Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Peter Checkland
The Journal of the Operational Research Society, Vol. 36, No. 9, Systems Thinking in Action.
Conference at Henly. April 1985. (Sep., 1985), pp. 757-767.
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Thu Aug 23 01:38:36 2007
Copyright
0 1985 Operational
PETER CHECKLAND
University of Lancaster
In any subject concerned with rational intervention in human affairs, theory must lead to practice; but
practice is the source of theory: neither theory nor practice is prime. We can examine this 'groundless'
relation by asking what intellectual framework F is applied in what methodology M to what area of
application A'? If we do this for O.R., systems analysis, systems engineering etc., we see that F and M
have changed dramatically between the 1950s and the 1980s, yielding the 'hard' and 'soft' traditions of
systems thinking. The 'hard' tradition, based on goal seeking, is examined in the work of Simon and
contrasted with the 'soft' tradition, based on learning, as exemplified in the work of Vickers and the
development of soft systems methodology. The two are complementary, but the relation between them
is that the 'hard' is a special case of 'soft' systems thinking. This analysis makes sense of the recent history
of management science and helps to prepare us for the 1990s.
Key worcls: management, methodology, systems theory
INTRODUCTION
Operational research is one of those bodies of theory and practice whose concern might be
described as "rational intervention in human affairs". This concern it shares with several other
disciplines, including systems engineering,' RAND systems analysis,* soft systems methodology3
and the so-called policy science^.^ All face a more complex situation than that facing the natural
scientist, who plays his game against nature's unchanging phenomena; yet all hope to make use
of the organized rational thinking which is characteristic of the whole intellectual enterprise which
is natural science, Any approach to rational intervention in human affairs has to accept that in
studying purposeful human action and in trying to bring about change in human situations, it is
not simply a matter of setting to work to discover 'laws' governing the phenomena in question.
Autonomous human beings could, in principle, deliberately act in a way which could either confirm
or refute any supposed 'laws' of human affairs.
This means that the would-be rational intervener in human affairs cannot separate theory and
practice in the way that the natural scientist can. Such intervention requires a steady interaction
between theory and practice in a process of inquiry. The state of the subject, or discipline, is then
best thought of as an account of the history and present state of that process. This conference on
"Systems Thinking in Action"' is an opportunity to examine some of that history and to delineate
the current state of the process. In criticizing the selection of speakers for the conference in
question, Rivett6 makes a false assumption that 'theory' and 'practice' are the concern of two
different groups of people, namely 'academics' and 'practitioners'. Both groups need to act in a
way which makes sure the assumption is false! 'Practitioners' need also to be reflective about their
actions (many are); 'academics' need also to engage in practice (many do).
The process by which O.R., systems engineering, systems analysis etc. are generated as bodies
of knowledge is shown in Figure 1. It is not as trivial a picture as it might appear. It emphasizes
the groundlessness underlying these disciplines. Theory leads to practice; but the practice is itself
the source of the theory; neither is prime; the process generates itself. (The only way, in fact, to
avoid involvement in this complex, rewarding, but trying process is to focus on that theory which
is applicable not to human affairs in all their richness but merely to the logic of situations. This
leads to the O.R. techniques and algorithms. It is a route which has been followed to excess,
especially in the textbooks of the subject.)
Theory
Practice
~ntervent
Ion In
human a f f a ~ r s
generates
This paper, concerned with the recent history of attempts rationally to intervene in human affairs,
and with the present state of that art-cum-science, will propose a framework which makes sense
of the history and can also be used to examine accounts of any attempts to do O.R., systems
engineering, systems analysis etc.
UNDERSTANDING RATIONAL INTERVENTION IN HUMAN AFFAIRS
Keynes suggested that people who described themselves as practical men, proud to be
uncontaminated by any kind of theory, always turned out to be the intellectual prisoners of the
theoreticians of yesteryear.' Whether we agree or not with Keynes' assertion, it is useful in that
it reminds us that all practical action is theory-laden, in the sense that if we observe any apparently
purposeful human action, we can always ask of it: "What intellectual framework would in logic
make this particular action meaningful?" (This question is independent of whether the doer is
conscious of the deduced framework.) This linking of ideas and their use in action suggests that
it would be useful to make a distinction between, on the one hand, a basic set of ideas, and on
the other, a process (or methodology) for applying those ideas in an organized way to some
particular area of application. This gives us Figure 2 as an expansion of Figure 1. We now have
Intellectual
framework
F, M , A
from
the use of M
some linked ideas in a framework F, a way of applying these ideas in the methodology M, and
an application area A . A is indicated without sharp boundaries to remind us that when A is human
affairs, the application of F, through M, may lead us into byways not initially expected.' Having
used M, then, we may hope for, and may reflect upon what learning has been acquired, learning
about all three elements: F, M and A. This is a very general model of the organized use of rational
thought, and applies not only to O.R. but to applied natural science as well. For example, in the
pharmaceutical industry in the 1980s, one definition of A is the search for economy of
experimentation in seeking useful drugs; quantum theory provides an F well-tested in other fields
of science; and modern sophisticated computer graphics provides a new M in which models of
molecular orbitals may be created and manipulated on the computer screen. In the chosen area
of this paper, A is rational intervention in human affairs; F can be provided by systems ideas; and
M is the methodology of O.R., systems engineering etc.
The argument of this paper is that M lzas begun to change in the last decade, having been initially
established in a particular form in the 1950s and 1960s.
P. Clzecklund-Development
P. Checkland-Development
The title of Vickers' last book (Human Systems are Different) is significant. He argued steadily
that the human and social sciences are intrinsically different from the natural sciences. In a
discussion at the Silver Anniversary Meeting of the Society for General Systems Research in
London in 1979, he gave the following illustration of his grounds for taking that view. Ptolomy
and Copernicus offer completely different theories concerning the structure of the solar system. The
actual structure is entirely unafrected by belief in either theory, but when Marx produces a theory
of a cultural artefact, namely 'history', then history is changed as a result of allegiance to the theory.
Vickers was thus wholly opposed to Simon's notion of creating quasi-natural sciences of cultural
artefacts (what Simon calls The Sciences of tlze A r t i J i ~ i a l ) .And
~ ~ Vickers' development of the
concept of 'appreciative systems' starts from a rejection of goal seeking as an adequate model of
human behaviour. Hence we can use the work of Simon and Vickers to represent the polarity in
systems thinking.
In the 1950s, Vickers was influenced by systems thinking and cybernetics, and found them very
useful in understanding the social process of 'governance'. His interest in systems ideas was
humanistic rather than technological:
"While I was pursuing these thoughts, everyone else who was responding at all
was busy with man-made systems for guided missiles and getting to the moon or
forcing the most analogic mental activities into forms which would go on digital
computers. 'Systems' had become embedded in faculties of technology and the very
word had become d e h ~ m a n i z e d " . ~ ~
Vickers re-humanized the word 'systems' in the concept of appreciation, a concept which begins
with his rejection of both the goal-seeking model and that version of the cybernetic model in which
standards are set from outside the system. His books give discursive accounts of the nature of an
appreciative system. The most succinct account is in a letter he wrote to me when he and I were
discussing soft systems methodology as a practical orchestration of the process of a p p r e c i a t i ~ n . ~ ~
He wrote in 1974:
"It seems to me in retrospect that for the last twenty years 1 have been contributing
to the general debate the following neglected ideas:
(1) In describing human activity, institutional or personal, the goal-seeking
paradigm is inadequate. Regulatory activity, in government, management or
private life consists in attaining or maintaining desired relationships through
time or in changing and eluding undesired ones.
(2) But the cybernetic paradigm is equally inadequate, because the helmsman has
a single course given from outside the system, whilst the human regulator,
personal or collective, controls a system which generates multiple and mutually
inconsistent courses. The function of the regulator is to choose and realise one
of many possible mixes, none fully attainable. In doing so it also becomes a
major influence in the process of generating courses.
(3) From (1) and (2) flows a body of analysis which examines the 'coursegenerating' function, distinguishes between 'metabolic' and functional relations, the first being those which serve the stability of the system (e.g.
budgeting to preserve solvency and liquidity), the second being those which
serve to bring the achievements of the system into line with its multiple and
changing standards of success. This leads me to explore the nature and origin
of these standards of success and thus to distinguish between norms or
standards, usually tacit and known by the mis-match signals which they
generate in specific situations, and values, those explicit general concepts of
what is humanly good and bad which we invoke in the debate about standards,
a debate which changes both.
(4) This leads to the concept of 'appreciation' a mental, evaluative act in which
conflicting norms and values determine what 'facts' are relevant, whilst 'facts'
perceived or envisaged demand attention because they are seen to be relevant
to particular norms and values.
to a suggestion for conceptualising it in a way which will include both its fact
finding and its evaluative function and will thus escape the sterilising isolation
of the cognitive function which has marked most of the study of thinking. This
in turn shows that its contents are systemically related and form a system which
enables, limits and characterises how the agent will discriminate his situation,
what he will make of it and what 'match' or 'mis-match' signals it will set
resonating in him.
By
this stage I am trying explicitly to formulate an epistemology which will
(6)
account for what we manifestly do when we sit round board tables or in
committee rooms (and equally though less explicitly when we try, personally
for example, to decide whether to accept the offer of a new job). At this point
I find myself in conflict with some, I think out-dated, concepts derived from
the earlier history of the natural sciences and their methods, and more
generally, from the attempt to apply these to what Simon calls the sciences of
the artificial.
Up to the middle of paragraph (3) above, I am offering a critique of current theories
of decision-making and policy making which does not explicitly need the concept
of appreciation. From there on I am developing an epistemological theory which
uses decision-making and policy making as its examples but is basically concerned
with the nature of human understanding and human value judgment. My personal
interest lies chiefly in this second area, but the people who read my books lie chiefly
in the first".
Thus, in summary, an appreciative system is a cultural mechanism which maintains desired
relationships and eludes undesired ones. The process is cyclic and operates like this: our previous
experiences have created for us certain standards or norms, usually tacit (and also, at a more
general level, values, more general concepts of what is humanly good or bad); the standards, norms
and values lead to readinesses to notice only certain features of our situations; they determine what
'facts' are relevant; the facts noticed are evaluated against the norms, a process which both leads
to our taking regulatory action and modifies the norms or standards, so that future experiences
will be evaluated differently. Thus Vickers argues2' that our human experience develops within us:
". . . readinesses to notice particular aspects of our situation, to discriminate them in
particular ways and to measure them against particular standards of comparison,
which have been built up in similar ways" (italics added).
These readinesses are organized circularly into an appreciative system which creates for all of
us, individually and socially, our appreciated world. We fail to see this clearly, in Vickers' view,
because of the concentration in our science-based culture on linear causal chains and on the notion
of goal seeking.
Vickers wrote consistently against the adoption of what he regarded as a poverty-stricken model
of human behaviour, namely goal seeking. He argued for the concept of relationship maintaining
as the basis of a richer and more realistic model. His work thus provides an intellectual base for
new versions of F and M in Figure 2.
Let me end this brief introduction to Vickers' ideas with a lethally elegant paragraph from
Freedom in a Rocking Boat2' (p. 128):
"The meaning of stability is likely to remain obscured in Western cultures until they
rediscover the fact that life consists in experiencing relations, rather than in seeking
goals or 'ends'. The intrinsic confusion about means and ends arises from the fact
that no end can ever be more than a means, if an end is equated with a goal. To
get the job or marry the girl is indifferently an end, a means and a goal; it is an
opportunity for a new relationship. But the object of the exercise is to do the job
and live with the girl; to sustain through time a relationship which needs no further
justification but is, or is expected to be satisfying in itself".
P. Checkland-Development
Compar~ngmodels
wlth perceptions
In the problem
Relevant human
actlvlty systems
named In root
d e f l n l t ~ o n s using
the CATWOE
elements
C
A
T
W
0
of the human
a c t l v l t y systems
n a m e d I n the
root deflnltlons
CATWOE:
('customers')
Who would he victims or henejciaries of this system were it to exist?
('actors')
Who would carry out the actiz>itieso f this system?
('transformation process')
What input is transformed into what output hy this system?
(' Weltanschauung')
What image o f the, world makes this system meuning/iul?
('owner')
Who could abolish this system?
('ent~ironrnentalconstraints')
What external constraints does this system take as ~itlcv17
S.S.M. can be mapped onto the appreciative system concept both at a general level and more
specifically. At a general level, both accept that in social life there are multiple realities. Our
perceptions of cultural artefacts are acquired within taken-as-given assumptions about the world
which are themselves built up by our experiences in the world. (It is that which results in one man's
'terrorism' being another's 'freedom fighting'.) Because of it, models of human activity systems in
S.S.M. do not pretend to be models oj'the world, only models which embody a particular stated
way of viewing the world. Given a set of such models, comparing them against the different
perceptions of the problem situation which different concerned people may 'own' articulates in a
formal way the process Vickers calls 'appreciation'. The debate which S.S.M. engineers through
the comparison phase reveals the norms, the standards, the values extant in the problem situation
and contributes to their changing. It is virtually impossible to perform the comparison phase of
S.S.M. without modifying the readinesses of the participants to perceive the world in a particular
way. 'Appreciative settings' will be revealed, as will the degree to which they are changing, could
be changed or-in the framework of stated Welta~~~chauungen-,~hould
be changed.
This learning which occurs through the use of S.S.M. ensures that the process is a cyclic one,
in principle a never-ending one. In articulating in a formal way the process of 'appreciation', S.S.M.
shares with Vickers an epistemology which extends-or subverts-that of the 'hard' paradigm of
goal seeking, with its time-bound language of 'goals' which are 'achieved' and 'problems' which
are 'solved' out of existence.
The idea of 'appreciative systems', together with the practice of S.S.M., which can be seen as
a formal practical expression of it, thus helps to define a strand of systems thinking usefully
different from that developed in the 1950s and 1960s. It includes not only the work of Vickers and
the development of S.S.M.; other work can broadly be related to it, even though the history of
ideas is never clear-cut: for example, the work of C h u r ~ h m a n , ~A' ~ k o f f Mason
, ~ ~
and M i t r ~ f f , ~ ~
~ '
be seen as contributing to and helping to create the 'soft'
It remains finally to relate these two paradigms of systems thinking, 'hard' and 'soft', to each
other.
P. Checkland-Development
This implies that there will be judgements to be made concerning the systems thinking
appropriate in particular situations in human affairs. And that directs attention to a comparison
between 'hard' and 'soft' systems thinking in order that those judgements may be well informed.
The final aim of this paper is to examine 'hard' and 'soft' systems thinking together and to establish
their relationship.
The nature of the 'hard' tradition can be summarized as follows: it seeks to make possible the
efficient achievement of goals or objectives, taking goal-seeking to be an adequate model of human
behaviour; it assumes that the world contains systems which can be 'engineered', hence that models
of those systems can be made; it talks the language of 'problems' and 'solutions' which eliminate
problems.
The 'soft' tradition does not regard goal seeking as an adequate model for much of what goes
on in human affairs; it does not assume that the rich complexity of the world can be captured in
systemic models, and hence regards system models produced within the 'hard' tradition not as
'models of X' but only as 'models of the logic of X'. Hence the 'soft' tradition regards system
models as models relevant to arguing about the world, not models of the world; this leads to
'learning' replacing 'optimizing' or 'satisficing'; this tradition talks the language of 'issues' and
'accommodations' rather than 'solutions'.
These differences are summarized in Table 1, which also lists the obvious advantages and
disadvantages of each tradition. Table 1 shows the complementarity of the two bodies of thought;
but what is their mutual relationship?
TABLE
1. The 'hard' and 'soft' traditions of systems thinking compared
The 'hard' systems
thinking of the
1950s and 1960s
Oriented to learning
Assumes that the world is problematical
but can be explored by using system
models
Assumes system models to be intellectual constructs (epistemologies)
Talks the language of 'issues' and
'accommodations'
ADVANTAGES
ADVANTAGES
DISADVANTAGES
May need professional practitioners
May lose touch with aspects beyond the
logic of the ~ r o b l e msituation
There are undoubtedly situations in which the language of 'problems' requiring 'solutions' is
appropriate. If you are a mail-order company whose catalogue generates orders which then take
months to fulfill because of inadequate stocks, or a library with a significant proportion of the stock
not catalogued, then you have a problem which calls for a system to be engineered to solve it.
Nobody would argue with this because at this basic operational level there is very often a complete
consensus on what needs to be done and what constitutes efficiency in doing it. However, at levels
above the operational, consensus quickly breaks down. Discussing the potential product range of
the mail-order company, or how the library's budget should be spent, will quickly reveal different
perceptions of the relevant worlds: what at the operational level may be agreed problems quickly
become, at higher levels, issues created by clashing norms, values and Weltanschauungen. This
suggests that the relation between 'hard' and 'soft' systems thinking is not like that between apples
and pears: it is like that between apples and fruit. The well-defined problem needing solution is
the special case within the general case of issues calling for accommodations. The history of the
development of S.S.M. reflects this. Occasionally what 'the system' was was obvious, in the sense
that there was no disagreement about it. More often there were multiple possible definitions of both
'the system' and how to conceptualize it. The concept of root definition had to replace that of the
simple objectives of the system. And it was found necessary to define a root definition richly,
0 R S 36r9 B
765
In S.SM.:
relevant systems
root d e f ~ n i t ~ o n s
CATWOE
The ( u n p r o b l e m a t ~ c a l)
system with
defined objectives
CONCLUSION
If we ask what is the single most marked change in moving from the special ('hard') case of an
unproblematical system which can be engineered to the general ('soft') case of an issue-based
situation in which accommodations must be sought, it is probably best thought of as the shift from
thinking in terms of models of (parts of) the world to models relevant to arguing about the world.
Applied social science (which intervention in human affairs is bound to be) normally has to deal
in the latter. It is interesting to note how clearly Keynes saw this in the case of economics. He put
it to R. F. Harrod in 1938 during the discussion of the latter's presidential address to the Royal
Economic Society:
"It seems to me that economics is a branch of logic, a way of thinking; and that
you do not repel sufficiently firmly attempts.. . to turn it into a pseudo-natural
science. . . . Economics is a science of thinking in terms of models joined to the art
of choosing models which are relevant to the contemporary world. It is compelled
to be this, because, unlike the typical natural science, the material to which it is
applied is, in too many respects, not homogeneous through time"" (italics added).
Everything said here about economics applies with equal force to management science. Valiant
efforts have been made to "turn it into a pseudo-natural science". The result has been useful models
of one aspect of situations arising in human affairs, namely their logic. But these models tend to
pass by the humanistic content of human affairs, namely their issues. Because the material to which
management science is applied "is, in too many aspects, not homogeneous through time", we need
the extension of 'hard' systems thinking which the 'soft' tradition is beginning to supply. It will
help us to be better armed, intellectually, to face the problems of the 1990s.
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