Professional Documents
Culture Documents
EDITORIAL
by VETON SURROI
The reception, in honor of Richard Holbrooke, the architect of the Dayton Agreement and his
successor Gelpard, at the American Chargé's residence was postponed hour by hour.
The reason was simple - the American delegation was convincing the leadership of B&H on
the need to adopt joint legal acts, which include citizenship, currency, etc., until three o'clock
in the morning...
When the time to go to the cocktail finally came, the word "expectation" turned into
something very important not only for the Kosovars that were invited to the reception, but
Kosovars in general. The claims of Albanians that an important American intervention was
necessary for the solution of Kosova's problem, and that this intervention has to be
determining and in accordance with the right to self-determination, and that it should take the
form of an international conference, were responded to by the statement that American
postures are well known, and you know how we feel America when it comes to this. To the
questions on what this feeling is like, the diplomatic vocabulary revealed the key messages
that the question of Kosova is at the focus of the American interest in the region, that this
situation is closely followed and that they were looking at the forthcoming visit of Dr.
Rugova to Washington with expectation.
Anything new?
No, these words have been repeated several times and, what is more important, have always,
really, reflected the posture of the American administration.
Expectation? Yes. The cocktail really proved why. The reception was attended by the leaders
of the Serbian opposition, the ones that are failing to reform the society controlled by
Milosevic; the representatives of the Montenegrin opposition, who themselves are facing
difficulties in the problematic republic inside the "FRY"; the representatives of the media
carrying the burden of the efforts to try and avoid different traps that Milosevic uses to
control the public opinion.
As one of the diplomats that has been following us in Kosova and the opposition in Serbia in
the past ten years explained to me, the biggest question in American politics regarding
The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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Kosova is whether the moment for this issue to be opened and accepted by President
Milosevic, now leader of "FRY", has arrived? Or, as a high military officer that has met often
with him explained - whether Milosevic's pelt has changed, once he has become lodger of the
"White Palace".
And Holbrooke? What's his role? To push the Dayton Process, and not get involved on a
long-term basis in the solution of other issues of the former Yugoslavia.
KOSOVA
Most of the political subjects agreed with an evaluation that came straight
after the 29 June elections in Albania: ‘Without Kosova there is no strong
Albania’. The political subjects’ discussions increased even more after the
appointment of the new socialist-led government in Albania. The biggest party
in Kosova, the LDK, by noting some difficulties still present in Albania,
stated that ‘anyway, the elections were an important moment for all political
forces there, aiming at ending the serious crisis and heading towards
prosperity’. In this regard, the vice-chairman of the LDK, Fehmi Agani, after
the investiture of the Nano cabinet, stated that ‘it seems that not even the
first difficulty in the plane of plural democracy has been surpassed’. Anyhow,
Agani added that ‘the elections results in Albania, and the constitution of
the new government, deserve every respect’.
A similar angry reaction was of the chairman of the PPK, Adem Demaçi, who
thinks that ‘the Nanoist garniture’, as he calls it, ‘doesn’t deserve
congratulations’. Demaçi’ s statement came at the same time when one of his
vice-chairmen, Jonuz Salihaj, while extending the congratulations on behalf
of the PPK, stated that the formation of the new government is ‘a necessary
step for the improvement of the situation following the anarchy caused by the
collapse of pyramidal schemes’. In the meantime, the other vice-chairman of
this party, Bajram Kosumi, by trying to explain the differences between
opinions within the PPK, actually between the chairman of this party (who was
on holidays while his party was ‘congratulating’ Nano) and the other members
of it's presidency, said that ‘it was normal to support the formation of the
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new government in Albania’.
However, it seems that not only Albania was the ‘arena’ of contradictions
within the Albanians in Kosova. If the criticism addressed to the new Albanian
government is based on the aspect of it’s creation (violence), it seems that
in Kosova the criticism is getting to be even stronger, for the fact that
Kosova’s Government in exile ‘has sanctioned’ the movement here and vice-
versa, the movement here has started questioning the work of it’s government.
It has been evaluated that the culmination of the so called ‘conflict’ between
Rugova and Bukoshi is based on the fact that the LDK stopped being financed
by the Government in exile. As a consequence of this ‘phenomenon’, the LDK
employees and the Kosovar journalists of the Albanian satellite program,
haven't received any wages in the past two months. Even after Bukoshi’s
promise that he would send the money to Prishtinë, it seems that ‘the money
has yet not found the right address’. On top of everything, the Kosova
Information Center (KIC), has no phones since two months now, because the
phone bill (80,000 dinars) has not been paid yet.
It has been some time since Bujar Bukoshi criticized the political movement
led by Rugova, by stating that ‘it faces the biggest crisis ever’. Bukoshi
even evaluated that the passive resistance and Albanians’ passive response to
Serbian terror, cannot bring an improvement of the situation for Albanians in
Kosova. This was precisely the ‘critical moment’, when the stop to financing
started as a boycott.
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elections’, because according to Morina, ‘otherwise he wouldn’t take such a
step", which according to Morina, "is out of his competencies’.
Similar to some people within LDK, PPK's vice-chairman, Bajram Kosumi, thinks
that ‘it's not the first time president Rugova announces changes within
government, and this promise has never been kept’. But, according to Kosumi,
‘the competency to discharge Bukoshi belongs to the Coordinating Body of the
Political Parties of Kosova, the institution that appointed him and his
cabinet’.
The critical relations between the Presidency and the Government of the
Republic of Kosova, are explained by some local analysts as a consequence of
the fact that ‘the government works in exile, and as such it can’t have a
close relationship with the presidency’. Thus, ‘obliged’ to reply to some of
the criticism, Bukoshi, by excusing his government’s work in exile, has
recently stated that ‘he prefers his government to work and act in exile,
rather than having it be a caricature of a government that could work only
with Belgrade's permission’.
ALBANIA
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country, that the new president, differing from the old one, will strive to
follow the example of western democracies. After appointing the new president,
the socialists and their allies now have the task of changing his
competencies. Socialist Party's press comments this step as respect for the
constitutional provisions and the correction of what was distorted under
Berisha's rule. In the meantime, opposition press evaluates this as an attempt
to give their chairman, the current prime-minister, more power. Democrats are
against a powerful prime minister and a weak president, what made them compare
Nano with Mussolini and show Mejdani as a "puppet that enacts what the
chairman of his ex-party orders." The socialists now have to design the
constitution, since without it, state activities are managed according to
constitutional laws approved by the first multi-party parliament in April
1991. Even though the Democratic Party, during it's five years rule, promised
to achieve this goal, it wasn't able to elaborate a constitution acceptable
to all sides. It's opponents say that the democrats as well as Sali Berisha,
weren't interested in such a law structure, for it would have suspended their
attempts to be above the law. It can't be overseen that the version of the
constitution never went through serious process of discussions, and thus it
never acquired a broad consensus. The constitution, more than the approval
from the parliament that can be dominated by only one party, needs
international consensus. The socialists see the constitutional problem, not
only as one of great importance and that needs immediate action, but as a
spring of political capital. Beside the fact that they pledge for a
constitution that would represent everyone's interests, they don't conceal
their aim to approve it in a parliament dominated by them. Immediately after
the controversial elections, the Republican Party, came up with the idea of
forming a constitutional assembly that would carry the burden of designing a
new constitution for Albania. There are speculations that approving the
constitution by Referendum would be more democratic and suitable. Others
consider it best for the constitution to be passed in the parliament and then
be approved by referendum. Some others, yet, think the only right way for the
constitution to be approved is by the National Assembly (Parliament). So there
is a split of opinions. There is no doubt that the referendum, in this case,
would be the most democratic way for the constitution to be approved, but one
has to keep in mind the conditions that Albania offers, and try to avoid it
being turned to a political propaganda. This doubt increases with the hot
political climate in Albania. On the other hand, the problem of the
constitutional assembly would take much time and could dismiss the actual
parliament reached at with much difficulty by the international community. One
of the first steps that would reveal the concept of the socialist government,
is the way they established the new public administration, declaring, "a new
policy or a new co-governing philosophy". Through these ideas, they seek to
give an impression that they are new people, open for cooperation and ready
to forget the past, in an attempt to create a brighter future. Consequently,
there is a great possibility of a new public administration to be
established, having the old Democrats' garniture ousted, and thus be
considered by the opposition as a simple demagogy. Albania has always offered
the type of public administration in which the parties' interests collide.
Historically, the public administration was never seen as a natural part of
the state, but more as a unit for defending the party in power. The long life
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of Enver Hoxha's political administration, as well as Berisha's militant
administration, have nearly created a new culture for every Albanian employee.
In other words, a new layer of technical employees and irreplaceable experts
unaffected by political changes was never created. Every party that came to
power changed the administration's structure, the members of which it
considered to be agents to the former government. Now the socialists promise
to change the administration only according to and based on merits. But what
are the parameters of these merits, nobody knows. The ruling party now has to
pass some serious tests; on one hand it has to reconstruct the administration,
that during these past five years has been accused of being corrupt and on the
other hand, it has to face the pressures on the preservation of the political
traditions of Albania. Anyway, "the winners" show signs that they haven't
rehabilitated completely from the past events and that they are sometimes
victims of their lack of democratic culture. An example would be what's
practiced in parliament, especially in the case of the Radio-Television Board
a topic which, instead of being discussed by appropriate commissions, was sent
straight to the parliament for approval. The international community is now
more sensitive towards Albania's situation than in the past. It will now
closely observe every step of Albania's new government. On the other hand, it
made it clear that it would offer help only if the political forces cooperate
and preserve the national reconciliation.
The largest opposition party has left the parliament, with the excuse that it
has accepted it as a political solution and not as a regular electoral
outcome. The opposition press has labeled it a "parliament of Kalashnykovs and
gangs". The democrats consider the MPs' mandates not to be valid, since they
were elected in lack of alternative programs and candidatures. Even the new
socialist prime-minister, Fatos Nano, is object of much criticism and is
regarded by PD's MPs as an ordinary convict that doesn't have the moral right
to hold such a post. The structure and program of the new government is also
subject to other numerous attacks. Nano's government is labeled a "Vorio-
Epirist" ("Northern-Greek") government that is dominated by the southerners.
According to the declarations of the Democratic Party, the southerners and
northerners are as if divided in two ethnic groups. They try to rid the same
parallel in the aspect of religious belief. The press writes more and more
each day about the so-called "element of Catholic discrimination", in the
context that there is no place for this element in the ruling structures. When
it comes to the Socialist Party's program, the Democratic Party considers it
similar to the reports of the Political Bureau's time. The democrats' attacks
are also directed against the so-called administration's "reconstruction". The
Democratic Party declared that it would inform all international bodies and
called all employees to keep their working posts. It opened an office within
it's headquarters for that reason, so it could offer juridical assistance to
the dismissed employees. With these steps, the opposition is clearly trying
to present itself as ready to sympathize with the ones that are dissatisfied
with the first reforms of the socialists team. Therefore, DP's Secretary-
General, Genc Pollo, suggested that representatives of all parties be gathered
around a round table where they could openly discuss the conditions set by the
Conference in Rome, as well as the ways to accomplish them. The purpose of
such a round table seems to be much deeper than simply discussing the problems
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highlighted by the conference in Rome. As it is known, this conference was
held on 31 July and through it, Nano's new government was set several
conditions. When these conditions are fulfilled, the European Community will
offer financial help, the sum of which is yet to be determined in the donors
meeting to be held in October. Some of the conditions are: maintaining order,
halting the economic fall, and above all, clearing the pyramidal schemes. The
DP tried to highlight the importance of the Rome Conference by proposing the
round table. In the round table, the DP would seek to decrease the
parliament's role, in which it makes the minority. In the case of SP's refusal
to take part in such a meeting, DP would have new grounds for accusing the
Socialist Party, above all for not collaborating with the opposition on the
country's problems. But, considering the fact that all parties, even the
Socialist Party, accepted to take part in the meeting, the high tensions have
elapsed and the path to eliminate further division between the existing
parties of Albania has opened.
INTERVIEW
CEKA: The work on this matter has started a week ago. We have started it by
reopening major roads; the main road in the north and northeast, the Burrel
road, which was blocked many times, is now open, the Korçë road has become
safer and in these last two or three days we are working in opening the roads
that connect with the Kakavija border checkpoint, which is needed not only for
free movement of people, but also for securing necessary income for the state.
CEKA: Smuggling is a problem of the Albanian police and every day we try to
eliminate it within our possibilities. It is a problem that requires an
immediate solution and not to be left for some other time.
KOHA: Are the security forces the same or have they increased in numbers?
CEKA: Security forces were not the problem - the number of policemen was
normal comparing to the number of people, 1 to 200. The main problem of the
police was the absence of support of the local and central authorities.
Following the political solution, with the new Nano government in power,
police has felt that it has political backup and it became more active. The
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reorganization started in Vlorë, a directorate has been created, it is divided
in commissariats and thanks to this strategy, now roads are controlled by
police forces that are assisted by special units.
KOHA: In the past days, which has been the main problem of your ministry?
KOHA: In order to encourage and stimulate the policemen, have you thought of
any material reward for them?
CEKA: This stimulation exists. Even though the wage of a policeman is low,
some US$ 80 per month, the Government of National Reconciliation decided to
compensate the risk and after hours work. In these cases, the wage of a
policeman reaches US$ 200-250. But today's police doesn't request only
guarantees, it requests mostly legal protection, laws for special situations
and especially protection in case of accidents and death. These constitute
actions and corrections of the law, which we will present very soon to the
government and the parliament.
KOHA: Which will be the first measures undertaken for the demilitarization of
the population?
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forbidden. If this law is respected correctly then there's no
need for any additional law. Of course, there will be people who
will hide guns. In Albania there are people who have hidden
guns from the time of World War One, but I am not talking
about them. I think people will hand-in guns since there won't
be need for having them, and in cases of noticing people who
are carrying guns without a license, the law will be applied
strictly.
KOHA: How large will be the Italian and Greek forces and what
will be their role in the operations of the Albanian police?
CEKA: The aid named "ALBA 2" that will come from abroad,
won't have any implication in the fight against crime. It is only
a force that will secure ports and vital points, and fighting
crime is something that rests only in the hands of the Albanian
police. Of course we will cooperate with the Italian and Greek
police as well as with the police of other countries in cases
when crime has become an international problem. And the
number of forces included has not been decided yet and it is
a matter to be decided by the respective governments in
cooperation with our government.
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allegedly respecting the freedom and the rights of an
individual, opens the path to crime.
INTERVIEW
KOHA: You have just returned from a trip to Yugoslavia and the
region. How do you evaluate the situation and what do you think
are the biggest obstacles for peace in this region?
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KOHA: You are not optimistic at all about the new American
mission in Bosnia, the arrival of the American representatives,
also counting Holbrooke, who came to speed up the realization of
the Dayton Agreement.
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opposition. Both leaders of Montenegro, Bulatovic and Djukanovic are
allies of Milosevic. Whoever of these two wins, he will again cooperate
with Milosevic. There can be a confrontation between Bulatovic and
Djukanovic, but not also between the Serb and Montenegrin sides.
MIHAJLOV: Only the "Yugo-nostalgic" have this spirit, but this is not
the one that dominates. There is more domination of the feeling for
Serb and Montenegrin national being. I don’t think that there will be
a real confrontation between Serbia and Montenegro. In Belgrade, you
have people who complain that Montenegrins are ruling Serbia, this
because Milosevic is from Montenegro, as well as Karadzic. There is a
small opposition party in Montenegro made of Montenegrin
nationalists, but I doubt that they will ever come to power.
There are different ways to fight for full independence, for example
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like the Irish in Northern Ireland that fight within the British
Parliament. Adams is at the same time member of the British Parliament
but he also fights for separation of Ireland from Britain. This is more
effective from the political point of view, and it would be much harder
for any Serbian nationalist if Albanians would participate in the
Parliament of Serbia. For example, 25 Albanian MPs would be decisive
in choosing the government. Thus, the situation would change because
these Albanian MPs would be united and would form the strongest
block in the Serbian Parliament. Not to mention the publicity, every
day they would be able to fight for their cause through the media.
From the pragmatic and practical point of view, the smartest way to
fight for independence, would be to say that now we are changing
only the methods and not the goals, and we will continue the fight
outside Kosova and inside the Serbian parliament. This would give
Albanians a better position in the international scene.
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possibilities for cooperation between Albanians and the Serbian
opposition, but leaders in Kosova must have more courage and say
that they are changing the methods and not their aims. I doubt that
Rugova can do this. But, if the situation continues to aggravate,
somebody will try to do this. I discussed this with Demaçi. I
understood that he understands this, but he is not ready to do it.
KOHA: What do you think about Albania? Do you think that the new
government offers a better hope?
MIHAJLOV: I don’t know Nano well, and the fact that he was
communist, doesn’t tell much because everybody in that country was
communist. Second, many communists became democrats, including
Berisha himself. And third, many nationalists that were never
communists are bigger enemies of democracy than any communist is.
So, I don’t know what can Nano do, and what will he do. But the
situation in Albania will change, no matter the fact who is in power.
KOHA: What do you think about Macedonia. Do you think that Albanians
are right in their demands?
MIHAJLOV: They are by all means right, and it is very surprising that
Gligorov, who is very moderate, doesn’t understand this. The ethnic
nationalism in Macedonia is growing, and Gligorov is under pressure,
but a solution can be found. Ethnic nationalism, especially the extreme
one, is the opposite of any kind of democratization. This region is very
mixed ethnically, and the solution cannot be the ethnic division.
Macedonia, Serbia, Kosova and the whole Balkan are ethnically mixed,
and the solution can be the creation of the confederacies and
federations. If you use the ethnic principle, then you will have to
divide infinitely, because there is no ethnically clean territories.
Everywhere you have majorities, you have minorities. Only the
American solution, democracy based on civil and human rights would
solve the problem.
KOHA: Do you think that this part of the world will be democratized
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one day?
KOSOVA
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President did not speak any English so we conversed with the help of
the interpreter. We introduced ourselves and our mission and were
initially greeted with suspicion. However, this faded away when we
produced our "Ordre de mission" for him. The President told us that
the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Belgrade
had also sent an observer to attend the trials. The atmosphere at the
meeting gradually lightened up and in the end became quite open. We
talked a little in general about crime and punishment in Sweden which
appeared to be of great interest.
The President told us that there are 19 judges working in the court in
Prishtinë, nine of whom are women. Furthermore he told us that the
chairman of the trials we were going to attend was a woman called
Sladjana Petrovic. He also said that all court proceedings were public
for which reason our presence did not constitute a problem. After a
moment the President, on his own initiative, telephoned the prosecutor
of the aforementioned case, Jovica Jovanovic and the chairman
Sladjana Petrovic. The prosecutors have their offices in the same
building as the President though he emphasized the independence of
the prosecutors. The prosecutor was not available but Sladjana
Petrovic joined us after a while. She did not say much. A third judge
at the court was also present during this conversation.
Later that day we met the lawyer representing Nait Hasani who was
one of those arrested in January. The lawyer told us, amongst other
things, the following. Hasani was arrested on 28 January and was then
unlawfully deprived of his liberty (incommunicado) until 29 February
when he was placed in front of an investigating judge. (In Yugoslavia,
a person may be deprived of his liberty, for a maximum of 72 hours
before suspicion of the commission of an offence must be brought
before an investigating judge). Between 28 January and 28 February,
there were several inquiries made as to where Hasani was held, though
without result. Hasani has himself maintained that he was kidnapped
on 28 January and was kept isolated in a security police cell until he
was brought before the investigating jude. Hasani has furthermore
stated that he was tortured during this time by, amongst other things,
electric shocks.
On Monday 2 June, we also met the lawyer Bajram Kelmendi who is one
of the best known and well established criminal lawyers in Kosova.
Kelmendi defended Avni Nura who was one of the three defendants
present at the trial we monitored. Kelmendi stated that Avni Nura and
his fellow defendant Besim Rama were arrested on 16 September 1996,
but they were not placed in front of investigating judge until 26
September 1996. During this time there was no one who knew where
the arrested men were taken. Both Nura and Rama have stated that
they were kept in custody for 16 days in police cellars and that they
were tortured by amongst other things, electric shocks. When they
were placed before the investigating judge it was without a defence
counsel. After this they have had the right to see their defence
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counsels but, according to court decision, they were forbidden to talk
about the case. Kelmendi appealed against this decision. The appeal
was rejected.
The trial
On the first day of the trial we arrived at the court half an hour
before the proceedings started. The area surrounding the court
building was sealed off and several uniformed policemen armed with
automatic weapons were posted around the building. We were stopped
by the police in front of the building and asked who we are. They let
us pass without any problems. Inside the court building we had to go
through a metal detector and the police searched all the bags. We were
also required to produce our identification and our names were
written down on a list. Armed policemen were also posted outside the
courtroom.
When we entered the courtroom, those three of the accused who were
to attend the trial stood there already. When the proceedings began
they had to sit in a row on low benches directly opposite the sets of
the prosecutors and the defence counsel. There were armed guards
standing or sitting beside all three. Seats for the public were situated
on both sides of a central aisle. Relatives of the accused were ushered
to one side. Observers and journalists to the other. Even though the
trial was public, the court allowed only one relative for each accused
to be present during the trial. The defence counsel - nine in number -
did not arrive until relatives had become seated. After this came the
prosecutor and then the members of the court. The bench consisted of
three legally qualified judges and two lay judges. The court chairman
was, as mentioned previously, a woman. The other members were men.
The proceedings themselves began by the chairman going through
biographical data with those accused that were present. Then the
chairman read out the names of the twelve accused that were not
present and whether they had any previous criminal records. The
prosecutor than read out the charges - twelve pages long. The
charges, which consisted of six counts, did not only consist of
statements of the criminal act and a statement of the facts. After the
charges were read the accused were asked if they understood.
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One defence counsel asked the court why all the relatives of the
accused were not allowed to come in and hear the trial. The chairman
replied that the court would make its position clear during a recess.
However, the court never mentioned the matter again.
When the examination of Rama was over, the chairman read out what
Rama had said during the preliminary investigation, that is to say his
confession. After this, Rama was asked if any of this was true. Rama
answered that he had been forced by the police to say everything
which he had said during the preliminary investigation. One of the
judges present tried to pressures Rama by asking how in that case his
confession was so detailed, but Rama stuck to his statement and said
that the police had given him these details. The defence counsel
interrupted the proceedings and addressed the prosecutor directly
by saying the someone had instructed Rama on what to say. The two
and a half hour of examination then came to a close and Rama, who was
standing during the whole examination, was allowed to sit down.
Idriz Asllani was next to be examined. Asllani had to stand up and the
chairman told him that he had the right to defend himself by
remaining silent. Asllani, who had also confessed during the
preliminary investigation, stated he was innocent of all the
accusations. Asllani also stated that the reason that he had confessed
during the preliminary investigations was that he had been forced to
it because he had been assaulted and was afraid of being exposed to
more violence in custody. The chairman asked Asllani how his
confession could be so detailed and Asllani also said that he had been
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given the details by the police. Asllani also stated that he had never
before seen the other defendants who were present and didn't know
those defendants who were not present. The prosecutor opened by
showing him pictures of other defendants. The defense counsel
protested and enquired whether these pictures were included in
preliminary material. The defence counsel also objected to the fact
that they had not had any opportunity to meet their clients and
prepare the defence before the trial.
Avni Nura was the last to be examined. He stated that he did not know
why he was being prosecuted. He admitted to having been in Albania
but not in military training camps. He also admitted that he had had
possession of the weapons but nothing else. Nura stated that he had
been taken into custody on 16 September 1996 and that he had been
tortured during the 16 days in custody. He said that he had been
kicked in the stomach, was subjected to electric shocks and was made
to stand up for hours on end. Then Nura was examined on why he had
been in Albania and on the activities of his brother. Nura's brother,
Jakup Nura, was one of the defendants who was not present.
The first day of the proceedings was concluded when those three
defendants who were present had been examined. In the corridor
outside the courtroom, the President's secretary informed us that the
President wishes to see us again. In his office, the President offered
us soft drinks and enquired about our impressions. We stated that we
found the trial inquisitorial and very different from criminal trials in
Sweden. The President listened with the interest. After this we said
that we considered it very peculiar that the defendants repeatedly
stated that their confessions had been extracted by torture during
the preliminary investigation and that these accusations were entered
into record without anyone seeming to care. The President pointed out
that the murder of Olof Palme had not yet been solved. This prompted
the question of whether he thought that we should have used tougher
methods against the suspects during the preliminary investigations of
that case. To this question we received the answer "the price of
democracy"! After this, the President said that he wanted to buy us a
lunch, before we left and then telephoned the chief district
prosecutor who came and greeted us.
When we came to the court that morning, the area around the building
was still sealed off. We were forced to stand in a queue order to go
through the metal detector. Then we were forced to prove our identity
yet again outside the courtroom and the police kept our identification
papers throughout the trial. It was said to be an order from the
President of the Court. As far as we could gather, the reason for
further security measures was that weapons were to be exhibited and
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witnesses examined.
After half an hour's recess the chairman read out the record the
seizure concerning the weapons seized from Rama and Nura. The
defendants had signed the record of seizure. Rama stated that he had
been forced to sign for weapons that did not belong to him. All seized
weapons were exhibited in the courtroom. From the record of the
seizure it appeared that there was some kind of map/directions which
had been seized in conjunction with the arrest of Rama and Nura. The
defence counsel demanded that this document be exhibited. The
document was never exhibited with the explanation that it was
unavailable.
After going through the seizures, the charges and biographical data
relating to those defendants not present were read out and then the
chairman stated for the record what consequences that the criminal
acts charged had entailed for the aggrieved parties and their
relatives.
The prosecutor stated that the demands of defence counsel for a new
ballistic examination was only a way to delay the trial and as regards
Rama's state of health, the prosecutor stated that the fact was that
Rama was not ill. The prosecutor in his turn demanded that a leaflet
from the illegal organization concerned should be read out as well as
the ballistics examination opinion and the identification details of the
absent defendants.
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that all the prosecutor's demands were granted and that all demands
of the defence counsel were rejected.
The day's proceedings began with the chairman reading out Rama's
military service dossier, according to which Rama was released
because he was emotionally immature. Then a psychiatrist was
examined. He had not actually examined Rama but only answered
questions based on physicians statement that had been made in
conjunction with Rama's release in 1987.
The defence council demanded once again that Rama should be sent for
medical examination, whereupon the prosecutor demanded a recess.
After the recess the prosecutor stated that he did not have any
objections to this demand. The court then decided, without further
deliberation, that Rama should be sent for medical examination and the
proceedings were therefore adjourned until further notice.
The Judgement
The Convention
Article 14 in the ICPR lays down the right to a fair trial (see appendix 3).
It is prescribed by item 3:
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a) to be informed promptly and in detail in a language which he
understands of the nature and cause of the charge against him;
Our conclusions
It appears evident that the trial described here does not fulfill the
requirements of the convention (ICPR) for a fair trial. The information
concerning the occurrence of the deprivation of freedom in the
investigative and pre-trail procedure contrary to the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia Law on Criminal Procedure and of torture and
serious outrages are so numerous and have been stated so
convincingly that they cannot be dismissed. There has not even been
a denial from the prosecutor that the information is false.
Article 14. 3. b. ICPR provides that everyone should have the right to
adequate time and facilities for preparation of his defence. - We must
also state that an opportunity for those defendants who were actually
present to receive fair treatment was regrettably missing. Several
defence lawyers have mentioned how they have been prevented from
seeing their clients and not allowed to discuss the case with them at
all.
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Article 14. 3. f. ICPR Provides the right for everyone to have free
assistance of an interpreter if he cannot understand or speak the
language used in court. - Interpreting at the trial was deficient. Only
one of the three defendants who were present did speak the language
used in court, Serbo-Croatian, and it was only in connection with
examination of the defendants that there was interpretation to
Albanian.
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