Poetics 33 (2005) 179200

www.elsevier.com/locate/poetic

Understanding classifications: Empirical evidence

from the American and French wine industries
Wei Zhao
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of North Carolina at Charlotte,
9201 University City Boulevard, Charlotte, NC 28223-0001, USA

Abstract
This article compares the classification systems between the American and French wine industries and
reveals striking differences: American wines are classified primarily by grape variety, while French wines
are classified primarily by appellation based on geographic origin; the classification in appellation is
horizontally structured in the American wine industry, while it is vertically structured in the French wine
industry. These findings demonstrate that classification systems are socially constructed. Building upon the
literature and drawing empirical evidence from these two wine industries, this article develops several
theoretical arguments on implications and consequences of classifications. First, classifications confer
identities on social actors (or objects), and inherently imply social control. Second, classifications create
social boundaries and signify social standing of actors (or objects). Third, classification making often
involves political struggles between different interest groups, and classification systems embody the
political power. This article further presents a sociological framework to understand classifications,
stressing the multi-dimensionality and complexity of classifications. Finally, it discusses the significance
of the study of classification in sociology and, in particular, its relations with several prominent lines of
research in cultural sociology.
# 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Classifications have attracted much attention from scholars across disciplines, including
science (e.g., Sokal, 1974), information science (e.g., Bowker and Star, 1999), psychology (e.g.,
Estes, 1994; Hahn and Ramscar, 2001), and anthropology (e.g., Douglas, 1986; Douglas and
Hull, 1992). It has been well acknowledged that classifications are the basis to all intellectual
activities and a world without classifications will be chaotic and unthinkable (e.g., Douglas,
1986; Estes, 1994).
Sociologists also have a lasting interest in classification. There are mainly two trends in the
sociological literature related to the study of classification. First, across a variety of research areas

E-mail address: wzhao1@email.uncc.edu.

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sociologists have developed specific classification schemes (e.g., the classification of social class,
see Drudy, 1991; the classification of authors by literary prestige, see Verboord, 2003) or applied
existing categories to sociological explanations (e.g., occupational categories in the study of
occupational structure and prestige, see Blau and Duncan, 1967; categories of musical genres in
the analysis of taste differentiation and social boundaries, see Sonnet, 2004; Van Eijck, 2001). In
this trend, classification schemes are a useful research tool or an important part of a specific
theoretical framework in sociological explanations. Nevertheless, classifications per se are not
the ultimate research focus and many studies treat classifications as exogenous variables
(Lounsbury and Rao, 2004).
The second trend focuses on examining classifications in the social worldtheir origins,
structures, and consequences. This trend can be traced back to Emile Durkheim. The
representative work was Durkheim and Mauss Primitive Classification published in 1903.
Although there have been quite some criticisms of this work, the significance of its research topic
and its ground-breaking contribution are well recognized (Coser, 1988). For example, in the
intellectual biography of Durkheim, Lukes (1972:449; quoted in Coser, 1988:87) asserted that
the role played in particular societies by particular sets of concepts and classifications is a central
area of sociological and anthropological inquiry. In the introduction of the English translation of
Primitive Classification, Needham (1963:xxxiv) acknowledged: The theoretical significance of
the essay secures it a prominent place as a sociological classic. Its great merit, and one which
outweighs all its faults, is that it draws attention, for the first time in sociological inquiry, to a
topic of fundamental importance in understanding human thought and social life, i.e., the notion
of classification.
In recent years, sociologists have shown a resurgent interest in studying classifications. For
example, Schwartz (1981) analyzed the vertical classification codes in language and social
images, and he demonstrated their roles in constructing the social world and in creating social
inequality. Zerubavel (1991, 1997) adopted a socio-cognitive approach to understand how
classifications are made and how meanings are achieved in mental processes. Starr (1992)
examined how the state made classifications in the political arena and employed them to
implement social policies. Lounsbury and Rao (2004) investigated the important role of
industry media and powerful producers in category reconstitution in the American mutual fund
industry.
The study of classification also takes a prominent place in cultural sociology. DiMaggio
(1982a, 1982b) analyzed the historical process of differentiating the high culture from the
popular culture in 19th-century Boston. He emphasized the institutional and organizational
bases of this cultural classification. In a more theoretical work, DiMaggio (1987) examined
different types (i.e., commercial, professional, and administrative) of classification in art and the
variation in artistic classification systems in several aspects such as differentiation, hierarchy,
universality, and ritual strength. Mohr and Duquenne (1997) mapped out the classification
structure in poverty relief in the late 19th and early 20th century and demonstrated the close
relations between cultural distinctions and social practices.
All these studies have greatly deepened our understanding of classifications from a
sociological perspective. These achievements notwithstanding, ubiquity, complexity, and the
central role of classification in modern society warrant more sociological research and
continuous endeavor. This study advances the sociological research of classification in two main
aspects. First, in the context of American and French wine industries, this paper conducts a
comparative study of classification systemsthat is still rare in the literature. Empirically it
demonstrates differences as well as similarities in the classification system between these two

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industries. Second, this article draws upon prior studies and theories (e.g., Douglas, 1986) to
develop several general theoretical arguments and a sociological framework on classifications.
This paper is organized as follows. First, I compare the classification systems between the
American and French wine industries. Next, I develop several general arguments on the
implications and consequences of classification systemsconferring identities, exerting social
control, creating social boundaries, signifying social standing, and involving political
processesand draw empirical evidence from the two wine industries. Then, I present a
sociological framework to understand the complexity and multi-dimensionality of classifications. Finally, I discuss the significance of the study of classification in sociology and, in
particular, its close relations with several prominent lines of research in cultural sociology.
1. Classifications in the American and French wine industries
The wine world has distinctive features to make it an ideal place to study classifications. Wines
are complex. Customers are confronted with hundreds of wines each time they enter a wine shop
or a wine aisle in a grocery store. Customers rely on categories in a classification scheme to
identify a bottle of wine and make their purchase decision. Accordingly, classifications are the
core part of the whole regulation system and play a central role in sustaining the wine market.
The American and the French wine industries are prominent in the wine world.1 Interestingly,
we find American wines and French wines are displayed differently on wine shelves. The display
of American wines is based on grape variety (e.g., Cabernet Sauvignon, Merlot, Pinot Noir,
Syrah, Zinfandel, Chardonnay, and Sauvignon Blanc), while that of French wines is based on
geographic origin (e.g., Bordeaux, Burgundy, Rhone, and Loire). Why is there such a big
difference? The reason lies in the distinct classification systems across these two wine industries.
A comparative study will illustrate the similarities and differences in the classification system
between these two industries and demonstrate the social origin of classifications.
The American wine industry is young and has experienced tremendous changes in history.
Before the 1970s, American wines were regarded as cheap dessert wines with inferior taste. Since
the 1970s, the American wine industry expanded dramatically.2 American wines, in particular,
California wines, began to earn international recognition. Accompanying these changes, the
classification system as a core part of the whole regulation system was developed in the U.S. wine
industry. Although a state has the right to pass the wine law and regulations (Moulton, 1984), the
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (hereafter ATF) is the principal governmental agency
authorized to regulate the wine industry and to control the classification system at the federal
level. For example, in 1978 ATF established the appellation system to classify geographic origins
of U.S. wines.
The French wine industry has a long, glorious history. In France, several major vine regions
have planted grapes and produced wines for more than a millennium. After long experimentation
and experience in wine making, specialization has been accomplished. The core of the
classification and regulation system in the French wine industry is the appellation system that can
1

In 2001, the United States ranked 4th in wine production, 3rd in wine consumption, and 5th in vineyard acreage;
France ranked 1st in wine production and wine consumption and 2nd in vineyard acreage (Industry Background &
Statistics, the web site of the Wine Institute (http://www.wineinstitute.org)).
2
Wine consumption in the U.S. has increased from 267 million gallons (1.31 gallons per resident) in 1970 to 551
million gallons (2.02 gallons per resident) in 1999. The number of wineries in the U.S. has increased from 441 in 1970 to
2443 in 1999 (Industry Background & Statistics, the web site of the Wine Institute (http://www.wineinstitute.org)).

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be traced back to the first official classification of red Bordeaux wines in 1855. The contemporary
appellation system was enacted in 1935 and has been under the strict control of Institut National
des Appellations (INAO), the principal governmental agency in regulating the French wine
industry.
1.1. Classification schemes in the American and French wine industries
There are different types of wines in the market, such as grape wines, dessert wines, sparkling
wines, and fortified wines (ATF 27 & 4.21; Peters, 1997:111). Here, I mainly focus on the official
classifications of grape wines, the representative and the most important wine type. Although
grape variety, geographic origin (appellation), and vintage all play an important role in
classifying both American wines and French grape wines, there are conspicuous differences in
scheme and structure between these two official classification systems. American wines are
classified primarily by grape variety, while French wines are classified primarily by geographic
origin (Douglas, 1986:105107; Laube, 1999:16; Shanken, 2000:815). Table 1 contrasts the
classification systems between the American and French wine industries.
1.1.1. Grape variety/grape type
Grape variety plays a different role in the classification system in these two industries. Grape
variety is the primary dimension of classifying American wines. Based on grape variety,
American wines are classified as generic wines, proprietary wines, and varietal wines (Peters,
1997; see also Baxevanis, 1992). If a wine is heavily blended of different grape varieties and thus
has no grape identification or only a generic name (e.g., red, white), it is a generic wine. If a wine
uses some name invented by its winery (e.g., Opus One), it is a proprietary wine. If a bottle of
wine is designated an officially recognized grape variety (e.g., Cabernet Sauvignon, Merlot, or
Chardonnay), it is a varietal wine. To claim a varietal wine, a wine needs to derive no less than
75% of its volume from a specific grape variety (ATF 27 & 4.23). Since the designation of grape
variety is the primary dimension of classifying American wines, the name of a specific grape
variety is often put on the wine label. The prominent place of grape variety in the classification of
American wines lies in that there is no single restriction on grape variety. American winemakers
can freely experiment and plant whatever grape variety they like in various vine regions
(Shanken, 2000; Thompson, 1984). Consequently, planted grape varieties are much more
dispersed in the United States than in France (Moran, 1993).
By comparison, in the French wine industry the grape variety is not an independent dimension
in wine classification, but is rather subordinate to the appellation classification based on
geographic origin. In France, grape varieties are restricted to specific vine regions, and the
distribution of grape varieties is highly regionalized (Moran, 1993). For example, more than 70%
of Cabernet Sauvignon is produced in Bordeaux, while Pinot Noir is almost entirely confined to
Burgundy and Champagne (Moran, 1993). Moreover, each vine area has focused on a few grape
varieties that are believed to be suitable for the geographic environment and climate. In most
regional appellations, the number of authorized varieties is less than five. There are strict
regulations on the planting and yield of grape variety in each appellation. Interestingly, in many
instances, heavy blending authorized grape varieties within the same appellation is legitimate and
has even become a common practice in some vine areas. Since the grape variety is attached to the
appellation, the name of a grape variety is normally not inscribed on the label of a bottle of French
wine. Conventionally, in the market French wines are categorized simply as red wines and white
wines based on the general grape type and wine color.

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Table 1
A comparison of classification systems between the American and French wine industries
Wine classification

American wine industry

French wine industry

Grape variety/grape type

Categories

Specific grape variety

Generic wine
Proprietary wine
Varietal wine
Cabernet Sauvignon
Merlot
Pinot Noir
Syrah
Zinfandel
Chardonnay
Sauvignon Blanc
Other types (for the complete list
of the approved grape varieties,
see ATF 27 & 4.91).
Primary dimension in wine classification

General grape type and wine color

Red wine
White wine

Role in the classification

system
Labeling

Appellation
Categories

Role in the classification

system
Structure of classification
Extensiveness of
classification
Vintage

The proprietary name or the name of

a specific grape variety often shown
on the wine label
Geographic origin
(1) The United States
(2) A State; two or no more than
three States which are all contiguous
(3) A county; two or no more than
three counties in the same States
(4) An American viticultural area

Secondary dimension in
wine classification
Horizontal classification
No official classification of vineyards
The year when grapes are harvested

Subordinate to the appellation

classification
The grapes name normally
not shown on the wine label
Geographic origin
(1) Vins de Table (VCC)
(2) Vins de Pays
(3) Vins Delimites de Qualite
Superieure (VDQS)
(4) Appellation dOrigine
Controlee (AOC)
(a) Regional AOC
(b) Communal/village AOC
(c) Premier cru and grand
cru in Burgundy; fifth- to
first-growth in Bordeaux
Primary dimension in wine
classification
Vertical classification
Some vineyards being
officially classified
The year when grapes are harvested

1.1.2. Appellation (geographic origin)

Although the classification in appellation is important in both industries, it plays different
roles in the classification system and has different structures. Appellation is the secondary
dimension of classifying American wines, and the appellation system in the American wine
industry is horizontally structured. In the classification of appellation, the designation categories
for wines produced in the U.S. consist of the United States, a state (i.e., California), two or
no more than three States which are all contiguous, a county (e.g., Sonoma County), two or no
more than three counties in the same States, and an American Viticultural Area (e.g., Napa
Valley) (ATF 27 & 4.25). The state and the county appellations are based on current political

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divisions or subdivisions. A wine can claim a state appellation or a county appellation on its
label if no less than 75% of the grapes used to produce the wine come from the designated
area. In contrast, American Viticultural Areas (hereafter AVA) are specially designed for the
wine industry, and only AVA needs to get the governmental approval. Moreover, affiliation
with an AVA appellation requires a higher standard: no less than 85% of the wine must be
derived from the grapes grown within that viticultural area (ATF 27 & 4.25). Thus, AVA
appellation is a kind of certificate in the American wine industry. Nevertheless, there is no
officially recognized hierarchy among different appellation categories. ATF does not wish to
give the impression by approving a viticultural area that it is approving or endorsing the
quality of the wine from this area; ATF approves a viticultural area by a finding that the
area is distinctive from surrounding areas, but not better than other areas (quoted in Lee,
1992:6; italics are added).
By comparison, appellation is the hub of the whole classification system in the French wine
industry and is vertically organized. In the French appellation system, a high-ranked appellation
is officially recognized to be superior to a low-ranked appellation in producing wines with better
quality (see Foulkes, 1994). Following an ascending order, designation categories consist of Vins
de Table (VCC), Vins de Pays, Vins Delimites de Qualite Superieure (VDQS), and Appellation
dOrigine Controlee (AOC). Among them, Appellation dOrigine Controlee (AOC) is the core
and the top designation category of the whole appellation system. The designations within AOC
are further classified and stratified, in an ascending order, from a regional AOC (e.g., Bordeaux,
Burgundy, and Rhone), to a communal or village AOC (e.g., Pauillac in Bordeaux, Beaujolais in
Burgundy), and to a premier cru and a grand cru for vineyards in Burgundy and a fifth- to a firstgrowth in Bordeaux (Coates, 2000; Moran, 1993).
The appellation classification in the French wine industry is more sophisticated and refined
than that in the American wine industry. In the United States the official appellation classification
does not exceed the level of a vine area, i.e., AVA. Although vineyards can be designated on the
wine label, they are not officially recognized as a distinct category of appellation. In contrast, in
France many vineyards are classified as a premier cru, a grand cru, or a growth with a high rank in
the hierarchical appellation system.
1.1.3. Vintage
In both industries, vintage, the year when grapes are harvested for winemaking, is an
important dimension of classifying wines. Vintage-dating has a long tradition in the French wine
industry, while it is relative new in the American wine industry. In the American wine industry, to
claim a vintage requires that at least 95% of the wine must have been derived from grapes
harvested in the labeled calendar year (ATF 27 & 4.27).
1.2. Classifications and beliefs
What determines the classificatory schemes and structures in the classification systems of
these wine industries? A classification system expresses social values and embodies beliefs. The
similarities in the classification system between these two wine industriesusing grape variety,
appellation, and vintage for classificationreflect the shared values. In both industries, a good
wine is regarded as having a distinctive taste, being an authentic expression of the grape variety
and conveying a sense of place where the grape is grown (Laube, 1999). A wines good taste is
regarded as a result of the combination of specific grape variety, geographic environment
(terroir), and climate and weather condition (vintage). Since grape variety, geographic origin

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185

(appellation), and vintage are believed to be important factors in winemaking, they become the
crucial dimensions of classifying both American and French wines.
On the other hand, the conspicuous differences in the classification system between these two
industriesthe prominent place of grape variety or appellation in wine classification, the scheme
of classification in grape variety or general grape type, and the horizontal or vertical structure of
classification in appellationcan be attributed to distinct beliefs and traditions in winemaking
resulted from different historical development.
The regulations and classifications in the young American wine industry are relatively loose
and characterized by laissez-faire policies (Moran, 1993). In the American wine industry, wine
production (e.g., planting of grape varieties) and consumption are more subject to selfregulations of the market. Consumers, rather than a governmental agency, are entitled to make
the final judgment on wines (Seff and Cooney, 1984:445). Although American winemakers also
celebrate terroir under the influence of the French tradition, they put more emphasis on
scientific methods in winemaking than their counterparts in France (Peters, 1997). Without a
strong historical tradition, American winemakers have widely carried out experiments to plant a
number of grape varieties within each vine region and across regions. Consistent with these
beliefs, the grape variety is prominent in the classification system, and the classification of
appellation is horizontally structured.
The philosophy and tradition of winemaking in France are quite different and can be
epitomized in one word, terroir. As a mythic and holistic concept, terroir refers to the
distinctive and inimitable environment of a specific vineyard, which includes characteristics
of altitude, slope, soil content, drainage, exposure to sun, and ambient climate, etc. (Wine
Spectator, on-line). Moreover, it also relates strongly to history, class, and pedigree
(Langewiesche, 2000). The French believe that distinct terroirs produce different wines
physical environmental attributes can be liberally and uncritically transferred to the wines
made there. The belief in terroir results in the prominent classification along the geographic
origin and the vertical structure in the classification of appellation. Moreover, the French
believe that one terroir is only suitable for one or few particular grape varieties. As a result, the
grape variety is subordinate and attached to terroir, rather than taken as an independent
dimension in the wine classification. These beliefs have been crystallized into the tradition in
the long history of winemaking and eventually into the contemporary official classification
system in the French wine industry.
2. Implications and consequences of classifications
Drawing upon the prior research of classification, in particular, the institutional perspective
adopted by Douglas (1986), I develop several theoretical arguments on implications and
consequences of classifications. Then I situate the empirical examination in the context of the
American and French wine industries.
2.1. Conferring identity and exerting social control
I concur with Douglas (1986) on that institutional classifications confer identity. More
specifically, classifications provide the cognitive basis for both the identification of focal actors
(or objects) and audiences perceptions of focal actors (or objects). From the perspective of focal
actors (or objects)the subject of classifications, all identity types are based on authorized
categories. The institutions make new labels, and the label makes new kinds of people

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(Douglas, 1986:109). Association with a specific category not only reveals ones identity, but
more deeply, constitutes ones identity (Douglas, 1986). In this sense, when institutions classify
focal actors (or objects), they impose specific marks and put specific constraints on their identity
expression. From the perspective of audiences, institutional classifications systematically
channel audiences perceptions of focal actors (or of objects) into authorized categories.
Audiences rely on classification schemes and delimited boundaries to identify actors (or objects)
(Abbott, 1995; Douglas, 1986).3
Every identity implies effort of social control (White, 1992). When classifications confer
identities on focal actors (or objects) and channel audiences perceptions into authorized
categories, they exert social control by preventing other possibilities (Berger and Luckmann,
1966; Douglas, 1986). Once classifications have been made, the behavior of both focal actors and
audiences will conform to them. Laid upon our mind as an institutional grip (Douglas,
1986:92), classifications exert a kind of sociomental control, one of the most insidious forms
of social control (Zerubavel, 1997:17).
The classification systems in the American and French wine industries explicitly monitor
wines identities. Since a wine label is crucial to the identification of a bottle of wine, in both
industries wine labeling is under strict regulation in accordance with the classification schemes:
appellation (geographic origin) and vintage are normally put on the label of both American and
French wines, and grape variety is also often shown on the label of the former. Those institutional
standards (such as those for a wine to claim a varietal designation, an appellation, or a vintage in
the American wine industry) are strictly implemented. By so doing, the classification systems in
both industries exert direct control of a wines identification and consumers perception of a
bottle of wine.
Actually, the main driving force of inventing the classification system in both industries was to
control wines identities. In the United States, the purpose of establishing the appellation system,
and in particular, the American Viticultural Areas (AVA appellations), was to allow consumers to
better identify a bottle of wine and winemakers to better designate the geographic origin of
grapes used in winemaking (ATF, 1986:23). In France, the driving force of establishing an
appellation system in the early 20th century was to deal with fake wines and to protect the
existing prestigious vine areas (Coates, 2000; Loube`re, 1990; Moran, 1993).
Two graphs used by Douglas (1986:106107) vividly demonstrate that different
classifications result in distinct identification patterns of wines in these two industries. As
shown in Douglas (1986:107) graph on the American wine industry, each of six wineries in Napa
Countyone of the most prestigious grape-grown areas in the United Statesused a number of
grape varieties in wine production. Because the grape variety is the primary dimension of
classification in the American wine industry, a specific grape variety is a crucial identity marker
for American wines. In addition, an appellation designation (e.g., Napa Valley, St. Helena,
or Yountville as an AVA appellation)the secondary dimension of wine classificationis
also an important indictor of a wines identity. Consumers rely on the categories of grape variety
and of appellation inscribed on the label to identity a bottle of American wine.
In the French wine industry, wines are classified primarily by geographic origin. Thus, the
appellation affiliation is the most important identity indicator of a bottle of wine. Douglas
(1986:106) graph showed six prestigious winemakers in Bordeaux, Chateau Haut-Brion, Chateau

Here, I use identity broadly not only to indicate the identity of a social actor (e.g., an individual or an organization) but
also to refer to the social image of an object or a product (e.g., a bottle of wine).

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Petrus, Chateau Lafite (or Lafite-Rothschild), Chateau Latour, Chateau Mouton (or MoutonRothschild), and Chateau Margaux. Except Chateau Petrus, each chateau is classified as a firstgrowth (the top ranked appellation category) within a communal AOC (i.e., Graves, Pomerol,
Pauillac, and Margaux) in Bordeaux. The appellation shown on the wine label largely determines
a wines identity and shapes consumers perception of that wine. In contrast, the grape variety is
normally attached to an appellation. As shown in this graph, each chateau mainly used one or two
grape varieties authorized within that appellation in winemaking. Moreover, because the name of
a grape variety is normally not shown on the label of a bottle of French wine, all these wines are
perceived simply as red wines in the market. As a result, a specific grape variety usually does not
affect consumer perception of a bottle of French wine.
2.2. Creating social boundaries and signifying social standing
Classifications systematically create, formalize, and maintain social boundaries among social
actors (or objects). Because classification channels social perceptions, audiences tend to overlook
the differences within categories and to widen gaps between categories (Zerubavel, 1996). In a
sense, classifications lead to social construction of discontinuity (Zerubavel, 1991:74). For
example, the racial classification schemes used in the US census created racial boundaries. Some
racial categories such as White were created. When all European immigrants were counted as
White by the census, it fostered a common racial identity among Whites, while hardened
the division between Whites and Others. When racial categories in the US census expanded
or shrank, the racial identity types of Americans changed and the racial boundaries were redelimited accordingly (Lee, 1993).
Classifications not only create social boundaries but also often result in differentiation in
social standing among actors (or objects).4 A classification does not simply arrange several
isolated groups, but rather defines the relationships between them and describes the whole
structure (Bourdieu, 1984; Durkheim and Mauss, 1903 [1963]; Sokal, 1974). In a sense, a
classification presents or confirms a social order with specific meanings and legitimacy. Because
classifications are based on specific standards and embody social values, they ossify and
accentuate the differences in social significance among actors (or objects). Moreover, social
classifications are often formalized by institutional regulations or law. Such formality preserves
the substance, and at the same time, brings classification schemes an authoritative appearance
(Stinchcombe, 2001). It is of the essence of formality that most people most of the time do not
have to go behind the formality to the substance, because someone else can be trusted to have
done so already and to do so again when necessary (Stinchcombe, 2001:4). In this sense,
formalization of classification confirms and objectifies differences in social significance and
standing among actors (or objects).
Attachment to categories expressing core values, meeting a high standard, or earning
institutional badges (e.g., certificates, credentials, prizes, titles, and awards), distinguishes one
from others and enhances ones social standing. For example, in the hypothesis testing in
statistical analysis, the conventional standards (i.e., p-value as 0.05, 0.01, and 0.001) categorize
4
Some classifications based on function and characterized by horizontal grouping (e.g., the classification of scientific
disciplines as physics, chemistry, and biology, etc.) may not result in a clear differentiation in social standing.
Nevertheless, the distinction between horizontal and vertical classifications is not always clear-cut. A seemingly
horizontal classification (e.g., in gender, race, and position [right and left]) may still imply or result in a differentiation
in social standing (cf. Schwartz, 1981:166).

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results into different significance levels. Practically, two results with p-value as 0.049 and 0.051,
respectively, have no substantial difference in terms of the probability of occurrence. However,
based on the standards, the difference is tremendous: the former is conventionally regarded to be
statistically significant, while the latter insignificant. Another example is the three-point line in
the basketball game. Prior to the official classification, there is no substantial difference between
shooting a ball from 240 and from 230 800 . However, after setting 230 900 as the three-point arc, a shot
from the former is worth three points, while a shot from the latter only two (Purcell, 1996:445).
The third example is the role of gold, silver, and bronze medals in the Olympic game. Even if
there is no substantial difference in performance between medal winners and other athletes, the
medals distinguish the former from the later. Even if there is only trivial difference in
performance among those medal winners, the gold, silver, and bronze medals still further
differentiate their social standing.
In previous studies, it is well acknowledged that the high-status group strives to maintain the
social boundaries between itself and the low-status group through different ways (see Lamont,
2001). For example, Veblen (1899 [1965]) found that the high-status group used conspicuous
consumption and leisure to demonstrate its high social standing. Meyer (1977) pointed out that
when the education classification system distinguishes elite from others largely by educational
credentials, it endows the elite with social prestige. DiMaggio (1982a:39) asserted: In almost
every literate society, dominant status groups or classes eventually have developed their own
styles of art and the institutional means of supporting them. In 19th-century Boston, the upper
class distinguished the high culture from the popular culture and employed this cultural
classification to separate itself from the lower class. Bourdieu (1984) showed that the upper class
in France developed distinct aesthetic dispositions to secure its high social status.
Following these arguments, I contend that the high-status social group always strives to
control the classification system and to claim the desirable categories in order to signify and
consolidate its high social standing. In this study, I examine how premium wines in the highstatus market rely on desirable categories in the classification of grape variety, appellation, and
vintage to reveal their identities and to signify their standing.5 The main empirical evidence is
based on two data sets consisting of 4894 California winesthe acknowledged leader of the
American wine industry6and 3795 French wines, respectively. The data were collected from
Wine Spectator, the most popular wine magazine (please refer to Appendix A for the
procedures of data collection). Based on these two samples of American and French wines
drawn from the high-status premium market, I examine the composition and characteristics of
the classified information shown on the wine label. The results are reported in Table 2. It
should be noted that the results are not conclusive but rather suggestive. I supplement the
descriptive analysis with anecdotal evidence in these two wine industries to support my
arguments.

5
The term of premium is used rather loosely in the wine market. According to one categorization, wines as
everyday beverage are priced below $7 per bottle, super premium wines priced $714, ultra premium wines
priced $1425, and luxury wines priced $25 and over (see 2000 California Table Wine Shipments by Price Segment,
http://www.WineryExchange.com).
6
California wines are dominant in the American wine industry. In 1998, California accounted for 90% of all U.S. wine
production, 70% of all wine consumption in the U.S. (including imported wine), and 96% of U.S. wine exports
(California Wine Industry Statistical Highlights, the web site of the Wine Institute (http://www.wineinstitute.org)).
Among 2443 wineries in the U.S. in 1999, 1210 wineries were in California. Among 145 American Viticultural Areas
(AVA) established in the U.S. by 2002, 85 were in California.

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Table 2
Classified information shown on the label of the sampled California and French premium wines
California wines

French wines

Classification

Classification

Total number of wines

4894

100

Total number of wines

3795

100

Grape typea
Red wine
White wine

2119
1676

56
44

Grape variety
Generic wine
No grape identification
Red
White
Proprietary wine
Varietal wine
Cabernet Sauvignon
Merlot
Pinot Noir
Syrah
Zinfandel
Chardonnay
Sauvignon Blanc
Other grape varieties

103
16
6
293

2
0
0
6

1289
358
446
82
380
1238
230
453

26
7
9
2
8
25
5
9

Appellation affiliation
No appellation
America
California (or another state)
County
AVA

1
5
282
785
3821

0
0
6
16
78

Vintage
Vintage-dating
No vintage-dating

4858
36

99
1

Appellation affiliation
Vin de Table
AOC:
Regional AOC
Communal/Village AOC
Premier cru (Burgundy)
Grand cru (Burgundy)
Fifth- to second-growth (Bordeaux)
First growth (Bordeaux)

56
1560
658
623
262
633

1
41
17
16
7
17

Vintage
Vintage-dating
No vintage-dating

3748
47

99
1

a
French wines are conventionally classified by the general grape typered or white, and the name of grape variety is
normally not shown on the wine label. The exception is Alsace wines that often indicate the specific grape variety (e.g.,
Riesling, Gewurztraminer, Sylvaner) on the wine label. Since Alsace wines do not hold a prominent place in the premium
wine market and take only a small proportion of the sample (7%), I do not report the detailed grape varieties for these
Alsace wines in the table.

2.2.1. Grape variety as a signifier of social standing in the American wine industry
Because the grape variety is the primary dimension of classifying American wines, claiming a
specific grape variety is crucial to a wines standing in the American wine industry. As shown in
Table 2, among the sampled 4894 California wines in the premium market, only 2% (103 wines)
did not identify any grape variety on the wine label, and only 16 and 6 wines were labeled red
and white, respectively. Six percent wines in the sample used a proprietary name invented by
wineries. By comparison, a vast majority (92%) of wines were varietal wines by inscribing a
specific grape variety on the label. Since generic wines without any grape variety identification
are normally regarded as inferior, claiming a grape variety is essential to be perceived as a good

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wine. In order to claim a grape variety, heavy blending of different types of grapea common
practice in many French vine regionsis usually forgone for making premium American wines.
In the French wine industry, since the grape variety is subordinate to the appellation
classification and a grapes name is usually not shown on the wine label, a specific grape variety is
not an important signifier of a wines standing. As shown in Table 2, French wines are conventionally identified simply as red wines and white wines, accounting for 56% and 44% of the
sample, respectively.
2.2.2. Appellation as a signifier of social standing
Among the sampled 4894 California wines in the high-status premium market, only one type
of wine did not claim any appellation and five wines claimed an America appellation. Six
percent wines were affiliated with a California appellation or another state appellation (e.g.,
Washington or Oregon). Sixteen percent wines were affiliated with a county appellation.
By comparison, 78% wines bore an American Viticultural Area (AVA) designation. Since an
AVA is usually much smaller than a county appellation and even smaller than a state appellation,7
theoretically, any wine that is eligible to bear an AVA designation can select a county appellation,
a state appellation, or an America appellation. Nevertheless, the finding shows that in the
premium California wine market, wines are overwhelmingly affiliated with a more desirable
AVA appellation.
The reason is obvious: the AVA appellation is an important indicator of a wines identity and
thus signifies a wines standing in the market. Although there is no official hierarchy among
appellation categories, an AVA appellation presents a kind of certificate to and imposes a
geographical significance on a bottle of wine. Moreover, theoretically only a small amount of
wines are eligible to claim an AVA appellation. Therefore, wines having an AVA affiliation can
be a valuable distinction from other wines in the marketplace (Lee, 1992:1). Anecdotal
evidence also shows that in order to keep a precious appellation affiliation, winemakers would
rather not blend grapes from different vine regions even if the blending can improve wine quality
(see footnote 7, Benjamin and Podolny, 1999:586).
Similar to the pattern among California wines, appellation affiliations of premium French
wines concentrate on high-status appellation categories. Among the sampled 3795 French
wines in the premium market, only three wines were affiliated with low-ranked Vin de
Table and all others bore an AOC designation. Among these AOC wines, only 56 wines were
affiliated with a regional AOC. By comparison, 1560 (41%) wines were affiliated with a
communal or a village AOC. Moreover, a large proportion of French wines were affiliated with
top-ranked appellation categories: 17% and 16% wines were affiliated with the premiums crus
and grands crus in Burgundy, respectively; 7% and 17% wines were affiliated with fifth- to
second-growths and first-growths in Bordeaux, respectively. Apparently, high-ranked
appellation categories have a large presentation among appellation affiliations of French
premium wines.8
Since the vertical classification stratifies French wines into different categories, affiliation
with high-ranked appellation signifies and enhances the standing of a winery and its wines. For
7

For example, by 1992, Napa County and Sonoma County had 8 and 12 AVAs, respectively.
In the whole French wine industry, only more than 30% of the French wines were entitled to an AOC designation
toward the end of the 20th century (Foulkes, 1994:132). The other designation categories below AOC, Vins Delimites de
Qualite Superieure (VDQS), Vins de Pays, and Vins de Table (VCC) represent about 1%, 15%, and 55%, respectively, of
wine production in France (Foulkes, 1994:134135).
8

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191

example, in Bordeaux, many good wineries receive less attention and reap less profits simply
because they are not classified as a growth. In contrast, many Chateaus, which do not deserve
their classification as a growth, receive more attention and respect (Parker, 1998:13391342).
Thus, obtaining a higher-ranked appellation enables wines to acquire higher standing in the
French wine industry (Loube`re, 1990). An example is Chateauneuf-du-Pape in Southern Rhone.
To combat fake wines and enhance the image of those wines from this region, local winemakers
sought to obtain an official appellation as a means of identifying and promoting their authentic
wines. Only after Chateauneuf-du-Pape was approved as a new appellation, did its wines
gradually receive high recognition in the wine market (see Loube`re, 1990). Another example is
Mouton-Rothschild in Bordeaux. The elevation of Mouton-Rothschild to the first growth in 1973
earned it the same standing as the other four first growths in Bordeaux and greatly enhanced its
wines status in the wine world.
2.2.3. Vintage as a signifier of social standing
As shown in Table 2, the vast majority of wines (99% among both sampled California and
French premium wines) are vintage wines.9 Since vintage is an important dimension of
classifying wines in both industries, it is a crucial indicator of a wines identity and has become a
norm in winemaking. A wine without a vintage-dating has a formidable barrier to claim a
distinctive taste and to achieve a high status in the wine market.
In the nascent American winery, using vintage to classify wines has changed winemakers
strategy. For example, Julio Gallo, the co-founder of the largest winery (i.e., E. and J. Gallo) in
the world, long opposed using vintage-dating in the California wine industry. However, after the
vintage was used to classify American wines, he acknowledged that vintage-dating became a
marketing necessity. Wine writers and wine buffs want to be able to refer to one vintage as being
better than another. The serious wine drinker looks forward to discerning the differences in wines
from the same winery. He changed his attitude, and since 1983 E. and J. Gallo started to release
its vintage-dated wines (Gallo and Gallo, 1994:275276).
2.3. Involving the political process and political struggles in classification making
Because a classification exerts social control of identities of social actors (or objects), presents
a specific social order, and affects ones social standing, it embodies an important political power.
The racial classification clearly reflects the political power of the state or the dominant racial
group (Darnell, 1996; Lee, 1993; Starr, 1992). In markets, dominant producers influence the
industry media to stabilize the existing product categories to serve their interests (Lounsbury and
Rao, 2004). On the other hand, selection of a particular category by social actors is often a
political action (Albert and Whetten, 1985). Because a classification often affects standing of
social actors, they always strive to associate themselves with high-ranked or desirable categories
in the classification system.
Because classifications have such significant and profound consequences, classification
schemes, standards, and definitions of categories are always negotiated between different interest
groups. The final classification system is often the result of political struggles between them. On
most occasions, the dominant social group would take advantage of its economic, political, and
9

Among the sampled French wines, all those wines without a vintage-dating are Champagnes that are usually a blend
of different vintages (see Shanken, 2000:225).

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cultural power to control the classification system. It strives to manipulate the classification
system to maintain a specific social order and to consolidate its social status (Bourdieu, 1984).
For example, in 19th-century Boston, establishment of the classification scheme of high culture
and popular culture involved contentious struggles between different social classes. Eventually,
the upper class succeeded in maintaining this cultural distinction to secure its high social status
(DiMaggio, 1982a, 1982b).
In the American and French wine industries, it is clear that classification making involves
political actions and political struggles. A telling example is the classification of viticultural
areas in the appellation system in the nascent American wine industry. Since an AVA
appellation presents a kind of certificate to wines and helps to build a wines high reputation, it
would be beneficial to winemakers if their local vine areas could be officially classified as a
viticultural area. Viticultural areas are established by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and
Firearms with input by consumers, industry members, grape growers, and other interested
persons (ATF, 1986:2). Establishing a new viticultural area requires that a petition be sent to
ATF, usually from a group of wineries and growers. The petition must include historical and
geographic evidence to distinguish the viticultural area from the surrounding areas. After a
careful review of the material, ATF publishes a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking and invites
public comment. In some instances, a public hearing will be held to gather additional evidence
or to resolve disputed evidence (ATF, 1986:2). This process clearly requests social
mobilization and political actions of local winemakers and grape growers. Delimiting
boundaries of a viticultural area is subject to further political struggles between interest
groups.
The process of establishing and delimiting Napa Valley as an AVA appellation provides a
vivid example in this aspect. The official delimitation of the boundary of Napa Valleythe
first American Viticultural Area established in California and the second one in the United
Stateswas a landmark in the American wine industry and triggered a heated debate from
1979 to 1981. Two proposals serving different groups interests were considered. One
proposed to establish a relatively small AVA by drawing the boundaries based on a geographic
watershed of Napa River, while the other one proposed to delimit a much broader AVA by
including the eastern portion of Napa County. Winery owners, grape growers, consultants,
distributors, scholars, and consumers all actively participated in this debate, strongly
motivated by personal and groups interests. The stake was high: after the continuous
collective promotion of Napa Valley for a few decades, Napa Valley wines have been the
standard of excellence for U.S. wines (Lapsley, 1996:207). Some winemakers and
distributors explicitly showed their concerns: if their vineyards were excluded from the Napa
Valley AVA, they would lose their market or would not have made investment (Lapsley,
1996:206207).
Eventually, in the early 1980s Napa Valley appellation was officially delimited based on
the proposal encompassing a wide range including the eastern portion of Napa County, consistent
with the interests of grape growers in that area. Later on, however, this over-extended appellation
led to an identity crisis of Napa Valley AVA and impaired the interests of those winemakers in the
heart of the traditional grape-grown area of Napa Valley. Consequently, Howell Mountain (1984),
Stags Leap District (1989), Spring Mountain District (1993), Oakville (1994), Rutherford (1994),
Yountville (1999), and Diamond Mountain (2001) were further officially classified as
independent, smaller appellations within the big viticultural area of Napa Valley. Since these new
appellations may conflict with and overshadow the invaluable image of Napa Valley, in 1990 the
California state passed a law: it provided that any wine affiliated with a sub-viticultural area

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appellation within the Napa Valley viticultural area must also bear the designation Napa
Valley on the label (Lee, 1992:3). Clearly, the official delimitation of Napa Valley and further
classifications within this viticultural area were driven by group interests, and the final
classification scheme was the result of political struggles between different interest groups.
Similarly, in the French wine industry, making classification involved the political process,
and the classification system embodied the political power. The 1855 classification of Bordeaux
wines, the origin and the symbol of a whole appellation system in France, was controlled by
Bordeaux elite winemakers to protect their interests and to exclude other winemakers. Their
exclusive right of claiming high-ranked appellations in the classification system secured their
high status. In the French wine industry, the rigid appellation system with little change has largely
ossified the hierarchical structure and blocked the upward mobility of new winemakers
(Langewiesche, 2000; Ulin, 1996).
3. A sociological framework on classifications
Drawing upon the literature and the discussions above, I summarize the important
characteristics of classifications and present a sociological framework to understand
classifications. I emphasize multi-dimensionality and complexity of classifications: classifications are cognitive, social and political; classifications are institutional and institutionalized;
classifications are inter-subjective and, at the same time, are objectified into the social reality.
These different dimensions are intertwined with each other.
3.1. Classifications: cognitive, social, and political
Classifications provide the cognitive basis for social thinking, perceptions, and identification.
Classifications constitute individual psyche and colonize peoples mind (Douglas, 1986). They
are the invisible infrastructure and the cognitive basis of the social order (Bowker and Star, 1999).
In the wine market, consumers rely on the classification scheme to perceive thousands of
products. Thanks to the sophisticated classification systems, consumers are not overwhelmed.
Classification schemes, as the cognitive basis, usually come to our mind unconsciously and
naturally. Nevertheless, each classification has a social origin (Douglas, 1986; Durkheim, 1912
[2001]; Durkheim and Mauss, 1903 [1963]). The comparison of the classification systems
between the American and French wine industries demonstrate that there is no natural way of
classifying wines. Those classification schemes are socially constructed, reflecting different
values, beliefs and traditions. In this sense, classifications are social products. One question
raised by anthropologists is telling: Is a zebra a white animal with black stripes? Or is it a black
animal with white stripes? (see Douglas and Hull, 1992:1). There is no inherent truth and a
classification is not predestined. Quite the opposite, once the classification is made in a particular
way, it creates truth.
As I have argued, classification making, including making definitions, setting standards, and
naming and labeling, embodies a political power and is often controlled by the high-status social
group (cf. Bourdieu, 1984). Classifications exert strict social control of the identities of focal
actors (or objects) and the perceptions of audiences. Often appearing in some authoritative
forms, classifications create, ossify, and naturalize social boundaries and the differentiation in
standing among social actors (or objects). This is not the obvious power of coercion but the
more elusive, passive power of discipline, increasingly self-inflicted (Espeland and Stevens,
1998:331).

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3.2. Classifications: institutional and institutionalized

Institutions make classifications (Douglas, 1986), and classifications are institutional:
institutional rules and standards are the bases of classifications; usually some institutional
agencies design and implement classification schemes; institutional regulations and law often
enforce the standards of classification and maintain boundaries between different groups.
Classifications imply a standardization process in grouping social actors (or objects). Once
classifications are in place, they confer identities on social actors (or objects) and create social
boundaries among them in a standardized, extensive, and systematic way.
In the American and French wine industries, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms
(ATF) and Institut National des Appellations (INAO) are respectively the principal governmental
agency to design the classification schemes, to enforce standards of categorization, and to control
the classification system. They also stipulate the law and regulations on labeling in accordance with
the official classification schemes. Even the size of the characters on the wine label is under
regulation to ensure the legibility of the classified information (e.g., see ATF, 4.38). In these two
industries, once the specific classification schemes for grape type, appellation, and vintage have
been set, they start to categorize thousands of wines in a standardized and systematic way. As a
result, wine products in the wine shops or grocery stores are displayed following a particular order.
From the perspective of audiences, classifications are also highly institutionalized.
Classifications are collective representations that are supra-individual or supra-personal
(Douglas, 1986; Durkheim, 1912 [2001]; Durkheim and Mauss, 1903 [1963]; Zerubavel, 1997).
Classification schemes must be widely accepted by a large body of audience to be meaningful. In
the wine market, consumers use the shared classification schemescategories of appellation,
grape type, and vintageto perceive and evaluate thousands of products.
3.3. Classifications: inter-subjective, objectification and the social reality
Classifications are inter-subjective in the sense that they are well-shared cognitive schemes.
They facilitate social communications among audiences and underlie collective perceptions of
the external world. In this sense, society cannot abandon these categories to the free will of
particular individuals without abandoning itself (Durkheim, 1912 [2001]:19). An important
characteristic of classifications is taken-for-grantedness that is fundamental to the institutionalization process (Jepperson, 1991). After classifications present a taken-for-granted social
order in peoples mind, they are objectified as the social reality (Berger and Luckmann, 1966;
Bourdieu, 1984).
The objectification process of classification is potent and has important consequences for two
reasons. First, since classifications are widely accepted, they objectify the social order and social
facts for the whole public. Second, since the objectification process originates from the cognitive
schema in our mind, this process is accomplished unconsciously. The absence and
invisibility make institutional classifications even more powerful and effective (Bowker and
Star, 1999; Douglas, 1986). At the same time, they are materialized and naturalized.
Classification schemes manifest in a variety of signs in the external world (e.g., different
colors of traffic lights, the sign of men or women on the door of a restroom, catalogues in
the library and the tag of call number on book shelves, and the sign of handicap parking in the
parking lot). They appear not to be the lens and the instruments we use to observe and understand
the world, but rather they create the real world; they appear not to be human and social products,
but rather they become the social reality.

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In the wine world, from a neutral standpoint, it seems arbitrary to use grape variety to classify
American wines and to use geographic origin to classify French wines. However, after these
classification schemes are set, they shape our distinct perceptions of American wines and French
wines. When we enter a wine aisle in a grocery store or a wine shop, we rarely raise the question
why American wines and French wines are displayed differently. American wines and French
wines seem to be born that way, and it is natural for us to treat them that way. Moreover, those
signs of appellation, vintage and grape variety (for American wines) on the wine label ensure that
we will identify a bottle of wine based on authorized categories; at the same time, they remind us
that we should identify a wine that way.
4. Discussion
Through a comparative study, I find conspicuous differences in the official classification
systems between the American and French wine industries. American wines are classified
primarily by grape variety, while French wines are classified primarily by appellation based on
geographic origin. The structure of appellation classification in the American wine industry is
horizontal, while it is vertical in the French wine industry. American wines are often categorized
by a specific grape variety, while French wines simply as red or white. The differences between
these two classification systems reflect distinct beliefs and traditions in these two industries.
These findings demonstrate that classifications are not natural, but are rather socially
constructed.
It should be noted that in addition to the official classification systems discussed in this
paper, critics and industrial media also play an important role in making classifications in the
wine world.10 For example, in Wine Spectators California Wine, James Laube made
comprehensive classifications of wineries (from two stars to five stars), of wines (from three
stars to five stars), of vintage (from poor to outstanding), and vineyards (good, very
good or outstanding). For the French wine industry, Coates (2000:574) classified
vineyards from one star to three stars. Robert M. Parker, the most famous wine taster in the
U.S., also made comprehensive classifications of producers in Bordeaux, Burgundy, and
Rhone (see Parker, 1990, 1997, 1998). In addition to these classifications in wine books, wine
magazines regularly classify wines. For example, Wine Spectator and Wine Enthusiast offer
detailed scaling (50100 points) of wines quality. They have also routinely announced the Top
100 wines released in each year. In general, critics and industrial media practice and enforce
the official classification schemes. Their broad classifying activities also complement the
official classifications.11
Drawing upon literature, this paper develops several general arguments on the implications
and profound consequences of classifications: classifications confer identities on social actors (or
objects) and channel perceptions of audiences; classifications create social boundaries, and
signify standing of social actors (or objects); classification making involves a political process
and political struggles between interest groups. These theoretical arguments are supported by the
empirical evidence drawn from these two wine industries, while they have broader implications
beyond the wine world.
10

Recently there have been some studies of the role of critics and industrial media in making classifications and
regulating markets (e.g., Lounsbury and Rao, 2004; Zuckerman, 1999).
11
In some instances, they may challenge the official classifications (e.g., Robert Parkers classification of Bordeaux
wines).

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Because classifications are a part of a broad cultural system and cultural sociologists have paid
much attention to classifications, I particularly discuss the close relations between the study of
classification and several prominent lines of research in cultural sociology, including the study of
boundaries (see Lamont, 2001; Lamont and Molnar, 2002), the study of identity construction (see
Cerulo, 1997), and social cognition in culture study (see DiMaggio, 1997).
As regards the study of boundaries, I argue that classifications may be the most important
means to create social boundaries. Lamont and her associate (2001, 2002) made the distinction
between symbolic boundaries and social boundaries: symbolic boundaries are conceptual
distinctions made by social actors to categorize objects, people, practices, and even time and
space, while social boundaries are objectified forms of social differences (Lamont and
Molnar, 2002:168; italics are added). At the causal level, symbolic boundaries can be thought
of as a necessary but insufficient condition for the existence of social boundaries (Lamont
and Molnar, 2002:169). Lamont (2001) contended that one challenge in the study of
boundaries is to understand the connection between symbolic boundaries and objective
social boundaries and how the former transmutes into the latter. I argue that classifications
play a crucial role in connecting symbolic boundaries with social boundaries. On the one
hand, classification schemes reflect cognitive beliefs and conceptual distinctions in peoples
mind. On the other hand, they are formalized and objectified by institutional regulations,
documents, and signs. In a sense, classifications transform invisible symbolic boundaries in
our mind into tangible social boundaries in the world. Lamont (2001) contended that the other
challenge is to integrate the study of boundaries in various realms and to develop a general
theory. Since classifications play a crucial role in creating social boundaries in various fields,
they may provide an important perspective and become a research focus in the study of
boundaries.
The study of classification is also promising in the research of social identity and identity
construction. In a comprehensive review, Cerulo (1997) asserted that since the 1980s, the
research of social identity has shifted its focus from the individual identity to the collective
identity. The new trend of the study of social identity emphasizes identity politics and collective
mobilization. In this paper, I argue that classifications confer identities on and exert social control
of identification of social actors (or objects). Those identities based on institutional categories are
group-orientated and collective in nature. Moreover, classifications involve political struggles
and embody an important political power. Apparently, the study of the structure, the role and the
consequences of classification systems will contribute to a better understanding of the
identification patterns, identity construction, and identity politics.
In a recent review, DiMaggio (1997) called on paying more attention to cognitive
psychology and social cognition in cultural sociology. He highlighted the supra-individual
nature of culture and cognitive presuppositions of cultural sociology. Actually, he also briefly
reviewed recent work on social classification. I concur with him on that classifications are the
cognitive basis of collective perceptions. Therefore, the study of classifications should take a
prominent place in the study of cognitive foundation of cultural sociology to understand how
classifications affect social cognition and how social actors practice classification schemes in
actions.
When we further extend our view, we find classifications are ubiquitous and play an important
role in a variety of fields including many other industries (e.g., the mutual fund industry, see
Lounsbury and Rao, 2004; the automobile industry, see Rosa et al., 1999; the stock market, see
Zuckerman, 2000; Zuckerman and Rao, 2004), education (Meyer, 1977), labor markets
(Kerckhoff, 1995), occupations (Conk, 1978), art (DiMaggio, 1987), music (Anand and Peterson,

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197

2000; Peterson, 1997), race (Lee, 1993), nation building (Anderson, 1991), the political arena
(Starr, 1992), the medical field (e.g., the International Classification of Diseases, see Chapter 2 in
Bowker and Star, 1999), sports (Purcell, 1996), and the daily life (Nippert-Eng, 1996; Zerubavel,
1991). In each field, classifications have exerted a great impact on the social structure and social
outcome.
Mary Douglas (1986) asserted: We can look at our own classifications just as well as we can
look at our own skin and blood under a microscope (p. 109). As students of sociology, we cannot
take classifications for granted. Just as Durkheim and Mauss (1903 [1963]) have done in
Primitive Classification, social inquiry of ubiquitous and significant classifications will deepen
our understanding of modern industrial society.12 The whole discipline, including cultural
sociology, will benefit a great deal from this academic endeavor.
Acknowledgement
I am very thankful to Xueguang Zhou for his generous support of the data collection.
Appendix A. Procedures of data collection from the premium wine market
Data on California and French wines were collected from the on-line source of Wine Spectator
in 2002. The authoritative figure in the wine world, Robert M. Parker, Jr., appraised Wine
Spectator as the worlds best and most widely read wine magazine (Shanken, 2000, back
cover). The on-line source of Wine Spectator (www.winespectator.com) is more comprehensive
than other wine sources: it includes detailed information on more than 110,000 wines. One
important characteristic of Wine Spectator is its broad coverage. A large proportion of Wine
Spectators ratings are California wines as representatives of American wines. At the same time,
imported foreign wines, especially French wines, also have a significant presence in Wine
Spectator. Similar to other wine magazines, Wine Spectator puts more emphasis on elite wineries
producing premium wines.
Wines in the data are clustered by winery. I first identified those California wines and French
wines listed in Wine Spectators Top 100: Best wines released in 1997 and in 1998. Similar to the
patterns in other years, most of the top 100 wines listed for these two years were California wines
and French wines. Among the best 100 wines released in the year 1997 and 1998, there were a
total of 80 (44 in 1997 and 36 in 1998) California wines made by 62 California wineries and 63
French wines (28 in 1997 and 35 in 1998) made by 56 French wineries.13 I then collected the
informationincluding the grape variety, appellation, and vintageon all the wines ever made
by those California and French wineries. Finally, the sample consists of 4894 different California
wines produced by those 62 California wineries and 3795 different French wines produced by
those 56 French wineries. All these wines were released and tasted during the period from 1984 to
2002. Because the top 100 wines are prestigious wines and those wineries are elite producers in
12
Durkheim refused to generalize his theory of classification to modern industrial society because he believed that the
classification system was context-dependent (see Schwartz, 1981:19; cf. Douglas, 1986:98).
13
Among all U.S. wines ranked as Wine Spectators Top 100 in these two years, only four wines coming from the State
of Washington were listed in 1997, and only three wines from the State of Washington and one from the State of Oregon
were listed in 1998. Because in the U.S. wine industry each state may have different wine law and regulations on labeling
practice (cf. Baxevanis, 1992:55, 57), I focus on California wines to better control the institutional environment when
examining the classified information on wine labels.

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W. Zhao / Poetics 33 (2005) 179200

the wine world, the sample is a good representative of premium wines in the high-status wine
market. On the other hand, because I collect information on all wine products in each winery,
there is a considerable variation in wine attributes such as the grape variety, appellation, vintage,
quality, and price in the sample.
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Wei Zhao is Assistant Professor of Sociology in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of
North Carolina at Charlotte. He is conducting a series of empirical studies on how institutional categories and
classification systems affect identity construction and social recognition in the context of the California and French
wine industries. He has also published a number of articles on social stratification, organizational changes, and economic
relationships during Chinas market transition. His research focuses on economic and organizational sociology, social
stratification, and comparative and historical sociology.