Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Angela
Smith
December
9,
2008
Dr.
Rebecca
Conard
I
love
the
South.
I
love
it
because
of
my
personal
history
and
my
internal
connectedness to it. It is a connection to the idea of place, as well as its geography. It
is familiar. It is the place my ancestors called home. It is lush, hot, and humid, and its
history is inescapable. Many people experience a connection to place similar to
mine. As I have learned this semester, the power of place and the human connection
to it is one of the core concepts of cultural landscape studies. In the process of
studying cultural landscapes, this kind of connection is examined, interpreted, and
put into a larger context. The land itself—the earth and its biological and
environmental aspects—is a piece of the landscape, but so is the human interaction
that has taken place on it or even because of it. To understand the full context of a
sociology, and history into interpretive efforts to understand the multi-‐layered story
that it can reveal. Our class experienced this process during the semester. I think we
came out with a deeper, more holistic understanding of the cultural landscape
around Stones River National Battlefield in Rutherford County, Tennessee, and
communicated that perspective in our proposal for a wall exhibit at the park’s
visitor center.
The study of cultural landscapes is a relatively new endeavor. In 1925 Carl
Sauer, a geographer from the University of California, Berkeley, introduced the
study of cultural landscapes in an influential article, “The Morphology of
Landscape.” Sauer said, “The cultural landscape is fashioned from a natural
landscape by a culture group. Culture is the agent, the natural area is the medium,
2
the
cultural
landscape
the
result.”
1
He
described
the
layers
of
culture
that
may
be
found in the study of landscape, suggesting that when a different culture or alien
culture is introduced, the existing cultural landscape might be rejuvenated or it
might be diminished as a new culture is overlaid on the vestiges of the old one. The
latter describes Stones River, where rich farm land was devastated by the war, and
some of the land became a cemetery—sacred ground, in the eyes of the culture, that
would not be returned to agricultural use. In addition to Sauer’s exploration of the
layers of a landscape, he also breaks down the process of examining and
interpreting it, but he does so with primary attention to geography, geology, climate
and other aspects of the natural world. In fact, despite Sauer’s early writing on the
topic, the field was narrowly focused and utilized primarily in geography study until
the 1950s.
The next breakthrough in the field came in 1951 when J. B. Jackson, a visionary
rancher and college geography teacher, began his influential magazine, Landscape.
The magazine was dedicated to interpreting ordinary landscapes. Free promotional
and writers. The magazine maintained a literary style as opposed to an academic
style, though writers from varied disciplines contributed.2 Jackson saw landscapes
1
Carl
O.
Sauer,
Land
and
Life:
A
Selection
from
the
Writings
fo
Carl
Ortwin
Sauer,
ed.
John
Leighly
(Los
Angeles,
CA:
University
of
California
Press,
1963),
343.
2
Paul
Groth,
"Frameworks
for
Cultural
Landscape
Study,"
in
Understanding
Ordinarly
Landscapes,
ed.
Paul
Groth
and
Todd
W.
Bressi
(New
Haven,
CT:
Yale
University
Press,
1997),
8.
3
as
a
thread
that
connects
the
human
experience.
He
states
in
his
book
The
Necessity
This
is
how
we
should
think
of
landscapes:
not
merely
how
they
look,
how
they
conform
to
an
esthetic
ideal,
but
how
they
satisfy
elementary
needs:
the
need
for
sharing
some
of
those
sensory
experiences
in
a
familiar
place:
popular
songs,
popular
dishes,
a
special
kind
of
weather
supposedly
found
nowhere
else,
a
special
kind
of
sport
or
game,
played
only
here
in
this
spot.
These
things
remind
us
that
we
belong—or
used
to
belong—to
a
specific
place:
a
country,
a
town,
a
neighborhood.
A
landscape
should
establish
bonds
between
people,
the
bond
of
language,
of
manners,
of
the
same
kind
of
work
and
leisure,
and
above
all
a
landscape
should
contain
the
kind
of
spatial
organization
which
fosters
such
experiences
and
relationships;
spaces
for
coming
together,
to
celebrate,
spaces
for
solitude,
spaces
that
never
change
and
are
always
as
memory
depicted
them.
These
are
some
of
the
characteristics
that
give
a
landscape
its
uniqueness,
that
give
it
style.
These
are
what
make
us
recall
it
with
emotion.”
3
Jackson believed landscapes are to be examined with a keen eye, like a tourist might
examine one of the wonders of the world, incorporating many disciplines such as
biology, geography, sociology, and history into the study. Ultimately, however, he
understood the holistic nature of the study. Landscapes tell a story about who we
are, who we have been, and how we have lived in a particular space.
One of Jackson’s most influential arguments in the study of cultural landscapes
was that ruins were necessary because everything moves in cycles from new to old,
then new again. “But there has to be that interval of neglect, there has to be
discontinuity; it is religiously and artistically essential. That is what I mean when I
refer to the necessity for ruins: ruins provide the incentive for restoration, and for a
3
J.
B.
Jackson,
The
Necessity
for
Ruins
and
Other
Topics
(Amhearst,
Mass.:
4
return
to
origins.”4
Another
important
idea
Jackson
contributed
was
the
value
of
studying space. In landscape terms, land allotted for public or private use makes the
social order visible by identifying the occupant, giving him status and establishing
lasting relationships. Jackson believed the original layout of space was a viable
study “if only because it unconsciously reveals as so much about the ideas of men
and women who devised it.”5 This concept turned out to be particularly important
to our study of the African-‐Americans who lived in the Cemetery Community at
Stones River. Jackson’s approach to cultural landscape study is refreshing because
physical or historical places, but they have spiritual and emotional value as well.
They are the places that the Reconstruction area “Poet Priest of the Lost Cause,”
Father Abram Ryan, surely thought of when he said, “A land without ruins is a land
without memories.”6
Today, the study of cultural landscape is defined as the study of the land and the
impact of humans upon it. It can be urban or rural.7 In fact, according to Paul Groth,
a professor of architecture and geography, one of the characteristics of the field is
4
Ibid.,
102.
5 Ibid., 115.
6 David W. Blight, "Healing and History: Battlefields and the Problem of Civil War
Memory,"
in
Beyond
the
Battlefield:
Race,
Memory,
and
the
American
Civil
War
(Amherst,
MA:
University
of
Massachusetts
Press,
2002),
174.
7
Dolores
Hayden,
"Urban
Landscape
History:
The
Sense
of
Place
and
the
Politics
of
Space,"
in
Understanding
Ordinary
Landscapes,
ed.
Paul
Groth
and
Todd
W.
Bressi
(New
Haven,
CT:
Yale
University
Press,
1997),
111.
5
that
ordinary,
everyday
landscapes,
a
yard
or
a
city,
are
worthy
of
study.8
Dolores
Hayden, a professor of architecture and urbanism at Yale, describes the cultural
landscape study as “the history of human patterns impressed upon the contours of
the natural environment. It is the story of how places are planned, designed, built,
inhabited, appropriated, celebrated, despoiled, and discarded.”9 And, as J.B. Jackson
believed, it is a look into our shared experience of environmental awareness from
The National Park Service (NPS) has a slightly different definition for their
management purposes. As the most active leader in the Cultural Landscape
Movement, the NPS recognized cultural landscapes as a specific type of resource in
1981. Three years later a report defined the criteria for identifying and studying
these landscapes, many of which the organization manages. They defined a cultural
landscape as “a geographic area associated with a historic event, activity or person,
or exhibiting other cultural or aesthetic values.” 10 For NPS, these include historic
landscape. These landscapes and their definitions are part of the contemporary
history and mission of the park service, but they are closely tied to the past.
The United States became involved in Cultural Resource Management in 1800
when Congress appropriated money to purchase the books for the Library of
8
Groth,
"Frameworks
for
Cultural
Landscape
Study,"
3.
9 Hayden, "Urban Landscape History: The Sense of Place and the Politics of
Space,”
111.
10
Arnold
R.
Alanen
and
Robert
Z.
Melnick,
Preserving
Cultural
Landscapes
in
6
Congress.
After
the
Civil
War
ended,
the
government
began
buying
land
to
preserve
battlefields through the War Department. The first general CRM law was the
Antiquities Act of 1906, which prohibited excavation of public lands without
permission of the secretary of the interior. Ten years later, the National Park Service
was created. During the 1930s, the New Deal response to the Great Depression was
to put many of the unemployed to work by conducting archeological work, local
history, and preservation in different areas of the country. Though the pursuit was
government’s role in managing cultural resources several decades later through the
National Trust (1949) and the National Historic Preservation Act (1966).11
All of these efforts call for multiple disciplines, an approach that strongly appeals
to me. My professional life has been spent largely in the visual arts. My goal in
coming to graduate school was to earn credentials so I would be able to blend new
media, visual arts, and history. Thus, the visual nature of Cultural Landscape studies
is intriguing. All of the senses are needed to study and interpret it. Groth notes the
importance of the visual in the interpretation of landscapes, as does Cosgrove. 12
Cosgrove, comparing landscape painting to the landscape studies, makes the
interesting observation that many times landscape paintings have people in them,
though if the people become too large, the painting ceases to be a landscape.13
11
Thomas
F.
King,
Cultural
Resource
Laws
&
Practice
(New
York,
NY:
Alta
Mira
13 Denis E. Cosgrove, Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape (Totowa, NJ:
7
Similarly,
a
landscape
under
study
“does
not
lend
itself
easily
to
the
strictures
of
scientific method. Its unity and coherence are, as we have seen, deeply rooted in a
way of seeing.”14 Thus, various disciplines are part of cultural landscape studies,
also can be labeled as both an art and a science.
A site that illustrates the nature of cultural landscape studies is Stones River
National Battlefield, managed by the National Park Service. It is dedicated “to
preserve and interpret the battlefield of Stones River, to mark the significant sites,
and to promote understanding and appreciation of the battle and related events.”15
The bloody Civil War battle lasted for three days, from December 31, 1862, until
January 2, 1863. The battle was historically important and marked the beginning of
the Union surge on the Western front. Though there was no clear tactical victor; the
Union held command of the field and could claim victory. This was a major turning
point in the war. The number of casualties was dramatic; 83,000 men fought and
23,000 were wounded or killed. The National Cemetery was appropriated in 1865 to
honor the Union soldiers who fought and died in the region. More than 6000 people
are interred there. The Park Service’s vision for the park is to “contemplate the
sacredness of the battlefield, understand and appreciate the Battle of Stones River
and its significance, and experience a personal connection with this past human
14
Ibid.,
32.
8
conflict.”
16
The
focus
of
this
vision
seems
to
preclude
adding
new
interpretive
agendas, since the park is legislatively mandated to interpret the Civil War battle;
however, in recent years there has been a move both inside and outside the NPS to
expand interpretation efforts into contested historical areas. One result of this
interpretive shift is an expansion of battlefield interpretive goals, particularly
The Civil War has a peculiar history in the South, and interpretations of the war
can stir controversy. In the years after the war, commemorations of various kinds
demonstrated a need among many to maintain a link to the past. “How cultures and
groups use, construct, or try to own the past in order to win power or place in the
present is why the broad topic of memory matters,” David W. Blight said.18 As Blight
looked at the post-‐war nation, however, he saw that memories of war and
emancipation were diverse, particularly between blacks and whites, and that many
Americans, race aside, had a tendency to avoid serious face-‐offs with the past. By the
time of the Civil War semicentennial from 1911-‐1915, the congressional directive of
the 1890s had secured the preservation of the battlefields as military parks. “The
sites became major icons of the nation’s historic past, to which millions of people
16
Sean
M.
Styles,
Stones
River
National
Battlefield:
Historic
Resource
Study,
Southeast
Regional
Office,
National
Park
Service
(Atlanta,
GA:
National
Park
Service,
2004).
17
Dwight
T.
Pitcaithley,
"A
Cosmic
Threat:
The
National
Park
Service
Addresses
the
Causes
of
the
American
Civil
War,"
in
Slavery
and
Public
History:
The
Tough
Stuff
of
American
Memory,
ed.
James
Oliver
Horton
and
Loie
E.
Horton
(New
York,
NY:
The
New
Press,
2006),
72-‐73.
18
David
Blight,
Beyond
the
Battlefield:
Race,
Memory,
and
the
American
Civil
War
9
have
traveled,
many
as
pilgrims,
and
many
making
repeated
visits—ritualistic
treks
to hallowed shrines,” Richard West Sellars wrote in Pilgrim Places.19 Entrepreneurs
in places like Gettysburg were quick to determine how to turn the historic public
sites into profitable private ventures, and early on they were selling guided tours,
battlefield relics and other souvenirs to visitors. Some visitors came to seek
information about missing relatives, some were curious, and some came to see and
to remember “an enduring, ironic juxtaposition of war and beauty, forever
paradoxical.”20 When the centennial came around in 1961, John Hope Franklin saw
such pilgrimages and commemorations continuing, and he was troubled. Blight,
writing about Franklin’s address to the Association for the Study of Negro Life and
History, said, “Disturbed by the racism practiced in the national centennial just
American tendency to dissolve the conflict at the root of the Civil War and to
Today, just shy of another 50 years’ passage, the contradictory implications of
some events of the past stir public political and social conflict. Blight observed, “The
growing American pluralism (which we have renamed multiculturalism to make it
fit all manner of meanings) inspires many of us, and frightens others into retreats or
attacks. At the beginning of the twenty-‐first century, the question of what stories are
19
Richard
West
Sellars,
Pilgrim
Places:
Civil
War
Battlefields,
Historic
Preservation,
and
America's
First
Military
Parks,
1863-1900
(Fort
Washington,
PA:
Eastern
National,
2005),
3.
20
Ibid.,
10.
10
welcome
in
the
national
narrative
is
a
deeply
contested
one,
as
is
the
question
of
whether there is a national, master narrative any more at all.”22 At Stones River, as
at many other historical sites, the question cannot be answered definitively, but the
narrative—as it can be determined to date—is being shared to a new and perhaps
broader audience than ever. The NPS, in its Comprehensive Interpretive Planning
document, reiterates that interpretation is always about choices. “We choose what
stories to tell, whom to tell them to, and how to tell them.”23 Those stories, of course,
are part of the narrative, whether or not it is determined to be national or master.
The multicultural story that is most often becoming part of the narrative is the
African American story, a layer of history that is providing new ground for
interpreting history, particularly in the Deep South. While the park service is
committed to the effort at its sites, other places are lagging behind. At Hampton
Plantation State Historic Site in South Carolina, Samuel F. Dennis said the creation of
the material landscape—the plantation home and buildings—is simply erased from
the narrative along with the experiences of the many African Americans, slaves and
later free, who lived at Hampton. Dennis suggested landscapes like Hampton
throughout the South are affected by both nostalgia and amnesia.24 A suggestion of
change, however, is present on the Hampton website, where the staff is “collecting
22
Ibid.,
192.
Carolina
Heritage
Landscape,"
in
Landscape
and
Race
in
the
United
States,
ed.
Richard
H.
Schein
(New
York,
NY:
Routledge,
2006),
88.
11
documents
and
searching
for
more
primary
sources
about
the
inhabitants
of
Hampton, both free and enslaved.”25 Change in the narrative is also coming to
Natchez, Mississippi, where pilgrimage tours, have delivered on their promise to let
tourists step into the past “where the Old South still lives” since 1932. Yet for more
than 75 years, that past was one of wealthy white planters who were remembered
and celebrated by elite white women of the Natchez Garden Club and other
exclusive local groups. In 2008, the official narrative finally acknowledged that
slaves and freedmen built many of the white-‐pillared mansions. 26
The narratives at both Hampton and Natchez raise the question that must apply
to any historic site that claims to take visitors into the past: Whose past are we
talking about?27 After our research at Stones River, we have a much clearer—and
broader—idea of what the past is at that location. Our Cultural Resources
Management course used the park as a laboratory for learning how to interpret a
cultural landscape. We are fortunate to have Stones River National Battlefield near
Murfreesboro, for it has become a significant partner to the Public History Program
at MTSU. The first stage of this project actually began last fall in the Introduction to
Public History class. Five groups of students began an intensive research effort into
the history of a small African-‐American community that sprang up on the battlefield
25
South
Carolina
State
Parks:
Hampton
Plantation,
http://www.southcarolinaparks.com/park-‐finder/state-‐park/1142.aspx
26
“Community
shares
thoughts
on
heritage
tourism,”
The
Natchez
Democrat,
9
September
2008.
27
Steven
Hoelscher,
"The
White-‐Pillared
Past:
Landscapes
of
Memory
and
Race
in
the
American
South,"
in
Landscape
and
Race
in
the
United
States,
ed.
Richard
H.
Schein
(New
York,
NY:
Routledge,
2006),
42.
12
in
the
late
1860s
called
“Cemetery”
and
existed
until
the
federal
government
purchased the land in the early 1930s. Dr. Rebecca Conard learned of this
community through community contacts and oral histories. She wanted the class to
explore the origin, culture and land ownership patterns of the people, mostly
African-‐Americans, who lived in this community. This is a perfect endeavor to
pursue as an addendum to the interpretive mission of the park. It brings in the
African-‐American experience, which was, as we soon discovered, an important and
perhaps even central part of the history of Stones River National Battlefield’s
landscape.
Race is an important part of the story of Stones River National Battlefield, though
until now it has been on the interpretive back burner. Our project brings African
Americans back into the narrative, and our goal, as Richard Schein also declared for
his book, Race and Landscape in the United States, “ is, “to bring those African
American dwellings back onto the map and to interrogate the place of race in this
landscape.”28
At the beginning of the semester we were faced with the task of organizing the
information from the previous fall’s class and determining an interpretive thread to
follow to accomplish our objective of interpreting the cultural landscape history of
the park. We decided on an exhibit rather than an audio-‐visual product primarily
because of the gaps in our research. Next we had to determine the exhibit specifics.
28
Richard
H.
Schein,
Landscape
and
Race
in
the
United
States
(New
York,
NY:
CRC
13
We
collectively
decided
to
focus
on
the
wall
of
the
hallway
that
leads
to
the
restrooms. The wall was unutilized and provided plenty of space for a linear
interpretation. Soon after this decision was made, Elizabeth Goetsch came up with
the brilliant idea to present the history of the landscape in four panels in a
progressive, linear theme. From this point we had to figure out how we would
More research had to be conducted. I believed I could find an African American
family that I could trace from the 1860s until the late twenties or early thirties when
the government purchased the acreage for the park. This prompted me to conduct a
careful review of the work from the previous class; I proceeded to create some
possible research options. To begin the research, I spent several days in the SRNB
archive with John George. John worked as a seasonal curator at the park over the
summer and made some exciting research finds. He pointed me in the direction of
three accounting ledgers where all expenditures for the cemetery from 1891 until
1918 were recorded. From these ledgers I noted the names of the cemetery’s paid
steady laborers, as well as those who worked under contract as masons and
blacksmiths. The regular laborers, adult men, were paid $1 a day for the entire time
the records were kept; a few teen-‐agers also worked and were paid half that. A gold
mine find was a working list of land transactions during the park transition that
contained the deed book numbers and pages recorded. Everything we found last fall,
we found by digging from scratch. This document provided a huge head start.
I took this information and headed to the deed office and began my search. The
first item I ran across was that George Avent, an African American, purchased a
14
mule
for
$150
from
Sam
Brown
during
the
summer
of
1867.
Less
than
a
year
later,
he purchased property from the same man. I then found a record that showed
Samuel Gresham, also an African American, purchased 40 acres of land from H.H.
Kerr in 1872. I knew about Gresham, but this date was significantly earlier than I
thought. Records indicated that his heirs owned a large strip of land on Van Cleave,
which the government purchased in the early 1930s. It was in this room of giant
books that I found the evidence needed to prove that at least two African American
families—Avent and Greshman—purchased property on the battlefield less than ten
years after the battle. As Deryck Holdsworth notes, “To get behind and beyond the
landscape, the archives provide firmer evidence and encourage a richer analysis of
social and economic change.”29 This has been particularly true in this project.
I also conducted extensive census research to try and pinpoint where the
families of Avent and Gresham were before the war. I suspected they were from a
local family because census records showed there were white families with the
same surnames nearby. In fact, the house owned by the white Gresham family was
very near the property purchased by Samuel Gresham. Unfortunately, census takers
did not record the names of slaves prior to the Civil War. Without corroborating
evidence, there is no way to prove the two families were slaves of the Greshams and
the Avents. There may be additional evidence contained in the Chancery Court
29
Deryck
W.
Holdsworth,
"Landscape
and
Archives
as
Texts,"
in
Understanding
Ordinary
Landscapes,
ed.
Paul
Groth
and
Todd
W.
Bress
(New
Haven,
CT:
Yale
University
Press,
1997),
44.
15
I
wanted
to
understand
the
social
and
physical
dynamics
of
people
in
the
area
after the battle at Stones River. After the battle, what did the people—black and
white—do? The slave narratives are helpful in getting a slave’s perspective on the
sights and sounds of the battle and some movement thereafter. John C. Spence’s
book, The Annals of Rutherford County, gave another perspective, but there is much
more to know. Stephen Ash has offered information that sheds light on the dynamic
in his book, Middle Tennessee Society Transformed, 1860-1870. He explained that the
Union soldiers were not necessarily the defenders of slaves against their masters. In
fact, after the Union arrived in Middle Tennessee in 1862, they were content to leave
slavery in place.30 The institution of slavery was probably breaking down before the
battle, but it seems quite likely that after the battle it was over in Middle Tennessee.
The question still remains, what happened to land ownership and use between 1863
and 1867 when George Avent purchased his mule, then his land? There are many
more research avenues to explore to find a more definitive explanation than we
currently have.
The next step in our project was to figure out how to break down the linear
landscape story we wanted to tell. I was responsible for the second panel, “Rising
from the Ashes.” In this panel I was to deal with the landscape after the war and
before the War Department purchased the land for the park in 1929. The powerful
images I had to work with in the Kern collection gave me plenty of ideas for a layout.
I also decided to profile my research findings about George Avent and Samuel
30
Stephen
V.
Ash,
Middle
Tennesee
Society
Transformed,
1860-1870
(Knoxville,
16
Gresham.
These
were
two
people
that
perfectly
spanned
the
time
period
I
was
interpreting. The result was an interpretation that focused on the primary
documents that explain how these two men and their families were linked to the
landscape and the images from the Kern collection that show pieces of that
landscape. I chose two quotes by Stephen Ash that I believed captured the tone of
the period, which was one of African Americans putting down roots, buying
property when they could, and working to create autonomous lives in their
newfound freedom.
This kind of project plays to my design skill. There is nothing more fun for me
than to work with archival images and attempt to create a sense of time and place so
people can leave the present world behind and see a little more clearly as they try to
think historically. I see an exhibit such as this as a visual time machine. We invite the
visitor to step into that world, see it, and try to imagine what it must have been like
Interpreting a cultural landscape is an excellent approach to understanding the
history of place. In the process of working on this project, I connected historical
research to a place in time and attempted to reconstruct the events that made an
impact on the facts I collected. In our exhibit we traced this landscape as it changed
over time, profiling the significant changes that occurred. I have searched for a way
to incorporate physical space and the tone that results from a particular
environment into interpretations of the past, and I now believe I have found a
pathway within the public history discipline. Historical landscape studies provide
17
of
place.
My
goal
now
will
be
to
incorporate
this
model
using
new
media
and
audio-‐
visual work in the project on the Mississippi Delta that I am doing with Brian
18
Bibliography
Ash,
Stephen
V.
Middle
Tennesee
Society
Transformed,
1860-1870.
Knoxville,
TN:
University
of
Tennessee
Press,
2006.
Alanen,
Arnold
R.
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