Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Richard Hyman,
Purpose:
To critically outline the optimistic (revolutionary) and pessimistic (nonrevolutionary) potential of trade unions, and to consider their dialectical
relationship in a synthetic analysis.
(see model in chart)
1) laws of supply and demand determine wages; in the face of this, all trade unions can do is to
slow down the erosion of wages in the face of the onslaught of capital; this is a defensive position of
unions. (p. 5).
2) political activity of the trade union is directed in an attack on competition among workers which
is the cornerstone of bourgeois dominance; this is accomplished through the combination of workers;
the destruction of competittion among workers means the destruction of the rule of property. (6).
3) Unions are a military school for class war, according to Engels.
4) Marx: unions are ramparts for workers in their struggle for social revolution against employers.
(6).
5) industrial concentration brings about the combination of workers which runs counter to the
competition among workers.
6). Unions are one stage in the transition from a class in itself to a class for itself (6-7).
7) Grave-diggers: bourgeoisie is its own grave diggers in the sense that capital accumulation brings
abour industrial concentration, which in turn brings about the combination of workers with low
wages, which struggles to overthrow private property to put an end to their enslavement. (8).
(B) Business Union Evidence: Some writings of Marx and Engels suggest that they were aware
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of the restricted nature of trade unions, of their sectional nature, of their defensiveness, of their
attempt to cope with the effects rather than the causes of their problems. But they did not elevate
these concerns to the level of general theory.
All four of above in pessimistic tradition inhibit the challenge by trade unions to
capitalism
Review and Critique: Hyman reviews each of these and later provides a critique.
1) Integration (Lenin):
(see integration model in chart)
Integration thesis states that trade unions, able to achieve their economic objectives within the
structures of capitalism, become integrated into its institutions. (Hyman, p. 14). This is not an
intentional on the part of anyone, but a product of the structures of trade unions and bourgeois
societies; in contrast, Trotsky's incorporation thesis is a product partly of the intentional and
deliberate actions of states and corporations which strive to coopt unions and their leaders in order to
emasculate them and bend them in the service of bourgeois aims. (on this difference, see Hyman, p.
17).
Note: patriarchy: can one argue that integration is the unintentional coincidence of trade union
patriarchy with patriarchal institutions in capitalist society, whereas incorporation is the attempt by
dominant men in corporations and the state to forge alliances with the male leadership of the trade
union movement in order to co-opt feminist positions in the labour movement and outside?
a) Sectional nature of trade unions, organized along the lines of industry or occupation; or the tools
of the trade. (also Gramsci argues this position).
b) economism: that trade unions are narrowly concerned with immediate economic issues, such as
wages (the terms of the sale of labour power), working conditions, etc.
c) ideology: a rigid dichotomy exists between trade union consciousness and social democractic (ie,
revolutionary) consciousness; the latter cannot develop within the proletariat, but must be imported
into the proletariat from outside by bourgeois intellectuals. Trade union consciousness was " 'the
conviction that it is necessary to combine in unions, fight the employers, and strive to compel the
government to pass necessary labour legislation, etc.' " (13) (from Lenin's What Is To Be Done,
1902).
d) politics: trade union politics is bourgeois politics, according to Lenin. (13). This contradicts Marx
who thought that political action by trade unions was an indication of their political class struggle.
3) Incorporation (Trotsky)
(see incorporation model in chart)
Incorporation Thesis: "that union leaders, having acquired authority over their members, are use
to assist capitalism in controlling the workers." (18).
a) bourgeois, conservative ideology displayed by trade union bureaucrats (18).
b) contributor to the survival of capitalism: trade union bureaucracy has helped capitalism survive
by supporting its structures. (18). Trotsky even looked upon British trade unions as the "backbone of
British imperialism" (p. 18).
c) "lieutenants of capital" = trade union bureacurats = Trotsky's phrase (p. 18).
d) "political police" = trade union leaders acting to discipline their members on behalf of capital (p.
19; Trotsky's phrase).
e) State action: state attempted to incorporate unions into capitalist society on behalf of capital (19).
Note: Patriarchy: In New Men of Power, did Mills discuss patriarchal control?
introduce a degree of instability into capitalism rather than supporting its structures, as in Britain in
the early 1970s.
Note: Patriarchy: did Michels say anything of the fact that most union leaders were men?
Hyman points out three counter-tendencies to Michel's iron law of oligarchy in trade unions:
i. instrumentalism of rank and file: because the rank and file expect unions to deliver a
package of economic goods, when these are not forthcoming, they may revolt against their
leaders for economic reasons.
ii. democratic expectations: rank and file have democratic expectations of their leaders; the
leaders often come out of democratic activism at the rank and file level. This democratic ethos
acts as a constraint on the anti-democratic practices of union leaders. Thus, Gouldner argues
that besides Michels iron law of oligarchy there is also in trade unions an iron law of
democracy.
iii. level of organization: Michels focused on the national level of unions where bureacurcy and
oligarchy are most developed; he did not focus on the local level and at the shopfloor-steward
level where democratic practices are most developed.
(37).
b) Union challenges capitalism on two fronts:
c) gap between activity and consciousness: usually, activity runs ahead of consciousness which is
infected by bourgeois ideology. Workers have a sectional consciousness in which they are more
ready to condemn other workers' strikes than their own. (39).
d) continuity between workers' economic and political demands: see long excellent quote from
Hobsbawm (pp. 39-40).
e) Middle ground between trade union consciousness and socialist consciousness in Lenin
recognized by him in other writings, especially on the 1905 revolution written after what is to be
done. In these writings, Lenin seems to recognize the political and socialist significance of economic
trade union actions, such as the strike! (40-42) N.B.
class lines
gender lines
The conservative/revolutionary dualism can therefore exist in both gender and in trade
unionism. For an illustration, click HERE. This leads to a variety of types of trade unionism.
Is this dual systems theory in another guise?
Class
Revolutionary
Feminism
Gender
Conservative
Liberal Feminist Middle Class
Unions
Business Unions: Male,
Patriarchal, Pro-Business,
Conservative
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http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4s3/theory/opt_1.htm
http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4s3/theory/psmodel.htm
http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4s3/theory/integ.htm
http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4s3/theory/incorp.htm