern part of Little Poland is the
nearest region to the area of the Carpathian Basin occupied by the ethnic Huns.
A settlement in that area is associated with migrations of the population of the
Przeworsk culture, and partly linked with the northern-Carpathian group from
Slovakia (Madyda-Legutko 1996, 97-98). The first artefact of the Hunnish type
comes from Mymo, district Sanok. That was an iron bit with sidepieces. The
bit has exact analogies with artefacts of the Huns from the Carpathian Basin.
In contrast with artefacts from rich graves, is was not made from noble metals.
So, it can be assumed that the bit was a property of a warrior from the middle
class (Cabalska 1966, 59-61, Fig. 1). Another finding was a treasure from a settlement in wilcza, district Rzeszw. It consisted of silver fibulas, fragments of silver pendants, bracelets and 10 denarius coins from the times of Hadrian to Commodus. A golden earring of the Hunnish type and an identical earring made
from bronze were also a part of the treasure (Godowski 1981a, 131;
Gruszczyska 1984, 113-122, Photos 3-7). Jugs with rectangular handles with
a duct inside, found in Rytro and in Moszczenica Wyna, can be also linked with
the culture of nomads. Such vessels are, however, characteristic first of all of the
Sarmatian cultures (Madyda-Legutko, Tunia 1993, 62-64, 84, Table XIXa, XXa;
Madyda-Legutko 1996, 82, Table XXIII:1-3). Findings of golden coins from the
Beskids area can be also interpreted as the element connected with the Hunnish culture. The coins were exacted as a tribute. Solidi issued by Valentinian III
come from Prusiek, district Sanok, the site no. 1, by Marcian from Sawcin,
district Jaso, the site no. 1, and an imitation of the solidus of Theodosius II was
64
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 65
found in Tarnw, district Tarnw (Godowski 1995, 162; Madyda-Legutko 1996,

109). Two swords of the spatha type, pulled out from the Dunajec River
in Ostrw and in Isep, can be possibly linked with the Hunnish influences
(Biborski 1995, 13-14). They could reach the Polish lands with the nomads from
the Carpathian Basin (Godowski 1981a, 89).
Burials of representatives of the Huns are the most spectacular findings connected with them. Two such burials have been found in Little Poland. A person with a deformed skull was buried in the grave from Przemczany, district
Proszowice (Wawrzeniecki 1912, 50-51). It is assumed that the custom derived
from the area of Central Asia (Werner 1956, Map 9; Dbrowski 1981, 282).
A one-edged sword of the sax type was a part of grave goods in the grave. Such
kind of weapon is also linked with the nomads culture (Werner 1956, 43-46;
Godowski 1981a, 89, 132). A golden earring, characteristic of the Huns, was
also found in the grave (Werner 1956, 24-25, Fig. 10; Godowski 1981a, 131).
The burial from Jakuszowice, district Kazimierza Wielka was characterized
by richer grave goods (Nosek 1959, Table 15:1-5; Godowski 1995, 155-156,
Figs. 1-4). A man with a horse was probably buried in the grave. A sword of the
spatha type, as well as an amber pendant and a golden sheath were found in the
grave. Both the ornamentation and the type of the sword are linked with the
culture of the Huns from the Carpathian Basin (Werner 1956, 43-46; Godowski 1981a, 89). A golden plate, used as a fitting of a reflex bow, has been also
discovered there. Such artefacts are typical of nomads of that time. An artefact
from the Hunnish grave from Pecszg in Hungary (Harmatta 1951, 107, 148)
is the closest analogy. A set of ornaments and parts of harnesses decorated in the
Ssdala Untersiebenbrunn style, as well as golden buckles decorated in the
polychrome style have been also found there (Godowski 1981a, 131). Such type
of harnesses derived from the area of the Pontic steppes and the Sarmatian cultures from there (Lszlo 1951, 95-96). Also in Jakuszowice, but on the site no. 2,
which was a settlement of the Przeworsk culture, a fragment of a jug with a handle
bent at the right angle and with a duct inside the handle has been found on
the secondary deposit. Such kind of of vessels has been linked with the Pontic
area. In the D2 phase, they occurred in the Carpathian Basin together with the
inflow of the east-Hunnish and Sarmatian elements (Madyda-Legutko 1996, 82,
Note 53). So it is possible that the form reached the area of Jakuszowice with
the elements of material culture of the nomads, which were found in the grave.
A treasure of 11 solidi issued by Theodosius II and Valentinian III from Witw,
district Proszowice, is also connected with the same culture. It is related to the
same type of findings from the Carpathian Basin, which were the remains
of spoils and tributes flowing into the area of the Attilas state (Godowski 1985,
116-117; 1995, 162). A tremissis issued by Valentinian III from Szczurowa, district Brzesko, could reach the area in a similar way (Kunisz 1985, 217, 265;
Madyda-Legutko 1996, 109). All those artefacts have been found in the area
of a settlement concentration of the Przeworsk culture from the D phase,
65
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 66
settling the area of loess soil in the Cracow Miechw region (Godowski 1985,
116, Map 9).
In the area of Lower Silesia, artefacts linked with the Huns have been found
in the Bystrzyca Oawa region of the settlement concentration of the population
of the Przeworsk culture (Pazda 1980, Map 8; Godowski 1985, 120, Map 9).
A burial from Jdrzychowice, district Strzelin, is the most famous finding (Krause
1904, 46-50, Figs. 1-11). A woman was probably buried there. A golden diadem
set with almandines, reused as a belt ornament, as well as golden and gilded buckles
were the part of grave goods. A bronze goblet and a cauldron of the Jdrzychowice
type were also found there (Godowski 1981a, 131; Dbrowski 1981, 382). Such
artefacts come from the region of Central Asia, they have been found in the wide
area of the south-Russian steppes and in the Danube area (Werner 1956, 57-61,
Map 5). And a solid of Valentinian III found in Grzec, district Strzelin, can be
recognized as an evidence of tributes (Konik 1965, 56).
The next finding of the Hunnish origins comes from Upper Silesia and was
found outside Poland, in Beneov near Opawa in the area of the Czech Republic. It was a fragment of a bronze cauldron of the Central-Asian type, partially
melted in a fire (Raschke 1940, 114-119). That can be an evidence of the Hunnish funeral rites, which consisted in burning and destroying different objects
and then in leaving them on the surface. The finding belongs to the settlement
concentration of the Przeworsk culture from the Gubczycka Upland, which
extended as far as there (Godowski 1985, 119, Map 9).
There is one more specific category of sites, grouped in the area of the boundaries between Little Poland and Upper Silesia, which can be possibly linked
with the Huns activity. Those findings are dated to the D phase and come from
caves in Ojcw and Mnikw, district Cracow in the area of the Cracow-Czstochowa Jurassic Upland. They are interpreted as remains of the population who
sheltered in the caves from the Hunnish invasion. In a cave in Kroczyce, district
Zawiercie, about 40 human skeletons have been found. They can be remains
of a massacre that took place there. It has been pointed out, however, that the
finding can be linked with a religious rite of that time (Godowski 1985, 118).
A rock shelter under the Krucza Rock in Kostkowice, district Zawiercie, as well
as the Jasna Strzegowska Cave and a shelter on the Binik Hill near Smole, district Zawiercie (Muzolf 1994, 284), should be also numbered among the group
of such kind of sites. Dating of those sites has been an open question whether
they are the evidence of disturbances from the beginning of the D1 phase, connected with the inflow of a new population, or they should be linked with the
later, direct activity of the Huns.
To sum up, the three main regions are noticeable, where the Hunnish artefacts can be found: Silesia, northern Little Poland and south-eastern Little
Poland. They probably correspond to the areas of the Huns penetration. In the
case of the first two regions, the findings from Jakuszowice and Jdrzychowice
correspond to the horizon of similar burials from the 4th5th centuries from
66
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 67
the wide areas from Kazakhstan to Western Europe (Werner 1956, Map 8).
They contain elements of material culture of the upper classes of the nomads
(Godowski 1981a, 131). In addition, the reflex bow from Jakuszowice, with
the golden plate fixed on it, has been assumed to be a badge of authority in the
nomads society of that time (Lszlo 1951, 96). So, those burials can indicate
the direct control of the Huns in the form of either the Huns representatives
or their German or Sarmatian allies (Harmatta 1951, 148). That is also implied
by the location of the findings inside the settlement concentrations of the Przeworsk culture, which probably determined the area controlled by the Huns.
The finding from Beneov proves that the similar situation could also take place
inside the Gubczyce settlement concentration. In the case of Jakuszowice, it
has been pointed out that the settlement neighbouring the grave was a political and economic centre of the area controlled by the Huns (Godowski 1995,
161). Egalitarian character of the findings from the region of south-eastern part
of Little Poland seems to be the reflection of using of communications routes
running through the Carpathian passes. It is also indicated by the dispersion
of the coins findings on the south part of the Carpathian Mountains, which
implies that way of their inflow to the north (Gssowska 1979, 46). On this
account, that area seems to have had close connections with the south in the
Migration Period. Of course, also the possibility of political connections with the
Huns cant be ruled out (Madyda-Legutko, Tunia 1993, 85). It can be merely presumed that the connections were held differently, which is implied by the lack of rich
burials. However, the lack can result from the current level of knowledge only.
Other findings linked with the Huns were found in the area of the boundaries between Little Poland and Upper Silesia. They are the cave findings and they
can be evidence of a threat or a direct military action. That implies that the area
had a different political status. Apart from the area occupied by the population
of the Przeworsk culture, no artefacts have been found, which can be directly
linked with the Huns. However, several findings indicating their influences have
been discovered. In the Lublin region and in the adjacent part of western Volhynia, several collective findings have been discovered. In the area of Poland, it
was a treasure from Zamo (Sulimirski, 1966, 119-121, Figs. 1-4). It corresponds
to a wider horizon of treasures of the Zamo Kain Coovieni type. They
have been found from the area of Volhynia to the area on the Lower Danube.
They are dated to the D2 phase, so they can be linked with the Hunnish expansion after the fall of the Cherniakhov culture, in the times of the Attilas state
(Tejral 1986, 194, 213; 1987, 36, 38; 1988, 237). So, in the Lublin region and
in the adjacent Volhynia region, the Hunnish invasion, or disturbances connected
with their activity, probably took place (Sulimirski 1966, 156-161, Fig. 15, Map VIII).
That was probably the main reason for the collapse of the population of the
Wielbark culture in that area.
Numerous findings of Byzantine solidi in the area of Pomerania indicate a different kind of contacts. They have been found in particularly large numbers
67
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 68
in the Vistula Delta and in the area near Elblg. The similar phenomenon,
although on a smaller scale, has been also noticed in the Dbczyno group
in Western Pomerania (Cioek 2003, Map 1). Apart from that, it is characteristic of the whole area of the south-western Baltic Sea (Iluk 1998, 52, Maps 1-2,
Tables 1-2). In Pomerania, in contrast with Scandinavia, large treasures of solidi ending with editions no later than the middle of the 5th century have been
found. Such phenomenon has been also observed in the Black Sea and the
Danube area. That implies closer connections between those regions. The mass
inflow of solidi to Pomerania begins with the coins issued by Arcadius (395-408)
and Honorius (395-423), and ends in the beginning of the 6th century with the
issues of Anastasius I (491-518). Because the coins were not worn out, it has
been assumed that they were in circulation for a short time and crossed the
Roman borders soon after issuing (Iluk 1998, 54). They reached the Baltic area
from the Carpathian Basin, where they had been found as a result of contacts
of a political nature spoils, tributes, pays etc. It is pointed out that the Ostrogothi were the main deliverers and go-betweens of the inflow of the solidi to
the Baltic area (Iluk 1998, 53-56; Cioek 2003, 176). In the first half of the 5th
century, in the period of existence of El in the Carpathian Basin, the activity
of the Huns and of German tribes allied with them, and maintaining connections with their homelands in the north, was, however, the essential factor
(Godowski 1981b, 100-103, Fig. 24). The coins issued by Theodosius II and
Valentinian III, mainly from the issues from the years 430 and 443, were found
in the largest numbers. They come from tributes paid to Attila, when the Ostrogothi were his allies (Iluk 1998, 55). Cartographic analysis show that the coins
came mainly from the Tisza basin by the trade routes from Carnuntum and
Brigetio through the Carpathian Mountains to the Vistula valley. From western
Europe, the coins reached the Elbe near Magdeburg, from where they were carried along the river to the north (Gssowska 1979, 52).
The exceptional concentration of the solidi in the area of the Gdask Bay,
of the Vistula Delta and of the Elblg region, probably was a result of the localization, which enabled easy communication with many regions. However, it is the
relict settlement of the Wielbark culture, from which different groups of the
Gothic population came, that was the primary cause of that phenomenon
(Wogiewicz 1981, 91-102; 1995, 125-148). That settlement certainly facilitated contacts with the Ostrogothi from the Danube area. According to Jordanes,
the region of the mouth of the Visula was inhabited by the Gepids and, in late
antiquity, by the multi-ethnic Vidivarii (Jordanes, Getica, 36, 96). Earlier inhabitants of that region, who had not participated in the migration to the Danube
area, were probably a part of the latter (Strzelczyk 1984, 392-393). It also seems,
that the Gepids could have close ties of different kinds with their primal homeland. The aforementioned direction of the inflow of the coins and the absolute
end of the process, which followed the defeat of the tribe and the migration
of the Langobards from Pannonia to Italy, can also imply that (Godowski 1981b,
68
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 69
112). Taking into consideration the dependence of the Gepids on the Huns in the
Carpathian Basin (Mczyska 1996, 105), it can be assumed that a certain kind
of dependence concerned also the part of the tribe which stayed in Pomerania.
Possibly the same situation took place in the case of the Ostrogothi.
In the Dbczyno group, two horizons of an inflow of golden coins have been
distinguished. The older one ended with solidi of Valentinian III (425-455), the
later with solidi of Anastasius I (491-518). The first one chronologically corresponds to the special activity of the Huns, while the second to the further
activity of the Ostrogothi, the Rugii and the Heruli, and then to the return of the
Heruli to the Baltic region (Machajewski 1984, 76, 80). It has been pointed out
that the coins could reach the area through the Carpathian passes or along the
Elbe and the sea shores (Gssowska 1979, 52). Possibly, in the case of the
Dbczyno group, the analogous mechanism to the Lower Vistula area took place.
The Rugii are supposed to have come from that part of Pomerania (Wogiewicz
1981, 91-102; 1995, 125-148). In the Danube area, they were dependent on the
Huns (Mczyska 1996, 105). So, the inflow of the solidi could result from contacts with the part of the population which stayed in the old homeland. In that
case, a certain kind of dependence of the Rugii, who did not participate in the
migrations, on the Huns is also possible.
The supposition about political connections of the Ostrogothi, the Gepids and
the Rugii living in the Baltic region has been confirmed by an account by Priscus,
saying that the Attilas dominion extended as far as islands on the Ocean
(Priscus, Fragment 8), (Godowski 1985, 155). That information has been the subject of much controversy among historians. Anyway, H. owmiaski assumes that
the account can testify to the actual extent of the power of the Huns (owmiaski
1963, 269). L. A. Tyszkiewicz has been also inclined to the same interpretation
(Tyszkiewicz 2004, 132). It should be stressed, however, that the lack of rich graves
and of any other artefacts linked with the Huns can indicate that the Baltic region
came under a different kind of dependence than Silesia and Little Poland.
To sum up, the D2 period was the next phase of relationships of populations
from the Polish lands with the Huns. The wave of mass escapes was followed
by a certain kind of stabilization. There are some noticeable remains of military
actions, although their range was limited. And the rich Hunnish graves indicate
the affiliation to the El. The Baltic area was also within the orbit of the Els influences. Participation in military actions of the Huns was the main requirement
of the dependence. On account of that, the further outflow of the population
of the Przeworsk culture to the south could take place thanks to the cooperation with the Huns. Findings of the solidi indicate that the population probably took advantage of the Huns successes, too.
The effects of the collapse of the Huns empire can be assumed to be the third
phase of their influences. The empire collapsed after the death of Attila and the
Battle of Nedao in 454/455, which ended the period of the Huns domination
(Tyszkiewicz 2004, 164-165). The change in the composition of forces caused
69
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 70
further ethnic migrations in the area of Barbaricum. In the Danube area, it

caused fights between the members of the former Hunnish El and a new wave
of barbarians flowed into the borders of the Roman Empire. The fall of the Western
Roman Empire and proclaiming Odoacer, from the tribe of the Scirii, the king
were the culmination of the process (Wolfram 2002, 220, 299-308).
In the Polish area, a sudden decline of the settlement in the Beskids region
took place in that period. The charred remains has been found on the settlement in Rytro, and the settlement in wilcza was suddenly abandoned. Those
events were chronologically and, probably, causally connected with the fall of the
Huns. The analogous phenomenon occurred also in the northern-Carpathian
group in the area of Slovakia (Madyda-Legutko, Tunia 1993, 85; Madyda-Legutko 1996, 110). The aforementioned treasure from wilcza has been linked
with the same processes. It is connected with similar findings from the area
of the Carpathian Basin (Godowski 1989, 33).
In the second half of the 5th and in the beginning of the 6th century, numerous spectacular collective findings have been discovered in Central Poland
(Mczyska 1999, 29-30), inside the relict settlement concentration of the population of the Przeworsk culture (Godowski 1985, 125). Among them, there
are treasures found in Konarzew, district czyca (Petersen 1939, 74-76, Figs.
109-110; 1940), Siedlikowo, district Ostrzeszw (Petersen 1944, 77-80, Fig. 3)
and Zagrzyn, district Kalisz (Petersen 1933). A treasure from Kominek, district Pleszew, can be possibly counted among that group of findings (Petersen
1944, 81-82, Table XII:2-3). Despite the fact that the latest fibula from the treasure comes from the D1 phase (Tejral 1987, 23-24), the possibility that it was
deposited a bit later cannot be ruled out, because of big chronological differences
among various artefacts from the treasure. It seems that all those treasures should
be interpreted as evidences of the new wave of disturbances.
The change of the situation enabled also the dynamic development of the
Slavs expansion. It corresponded to the chronology of the earliest Slavic findings
from the area of Poland (mainly from Little Poland, Silesia and Mazovia), which
are dated to the 2nd half of the 5th century (Parczewski 1988, 106, Fig. 21). It cannot be ruled out that at least some of the treasures from Central Poland were
hidden from the Slavs. It also should be stressed that the Slavs, or the Antes to
be precise, were the most probably incorporated into the Hunnish El already
in the Pontic area. The context of an account by Jordanes (247), about the fights
between them and Winitar, the ruler of the Ostrogothi, proves that explicitly
(Tyszkiewicz 2004, 86-87). On the other hand, Priscus reported that Byzantine
emissaries had been given millet to eat and a drink called medos to drink during
their expedition to the Attilas court (Fragment 8). And, according to Jordanes,
the feast held at the Attilas funeral was called strava (Jordanes, 258). The most
probably, both words are Slavonic, although the matter has been open to discussion (Tyszkiewicz 1992, 118-122; 2004, 127). That implies physical presence
of the peoples representatives. Consumption of millet can also indicate their
70
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 71
presence, because millet was grown by them on a large scale then (Moszyski
1962, 97, 221). Additionally, the aforementioned Byzantine emissaries were led
across the Danube and other rivers in boats made of a hollowed tree trunk.
In Central and Eastern Europe, such boats were made mainly by the Slavs
(Tyszkiewicz 2007, 24-25). So, the possibility, that the earliest beginnings of the
Slavs expansion can be linked with their participation in the Hunnish El, cannot be ruled out. There is no doubt, however, that devastation and depopulation of large areas in Central and Eastern Europe enabled the Slavic tribes to
inhabit new territories easily and quickly.
To recapitulate, a question can be put whether all the knowledge of the Huns
can be useful for analysis of other nomadic peoples activity. Since the presented model of the three-stage analysis considerably broaden the scope of recognizable influences of nomads. In the case of the 1st phase, with reference to the
Cimmerians, an account about their appearance in Europe has been preserved.
A young man in the course of hunting of does was supposed to be the first to
cross the Don River (Procopii Caesariensis, De Bellis VII, 5). The plot of the myth
is almost identical to the Hunnish tale (Tyszkiewicz 2004, 54; 2007, 14). That
indicates the similar ideology and, in consequence, the similar behaviour of those
populations. The 1st phase of the Scythian tribes, that is their appearance on the
Black Sea, caused displacement and escape of the Cimmerians. That has been
observed in Central and Eastern Europe in the form of numerous artefacts in the
so-called pre-Scythian type (Bukowski 1979a, 192-195; Chochorowski 1999,
312-331, Fig. 366). So, on account of the causes and the course, that phenomenon was analogous to the post-Cherniakhov horizon. The 2nd phase direct
Scythian influences, has been distinguished by a number of artefacts findings
connected with that people (Bukowski 1979b, 195-205, Figs. 108-109; Chochorowski 1999, 325, Fig. 376). It also seems that nomadic peoples were forced
to create a structure of the El type because of a chronic shortage of vegetable
food, which was supplemented by exploiting or plundering of neighbours
(Moszyski 1953, 31-32). An account by Herodotus about the division of the
people into the Royal Scythians, the Nomad Scythians, the Scythian Ploughmen
and the Scythian Farmers (Herodotus, IV 17-20) implies that the Scythians had
a similar organization. In addition, the Scythians asked neighbouring tribes for
military support before the Persian attack, and they partly got it (Herodotus IV
99-103, IV 117-121). In the case of the Sarmatians appearance, the 1st phase
is very clear. That period is, at the same time, the 3rd phase for the Scythian tribes.
In the 4th century, in the Eurasian steppe region, an economic crisis and political
disturbances took place as a result of climatic changes. Successive groups of nomads
were forced to migration by drying pastures. In the Pontic area, the process intensified in the 270s and the 260s BC. As a result of the process, the Scythian culture collapsed and the Sarmatians took their place (Chochorowski 1999, 333).
After the date, the inflow of a new population from the north-east the Bastarnae and the Scirii, the main bearers of the Poienesti Lukashevka culture,
71
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 72
was also possible. Their presence were noticed by ancient sources in the years
239-229 BC (Dbrowska 1988a, 74-76). Those disturbances and the breakdown
of the previous structures allowed them to occupy the western borders of the
previous Scythian areas. In that context, close relationships between the Sarmatians and the Bastarnae are worthy noticing. Those relationships manifested
themselves in mixed marriages, which were reported by Tacitus (Germania 46).
As a result of the same processes, the Przeworsk culture (Dbrowska 1988b, 84104) and the Zarubintsy culture came into being in the most part of the areas
occupied earlier by the Pomeranian culture and the Milograd culture. The latter culture expanded partly into the areas previously occupied by the Scythian
culture (Maksimow 1972, 117-118). So, it was obviously not only displacing
of one nomads by the others, but also the process which caused cultural changes
in the huge areas.
To sum up, this very cursory survey of the nomads history in the Pontic area
shows that the three-stage model of influences describes their activity accurately.
It seems that the steppe peoples were determined to such behaviour by geographical conditions and the type of economy. In general, it should be stressed
that influences of nomads had to be very strong, although they concerned rather
political and settlement structures than material culture, manifested in artefacts.
Looking from that perspective, it seems that the nomads acted as one of the main
catalyst for cultural changes in prehistory of Eastern and Central Europe.
Translated by Aneta Zikowska
Abbreviations
AAASH Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scienciarum Hungaricae, Budapest.
A. Polski Archeologia Polski, Warsaw Wrocaw.
FPP Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia.
MSROA Materiay i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Orodka Archeologicznego, Rzeszw.
MSiW Materiay Staroytne i Wczesnoredniowieczne, Warsaw.
Pom. Ant. Pomorania Antiqua, Gdask
Przeg. Arch. Przegld Archeologiczny, Wrocaw.
PZP Prahistoria Ziem Polskich, Warsaw Wrocaw.
Schlesiens Vorzeit, NF Schlesiens Vorzeit in Bild und Schrift, Neue Folge, Breslau.
WA Wiadomoci Archeologiczne.
WN Wiadomoci Numizmatyczne, Warsaw.
ZNUJ Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagielloskiego, Cracow.
Source texts
Ambrosius Expositio Evangeli secundum Lucam 10: 10, [in:] Corpus Scriptorum Eclesiasticorum 34, 4.
Ammianus Marcellinus, Dzieje rzymskie, Ksigi XXVIXXXI, vol. 2, Przeoy, wstpem i przypisami opatrzy Ignacy Lewandowski. Warsaw 2002.
72
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 73
Herodot, Dzieje, Z jzyka greckiego przeoy i opracowa Seweryn Hammer, Warsaw 1959.
Jordanes, O pochodzeniu i czynach Gotw, [in:] E. Zwolski, Kasjodor i Jordanes. Historia gocka,
czyli scytyjska Europa, Lublin 1984.
Klaudiusz Klaudianus, O II Konsulacie Fl. Stylichona i O wojnie z Gotami, tumaczenie Boena Olejniczak, Warsaw 2003.
Priscus, Fragment 8, [in:] A. Krawczuk, Upadek Rzymu, Ksiga wojen, Wrocaw Warsaw Cracow Gdask, 1978.
Procopii Caesariensis, De Bellis, [in:] Procopii Caesariensis, Opera omnia, vol. 1, Leipzig 1962.
References
ALMGREN O.
1923
Studien ber die Nordeuropischen Fibelformen der ersten nachchristlischen Jahrhunderte mit Bercksichtigung der provinzionalrmischen und sdrussischen Formen,
Mannus Bibliothek, No. 32, Leipzig.
BIBORSKI M.
1978
1995
Miecze z okresu wpyww rzymskich na obszarze kultury przeworskiej, Materiay Archeologiczne 18, 53-165.
Miecz z pnego okresu rzymskiego z miejscowoci Isep, gm. Wojnicz, woj. Tarnw, Zeszyty Wojnickie 4/12, 13-14.
BIERNAT W.
1955
Kurhany z pnego okresu rzymskiego ze wsi Bogucin, pow. Posk, WA 22, 210-212.
BLOIU C.
1975
Necropola din secolul al. IV-lea e. n. de Lecani (jud. Iai), Arheologia Moldovei 8,
203-280.
BAEJEWSKI A.
1998
Obrzdek pogrzebowy kultury przeworskiej na lsku, Wrocaw.
BOEGE W.
1938
Ein Beitrag zum Formenkreis der wandalischen Irdenware aus der Vlkerwanderungszeit, Altschlesien 7, 44-59.
BOHNSACK D.
1938
Neue Bodenfunde (1. 10. 36. 30. 06. 37.), Alt Preussen, h. 3, 24-28.
BNA I.
1991
Das Hunnenreich, Stuttgart.
BUKOWSKI Z.
1979a
1979b
Oddziaywania tzw. przedscytyjskie, [in:] PZP, vol. IV, 192-195.

Charakterystyka znalezisk tzw. scytyjskich, [in:] PZP, vol. IV, 195-204.
CABALSKA M.
1966
Wdzido typu huskiego z Mymonia pow. Sanok, Sprawozdanie Rzeszowskiego

Orodka Archeologicznego za rok 1965, 59-61.
73
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 74
CHOCHOROWSKI J.
1999
elazny or barbarzycw wczesna epoka elaza poza zasigiem cywilizacji klasycznych, [in:] Encyklopedia historyczna wiata, vol. I, 304-395.
CIOEK R.
2003
Znaleziska solidw na Pomorzu, WN, XLVII: 2, 163-180.
DBROWSKA T.
1988a
1988b
Bemerkungen zur Entstehung der Przeworsk Kultur, Prhistorische Zeitschrift 63,

53-80.
Wczesne fazy kultury przeworskiej chronologia zasig powizania, Warszawa.
DBROWSKI K.
1975
1981
Hunowie europejscy, [in:] K. Dbrowski, E. Tryjarski, T. Zagrodzka-Majchrzyk

(red.), Hunowie europejscy, Protobugarzy, Pieczyngowie, 11-146.
Kultura Hunw, [in:] PZP, vol. V, 281-285.
DIACONU G.
1965
1969
Trgor necropola din secolele IIIIV e. n., Bucureti.

Das Grberfeld von Mogosani (Kreis Dimbovia), Dacia 13, 367-402.
DOBRZASKA H.
1980
Zagadnienie datowania ceramiki toczonej w kulturze przeworskiej, A. Polski 24,

87-148.
DOMASKI G.
2005
Ceramika z okresu wdrwek ludw na lsku, [in:] P. Kaczanowski, M. Parczewski (eds.), Archeologia o pocztkach Sowian, 253-266. Krakw.
ELIADE M.
1995
2002
Historia wierze i idei religijnych, vol. III, Warszawa.

Od Zalmoksisa do Czyngis chana, Warszawa
GSSOWSKA E.
1979
Bizancjum a ziemie pnocno zachodnio sowiaskie we wczesnym redniowieczu,

Wrocaw.
GEDL M.
1988
Obiekty z okresu wpyww rzymskich na cmentarzysku w Kietrzu, woj. Opole,

Scripta Archaeologica 2, 119-198.
GODOWSKI K.
1969
1973
1977
1981a
1981b
1985
74
Kultura przeworska na Grnym lsku, Katowice-Cracow.

Materiay do poznania kultury przeworskiej na Grnym lsku, (part I), MSiW 2,
255-382.
Materiay do poznania kultury przeworskiej na Grnym lsku (part II), MSiW 4,
7-237.
Kultura przeworska, [in:] PZP, vol. V, 57-135.
Okres wdrwek ludw na Pomorzu, Pom. Ant. 10, 65-129.
Przemiany kulturowe i osadnicze w poudniowej i rodkowej Polsce w okresie przedrzymskim i w okresie rzymskim, Wrocaw Warsaw Cracow Gdask d.
1989
1992
1994
1995
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 75
Ziemie polskie w okresie wdrwek ludw. Pierwotne siedziby Sowian, Barbaricum 1, 12-56.
Zmiany w uzbrojeniu ludnoci kultury przeworskiej w okresie wpyww rzymskich, [in:] Arma et Ollae Studia dedykowane Profesorowi Andrzejowi Nadolskiemu w 70 rocznic urodzin i 45 rocznic pracy naukowej. Sesja Naukowa, d
7-8 maja 1992 r., 71-88, d.
Die Chronologie der germanischen Waffengrber in der jngeren und spaten
Kaiserzeit, [in:] Beitrage zur rmischer und barbarischer Bewaffnung in den ersten
vier nachchristlischen Jahrhunderten, 169-178, Lublin/Marburg.
Das Frstengrab des 5 Jhs. und der Frstensitz in Jakuszowice in Sdpolen,
[in:] La noblesse Romaine et les chefes Barbares du IIIe au VIIe sicle, 155-179.
GRALAK T.
2008
Przyczynek do poznania zwizkw kulturowych cmentarzyska w ernikach Wielkich, stan. 4, w powiecie wrocawskim, [in:] A. Baejewski (ed.), Labor et Patientia Studia Archaeologica Stanislao Pazda Dedicata, 361-374, Wrocaw.
GREMPLER W.
1900
Der Goldring von Ransern, Schlesiens Vorzeit, NF, vol. 1, 59-60.
GRUSZCZYSKA A.
1984
Osada z wczesnego okresu wdrwek ludw w liwczy, woj. Rzeszw, MSROA for
the years 1976-1979, 103-129.
HARMATTA J.
1951
The golden bow of the Huns, AAASH, 1, 107-149.
HEYM W.
1939
Der ltere Abschnitt der Vlkerwanderungszeit auf dem rechten Ufer der unteren
Weischel, Mannus vol. 31, 3-28.
ILUK J.
1953
Batycki epizod wczesno bizantyjskich dziejw. Znaleziska solidw na Pomorzu

nadwilaskim z V i VI wieku, [in:] Gdask redniowieczny w wietle najnowszych
bada archeologicznych i historycznych, 51-63, Gdask.
IONIT I.
2005
Ein gehenkelter Toneimer der Sntana de Mure Kultur aus Miorcani, [in:] Archeologia Barbarica, wier wieku archeologii w Masomczu, 163-171.
JAHN M.
1926
Germanische Grber aus der Kaiserzeit, Altschlesien 1, 233-248.
KIEFERLING G.
1994
Bemerkungen zu xten der rmischen Kaiserzeit und der frhen Vlkerwanderungszeit im mitteleuropischen Barbaricum, [in:] Beitrage zur rmischer und barbarischer Bewaffnung in den ersten vier nachchristlischen Jahrhunderten, 335-356,
Lublin/Marburg.
KOKOWSKI A.
1986
Zagadnienie interpretacji kulturowej materiaw typu Masomcz, [in:] J. Gurba

(ed.), Zachodnia strefa osadnictwa kultury czerniachowskiej, 71-90, Lublin.
75
1993a
1993b
1995
2005
2007
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 76
Grdek nad Bugiem cmentarzysko grupy masomckiej, 1, Lublin.

Grdek nad Bugiem cmentarzysko grupy masomckiej, 2, Lublin.
Grupa masomcka. Z bada nad przemianami kultury Gotw w modszym okresie
rzymskim, Lublin.
Polska staroytna, Warsaw.
Goci od Skandzy do Campi Gothorum (Od Skandynawii do Pwyspu Iberyjskiego),
Warszawa.
KONIK E.
1965
Znaleziska monet rzymskich na lsku, Wrocaw.
KOSTRZEWSKI J.
1938
Badania prehistoryczne w powiecie lublinieckim na lsku w roku 1936, Prace

Prehistoryczne 3.
KRAUSE E.
1904
Fund von Hckricht, Kreis Ohlau, Schlesiens Vorzeit, NF 3, 46-50.
KUNISZ A.
1985
Znaleziska monet rzymskich z Maopolski, Biblioteka archeologiczna 30, Wrocaw.
LSZLO G.
1951
The significance on the Hun golden bow, AAASH 1, 91-104.
OWMIASKI H.
1963
Pocztki Polski, Warszawa
MACHAJEWSKI H.
1984
Napyw elementw bizantyjskich na Pomorze w wietle studiw nad chronologi dbczyskiej grupy kulturowej, FPP 1, 73-84.
MADYDA R.
1977
Sprzczki i okucia pasa na ziemiach polskich w okresie rzymskim, MSiW 4, 351-411.
MADYDA-LEGUTKO R.
1996
Zrnicowanie kulturowe polskiej strefy beskidzkiej w okresie lateskim i rzymskim,

Krakw.
MADYDA-LEGUTKO R., TUNIA K.

1993
Rytro karpacka osada z okresu wdrwek ludw, ZNUJ, MCXVII, Prace Archeologiczne 57.
MAGOMIEDOW B.
2001
2004
Czerniachowskaja kultura problema etnosa, Lublin.

Krpergrber in der ernjahov-Sntana de Mure Kultur, Eurasia Antiqua 10,
281-331.
MAKSIMOW E.W.
1972
Srednije podnieprowije na rubiee naszej ery, Kiev.
MRINESCU G., GIU C.

1989
76
Die Necropole bei Fntinele Rit, Gem. Bistria Nasaud aus dem 4. Jahrhundert u. Z., Dacia 33, 125-143.
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 77
MCZYSKA M.
1996
1999
Wdrwki ludw Historia niespokojnej epoki IV i V wieku, Krakw.

Schykowa faza kultury przeworskiej, Kultura przeworska 4, 23-53.
MITREA B., PREDA C.

1966
Necropole din secolul al IV lea e. n. in Muntenia, Bucureti.
MOSZYSKI K.
1925
1953
1962
Badania nad pochodzeniem i pierwotn kultur Sowian, PAU Wydzia Filologiczny, Rozprawy, LXII, no. 2, 1-114.
Ludy pasterskie, Krakw.
O sposobach badania kultury materialnej Prasowian, Krakw.
MUZOLF B.
1994
Pnorzymska osada kultury przeworskiej w miejscowoci Podzamcze, gmina

Ogrodzieniec, woj. Katowice, [in:] Kultura przeworska 1, 281-292.
NOSEK S.
1959
Jakuszowice, distr. De Piczw, Inv. Arch., fasc. 2, Pl. 15.
OLDZKI M.
1997
Prba odtworzenia oblicza etnicznego kultury przeworskiej w okresie rzymskim

na podstawie rde pisanych i przesanek archeologicznych, [in:] Kultura
przeworska 3, 81-93.
PARCZEWSKI M.
1988
Pocztki kultury wczesnosowiaskiej w Polsce. Krytyka i datowanie rde archeologicznych, Wrocaw Warszawa Krakw Gdask.
PAZDA S.
1980
1994
Studia nad rozwojem i zrnicowaniem lokalnym kultury przeworskiej na Dolnym

lsku, Wrocaw.
Brzeski rejon staroytnej metalurgii elaza (IVV w. n. e.), Studia Archeologiczne 25.
PETERSEN E.
1932
1933
1939
1940
1944
Neue wandalische Grabfunde aus dem 2-4 Jahrh. n. Chr., Altschlesien 4, 139-161.
Ein neuer Schatzfund aus der Vlkerwanderungszeit im Breslauer Museum,
Schlesiens Vorzeit, N. F. 10, 30-34.
Der ostelbische Raum als germanisches Kraftfeld im Lichte der Bodenfunde des 6-8
Jahrhunderts, Leipzig.
Zum vlkerwanderungszeitlischen Hortfund von Konarzew, Kr. Lentschtz (jetz
Reichsgau Wartheland), Nachrichtenblatt fr duetsche Vorzeit 16, 278-279.
Bekannte und unbekannte germanische Funde der Frhen Vlkerwanderungszeit
aus Osten, Posener Jahrbuch fr Vorgeschichte 1, 75-86.
PFZENREITER F.
1937
Einvlkerwanderungszeitlische Grberfeld im Statsforst Guttentag O. S., Altschlesien 7,

40-44.
PIETRZAK M., RONOWSKI F.

1996
Niezwyke pochwki z pnego okresu rzymskiego z Pruszcza Gdaskiego, stanowisko 5, [in:] W. Nowakowski (ed.), Concordia. Studia ofiarowane Jerzemu
Okulicz-Kozarynowi w szedziesit pit rocznic urodzin, Warszawa, 93-198
77
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 78
PROTASE D.
1976
Un cimitir dacic din epoca roman la Soporu De Cmpie. Contributie la problema

continuitii n Dacia, Bucureti.
RASCHKE G.
1940
Zum Bronzekessel von Raase Bennisch, Altschlesien 9, 14-119.
RODZISKA-NOWAK J.
2005
Ceramika jako rdo do studiw nad przemianami kulturowymi i osadniczymi

w staroytnoci i w pocztkach wczesnego redniowiecza, [in:] Archeologia
o pocztkach Sowian, 267-280, Krakw.
ROGATKO J.
1994
O niektrych kategoriach wyrobw kocianych i rogowych w obrbie kultury

przeworskiej, [in:] Kultura przeworska, vol. 1, 343-352.
STRZELCZYK J.
1984
1992
Goci. Rzeczywisto i legenda, Warszawa.

Wandalowie i ich afrykaskie pastwo, Warszawa.
SULIMIRSKI T.
1966
1979
Znalezisko z Zamocia i jego to, A. Polski 9, 118-169.

Sarmaci, Warszawa.
SZYDOWSKI J.
1974
1977a
1977b
1984
Trzy cmentarzyska typu dobrodzieskiego, Rocznik Muzeum Grnolskiego

w Bytomiu, Archeologia 11.
Grupa dobrodzieska jako wyraz lokalnych przemian w schykowej fazie kultury
przeworskiej, Katowice.
Zur Frage der fremden Komponenten in der Dobrodzie Gruppe, Przeg. Arch. 25,
97-134.
Naczynia drewniane w pnej staroytnoci na ziemiach polskich, Katowice.
TEJRAL J.
1986
1987
1988
1992
2000
Fremde Einflsse und kulturelle Vernderungen nrdlisch der mittleren Donau zu

Beginn der Vlkerwanderungszeit, Arch. Baltica 7, 175-238.
Zur Chronologie und Deutung der sdstlischen Kulturelemente in der frhen
Vlkervanderungszeit Mitteleuropas, [in:] Die Vlkerwanderungszeit in Karpatenbecken, Anzeiger der germanischen Nationalmuseums Nrnberg, 11-46.
Zur Chronologie der frhen Vlkerwanderungszeit in mittlerem Donauraum,
Archaeologia Austriaca 72, 223-304.
Einige Bemerkungen zur Chronologie der spten rmischen Kaiserzeit in Mitteleuropa, [in:] Probleme der relativen und absoluten Chronologie ab Latnzeit bis zum
Frhmittelalter, 227-248, Krakw.
The problem of the acculturation at the beginning of the migration period,
[in:] M. Mczyska, T. Grabarczyk, (eds.), Die sptrmische Kaiserzeit und die frhe
Vlkerwanderungszeit in Mittel und Osteuropa, 5-31.
TEMPELMANN-MCZYSKA M.
1983
78
Badania osady z okresu rzymskiego w Opatowie, stan. 6, woj. Czstochowa,

w latach 1971-1980, Spraw. Arch. 34/1982, 182-199.
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 79
TYSZKIEWICZ L. A.
1992
2004
2007
Sowianie w historiografii antycznej do poowy VI w., Wrocaw.

Hunowie w Europie Ich wpyw na Cesarstwo wschodnie i zachodnie oraz na ludy
barbarzyskie. Wrocaw.
Sowianie i ludy tureckie przed pojawieniem si Protobugarw na Pwyspie Bakaskim, [in:] Barbarzycy w Europie Studia z pnego antyku i wczesnego redniowiecza, 19-30, Wrocaw.
WAWRZENIECKI M.
1912
Grb szkieletowy z VVIII wieku po Chrystusie we wsi Przemczanach, Materiay Antropologiczno-Archeologiczne i Etnograficzne 12, 50-51.
WERNER J.
1956
Beitrge zur Archologie des Attila Reiches, Mnchen.
WILCZYSKI M.
2001
Germanie w subie zachodniorzymskiej w V w. n. e. Studium historyczno-prosopograficzne, Krakw.
WOLFRAM H.
2003
Historia Gotw, Gdask.
WOGIEWICZ R.
1981
1995
Kultura wielbarska problemy interpretacji etnicznej, [in:] Problemy kultury

wielbarskiej, 79-106, Supsk.
Zwizki Pomorza ze strefami zachodniobatyck i nadczarnomorsk w okresie
rzymskim w wietle przemian w kulturze wielbarskiej, [in:] W. Filipowiak (ed.),
Najnowsze kierunki bada najwczeniejszych dziejw Pomorza, 125-148, Szczecin.
ZOTZ L.
1935
Die sptgermanische Kultur Schlesiens im Grberfeld von Gross Srding, Leipzig.
Tomasz Gralak
Model analizy oddziaywa ludw stepowych

na ziemie polskie na przykadzie tzw. wpyww Hunw
Streszczenie
Epizod huski w historii Europy stanowi przykad ludu stepowego, ktrego dziaalno jest stosunkowo dobrze powiadczona w rdach pisanych. Daje to moliwo konfrontacji z danymi archeologicznymi i pozwala na budow modelu oddziaywa, ktre
zazwyczaj okrela si wieloznaczn nazw wpywy. Zaproponowano ich trjstopniowy podzia. Faza pierwsza to rozbicie dotychczasowych struktur kulturowych poprzez
pojawienie si nowego ludu. Faza druga obejmuje oddziaywania bezporednie. Faza trzecia natomiast stanowi skutki upadku Hunw. W takim ujciu jako wpywy kulturowe
79
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 80
nie s okrelane tylko zabytki czone z tym ludem ale rwnie szereg zjawisk i elementw innych kultur, ktre na ziemie polskie dostay si w wyniku ich dziaalnoci.
Pojawienie si Hunw w 375 roku rozpoczyna okres wdrwek ludw w Europie.
Wywoani oni tzw. lawin ludw, na skutek ktrej nowe i bardziej ni zwykle nasilone niepokoje ogarny ludy pnocy: na caym obszarze, ktry rozciga si od Markomanw i Kwadw a do Morza Czarnego, barbarzyskie hordy nieznanych dotd plemion, nagle wypartych si ze swoich siedzib, bkaj si wraz z rodzinami w okolicach
rzeki Hister (Ammianus Marcelinnus XXXI, 4, 2). Zjawisko to znajduje odbicie w archeologii i jest okrelane jako horyzont postczerniachowski datowany na faz D1 okresu
wdrwek ludw. Generalnie na szerokich obszarach naddunajskich pojawiaj si znaleziska typowe dla kultur czerniachowskiej i Sntana de Mure oraz elementy charakterystyczne dla kultury Sarmatw. Horyzont ten jest uchwytny take na obszarze Polski.
Stanowi on pierwsz faz oddziaywa.
W obrbie kultury przeworskiej zjawisko to czytelne jest na lsku i w zachodniej
Maopolsce, najbardziej w tzw. grupie dobrodzieskiej. W jej obrbie wyrniono szereg zabytkw o poudniowej i poudniowo wschodniej genezie. Stanowi je przede
wszystkim zapinki oraz rne formy sprzczek i ozdb. Pojawiaj si take nowe rodzaje broni elazne toporki, umba z fasetowan pokryw oraz elazne toczki ze sztabkowat rkojeci. Oddziaywania takie czytelne s rwnie w wytwrczoci ceramicznej. Dotyczy to gwnie form pucharw, dzbanw, naczy pitrowych oraz naladujcych
wyroby drewniane. Biorc pod uwag napyw licznych obcych elementw oraz zajcie
nowych, wczeniej nie uytkowanych osadniczo terenw mona zakada przymieszk
nowej ludnoci, zapewne ze wschodniej czci Kotliny Karpackiej.
Koncentracja elementw pontyjskich i naddunajskich czytelna jest take na Dolnym
lsku. Dotyczy to przede wszystkim cmentarzyska w ernikach Wielkich, pow. Wrocaw. Znajduje ono analogie w Europie poudniowo wschodniej, nawizuje do grupy
niewielkich cmentarzysk w Siedmiogrodzie, zwaszcza do Fintinele Rt. Zespoy te
datowane s na faz D1 i wizane z horyzontem postczerniachowskim. Analogie obejmuj zapinki z rombowat nk, formy sprzczek, wystpowanie broni, a take obrzdku pogrzebowego. Poza zwizkami z tym specyficznym stanowiskiem w ernikach wystpi zesp cech charakterystycznych dla kultury czerniachowskiej i grupy Sntana de
Mure. Biorc pod uwag podobiestwa kultury materialnej identyfikacja ludnoci uytkujcej cmentarzysko w ernikach z jedn z grup gockich uciekajcych przed Hunami
wydaje si by uzasadniona.
W duo mniejszym stopniu horyzont postczerniachowski czytelny jest w kulturze
wielbarskiej. Znaleziska grupuj si gownie w Polsce pnocnej w rejonie ujcia Wisy.
Na cmentarzyskach w okolicach Elblga w Starym Targu, Rakowcu i Bornicach dominoway formy grobw i naczynia o analogiach w kulturze czerniachowskiej i Sntana de
Mure.
Znaleziska czone z horyzontem postczerniachowskim wyznaczaj pocztek
oddziaywa Hunw na ziemie Polskie. Pocztkowo stanowiy one obszar, na ktrym
chroniy si rne grupy ludnoci. Sytuacja zmienia si okoo przeomu er wraz ze wzrostem aktywnoci Hunw w rejonie naddunajskim. Powoduje to kolejn fal panicz-
80
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 81
nych ucieczek, ktre tym razem dotycz ju ziem polskich, prowadzc do ich postpujcego wyludnienia. Stanowi to pocztek drugiej fazy oddziaywa zwizkw bezporednich, gdy obszary te wchodz w obrb wadztwa Hunw. Imperium to okrelane w jzykach turecko-mongolskich jako El osiga swoje apogeum w czasach Attyli,
w poowie V wieku.
Na terenie Polski archeologicznym odbiciem tego zjawiska s znaleziska elementw kultury materialnej Hunw. Rozmieszczenie i charakter tych przedmiotw wskazuj na rejonizacj i rnorodno kontaktw. Czytelne s trzy gwne rejony ich
wystpowania lsk oraz pnocna i poudniowo-wschodnia Maopolska. W przypadku dwch pierwszych obszarw znaleziska z Jakuszowic i Jdrzychowic nawizuj do horyzontu podobnych pochwkw z IVV w. Zawieraj one elementy kultury
materialnej najwyszych warstw spoeczestwa koczownikw. Ponad to okuty zot
blach uk refleksyjny z Jakuszowic jest uznawany za oznak wadzy. Pochwki te
mog wic wskazywa na bezporednie zwierzchnictwo huskie w postaci przedstawicieli tego ludu. Sugeruje to take umiejscowienie tych znalezisk w obrbie skupie
osadniczych kultury przeworskiej, ktre prawdopodobnie wyznaczay kontrolowany
obszar. Podobna sytuacja moga wystpi take w obrbie gubczyckiego skupienia
osadniczego, na co wskazuje znalezisko z Beneowa pod Opav. Rejon poudniowowschodniej Maopolski poprzez egalitarny charakter znalezisk wydaje si by odbiciem wykorzystywania szlakw komunikacyjnych przebiegajcych przez przecze karpackie. Nie wyklucza to oczywicie istnienia powiza politycznych z Hunami. Mona
jedynie domniemywa, e przebiegay w inny sposb, co wskazuje brak bogatych
pochwkw. Pozostae znaleziska wizane z tym ludem wystpiy na obszarze pogranicza Maopolski i Grnego lska. Stanowi je masowe groby znajdowane w jaskiniach, sugerujce bezporedni akcj militarn. Wskazuje to odmienny status polityczny tego rejonu.
Poza obszarem zajtym przez ludno kultury przeworskiej brak zabytkw, ktre mona bezporednio czy z Hunami. Wystpiy natomiast znaleziska, ktre pojawiy si
w wyniku ich dziaalnoci. W rejonie Lubelszczyzny i zachodniego Woynia odnotowano szereg skarbw, co sugeruje, najazd zbrojny. Tereny Pomorza poprzez liczne znaleziska solidw wskazuj na inny rodzaj kontaktw. Przynajmniej czciowo mog one
pochodzi z trybutw ciganych przez Hunw, co sugeruje, e rwnie te obszary znajdoway si w orbicie ich wpyww. Przypuszczenia takie potwierdza relacja Priskosa
mwica, e wadza Attyli sigaa a po wyspy na Oceanie (Fragment 8).
Jako trzeci faz oddziaywa Hunw uzna mona skutki rozpadu imperium Hunw.
Nastpio to po mierci Attyli i bitwie nad rzek Nedao w 454/455. Zmiana ukadu
si wymusza dalsze przesunicia etniczne na terenie Babaricum. Na terenie Polski w tym
okresie nastpuje nagy zanik osadnictwa w strefie beskidzkiej. W rodkowej Polsce
w drugiej poowie V i na progu VI w., w obrbie skupienia reliktowego osadnictwa ludnoci kultury przeworskiej, odnotowano szereg znalezisk gromadnych. Wydaje si, e
naley je uzna za wiadectwa nowej fali niepokojw. Zmiana sytuacji pozwolia take
na dynamiczny rozwj ekspansji Sowian. Warto podkreli, e do huskiego El zostali
oni wczeni zapewne ju na terenach pontyjskich.
81
2010-06-15
09:24
Strona 82
Podsumowujc, mona postawi pytanie, czy informacje zebrane o Hunach mog by

pomocne do analizy dziaalnoci innych ludw koczowniczych. Przedstawiony model
trjstopniowej analizy poszerza zakres moliwych do rozpoznania wpyww nomadw,
a poszczeglne fazy czytelne s w wypadku Scytw, czy Sarmatw. Naley podkreli, e
ich oddziaywania dotyczyy bardziej struktur osadniczych i politycznych ni kultury
materialnej manifestujcej si poprzez zabytki. Patrzc z tej perspektywy wydaje si, e
stanowili oni gwny katalizator przemian kulturowych w pradziejach Europy wschodniej i centralnej.

Tomasz - Gralak - Impacts - of - Steppe Peoples On The Polish Territories

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Tomasz - Gralak - Impacts - of - Steppe Peoples On The Polish Territories

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Centra_kulturowe_Biskupin_2010:Layout 1

ROLA GWNYCH CENTRW KULTUROWYCH W KSZTATOWANIU OBLICZA KULTUROWEGO EUROPY RODKOWEJ

Impacts of steppe peoples on the Polish

Fig. 1. 1, 4, 9, 12 Szczedrzyk, district Opole; 2 Valea Strimba, Romania; 3 Ockov, Slovakia;

Fig. 3. 1, 2, 5 Dobrodzie-Rdzina, district Olesko, 3, 4 Muov, Moravia, 6 Olsztyn, district

Fig. 4. 1-2 Szczedrzyk, district Opole; 3-6 Dobrodzie-Rdzina, district Olesko.

On hand-crafted vessels, relief ornament in the form of conical or rounded

Fig. 7. 1, 6 erniki Wielkie, district Wrocaw, grave 7; 2, 5 Fintinele Rt, Romania,

a small amount of pottery in the graves is characteristic, as well as a general

Fig. 10. erniki Wielkie, district Wrocaw, grave 19

of artefacts, indicate that possibility. While most of the elements in the

found in Tarnw, district Tarnw (Godowski 1995, 162; Madyda-Legutko 1996,

further ethnic migrations in the area of Barbaricum. In the Danube area, it

Obrzdek pogrzebowy kultury przeworskiej na lsku, Wrocaw.

Das Hunnenreich, Stuttgart.

Oddziaywania tzw. przedscytyjskie, [in:] PZP, vol. IV, 192-195.

Wdzido typu huskiego z Mymonia pow. Sanok, Sprawozdanie Rzeszowskiego

Znaleziska solidw na Pomorzu, WN, XLVII: 2, 163-180.

Bemerkungen zur Entstehung der Przeworsk Kultur, Prhistorische Zeitschrift 63,

Hunowie europejscy, [in:] K. Dbrowski, E. Tryjarski, T. Zagrodzka-Majchrzyk

Trgor necropola din secolele IIIIV e. n., Bucureti.

Zagadnienie datowania ceramiki toczonej w kulturze przeworskiej, A. Polski 24,

Historia wierze i idei religijnych, vol. III, Warszawa.

Bizancjum a ziemie pnocno zachodnio sowiaskie we wczesnym redniowieczu,

Obiekty z okresu wpyww rzymskich na cmentarzysku w Kietrzu, woj. Opole,

Kultura przeworska na Grnym lsku, Katowice-Cracow.

Der Goldring von Ransern, Schlesiens Vorzeit, NF, vol. 1, 59-60.

The golden bow of the Huns, AAASH, 1, 107-149.

Batycki epizod wczesno bizantyjskich dziejw. Znaleziska solidw na Pomorzu

Germanische Grber aus der Kaiserzeit, Altschlesien 1, 233-248.

Zagadnienie interpretacji kulturowej materiaw typu Masomcz, [in:] J. Gurba

Grdek nad Bugiem cmentarzysko grupy masomckiej, 1, Lublin.

Znaleziska monet rzymskich na lsku, Wrocaw.

Badania prehistoryczne w powiecie lublinieckim na lsku w roku 1936, Prace

Fund von Hckricht, Kreis Ohlau, Schlesiens Vorzeit, NF 3, 46-50.

Znaleziska monet rzymskich z Maopolski, Biblioteka archeologiczna 30, Wrocaw.

The significance on the Hun golden bow, AAASH 1, 91-104.

Pocztki Polski, Warszawa

Sprzczki i okucia pasa na ziemiach polskich w okresie rzymskim, MSiW 4, 351-411.

Zrnicowanie kulturowe polskiej strefy beskidzkiej w okresie lateskim i rzymskim,

MADYDA-LEGUTKO R., TUNIA K.

Czerniachowskaja kultura problema etnosa, Lublin.

Srednije podnieprowije na rubiee naszej ery, Kiev.

MRINESCU G., GIU C.

Wdrwki ludw Historia niespokojnej epoki IV i V wieku, Krakw.

MITREA B., PREDA C.

Necropole din secolul al IV lea e. n. in Muntenia, Bucureti.

Pnorzymska osada kultury przeworskiej w miejscowoci Podzamcze, gmina

Jakuszowice, distr. De Piczw, Inv. Arch., fasc. 2, Pl. 15.

Prba odtworzenia oblicza etnicznego kultury przeworskiej w okresie rzymskim

Studia nad rozwojem i zrnicowaniem lokalnym kultury przeworskiej na Dolnym

Einvlkerwanderungszeitlische Grberfeld im Statsforst Guttentag O. S., Altschlesien 7,

PIETRZAK M., RONOWSKI F.

Un cimitir dacic din epoca roman la Soporu De Cmpie. Contributie la problema

Zum Bronzekessel von Raase Bennisch, Altschlesien 9, 14-119.

Ceramika jako rdo do studiw nad przemianami kulturowymi i osadniczymi

O niektrych kategoriach wyrobw kocianych i rogowych w obrbie kultury

Goci. Rzeczywisto i legenda, Warszawa.

Znalezisko z Zamocia i jego to, A. Polski 9, 118-169.

Trzy cmentarzyska typu dobrodzieskiego, Rocznik Muzeum Grnolskiego

Fremde Einflsse und kulturelle Vernderungen nrdlisch der mittleren Donau zu

Badania osady z okresu rzymskiego w Opatowie, stan. 6, woj. Czstochowa,

Sowianie w historiografii antycznej do poowy VI w., Wrocaw.