Professional Documents
Culture Documents
International Relations
www.ireflect-journal.de
Hegemonic Masculinity, Victimhood and Male
Bodies as Battlefields in Eastern DR Congo
HANNO BRANKAMP
IReflect Student Journal of International Relations 2015,
Vol. 2 (1), pp 5-28
Published by
IB an der Spree
Additional information can be found at:
Website: www.ireflect-journal.de
E-Mail: board@ireflect-journal.de
Website: www.ibanderspree.de
E-Mail: vorstand@ibanderspree.de
Introduction
The prolonged conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) are
recognised as scenes of widespread civilian suffering. Scholars, politicians,
and practitioners routinely emphasise the particular vulnerability of women
and children. Hence, these conflicts are often viewed as a war against women.
Media coverage on the issue typically displays cynical voyeurism, indulging
IReflect 2015, Vol. 2 (1): 5-28
chick 2004). Armed conflicts usually exacerbate these tendencies through the
ready availability of small arms and emerging ideals of military manhood.
Therefore, warscapes like the DRC, along with Darfur, Rwanda, Bosnia and
numerous other conflicts, have posed as major precedents for the understanding of gendered places in conflict.
Civilian women suffer disproportionately not only during, but also after
the fighting stops. Between 60-80 percent of women in the most affected
(Eastern) regions of the DRC are single heads of households, and many are
exposed to sexual violence, and/or sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), and
face rejection from their communities and spouses (Puechguirbal 2001:
1274). Survivors are usually silenced by cultural norms and taboos that ostracise and stigmatise those that openly admit abuse (GTZ 2009: 8; Avigad
and Rahimi 2004). Individuals frequently suffer from severe psychological
traumas and chronic physical pain. Whereas the vast majority of perpetrators
are men, increasing numbers of victims are in fact also male. Eriksson Baaz
notes that sexual violence in wartime is therefore used to reinforce dominance not just over women, but also over men (Baaz 2009: 498). Apart from
the physical infliction of pain and suffering, the symbolic element of sexual
violence makes it consequential weapon of war. To analyse this in detail, the
following section will scrutinise prevailing notions of gender and victimhood
during conflict.
hood as a constitutive characteristic of armed conflict in Eastern Congo renders the underlying causes and driving forces of conflict marginal, portraying
them as incomprehensible and in fact apolitical. Unravelling gender stereotypes, and rendering their contradictory nature visible, gives more insights
about their workings within armed conflict. Stereotypically, women as
opposed to warmongering men tend to occupy at least three roles that are
summarised below.
11
most importantly the domination of other men (Hooper 2001: 69-70; Donaldson 1993: 655). In war-torn societies, like the DRC, predominant ideals of
manhood are often popularly exalted and interlaced with emerging militarised masculinities that promote hyper-masculinity, gender exclusivism, and
intransigent heterosexuality (Lwambo 2011: 19; Connell 2012: 73-74). Wartime models of masculinity reaffirm themselves by the continuous devaluation of femininity and feminine qualities. Alternative interpretations of
manliness are marginalised and deemed illegitimate (Silberschmidt 2005:
197; Turshen 1998: 5; Seifert 1994: 60). However, Eriksson Baaz and Stern
suggest that masculinity perceptions within the Congolese army (FARDC)
vary quite substantially and rarely equate military masculinity with battle
heroism (2012a: 38-39). In reality, the majority of men, particularly soldiers,
cannot live up to the idealised versions of maleness to which they aspire. This
can potentially lead to compensatory reactions. Although competing masculinities are a universal phenomenon, it is important to point out that interpretations of maleness, as well as womanhood, are highly dependent on local
geographies, cultures, and the historical periods they evolve in (Berg and
Longhurst 2003). Further, the intensity of these gender locations is in constant change and re-negotiation.
The rather simple argument that the link between being masculine and
causing violence in Eastern Congo has become an observable reality (Mechanic 2004: 16) calls for further elaboration. When masculinity is confused
with simply being male, the causal link of man equals violence is in harmony with the prevailing narratives on victims and perpetrators. Consequently,
the silences surrounding intra-gender (e.g. male-to-male) sexual violence
become even more profound. To counter the prevailing narratives, the plurality of masculinities needs to be appreciated, as well as the common occurrence of power struggles among men over the hegemonic interpretation of
manliness. Armed conflict often escalates and is also escalated by these
tendencies. For a proper framing of these aspects in the Eastern DRCs conflicts, local understandings of masculinity must be taken into account. For
methodological reasons, three strongly interrelated types of masculinity are
discussed.
Socio-Economic or Status Masculinity
Masculinities invoke notions of socio-economic potency, material well-being,
and financial security. Lwambo suggests that in the DRC, achieving manhood
is a process inherently connected to ones ability to provide for a wife, family
and children, thus gaining status and prestige in the extended community
(2011: 55-56). Women also play a vital role in co-creating this masculinity
through the reproduction of social expectations and norms (Lwambo 2011:
12). Violent conflict, poverty and war can hamper men and women alike to
fulfil their assigned roles, mainly due to loss of property, unemployment, or
IReflect 2015, Vol. 2 (1): 5-28
13
ting sexual violence are manifold. Sexual masculinity is a catalyst, not a condition of such violence.
Militarised Masculinity
War nurtures variants of masculinity that strongly identify with militarism
and romanticised versions of military brotherhood (Leatherman 2011: 15).
Turshen points out that military institutions both national armies and renegade militias function as male preserves that celebrate male privilege
and gender exclusivism (Turshen 1998: 5-6). Others argue that male soldiers
wielding the brute power of weaponry (Brownmiller 1993: 32) is a potent
image that exemplifies militarised manhood. In the DRC, both national army
(FARDC) and rebel groups have institutionalised and embraced this masculinity (GTZ 2009: 4; Yuval-Davis 2004). In contrast to Western armies, military masculinity in the FARDC prominently omits notions of heroism or a
nationalist protector/protected narrative (Eriksson Baaz and Stern 2011: 22;
2012b: 721; Eriksson Baaz 2009: 505). Instead, a defining feature of Congolese military identity, and arguably also in other cultural contexts, is a persons readiness to commit violence and endure the hardship of combat. This
unique masculinity materialises against the backdrop of a feminine Other
(Eriksson Baaz and Stern 2008: 67). Reaffirming adamant non-femininity
through the use of sexual violence constitutes the performative act of hegemonic masculinity.
The interplay of various forms of masculinity as described above is complex. Hegemonic masculinity is informed, altered and co-constituted by them.
Decline in one version of masculinity can mean the rise of another. Where
socio-economic deprivation prevails, the quest for recognition and power is
easily militarised. A flourishing arms market and strong military role models,
from Hollywood or Kinshasa, influence both the intensity and the viability of
manly fantasies. Military masculinity entails both the willing subordination
to a higher-ranking masculine authority as well as an opportunistic element
of dominating others, most commonly inferior men or women. The perpetrators personal failures, in sexual or socio-economic terms, can turn into the
purposeful degradation, rape or torture of inferiors during combat. As Seifert
notes the more unstable an actors real power position is, the more likely
becomes the use of sexual violence to bolster perceived power (Seifert 1996:
41; Scarry 1985). This is consistent with hegemonic masculinity and its propensity to violence, especially if faced with rival claims to power. Soldiers in
the DRC have expressed feelings of empowerment, hyper-masculinisation,
and enhanced self-esteem, by establishing roadblocks, and exercising active
control over the local population (Leatherman 2011: 139-140; Trenholm et
al. 2012: 216). In protracted conflict situations, sexual violence and rape
become synonymous with claiming untrodden territory, breaking taboos, and
IReflect 2015, Vol. 2 (1): 5-28
15
17
18
Conclusion
This article has analysed sexual violence against men in the Eastern DRC, and
identified the structural links between victimhood, masculinity, and gender
as conflict factors. Explaining wartime rape with the spoils of war rationale
is insufficient and even confuses the symptoms of conflict with its roots.
Asymmetrical gender relations structure the Congolese warscape and exacerbate political and cultural divisions. Hegemonic masculinity is an ordering
principle that functions between and within gender categories. Its power
position is seldom visibly enforced, but instead relies on the silent acquiescence from marginalised, subordinate, and/or complicit masculinities. Both
men and women are co-creators of this gendered system and both are capable of extreme violence. In turn, both can also become victims of this violence. While women are not just camp followers and nurturing mothers,
men do not always appear as gun-wielding militiamen. Distinguishing only
between female victims and male perpetrators is counter-productive to empowering those that suffer most from (sexual) violence, namely people at the
social fringes of conflict societies. Victimhood often acts as an enforcement
mechanism to brand gender positions and to perpetuate a status quo in
which these are naturalised and cemented.
Making male survivors more visible does not contravene the long-term
efforts to contain and prevent abominable crimes against women in the DRC.
On the contrary, using the prism of hegemonic masculinity is constructive
and viable for several reasons. First, it presents a more nuanced account of
the gender dynamics in Eastern Congo and illustrates how social hierarchies
are constructed and re-negotiated along the parameters of femininity and
masculinity, especially at the interstices of gender, status, sexuality, and
ethnicity. Second, during armed conflict, when underlying principles of supremacy, control, and consent are at stake, hegemonic masculinity can turn
violent, and may develop a destructive and predatory character. If so, other
variables, such as status, sexuality, and military identities become salient as
they constantly interact and shape the current hegemonic model. Lastly,
hegemonic masculinity provides important insights that can potentially in a
post-conflict setting facilitate change and counter-hegemonic actions
through a detailed understanding of masculinity systems. While this article
only explored some of the wider debates on victimhood, gender, and masculinity with respect to the Eastern DRC, further research on more specific
localities and social anomalies is necessary. Also the colonial and neo-colonial
production of hegemonic masculinities and masculine stereotypes, as well as
pre-colonial attitudes towards gender and sexuality, represent fruitful areas
of future research that can contextualise and historicise gender debates regarding especially Eastern and Central Africa. Empowerment and prevention
programmes for survivors of sexual violence and the reconciliation of families, villages, and communities hinge on the analysis of these long-term processes and cultural stigmas that fuel the internal logic of hegemonic mascuIReflect 2015, Vol. 2 (1): 5-28
19
linity. In doing so, the combined study of victimhood, masculinity, and gender
can set the ground for a deeper understanding of what shapes the Eastern
DRCs conflicts socio-psychologically, and thus create leeway for political
action.
20
I reflect
As reiterated throughout the article, research on sexual- and
gender-based violence cannot remain an academic question
posed for its own sake, but almost inevitably influences policies, directly and indirectly. This, however, is not to be understood as a fervent appeal for academic activism, or as a reminder of the academys supposedly inherent duty of relevance. Instead, the point is that any study on the complex
manifestations of gender, masculinity, and violence, are naturally relevant and influence the policy world at least through
discourse and discussion. This article on Hegemonic Masculinity, Victimhood and Male Bodies as battlefields is no exception. Not designed as a series of policy recommendations, but
rather as an analytical piece of how masculinity and victimhood are conceptually tied into wider systems of gender construction, the article examines how violence is born out of
these complex interactions. For a more in-depth understanding of masculinity in Eastern DRC, more field work is necessary, and academia is well-advised to overthink its temporary
honeymoon with NGOs and humanitarian actors, and rely on
its own data sets and interpretations la Maria Eriksson Baaz.
Hanno Brankamp
MLitt (International Security Studies), 2nd Semester
University of St Andrews, UK
hb52@st-andrews.ac.uk
21
References
Amos, Valerie / Parmar, Pratibha, 1984. Challenging Imperial Feminism, In:
Feminist Review, 17, 3-19.
Askin, Kelly D., 2002. The Quest for Post-Conflict Gender Justice. In: Columbia
Journal of Transnational Law, 41, 509-521.
Autesserre, Sverine, 2012. Dangerous Tales: Dominant Narratives on the
Congo and their Unintended Consequences. In: African Affairs,
111(443), 202222.
Avigad, Jocelyn / Rahimi, Zohreh, 2004. Impact of Rape on the Family. In:
Peel, Michael (ed). Rape as a Method of Torture, Medical Foundation
for the Victims of Torture, pp 119-132.
Bah, Valrie, 2014. DRC Looks to Follow in Uganda's Footsteps with Anti-Gay
Bill,
Think
Africa
Press,
(online)
Available:
www.thinkafricapress.com/drc/looks-follow-ugandas-footsteps-antigay-bill (Accessed 14th March 2014).
Baregu, Mwesiga, 2002. The Clones of Mr. Kurtz: Violence, War and Plunder
in the DRC. In: African Journal of Political Science, 7(2), 11-38.
Berg, Lawrence D. / Longhurst, Robyn, 2003. Placing Masculinities and Geography. In: Gender, Place & Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography,
10(4), pp 351-360.
Butler, Judith, 1999. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, New York / London.
BBC Online, 2010. UN official calls DR Congo rape capital of the world. Available: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/8650112.stm (Accessed 4th March
2014).
Blanchard, Eric M., 2003. Gender, International Relations, and the Development of Feminist Security Theory. In: Journal of Women in Culture and
Society, 28(4), 1289-1312.
Brownmiller, Susan, 1993. Against out Will: Men, Women and Rape, New York.
Brownmiller, Susan, 1994. Making Female Bodies the Battlefield. In:
Stiglmayer, Alexandra (ed): Mass Rape: The War against Women in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Lincoln / London, pp 180-182.
Carpenter, R. Charli, 2006. Recognizing Gender-Based Violence Against Civilian Men and Boys in Conflict. In: Security Dialogue, 37, 83-103.
Christian, Mervyn, Safari, Octave / Ramazani, Paul / Burnham, Gilbert / Glass,
Nancy, 2011. Sexual and gender based violence against men in the
Democratic Republic of Congo: effects on survivors, their families and
the community. In: Medicine, Conflict and Survival, 27(4), 227-246.
Cockburn, Cynthia, 2005. The Gendered Dynamics of Armed Conflict and
Political Violence. In: Moser, Caroline O.N. / Clark, Fiona C. (eds). Victims, Perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence, London, pp 13-29.
22
Cohen, Dara K., 2013. Female Combatants and the Perpetration of Violence:
Wartime Rape in the Sierra Leone Civil War. In: World Politics, 65,
383-415.
Connell, Raewyn W., 2012. Masculinities, Cambridge.
Davis, Laura, 2009. Justice-Sensitive Security System Reform in the Democratic
Republic of Congo, Initiative for Peacebuilding (IFP) Security Cluster,
Country
Case
Study:
DRC,
Available:
www.initiativeforpeacebuilding.eu/pdf/Justice_Sensitive_Security_Sy
stem_reform_in_the_DRC.pdf (Accessed 9th March 2014).
Del Zotto, Augusta, and Adam Jones, 2002. Male-on-Male Sexual Violence in
Wartime: Human Rights Last Taboo?, Paper presented to the Annual
Convention of the International Studies Association (ISA), New Orleans, LA, 23-27 March. Available: http://adamjones.freeservers.com/
malerape.htm (Accessed 20th March 2014).
Department of State (DoS), 2013. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
for 2013, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, US Department of State, Available: www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/human
rightsreport/index.htm?year=2013&dlid=220100 (Accessed 10th
March 2014).
Donaldson, Mike, 1993. What Is Hegemonic Masculinity?. In: Theory and Society, Special Issue: Masculinities, 22(5), 643-657.
Elshtain, Jean B., 1995. Women and War, Chicago / London.
Enloe, Cynthia, 1988. Does Khaki Become You? The Militarization of Womens
Lives, London.
Enloe, Cynthia, 2000a. Manoeuvres: The International Politics of Militarizing
Womens Lives, Berkeley.
Enloe, Cynthia, 2000b. Bananas, Beaches and Bases, Berkeley.
Enloe, Cynthia, 2002. Demilitarization or More of the Same? Feminist Questions to Ask in the Postwar Moment. In: Cockburn, Cynthia / Zarkov,
Dubravka (eds). The Postwar Moment: Militaries, Masculinities and International Peacekeeping, London, pp 22-32.
Eriksson Baaz, Maria / Stern, Maria, 2008. Making sense of violence: voices of
soldiers in the Congo (DRC). In: The Journal of Modern African Studies,
46(1), 57-86.
Eriksson Baaz, Maria, 2009. Why Do Soldiers Rape? Masculinity, Violence,
and Sexuality in the Armed Forces in the Congo (DRC). In: International Studies Quarterly, 53, 495-518.
Eriksson Baaz, Maria / Stern, Maria, 2011. Whores, men, and other misfits:
undoing feminization in the armed forces in the DRC. In: African Affairs, 110(441), 1-23.
Eriksson Baaz, Maria / Stern, Maria, 2012a. Beyond Militarised Masculinity:
The case of the Democratic Republic of Congo. In: Eriksson Baaz, Maria / Utas, Mats (eds). Beyond gender and stir: Reflections on gender
and SSR in the aftermath of African conflicts, Policy Dialogue, Uppsala.
IReflect 2015, Vol. 2 (1): 5-28
23
Eriksson Baaz, Maria / Stern, Maria, 2012b. Fearless Fighters and Submissive
Wives: Negotiating Identity Among Women Soldiers in the Congo
(DRC). In: Armed Forces & Society, 39(4), 711-739.
Fanon, Frantz, 2008. Black Skin, White Masks, London.
Gesellschaft fr Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ), 2009. Masculinity and
Civil Wars in Africa New Approaches to Overcoming Sexual Violence
in War, Issue Brief, Programme Promoting Gender Equality and
Womens
Rights.
Available:
www.oecd.org/dac/genderdevelopment/44896271.pdf. (Accessed 28th February 2014), 1-11.
Gettleman, Jeffrey, 2009. Symbol of Unhealed Congo: Male Rape Victims. In:
The New York Times, 5th August.
Gillespie, Terry, 1996. Rape crisis centres and male rape: a face of the backlash. In: Hester, Marianne / Kelly, Liz / Radford, Jill (eds). Women, violence and male power Feminist activism, research and practice, Buckingham / Philadelphia, 148-165.
Goldstein, Joshua, 2001. War and Gender: how gender shapes the war system
and vice versa, Cambridge.
Gottschall, Jonathan, 2004. Explaining Wartime Rape. In: The Journal of Sex
Research, 41(2), 129-136.
Handrahan, Lori, 2004: Conflict, Gender, Ethnicity and Post-Conflict Reconstruction. In: Security Dialogue, 35, 429-445.
Hatcher, Jessica, 2013. Congos Forgotten Curse: Epidemic of Female-onFemale Rape. In: Time. Available: http://world.time.com/
2013/12/03/congos-forgotten-curse-epidemic-of-female-on-femalerape/ (Accessed 5th March 2014).
Hooper, Charlotte, 2001. Manly States: Masculinities, International Relations,
and Gender Politics, New York.
Human Rights Watch (HRW), 1996. Shattered Lives: Sexual violence during the
Rwandan Genocide and its aftermath, HRW Report. Available:
www.hrw.org/reports/1996/Rwanda.htm. (Accessed 4th February
2014).
Human Rights Watch (HRW), 2002. The War Within the War Sexual Violence
against Women and Girls in Eastern Congo, HRW Report. Available:
www.hrw.org/reports/2002/drc/Congo0602.pdf (Accessed 1st March
2014).
Human Rights Watch (HRW), 2009. Soldiers Who Rape, Commanders Who
Condone: Sexual Violence and Military Reform in the Democratic Republic
of
Congo,
HRW
Report.
Available:
www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/drc0709web.pdf (Accessed
10th March 2014).
Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), 2011. HEALTH: Rape as a
weapon
of
war
against
men,
IRIN.
Available:
www.irinnews.org/report/93960/health-rape-as-a-weapon-of-waragainst-men (Accessed 2nd March 2014).
24
International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES), 2012. Gender Relations, Sexual Violence and the Effects of Conflict on Women and Men in
North Kivu, Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, SIDA. Available:
www.sida.se/Global/Countries%20and%20regions/Africa/DR%20C
ongo/International%20Men%20And%20Gender%20Equality%20
Survey.pdf (Accessed 10th March 2014).
Johnson, Kirsten / Scott, Jennifer / Rughita, Bigy / Kisielewski, Michael /
Asher, Jana / Ong, Ricardo / Lawry, Lynn, 2010. Association of Sexual
Violence and Human Rights Violations With Physical and Mental
Health in Territories of the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.
In: The Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA), 304(5),
553-562.
King, Neal, 1995. Speaking Our Truth, New York.
Lears, T.J. Jackson, 1985. The Concept of Cultural Hegemony: Problems and
Possibilities. In: The American Historical Review, 90(3), 567-593.
Leatherman, Janie, 2007. Sexual Violence and armed conflict: complex dynamics of re-victimization. In: International Journal of Peace Studies,
12(1), 53-71.
Leatherman, Janie, 2011. Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict, Cambridge.
Lemarchand, Ren, 2009. Reflections on the Crisis in Eastern Congo. In:
Brown Journal of World Affairs, 16(1), 119-132.
Levine, Philippa, 2013. Naked Truths: Bodies, Knowledge, and the Erotics of
Colonial Power. In: Journal of British Studies, 52, 5-25.
Lewis, Dustin A., 2009: Unrecognized Victims: Sexual Violence Against Men in
Conflict Settings Under International Law. In: Wisconsin International
Law Journal, 27(1), 1-49.
Lindsay, Lisa A. / Miescher, Stephan F. (eds), 2003. Men and Masculinities in
Modern Africa, Portsmouth.
Lwambo, Desiree, 2011. Before the War, I was a Man: Men and Masculinities
in
Eastern
DR
Congo,
HEAL
Africa.
Available:
www.healafrica.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/men-andmasculinities-in-eastern-dr-congo.pdf. (Accessed 18th March 2014).
MacKinnon, Catherine, 1991. Reflections on Sex Equality under Law. In: The
Yale law Journal, 100(5), Centennial Issue, 1281-1328.
Mamdani, Mahmood, 1999. Preliminary Thoughts on the Congo Crisis. In:
Social Text, 60, Globalization?, 53-62.
Marsiglio, William, 1988. Adolescent Male Sexuality and Heterosexual Masculinity: A Conceptual Model and Review. In: Journal of Adolescent Research, 3(3/4), 285-303.
Mechanic, Eli, 2004. Why Gender Still Matters: Sexual Violence and the Need
to Confront Militarized Masculinities. In: Insights, Partnership Africa
Canada
(PAC).
Available:
http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/
bitstream/123456789/14787/1/Why%20Gender%20Still%20
Matters.pdf?1 (Accessed 10th March 2014).
IReflect 2015, Vol. 2 (1): 5-28
25
27
Trenholm, Jill / Olsson, Pia / Blomqvist, Martha / Ahlberg, Beth Maina, 2012.
Constructing Soldiers from Boys in Eastern Democratic Republic of
Congo. In: Men and Masculinities, 16(2), 203-227.
Turshen, Meredeth, 1998. Womens War Stories. In: Turshen, Meredeth /
Twagiramariya, Clotilde (eds). What Women do in Wartime: Gender
and Conflict in Africa, London / New York, pp 1-26.
Van Dijk, Jan, 2009. Free the Victim: A Critique of the Western Conception of
Victimhood. In: International Review of Victimology, 16, 1-33.
Watson, Alison M.S., 2007. Children Born of Wartime Rape: Rights and Representations. In: International Feminist Journal of Politics, 9(1), 20-34.
Weinstein, Jeremy M., 2000. Africas Scramble for Africa: Lessons of a Continental War. In: World Policy Journal, 17(2), 11-20.
World Health Organisation (WHO), 2000. Reproductive Health during Conflict and Displacement. Available: http://whqlibdoc.who.int/hq/
2001/WHO_RHR_00.13.pdf (Accessed 7th March 2014).
Yuval-Davis, Nira, 2004. Gender, the Nationalist Imagination, War, and Peace.
In: Giles, Wenona, and Jennifer Hyndman (eds). Sites of Violence: Gender and Conflict Zones, Berkeley, pp 170-189.
Yuval-Davis, Nira, 2011. Gender & Nation, London / Thousand Oaks.
Zarkov, Dubravka, 2001. The Body of the Other Man: Sexual Violence and the
Construction of Masculinity, Sexuality and Ethnicity in the Croatian
Media. In: Moser, Caroline / Clark, Fiona C. (eds). Victims, Perpetrators, or Actors: Gender, Armed Conflict, and Political Violence, London,
pp 69-82.
28